Effective Training

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The Art of Effective Training

A HANDBOOK FOR TRAINERS

Published by the ALFRED MOZER FOUNDATION

Compiled and edited by: Contributors:

B.J.v.d.Boomen I. Hesp A.Berkvens B.J.v.d.Boomen

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Projects conducted by the Alfred Mozer Foundation receive financial support from the MATRA programme (for the social transformation of Central and Eastern Europe) and from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

FOREWORD It is now more than ten years since the Alfred Mozer Foundation started to offer training courses in Central and Eastern Europe. These courses aim to assist the members of social democratic parties and groups in organizing their political activities. What began as 'pioneering' practice has now grown into a specific methodology with its own training modules. We have therefore decided that it is now time to record our experiences with regard to the training courses for the benefit of colleagues, future colleagues, trainers and anyone else who may be interested. The Alfred Mozer Foundation aims to offer courses which stand out from those of other institutions, particularly in terms of the tuition methods used. The key values of AMF courses are active participation by the students and a clear 'bottom-up' approach. Any course offered to political parties by another political party must be regarded as unusual. Because both trainers and students share the same viewpoints, they are likely to develop a relationship of trust at a very early stage. There is likely to be considerable discussion about politics during the training sessions. In the past, such discussion has demonstrated that there are many interpretations of 'social democracy'. However, any differences that exist in no way detract from the added value represented by the commitment and involvement which stem from the common bonds of party membership. This publication is primarily aimed at trainers working on behalf of the Foundation. The first section looks at the training skills inherent in the AMF method. The second section describes the most frequently used training modules. It should be noted that the training modules are not the same year after year. Only those dealing with electioneering and campaigning remain constant; others vary according to demand. There is now little demand for guidance in forming and structuring a party, while interest in strategic training for youth groups and women's organizations has increased. All modules are based on proven theory and include suggestions for practical follow-ups. These modules are not 'carved in stone'. They need not be followed slavishly, letter for letter. Trainers are always free to include their own additional material and interpretations. Every module can - indeed, should - be adapted to the needs of the students. Developments in Central and Eastern Europe continue apace. Despite the difficulties of the past decade, Eastern Europe as a whole would now seem to be well on the way towards membership of the European Union. The Alfred Mozer Foundation is pleased and proud to have made its own modest contribution in this regard. This handbook relies on the experience of many people who have conducted past training courses on behalf of the Foundation. We are, of course, deeply indebted to them. Unfortunately, not every contribution can be credited, not least because it is no longer possible to identify the originator of every idea put forward. While accepting that the list is nowhere near complete, we would nevertheless like to mention Ron Rutherglen (Stichting De Beuk), the Teresa Mom Consultancy, Gregor Niessen &

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Stichting One Europe, Jacques Monasch, Booij & Bruggen (Alex Klusman, Erik van Bruggen and Lennart Booij.)

Amsterdam, March 2001

A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE ALFRED MOZER FOUNDATION The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 had far-reaching effects in many fields, not least the international social democratic movement. Even the Dutch PvdA (Partij van de Arbeid: Labour Party) came to face new issues. Like other political parties throughout Western Europe, the PvdA received countless requests for assistance from both real and putative 'sister' parties in Eastern Europe. In the former communist countries, new political parties were being founded almost daily. They included all the familiar political leanings and nuances. In the social democratic quarter, several political formations emerged as the established parties which had been in existence before the rise of communism re-formed. Various social democratic parties 'in exile' were able to return, some choosing to enter into alliances with the re-formed parties, others deciding to maintain their independence. Many of the communist parties shifted their stance to become socialist or even social democratic parties, while brand new social democratic parties were also formed. No matter what their origins, all these parties sought contact with their Western European counterparts. There were various motives for these advances: in the case of the new and the re-formed parties it was to request assistance. After all, the members of these parties had been excluded from the political life of their respective countries for over forty years. They now had to build up a party 'from scratch', while organizing an immediate election campaign at the same time. The necessary knowledge and resources were conspicuous by their absence. By contrast, the reformed communists did have knowledge and resources. Their organizations remained more or less intact. They had accommodation and funds, and enjoyed what amounted to a monopoly in terms of political control and direction. Moreover, it would later prove that they had managed to maintain considerable support among the population. Nevertheless, these former communist parties also called upon us for assistance. A relationship with the Western European social democratic movement would be seen as recognition of their 'reformation', in both senses of the word. It would also be seen as a first step towards formal recognition as a social democratic party by means of membership of the Socialist International (SI). This was important, in that it could be used to gain a competitive advantage over other parties including social democratic parties. A relationship with Western European social democracy therefore entailed more than assistance or recognition: it was a political asset. Given the large number of requests for assistance received, the PvdA had to choose which parties it was able and willing to help. In the first instance, these were the newly established and re-established social democratic parties. In the eyes of the PvdA, the communists were in absolute discredit, no matter how 'reformed' they claimed to be. Rather than become involved with those previously in power, we preferred to support the 'platform movements' active in many countries. These platforms were collections of groups and individuals formerly considered 'dissident'. They included social democrats, though often in a marginal role. The nature of our relationship was thus largely

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predetermined: our prime duty was to answer calls for practical assistance rather than those for political contact. Fortunately, the Dutch government enabled the country's political parties to offer help to their counterparts elsewhere by means of subsidies for political training and education. The government considered it a national duty to help in the development of democracy in Central and Eastern Europe. Clearly, this would require the development of democratic political parties in the relevant countries. While the Dutch government could not and would not provide direct support to political parties in other countries, it allowed the Dutch parties to offer assistance to their international counterparts. In fact, the PvdA had set up an Eastern European institute even before the fall of the Berlin Wall: the Alfred Mozer Foundation. This undertakes training activities in Eastern Europe on behalf of the PvdA and has now been active in this field for over ten years. There have been many changes in Eastern Europe and these have been reflected in the manner in which the Alfred Mozer Foundation works. The Foundation now has permanent partners in many countries whereby it no longer has to operate on the basis of 'trial and error'. The partners include several 'reformed' communist parties, such as the Socialist Party of Hungary. These parties have now shown themselves to have truly reformed and that they can count on the ongoing support of a large proportion of the electorate under a system of full democracy and freedom of choice. The Alfred Mozer Foundation has now shifted its focus slightly, concentrating less on Central Europe and rather more on Eastern and South-Eastern European. The Foundation's work is intended to help in developing stable democracy. In the case of the so-called 'pre-accession' countries, i.e. those wishing to join the European Union shortly, it is no longer enough to state that democracy has yet to establish itself and that they 'will get around to it'. A fully democratic political system is one of the main preconditions for EU membership.

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PART 1

PROVIDING EFFECTIVE TRAINING: THE METHOD

This first section of the handbook describes the methodology we employ in the training courses which teach others how to organize political activities. METHOD IS MORE IMPORTANT THAN CONTENT The Alfred Mozer Foundation training courses are greatly appreciated by the students who take part. This has consistently been shown by evaluations and by discussions concerning possible follow-up courses. The demand for courses is still rising. While this increase in demand applies throughout Central Europe, the foundation has decided to devote less attention to these countries since they can now be seen to be well on the way to a stable democracy and a mature market economy. We used to think that the courses enjoyed so much success due to their content. There was some evidence to support this view, if only because our Central and Eastern European partners had very high expectations concerning what they could learn from the Dutch. Many countries went on to develop a political landscape similar to our own, the sheer number of different parties making it difficult for any one of them to achieve supremacy and thus making it necessary to form a Dutch-style coalition government. Many students saw other similarities with the Netherlands, or hoped to bring such similarities about. In particular, a commonly-held notion is of a small country in the shadow of mighty Germany (old wounds take a long time to heal) but operating as independently as possible. A common ambition is to achieve a welfare state with a suitably diverse social system: a market economy combined with a welldeveloped system of social security. Our partners consider it important that the PvdA is a wellestablished party with regular experience in government. We could be seen to 'know the ropes', as it were. ACTIVE PARTICIPATION It gradually became clear that it was not so much the content of the courses which made them so successful, but the manner in which they were presented. That is not to say that there is anything wrong with the content, but it cannot be said to be substantially different to that offered by other training institutes. However, our recommended method of structuring a party and organizing election campaigns has proved particularly appealing, as has the training method adopted. In essence, our methodology involves: considerable emphasis on the 'bottom-up' (rather than the 'top-down') approach small 'chunks' of theoretical knowledge interspersed with practical work considerable emphasis on contributions by the students themselves. They are the people who know most about the local political situation and what will and will not work in the country concerned. You (the trainer) cannot be expected to have the same level of expertise in this regard. As a trainer, you can do little more than explain how things are done in your own country and describe what is successful 'back home'. You can never be sure that the same approach will work elsewhere. In fact, it is highly probable that it will not (see the section on multicultural training below). You should concentrate on what the students do well in order to expand upon existing knowledge and skills. You should not dwell on weaknesses or aspects which should (in your view) be done differently. The

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essence of the AMF method is participation. The student actively pursues knowledge rather than being passively taught. This may all seem a matter of course, especially to the Dutch trainer. He or she will have taken part in discussion groups, workshops, role-playing exercises and other interactive learning methods since primary school days. However, the situation in many Central and Eastern European countries was and to a certain extent still is - rather different. People there are used to the 'top-down' approach and long-winded theory. The student's own contribution used to be restricted to a sort of monologue by which he or she could prove that the subject matter had been duly absorbed and that the relevant pearls of wisdom would now be applied in practice. There was no culture of personal initiative, or if there was, it had been effectively suppressed by forty years of communist rule. The object of the exercise was to avoid all risk. There was an instinctive unwillingness to talk about or consider one's own abilities and shortcomings. The party - and the party alone - established the norms. Even in training courses devoted to structuring the party or organizing an election campaign, students preferred to take refuge in macro-political standpoints. In essence, the general view was that they could achieve nothing while power and control of the media were still in the hands of the 'wrong' political faction. All change in the right direction (which from our point of view must be that of social democracy) was frustrated, often by taking advantage of the political immaturity of the population, particularly that outside the large cities. In the early stages of the transformation that was to take place, the 'wrong' political factions were in power throughout the region. Some were the hangers-on of the old dictators such as Iliescu (in Romania), or the frustrated free market supporters such as Klaus in Czechoslovakia. Even where a party was well represented at local or regional level, it would be unable to exert any real influence at national level until the political balance had been redressed. Only when the party had made its presence duly felt in national politics would the circumstances change sufficiently to allow real change at local level. In many cases, firmly entrenched international relationships played a part. Presumably, the reasoning was that without power at national level, no party would be able to persuade the electorate to vote for it in free elections. The parties therefore wished to learn from us how they could attract the support of voters come what may, and thus bring the social democratic parties to power (which is what the majority of voters actually wanted, even if they did not yet realize it!) WE PROVIDE THE OUTLINE, THEY LOOK AFTER THE DETAILS The Foundation's training method does not stand on formalities or tradition. Following brief introductions and an equally brief discussion of the general political situation (during which constructive criticism and the 'venting of spleens' is encouraged), we then consider practice in the relevant setting (at local, regional or national level). Here, the central issue is what the organization itself can do - and what it can not do - what changes must be made by others and what must be left well alone. Short open sessions are held to discuss the theory of, say, organizing an election campaign. The students are then divided into groups and asked to make suggestions relevant to the actual situation. This approach may well meet with some initial resistance. Nevertheless, we have never yet failed in firing the group's enthusiasm eventually (with the help of the dreaded 'top-down' approach if necessary!) Once the course has been completed, enthusiasm concerning our preferred method is generally extremely high. This is not surprising since the students are 'seduced' into participating, leading to a feeling of involvement and of being taken seriously. This in turn leads to firm, often very practical (and practicable) results. In essence, we provide the approach - the general outline - and it is the students themselves who then fill in the details according to the local circumstances and the resources available. This method can be applied to practically every question which the political party faces in terms of developing a democratic system. It is interesting to note that a clear development has been visible in Eastern European students. The initial reserved attitude to our approach is now seen rather less often, especially among younger

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students. In Russia and Ukraine, young people now seem to be thoroughly familiar with new learning methods and regard them as a matter of course. Rather, their problem is, "how do I tell the 'higher-ups' in the party that it can and should be done differently?" We can help them face this problem too, if only because it is one which we ourselves have faced in the past.

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MULTICULTURAL TRAINING Teaching is an art. To achieve full proficiency in this art, the teacher (or trainer) must not only possess adequate knowledge of the subject matter concerned, but must have certain specific skills. However, we must realize that party political training is not an exact science. It is often based not on hard and fast facts, but on extremely subjective sociological considerations. In short, the material is open to various interpretations whereupon even relatively straightforward aspects can become complex ones, particularly if the transfer of knowledge does not proceed as it should. Being able to put knowledge across in an interactive manner is a significant advantage. Not only is the trainer expected to do or say something, but the students must also be actively involved in the proceedings. Interactive training is particularly useful when practical skills are to be acquired alongside theoretical knowledge. Students will benefit most from the 'hands on' approach. Where a course includes considerable practical work, even if not in a 'real world' situation, students will assimilate theoretical knowledge more thoroughly. Teaching students from another country brings additional challenges. A number of practical problems spring to mind, such as differences in language and in conducting interpersonal contacts. There may be differences in the exact interpretation of certain terms which are used by both parties. For example, to an English speaker the expression 'free press' implies that newspapers operate independently of the political parties. In Eastern Europe, 'free press' generally means that the newspapers are not controlled by the government. This is an important difference, since in many Central and Eastern European countries it is perfectly acceptable for newspapers to be allied to a political party, yet they remain 'free press'. A party may regard setting up its own newspaper or even a television station as an important goal in its own right. Matters become even more complex when there are less obvious, implicit differences in standards and values. For example, the general attitude to authority (including that within the party itself) is often extremely different to that we are used to in the Netherlands. Furthermore, despite the official equality espoused by the communist regime, there are still marked differences in status between men and women, particularly when compared to the situation in the Netherlands (which is itself not perfect). Under communism, there was little or no opportunity for personal initiative and one would certainly not take responsibility unless it was specifically assigned by one's superiors. In the past, the vast majority of our training courses have proceeded extremely well. The first reason for this is that the students (often volunteers) are extremely motivated and are keen to learn from the experiences of the sister parties in other countries. They are often among that section of the community which is open to new things and which welcomes change. In general, they have a rather 'Western' outlook and are convinced of the usefulness and necessity of a democratic political system in their country. A second reason for the success of the courses lies in the fact that our trainers are aware of the cultural differences which exist. Throughout the course, they check and double-check that the information being presented is indeed applicable to the local situation. There are two key considerations in this regard: 1) Are the trainer and the student really talking about the same thing when using the same words? 2) Will the suggested action actually work in the student's own country? The most serious trap into which the trainer can fall is thinking that you are the fount of all knowledge and that you are there to tell the party how it can best function. Wrong! Methods which are effective in one country are not necessarily successful in another. No matter how well prepared, you will lack certain specific knowledge about the host country. Happily, such knowledge will usually be in the

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possession of the students themselves. It is your task to bring this knowledge to the fore without imposing your own opinions on others. During the course, you may be confronted with standards and values which would normally not be expressed. You may meet the unexpected. This is not the place for a long discussion of the theory surrounding cultural difference. However, we are able to state that every society, community or group (country, race, ethnic minority, political party or even a business enterprise) will have certain implicit ideas concerning what is good and what is bad, what is permissible and what is not, what action is wise and what is best avoided. Such ideas relate to a wide variety of issues, such as how one deals with differences in power or status, relations between men and women, and general social interaction (e.g. should one address others formally or informally?) While such standards and values are present in varying degrees, without them no group can really be said to be a group. They form a 'culture' and represent essential values: a 'code of conduct' which ensures that interaction between the members of the group proceeds smoothly. Much of this culture is implicit: it has become a matter of course for those who observe it, whereupon the standards and values it entails are rarely, if ever, discussed. This is what makes the culture so interesting, and also so frustrating on occasion. Except in cases of extreme necessity, it will never be possible to call into question any of the standards or values concerned - is it really necessary or advisable to act in this way? The standard has become so internalized that it is now a part of the personality of the individuals within the culture. The standards and values are learnt at a very early age, often through imitating the role model provided by parents and other adults, or when entering a new 'community', such as a political party or a company. Each new member must be assimilated very quickly or will face expulsion and exclusion. An example will serve to illustrate these 'implicit' cultural differences. Under communist rule, a culture developed in which people were not able to take responsibility for their own actions. To take responsibility or to demonstrate any personal initiative was rarely, if ever, encouraged. In many cases it was seen as extremely dangerous to do so, or at the very least rather suspicious. Consequently, our courses often face a problem in that the students dare not express any opinion other than that they feel they are expected to express. They will not contradict the trainer, even if his or her interpretation of the local circumstances is completely incorrect. In some cases, the students will have been instructed in advance not to disagree with the trainer. On one occasion, the chairman of the party for whom we were conducting a course made an introductory speech in which he forbade students to ask questions or enter into any form of discussion. This, it was claimed, would cost far too much of our valuable time which, given our limited availability, had to be used to the full. One the party chairman had departed, we were left with a totally compliant, not to say complacent, group. This did not chime well with our interactive, bottom-up training method. The situation was resolved only by accident when a difference of opinion arose between the trainers. The 'subordinate' trainer was seen to overrule his 'superior', an incident which broke the ban. Later, we noticed in other courses that the responses of the students can be made very much more lively if they see that differences of opinion exist between the Dutch trainers yet do not result in unnecessary tension. In short, if you are conducting a training course in another country (and thus in a different cultural setting), there are two things to be remembered at all times: • The students are likely to have implicit standards and values which are totally different to your own, even where they use the same form of words to express those standards and values. For example, in the Netherlands, the word 'democracy' implies that every party - even those in opposition can exert some influence on decision-making processes. In many Eastern European countries, the same word means that the party (or coalition of parties) with the majority makes all the decisions and

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the opposition has little or nothing to say in the matter. You should always be alert to any implicit ideas about what is 'right' or 'wrong' in the country in which you are giving a course. When dealing with topics which are likely to involve value judgements, it is often useful to ask the students outright whether the ideas held in that country are the same as those held by you and your colleagues. In matters concerning social interaction between older people and younger people or between men and women, you may well hear some surprising viewpoints! • You must also realize that there is little point in trying to ignore a deep-seated value or norm, or in trying to change it at a stroke even if you fundamentally disagree or consider it to be counterproductive to the aims of your course. Even if you can do so during the course itself, your students have to work in that cultural setting after you have left. That value will continue to apply. What you may be able to do is to bring the problem out into the open and suggest that the usefulness of the standard or value concerned ought to be re-examined. If you can reach agreement about this during the course itself, you can then go on to develop a strategy for use within the students' everyday environment. WORKING WITH AN INTERPRETER One unusual aspect of training in another country is that it will often involve working with - and through - an interpreter. Some students speak English, German, Russian or another major language, but others do not (or do not speak a second language well enough to follow your course). You will therefore have to work with an interpreter (or usually two interpreters taking turns since this is very intense and stressful work). Working with an interpreter has some obvious disadvantages. First, it is rather time-consuming because everything has to be said twice. You must take this into account when drawing up the timetable for your course. Second, much of the direct interaction between you and your students is lost. This severely restricts the spontaneity of your course; you will not be able to make little jokes and it may be difficult to create a relaxed and pleasant atmosphere. Even with an interpreter, it will be difficult for you to follow what the students are saying to each other. It will be less easy to resolve any disagreements between the students (or between the students and yourself). On occasion, you may find that the interpreter does not do his work well, or makes his own, uninvited, contribution to the discussion. (This could happen if, for example, he is embarrassed by the students' own contribution). Happily, this is a very rare occurrence. Where mistakes are made, the English speakers in the group will usually correct them. If you suspect that the interpreter has translated something incorrectly, it is best to take a friendly but firm attitude. You must ensure that you remain in charge of the course. If you cannot follow what others are saying, you may decide to interrupt and have someone explain. Both the interpreters and the students will appreciate that all interaction must be understood by the trainer. In any event, it is always wise to develop a good working relationship with the interpreters. Practical tips for doing so include: • Take the interpreter aside for a private talk prior to the training session. Ensure that he (or she) nows what you expect. • Display interest in the interpreters' own situations (work, family circumstances, etc.) and do not forget to thank them for their efforts at the end of each day's session (in front of the students). If you have a good working relationship with the interpreters from the very beginning, this will create better opportunities for making any corrections that may become necessary. SOCIAL INTERACTION Besides maintaining a good working relationship with the interpreters, you should ensure that you get along with the students in the group too. It is a good idea to take part in the social interaction during breaks or after the sessions. Students always appreciate this and it creates the type of bond which is

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difficult to establish in the classroom situation. This social aspect is an essential part of the training. Obviously, you need not be present at all social occasions (and certainly not on the nightly pub crawl!) After all, you also need time to yourself, to relax or to prepare for the next session. However, appropriate participation in social activities will go some way towards compensating for the lack of direct interaction during the course itself.

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THE TRAINING METHOD This section includes a number of remarks concerning the Alfred Mozer Foundation's training method. Some aspects have already been touched upon in the foregoing sections. Here, we take a more systematic approach. FIVE STEPS The Foundation's style of training (interactive, theory interspersed with practice, bottom-up rather than top-down) relies on five distinct steps. 1. The first step is to base all activities on the students' own experience rather than on abstract theory alone. We do this for two reasons: a. we must not assume that we know what will work in a particular country and what will not. (See the section on Multicultural Training). b. this approach results in a much more active contribution on the part of the students. Furthermore, we can avoid becoming bogged down in theoretical discussions about what is right or wrong, good or bad (as often happens when the topic is politics). This would not be particularly useful to the learning process. Personal experiences cannot be labelled 'right' or 'wrong'. 2. While we do use some theory and theoretical models, the second step involves presenting these in a way that is relevant to the students' own experience. The theory is therefore divided into 'chunks', illustrated by the personal experiences of the group. It will be clear that theory which is seen to be relevant in this way will be more readily accepted and assimilated. It will probably be better applied in practice too. 3. The third step is to take a case study from the students' own experience and to base a practical exercise upon it. 4. The fourth step is to discuss the results of this exercise, providing feedback with regard to the theory. This step includes the most important 'learning moment' and may well present the 'eureka!’ of enlightenment. 5. The fifth step is to give the students some 'homework' which they can then undertake in their own situation. This will ensure that the subject matter remains fresh and in use even after the course, whereupon students will be able to apply it more effectively. This method attempts to create a positive working atmosphere. The thinking is that learning by means of a step-by-step approach, expanding upon what the students already know and providing positive stimuli, will be much more successful than other training methods. SECURITY AND PREDICTABILITY Many people find a training course to be an exciting, perhaps even tense, experience. This is particularly so for the trainers, who will meet a lot of new people. In any event, students will not have met the trainers before, and may not even have met their fellow students. Our courses usually involve very mixed groups in terms of age, education and experience. Frequently there is also a distinction to be drawn between students who speak English, German or Russian and can therefore communicate with you directly, and those who do not. The proportion of men to women within the group may also be relevant. Many students will be unsure of what to expect and will be inclined to 'keep a low profile', adopting a passive attitude. This does not help to create the right sort of atmosphere for our courses, which rely on the active participation of the students. It is they who must supply the relevant information concerning the political and social circumstances in their country. To ensure everyone's fullest contribution, it is necessary to create an atmosphere of security and predictability. Suggestions for doing so include:

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1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

6) 7) 8)

9)

If possible, ensure that the full programme for the course is available beforehand, in writing and in the students' own language. Begin the first session with introductions so that everyone meets everyone else. Introduce yourself first of all, and provide some personal details in order to reduce the 'distance' between yourself and your students. If the party chairman or some other dignitary wishes to give an opening speech (a regular occurrence) try to ensure that he keeps it as short as possible! Having finished the introductions, go through the programme with the students and ensure that they are happy with it. This increases predictability and thus the feeling of security. (It does not mean that the programme cannot be amended later on. This is often necessary as the trainer comes across some unexpected aspect). During the training sessions, do not use 'trick questions' to prompt wrong answers. Try to avoid calling upon students who are obviously nervous or shy. They can make their contribution later. If possible, ensure that the first practical exercises or role-playing games are successful. You can do so by making the exercises relatively easy and by inviting the more confident students to take part first. Praise students for things that go well rather than dwelling upon things that go badly. Always list the good points before going on to mention anything that could be improved.

POSITIVE ENCOURAGEMENT IS BETTER THAN NEGATIVE CRITICISM During a training course - and in everyday life - positive encouragement works much better than negative criticism. People are generally not open to criticism of their own behaviour and ideas and tend not to accept it. If you tell someone that he is doing something wrong, there is an almost automatic reflex whereby he will defend his actions or will state that you are wrong. We sometimes speak of people 'learning from their mistakes'. This is possible, but it is extremely difficult if those mistakes are pointed out by others, and more so if they dwell upon them! This is probably even more applicable in politics, since competition and competitiveness are so extremely important aspects of political life. Showing weakness (by accepting criticism) is often penalized in politics, while showing strength (by insisting that you are right, come what may) is frequently rewarded. This may not be a pleasant aspect of politics, but it is one which we must keep in mind in our training courses. It helps greatly if the person drawing attention to any mistakes has a good relationship of trust with the person making the mistakes. However, this will not be the case with the trainer and his student. It is therefore advisable to build up a good relationship as quickly as possible, given the limited time and scope available. In doing so, positive encouragement will prove much more effective than negative criticism. If you first say something positive about the student's performance, he or she will be more likely to take heed of any less favourable remarks. EXPANDING ON EXISTING KNOWLEDGE IS MORE EFFECTIVE THAN TEACHING NEW MATERIAL The AMF training method attempts to build upon the students' existing knowledge and skills wherever possible. This has been shown to be more effective than trying to teach totally new concepts or skills. People will always compare unknown subject matter (whether knowledge or skills) to that which they have already acquired. It is as if there is a sort of 'filter' in people's minds. New information must pass this filter before it can be accepted. Anything which is similar to, or an extension of, that which the student already knows will be quickly absorbed. Anything which is totally unfamiliar or which contradicts the student's existing knowledge runs a very great risk of being rejected or instantly forgotten. For the purposes of training, it is therefore preferable to base all material on the existing situation and to expand on the students' existing knowledge and skills. The training course will never begin with a completely 'clean slate'. When meeting a group for the first time, it may seem difficult to

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gauge the extent of their existing knowledge. However, it is relatively easy in practice. Ask the students to describe (in detail) their situation and everyday work, and ask for their personal perceptions. You should then tailor your theoretical and practical lessons to reflect the students' existing knowledge. INTERSPERSE THEORY WITH PRACTICE Another feature of the AMF method is that short 'chunks' of theory are interspersed with intensive practice sessions. This is very important for two reasons. Firstly, it is difficult for people to listen to and to absorb purely abstract material for any length of time. This is particularly true if the material is being presented in a foreign language or - even worse - through a go-between in the form of the interpreter. Usually, people can concentrate fully on what someone is saying for no more than twenty minutes. This is why a speech which lasts longer than twenty minutes (a practice which should be made illegal!) will incorporate all sorts of tricks to maintain the attention of the audience. However, in a training course lasting several days, this will not be possible. Furthermore, it would preclude interactivity and thus bring about the very opposite of what we are trying to achieve. For this reason alone it is good to offer the theory in small, easy to absorb, blocks. After each session, the students should be given the opportunity to ask questions, make comments, draw your attention to any inconsistencies with the local situation, etc. This will also help to maintain their involvement. Secondly, students are better able to absorb and remember new or difficult theory if they can see its practical relevance (even if only in a practice situation). By inserting practical exercises between the blocks of theory, you will greatly increase the students' involvement and participation. Once they realize that they will be called upon to put what they have learned into practice, and will be asked to present the results to the entire group, they are likely to devote much more attention to the theory. They will also feel that they are being taken seriously. Through a combination of these aspects, the Foundation's teaching method generally meets with considerable enthusiasm on the part of the students. It reinforces the feeling that they are really in a position to do something, rather than the idea that there is still so much to change and to improve. It is possible that the method is appreciated even more than the content, excellent though this is.

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TECHNICAL AND TACTICAL TIPS FOR THE TRAINER The previous chapter considered the Alfred Mozer Foundation's training method in depth. This chapter offers a number of tips for putting this method into practice in the most effective manner. There are tips on preparing the course, working with groups within groups, and remarks concerning your dealings with other trainers. We also offer a number of suggestions for ways of getting to know your students better and for holding successful meetings. THOROUGH PREPARATION IS ESSENTIAL It is important that every training course is preceded by thorough preparation. This section offers a number of tips to assist in this. 'Thorough' preparation entails a number of aspects, one of which is to learn as much as possible about your students. This will help you match the content of the course to the training requirements and level of the group (a precondition of successful training). Ways of learning about your students in advance include asking the relevant political party (or other course organizers) for as much detailed information as possible. It may also be possible to contact the students directly, either by telephone or by e-mail. The most important questions to ask are: • What is the position of the students within their party organization? • How old are the students? • Are they men, women or a mixed group? • What is their educational background? • What personal training requirements do they have (besides those which the organization has formulated)? • Are there any other significant factors, such as a group from a specific region (rural area or large city) with some noteworthy feature (such as high unemployment), or are the students from a special group within the general population? Besides this specific information about the students, it is also important to be well briefed about the general political and social situation within the country concerned, the state of the economy, and any internal or external conflicts. The European Forum (the platform of the Party of European SocialDemocrats) maintains close contact with parties in Central and Eastern Europe, and publishes regular 'Country Updates'. These are prepared by a Forum staff member who is attached to the Foundation's own head office. Each update gives a brief description of the general social, economic and political situation in the relevant country. Occasionally, the updates will also include appropriate historical information. Trainers wishing to prepare as thoroughly as possible would do well to read the updates prior to starting the course. Unfortunately, it is not always possible to acquire a detailed picture of the group beforehand, especially if the course is to be given in a country in which the AMF has not previously been active. In such cases, you should ask the students at the very beginning of the course (e.g. during the introductions) what their expectations are and what they would like to learn during the course. If your planned programme diverges significantly from the students' requirements, you must give serious consideration to amending it - at least in part - there and then. Once you have gathered as much information about the students as you can, you should then devise the programme for your course. A copy of the programme should be available to students at the beginning of the course, preferably in their own language. Even better would be if the programme were sent to students prior to the start of the course. The programme represents a detailed schedule for the entire course. As a bare minimum, it will state:

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• • • • •

the (main) topic of the course the time and exact location of each session who is in charge, i.e. the name(s) of the trainer(s) what components (modules) are included in the course a timetable with clear start and finish times for each module.

In order to ensure your announced programme reflects the actual situation, you should make very accurate estimates of the time required for each component. Nothing is so irksome - both for you and for your students - as an uncompleted course. A well thought-out programme which can be completed more or less within the schedule will contribute to the sense of calm and security within the group. Furthermore, the well thought-out programme provides both the 'carrot' and the 'stick' to ensure the group works at an appropriate tempo. When devising your programme you should ensure that there is adequate time to undertake the practical exercises, present the results and hold a discussion. The exercises are always direct applications of the theory. For example, you may ask the group to make a target group analyses for the local city or region, or you may require students to give a presentation. This may be on a topic chosen by the student himself or herself but will always involve practising and demonstrating newly acquired presentation techniques. Where the course is to be given by more than one trainer (which is usually the case) they must meet prior to the course to discuss all aspects of the programme. They are jointly responsible for ensuring that the programme fits within the agreed time limit. WORKING WITH GROUPS WITHIN THE GROUP The ideal group size for a training course is between ten and fifteen students. This is a good number because it enables you to maintain personal contact with each individual, while it also ensures a good cross-section of different opinions and viewpoints, essential if the activities within the group are to be a realistic reflection of those within the party. With up to fifteen people, you can hold a classroom-style session while still having enough time and attention for the individual and his or her contributions. However, for the purposes of the practical exercises it is often more convenient to divide the group into smaller groups which can then act independently of the others in carrying out their tasks. These smaller groups will usually include between four and seven people. It is essential to appoint one member of each group to present their findings later on. Another way of dividing the main group is to ask the students to discuss points with whoever is sitting nearest to them. This is convenient in the classroom situation as it avoids the inconvenience of dividing the group up (which is time consuming). It also has the advantage of allowing all students to take an active part. In practice, the group size will often exceed the ideal of ten to fifteen people. Nevertheless, when using the Alfred Mozer Foundation's teaching method, it would be irresponsible to address a group of more than thirty, since you would then be forced to take the top-down approach whereupon your sessions would take on the character of one-sided lectures. Moreover, large groups make it impossible to carry out the practice exercises successfully. If necessary, you may be able to hold a general session at the beginning and end of each day, splitting the group into smaller groups - each with its own trainer - for the rest of the time. MAKE SURE YOU GET ON WITH YOUR FELLOW TRAINERS In general, the Alfred Mozer Foundation does not send its trainers on 'solo missions'. You will usually be accompanied by one or more fellow trainers. This is because the training courses themselves are fairly difficult and demanding. In most cases you will be facing a group of people you have never previously met (even through a direct intake interview with representatives). They speak a foreign

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language, requiring you to communicate indirectly, often through an interpreter. They come from a different (cultural) background to your own - one which will be largely unfamiliar to you. There are many other factors which make giving these courses more difficult than might be imagined. In such a situation it is preferable to work with other trainers, whereby there is mutual support and someone to step in and take over if that is necessary or desirable. Here we present a number of tips to ensure that your cooperation with another trainer (or possibly more) is successful. 1. You and your colleague are jointly responsible for the smooth running of the course. The first tip is therefore to ensure that you are in full agreement regarding the content. Your contributions to the course should not contradict his. The key to success in this respect is thorough preparation of the programme together, agreeing on a clear division of responsibilities so that both of you know who is supposed to be saying what and when. This will ensure that you do not present fundamentally opposing views. However, this ground rule does not mean that you must be in constant agreement. Your answers to students' questions may reflect differing opinions. After all, just as the trainer is not the fount of all knowledge, neither does he or she have the only correct answer to every question. What is important here is that you should give each other the room to shade the answers to questions in such a way that the students do not immediately think you are having a blazing row! Occasionally, slight differences in viewpoint or in the answer to a question will be extremely useful to students as they help to break through the closed 'top-down' culture. The most important rule is that a trainer is loyal - and is seen to be loyal - to his fellow trainers. This will serve as an example to the students and will create a climate of security.

2.

The second tip in this section is to ensure that tasks and responsibilities are divided appropriately. For example, one trainer may be responsible for the theory lessons, while the other looks after the procedural aspects. During breaks or after the sessions, information concerning the procedure itself can be shared (e.g. which of the students seems on the point of dropping out, who feels uncomfortable, who has not had a turn to speak, etc.) The third tip designed to help you maintain a good relationship with your colleagues is to involve them in the interaction with students, even where the colleague in question is not playing a prominent role during the current section of the course. For example, during your review of a session, before giving your own opinion you should allow your colleague trainer to present his or her observations. This type of input is almost invariably of great value, since you will not have been able to notice everything going on or to attribute the appropriate value to what you have seen. No one person knows the answers to every question that arises. By involving the second trainer in the course session in this way, the transition to the next module (given by that trainer) will be easier and more natural. If there is a clear difference between you and your fellow trainer (he may be older, have more experience, have a more senior position or simply be a man in a male-dominated setting) our next tip is to ensure the trainer to whom a lower status or authority is likely to be attributed is given a clear position within the training process. A very simple 'trick' is to allow this trainer to introduce the very first session. He (or she) will then lead the discussion in the opening session and introduce the other trainer(s). This will serve to establish his position. Of course, the apparent relationship between you must be maintained throughout the course, although there will be opportunities to acknowledge others' greater expertise in certain aspects: "this question is for Peter since he knows a lot more about this subject than I do."

3.

4.

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SUGGESTIONS FOR STARTING OFF ON THE RIGHT FOOT: INTRODUCTIONS Every course begins with a 'round robin' in which you introduce yourself to the students and vice versa. The objective is to create a pleasant working environment. It is very important that you introduce yourself, giving some personal details about yourself. By doing so, you will immediately reduce the distance between you and the students and you will be giving a good example. You will also be contributing to the predictability and security of the situation. Here we present a few suggestions for this introductory round. The common factor is that they all require the student to leave his or her place. This breaks down the static picture of the trainer at the front of the 'class' and greatly contributes to the interactive atmosphere you wish to create. There are various ways in which to conduct the introductions. Whichever is adopted, it is important that everyone is brief and concise so that there is enough time to hear from everyone. Everyone should be given a turn to speak: this helps to overcome any shyness and will encourage active participation throughout the course. If you feel that a student is perhaps a little too brief in his or her introduction, you can step in and ask questions. You should try to learn as much as possible about the students' backgrounds and their expectations with regard to the course. This information can then be used to tailor your material to fit the students' wishes and requirements. It may be a good idea to treat the introductions as a first 'exercise', relevant to the training programme as a whole. A number of suggestions for this follow. SUGGESTION 1: THE SHORT INTERVIEW Ask the students to introduce themselves by means of a short interview. The group is split into couples. Student A interviews Student B for five minutes or so before changing places. The following questions would be appropriate in this situation: Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Who are you (name and age)? Where are you from? What do you do for a living and what are your hobbies? What do you do in the party? What do you expect to learn from this course?

(These questions are merely examples: there are many other possibilities). During these interviews, you can take photographs of everyone using an instant (Polaroid) camera. With the photo and the answers given, students can then make an A4-size poster of their interview partner. Once everyone has had a turn, the students are introduced by their partner in a short speech of about one minute's duration. You could also ask the students to sum up their interview partner in a short catchy slogan, or to make the poster using symbols or pictograms as well as words. The advantage of this approach is that it is also an initial exercise in presentation: writing short pithy text and making an eye-catching poster. This method of making the introductions can also be applied in many campaigning courses and in general communications and presentation tuition. SUGGESTION 2: PICTURE POSTCARDS Another means of making the introductions is to ask the students to choose their favourite postcard from a selection you have brought with you. The procedure is as follows. On the table, you lay out twice as many postcards as there are students. These postcards show various pictures, such as balloons, fruit, people of various ages, animals, flowers and abstract patterns. (Ensure that no card shows a red rose - this would just be inviting a response based on standard social democratic imagery.) Ask each student to select one card which they think best represents their motivation to be politically active. Each student will then be given one minute to present their thoughts, answering the following questions:

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-

Who are you? Where are you from What do you do for a living? Why does this card represent your motivation to become politically active?

Of course, many other questions are possible. This method will provide you the trainer with information concerning the themes and images which appeal and which are important to your students. It is therefore an approach which is particularly appropriate in strategy training, where it is important to set priorities. However, it can also be applied in campaign training in which themes, a message and images are brought together. A significant advantage of this method of introductions is that students find it easier and 'safer' to say something about themselves based on a picture than just 'off the top of their heads'. This is particularly so with people who are taking part in a political training course for the first time. Moreover, this method is somewhat shorter than the interview method described above, which will be an advantage with larger groups. However, there is also a disadvantage in that students do not have any direct contact with each other. SUGGESTION 3: 'COLOURED' QUESTIONS A third possibility for the introductions round is to 'get down to business' straight away by introducing relevant subject matter. Some students will be inclined to make direct statements about a subject which is particularly important to them. You can prevent this, or steer the discussion in the right direction, by preparing three or four relevant questions beforehand. Each of these questions is written down on a separate card and each card is of a different colour. The questions should be designed to prompt thought and discussion and should be positive in their approach. They should lead to a sort of 'brainstorming' session. Examples include: Why are you a member of a youth organization/women's organization/party What is your prediction concerning the position of women/young people/ the party in 2005? How can you help to improve the position of young people/women/the party? Which election promise would persuade you to vote in a certain way? What added value can young people/women/ a social democratic party provide for politics in general? Of course, many other questions are possible. First of all, hold a very brief introductions round in which students state only their name, where they come from and what they do for a living. Next, hand out the cards. Everyone is given a minute to think about their answers. They then go in search of fellow students with the same colour card. They again introduce each other in brief (name, home town, job) and discuss the question on the card. The object of the exercise is to take stock of existing answers, not to make or defend choices. All answers are then included on posters which are put on display. One person from each group will briefly describe why these answers were given. The advantage of this method is that sections of the group get to know each other very thoroughly. The first statements stand in their own right without there being any necessity for discussion. There is no such thing as a 'wrong' answer and there is no requirement to make choices. Furthermore, the method also reveals important background information about the students and their motivation for taking part in your course. The method can also provide an opportunity for students to make their opinions known - even the less favourable ones. USE 'BREATHERS' TO MAINTAIN PACE AND CONCENTRATION

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This section presents a number of tips to ensure that the intensive learning process does not lose its effect through being too intensive. Breaks and variety are necessary. The course will inevitably involve much talking and much listening. Students are constantly required to think about new information. To ensure that they have the creative energy necessary to do so, you should arrange a welcome break now and then. The most obvious type of break is the coffee break. However, there are other types of break which will have the required effect. We might term them 'breathers'. A number are described below. BREATHER 1: STREET INTERVIEWS A first possibility is the street interview. Street interviews are very surprising. Not only can it be very pleasant to spend some time outside the training room itself, 'ordinary' people can provide a fresh approach to the theme under discussion. Send your students out to ask questions in groups. Each group must include an interviewer, a person who records the answers and a 'process controller' to ensure that the interviewer sticks to the job of asking questions. Topics which might be raised include political problems or the image that people have of the party. You should instruct the students not to enter into discussion with members of the public. The aim of the street interview is to establish existing views and standpoints, not to influence them. After half an hour 'on the streets', the students will return to the training room. They will then have ten minutes to prepare a short presentation of their most significant findings. BREATHER 2: ROLE PLAYING Another opportunity for a welcome break is the a role-playing exercise which can be used to practise just about any political skill. You can recreate a meeting, a press conference or (street) interview. However, there must be clear instructions beforehand and the roles to be played must be accurately defined. Keep the exercise brief and concentrate on the skill to be practiced. You should intervene if the 'actors' become so enthusiastic in their role that the reality value of the exercise is lost. The role-playing exercise should be organized as follows. Split the group into two sections. The roles will be assigned to the members of group 1. The main player will prepare with the help of a 'second' chosen by himself. You will instruct the rest of group 1. The members of group 2 will act as observers. You should instruct them in particular aspects to look out for. The advantage of a role-playing exercise is that it provides excellent preparation for other exercises, such as the street interviews. It occupies an almost automatic place in any training course dealing with communication. BREATHER 3: POSTING 'POST-ITS' During a course, contributions from external experts can be very useful and are sometimes essential. Despite the agreements made beforehand regarding time limits, it may be that the lecture goes on longer than you had planned. You see the students nodding off, while the discussion has yet to take place. There may be one or two enthusiastic participants in the discussion, but most will remain silent. Time for a breather to revive the flagging interest! Distribute 'post-it' memo pads to all students and ask them to write down the one point from the lecture that they considered to be most important. Stick all the memos on the wall and ask some of the students to arrange them according to theme. You will then be able to see which themes are considered most important and worthy of extra attention in the brief discussion which follows. You may even decide to arrange the discussion in sub-themes.

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MEETINGS This chapter is in three sections. In the first, we present some general tips designed to ensure a good meeting technique. Holding an effective meeting is not easy, especially in politics. In the second section we therefore go on to present a number of interaction models which can help to keep the meeting on the right tracks. For many politicians, the main objective is to 'win' the meeting (an unfortunate trait in politics of all countries) rather than arriving at the best decision. They ignore the rules of a good meeting and may resort to certain 'tricks'. In the third section of this chapter we describe some of these tricks. Our intention in doing so is not to encourage their use, but rather to ensure that they are recognized for what they are and appropriate measures taken to foil them. 1. GENERAL TIPS FOR A GOOD MEETING There is surely no human activity which involves quite so many meetings as politics. It is therefore essential that the meetings proceed smoothly. They must not only be efficient, they must result in good decisions. In this context, 'good decisions' are those which give the participants in the meeting the idea that everything that could have been said was said, and that everyone had an opportunity to put their views forward. Of course, it is ideal if all participants are in full agreement with the decision taken, but this is not always possible. There are differing views and opinions in every culture, and it would be remarkable if everyone within a party, group or company held exactly the same views about everything. Even where a group makes a unanimous decision following a thorough discussion, it may be that others will reject that decision (justly or otherwise). In this section, we use the term 'good decision' to refer to one which has been made in the appropriate manner rather than one which is necessarily (politically) correct. A decision made in the correct way runs less risk of being contested or rejected later on (whether by those within the group or by outsiders). The decision will be more defensible and it will probably be much easier to gain the support of others. A decision which has been made in the correct (procedural) manner will take closer account of facts and circumstances (such as the balance of power) while the weaker partners will also have had their voices heard during the discussions. While a procedurally 'good' decision is not necessarily a correct one, it is difficult or impossible to arrive at a correct decision without following the appropriate procedures. If at a later date the party decides to take an alternative course of action, or must reconsider its standpoint (in the light of subsequent information), this will be easier to explain if the original decision was made in the correct manner. The module on meeting techniques is part of the trainer's standard offerings. It also contains much information which will be useful to the trainer, such as the section on chairing a meeting. After all, you are often the 'chairman' of the course. Many aspects of chairing a meeting are directly applicable to your activities during the course.

PREPARING FOR A MEETING Thorough preparation will help the meeting proceed smoothly. Part of that preparation is the agenda. An 'annotated' agenda will be of enormous assistance to those taking part, both in their preparation and in the meeting itself. The annotated agenda has a brief synopsis of each agenda point, explaining what is to be discussed and what the objective of the discussions actually is. There are three possible reasons for an agenda point to being included at all: • someone wants information on a certain issue or wishes to share existing information • someone wants to form an opinion on a certain issue

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someone wants to reach a decision on a certain issue.

These objectives are not mutually exclusive: occasionally all three will be addressed during one and the same meeting. However, it is advisable to treat them as three separate steps or phases, especially in the case of a particularly complex or difficult issue. If all three phases are to be conducted at the same meeting, it is important that a clear distinction is made between them and that the participants are constantly aware of the phase currently being undertaken. The annotated agenda should always indicate which of these three objectives is being pursued. Proper preparation will rely on this information. The chairman must also ensure that the agenda is distributed to participants in good time, so that they can prepare without any undue haste (and can consult others if necessary). Any documents which relate to the agenda points must be made available prior to the meeting, not left until the very last minute. For their part, those attending the meeting are expected to prepare thoroughly, to have read all relevant documents before the meeting and, where possible and appropriate, to have formed a provisional opinion on the matters to be discussed. THE MEETING PROCEDURE After the preparation begins the real work: the meeting itself. This begins with a review of the agenda. Are all points to be discussed included, and are they in the most appropriate order? Does everyone agree with the stated objectives (information, opinion-forming, decision-making) for each agenda point? Once all participants in the meeting have agreed the agenda and the schedule, the meeting proper can begin. The purpose of this joint approval of the agenda is to give the chairman additional authority. Now that the agenda, the sequence and the schedule have been accepted by all, they become a joint responsibility upon which the chairman may call if he wishes to hold the meeting members to their agreements. For example, he may wish to close a particular point with a view to the time. It is a good idea for the chairman to provide a short formal introduction to each agenda point. "I would like to deal with agenda point four as follows. First an information round, for which we have invited the expert Mr X who will give a brief summary. You will the have the opportunity to ask any questions. There will then be a round in which we define our opinions prior to making the actual decision at the next meeting." Here too, the chairman will ask everyone whether they agree with the proposed procedure. In this way, the purpose of discussing the agenda point is once again confirmed as each point is raised. THE THREE PHASES OF THE MEETING The first possible phase of the meeting is the information phase. This is concerned with such questions as: between us, what do we know about the topic under discussion and do we know enough to formulate a standpoint or make a decision? During this phase, those attending the meeting must try not to allow their opinions to be too obvious, thus 'forcing' a decision. The information phase is intended to ensure that all available information is duly considered and that all participants are appropriately informed. The second stage is that of forming an opinion. During this phase, the participants discuss what they think of certain points and arrive at a joint standpoint on the topic. They may also attempt to influence each other with arguments. This is the phase in which to be creative. All information and all or some of the opinions must be brought together as closely as possible in order to create a view or solution which enjoys the support of a majority of the discussion partners. The third phase of the meeting is the decision-making phase. Once all arguments have been heard, it becomes possible to arrive at a decision. The chairman will once again remind the meeting of the purpose of the discussion, state that a decision can now be taken and will oversee the process by which this is achieved. There are various methods of doing so. The participants may choose to continue discussions until consensus is reached, but often this is not possible (if only in view of time restrictions). In such cases, a vote may be taken. This must proceed with all due care. The chairman

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will formulate the motion very clearly and concisely and will ask the meeting to vote. The vote may be individual (one-person-one-vote) or by representative factions. If the former, it is not unusual for matters to be decided by secret ballot (i.e. a written vote) rather than a show of hands. Before the vote is taken, the voting procedure must be clear to all. (Where meetings are regularly recurring events there is usually a set procedure in place). A situation in which decision-making is seen as a mere formality ('waved through on the nod') can be dangerous in terms of the clarity of the decision once taken, and its acceptance in the long term. This situation is often seen if, at the end of the opinionforming stage, one particular opinion emerges as enjoying most support. The chairman may be inclined to announce "that's that, then". However, with this method of making a decision, the meeting will not be able to review the decision later, nor will participants know if a formal decision has actually been made. This can lead to conflicts. The decision-making apparatus can never be too clear! Someone at the meeting may seek to return to a phase which has already been completed. For example, during the opinion-forming phase, further information may surface, previously unknown to some of the meeting participants. A return to a previous phase is often requested by people who realize that their opinion will not carry sufficient weight in the decision-making stage as things stand. The chairman should attempt to accommodate such requests and allow a (brief) return to the previous phase. However, he should also make it clear that this is happening, so that all present realize which phase they are now in. The reason for taking the step back at all is that doing so will serve to increase general support for, and acceptance of, the eventual decision. No one can later claim that the decision was taken in a slapdash or unconscientious manner. ("We were pressurized; we weren't given all the information," etc.) Only if it is clear that a participant is deliberately trying to frustrate the decisionmaking phase should the chairman decline to return to a previous phase. DISSENTING VOICES Whenever decisions are made, certainly in politics, there are people who would have preferred to see another decision entirely. This can even be the case within one and the same political party. The party must take a very cautious approach to such people and the 'club' or faction they represent. The general rule of thumb is that everyone must defend the party line with regard to a decision taken according to due process. After all, politics is largely about combining forces behind a particular point of view, and not about demonstrating divisions. These have little appeal to the electorate. That said, it may occasionally be useful to show that there is a minority which is unable to concur with the majority. This will usually be appropriate in matters of principle: it would be unreasonable to expect a declared feminist to speak out in favour of criminalizing abortion, just as you could not expect a catholic priest to vote against a visit by the pope. Another possible reason for allowing a split to be seen is where someone would lose grassroots support if he were seen to be defending a certain standpoint. Such people are given the 'right' to state after the decision is made that they voted against it, provided they do not call the legitimacy of the decision itself (where this has been taken according to the rules). Of course, a majority decision can meet with such disapproval on the part of the minority that they feel obliged to resign from the party, group or organization. The chairman or party leader will do everything reasonable to prevent such an outcome, but if the decision has been made in accordance with rules and procedure, the outcome is an acceptable - if regrettable - one. It will not be useful to force agreement on points on which there is clearly no possible common ground merely to keep the group together. THE IMPLEMENTATION OF DECISIONS Once a decision has been made, there is no guarantee that it will be well implemented, if at all. This is usually because the meeting forgets to determine who will be responsible for putting the decision into effect. In most cases, this will be one (or more) of the people involved in the meeting, but the exact consequences of the decision can and should be established during the meeting itself. Who is to do what, and when?

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CONCLUSION There remains one general comment to be made about meetings. The chairman is not only responsible for ensuring the proper progress of the meeting. He (or she) plays an important role in leading the discussion but can do nothing if (some of) the participants choose not to cooperate. All those attending a meeting are therefore responsible for the manner in which it proceeds. This calls for a constructive attitude. It requires them to follow the instructions of the chairman (just as one would obey the referee in a football match) and to treat the other participants with courtesy and respect, even if they are less experienced, less well-informed or less eloquent.

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2. INTERACTION MODELS FOR MEETINGS As we established in the first section on meetings, the chairman is the person who is primarily (but not solely) responsible for the progress of the meeting. He or she regulates the interaction between participants and attempts to ensure that the agreed objectives are actually attained. The main condition for success as chairman is neutrality. That is not to say that the chairman does not have an opinion, or is not allowed to have an opinion, but that he should treat all participants seriously and should not favour one standpoint (his own) above others. The chairman's duties include enforcing the rules and he must be neutral in the same way that a sports referee is neutral. If the chairman is not neutral, there will be a degree of unrest at the meeting and there is a risk that his authority will be called into question. It would be unlikely for any good decisions to be taken. If the chairman feels particularly strongly about an issue and/or has a vested interest in the topic under discussion, he would be well advised to appoint someone else to oversee that part of the discussion. In any meeting, people are communicating with each other. This communication - who talks to whom about what, and what are the reactions to others' contributions - can be steered in a certain direction. In general, there are two possible forms of interaction. We shall term them the 'star model' and the 'web model'. Which of these will be most effective depends on the phase which the meeting has reached (information phase, opinion-forming phase or decision-making phase). THE STAR MODEL In the star model we see rigidly ordered interaction between the chairman and the meeting participants. The participants do not communicate directly with each other but do so 'through the chair': all remarks are addressed to the chairman and all responses come from him. An example of this form of interaction is that normally seen in parliament (where the chairman may even be known as the 'speaker'). We can represent the model as a diagram:

[FIGURE] The objective of the star model is to take stock of available information or opinions without rampant debate. Everyone gets a turn (the 'round robin') or those who have something to add will attract the chairman's attention (perhaps by raising a hand). This model is applied in the information exchange phase of the meeting, in the first part of the opinion-forming phase and in the decision-making phase. The chairman is the centre point of all interaction and closely controls all communication. He does so by maintaining eye contact with the person currently speaking, summarizing what has been said (where appropriate) and then designating the next speaker. Sometimes, the chairman must step in to prevent speakers responding to each other directly. The star model is a relatively rigid, top-down form of control. THE WEB MODEL In the web model, the communication between meeting participants proceeds rather more freely and with less structure than in the star model. The participants speak directly to each other and to the chairman, who restricts his interventions to those required to prevent total chaos. The objective of this form of communication is to influence other meeting participants and to allow creativity. Opinions are formed by means of 'thinking out loud' in a (creative) dialogue. Every participant can speak at any moment and does not have to suspend his thinking process until it is 'his turn'. This model can also be represented as a diagram:

[FIGURE]

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It will be clear that the star model is the most appropriate model for use in the information phase and the decision-making stage, while the web model is more appropriate in the opinion-forming phase. If he so chooses, the chairman could also use the star model in the first part of the opinion-forming phase, allowing one or two people to speak first in order to get the process of debate under way. The main difficulty for the chairman is to make the transition between the different models. At the beginning of the meeting he will impose the star model. The participants will be inclined to behave accordingly, addressing only the chairman and remaining rather formal even in the decision-forming phase. The chairman can facilitate the transition by actually announcing it and then gradually withdrawing from 'centre stage'. Ways of doing so include reducing the amount of eye contact with speakers and gently leaning back in one's seat. Later, at the end of the opinion-forming phase when it is clear that the discussion will not reveal any new insights, the chairman must once again resume control by doing the opposite. In the opinion-forming stage, the chairman should not be overly concerned if a certain degree of chaos develops, with people talking at once and clearly not listening to each other. Only if the chaos is truly 'chaotic' should the chairman intervene, taking care not to abandon the web model altogether. INTERVENTION BY THE CHAIRMAN There are three ways in which the chairman can intervene in the discussion 1. SUMMARIZE AND ASK QUESTIONS The first manner in which the chairman may intervene in the discussion is to summarize and to ask questions. Summarizing what has been said is among the chairman's most important duties. Here, 'summarizing' means giving an accurate account of the main points of a speaker's contribution. The summary will serve to: • check that the chairman and others have properly understood what the speaker has said; the speaker can make corrections or additions if necessary. • demonstrate interest in what has been said, thereby encouraging other participants to listen more attentively • demonstrate to the speaker that his or her message has indeed been received and understood, thus precluding unnecessary repetition • demonstrate that it is possible to say something briefly, thus providing an example to all • promote calm and order during the meeting, but only if the summary is correct! If not, there may be disquiet or arguments. 'Asking questions' refers to those addressed to the speaker by the chairman and intended to gain further information or clarification. For example: "in what sense are you using that word? Could you explain where you obtained those figures? Why do you think that?" and so on. This technique also provides a good example to others: first try to understand what someone is saying, then react. 2. INTERVENTION GEARED TO DIFFERENCES At a given phase of the discussion it may be a good idea to allow any differences between the participants in terms of vision, problem analysis, ideas, solutions, etc. to persist for the time being. This will certainly be the case for a complex problem involving many different aspects, in which many social groups have some form of interest. In other words, an issue such as those found in politics every day. In order to ensure that a good decision is made and that this decision will later enjoy rank and file support, all aspects of an issue must be discussed and all possible solutions explored. However, the chairman's first inclination will be to structure matters in such a way as to achieve full agreement as quickly as possible and will therefore tend to emphasize common ground rather than differences. For part of the meeting, the chairman must attempt to suppress this inclination. The best way of allowing all differences to reveal themselves is by asking the participants to present their vision or opinions

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("what do you think about this?") or even to make a point of asking for opinions which are different from those just heard. 3. INTERVENTIONS GEARED TO COMMON GROUND Interventions geared towards establishing the common ground, i.e. jointly held opinions and ideas, will take the opposite form to those described in the preceding paragraph. These interventions are used in the phase of the meeting in which participants are attempting to arrive at a decision or a common standpoint. The chairman highlights the common ground in each of the various contributions. He will do so by means of summaries which ignore differences wherever it is possible to do so. One important condition is that the participants should be able to recognize the chairman's summaries as what they actually said - he should not be 'making it up as he goes along'! Examples of inventions geared towards establishing common ground include: "who also thinks like this... did I hear someone say...?" etc. The chairman may choose to highlight those aspects which are common in that no one has mentioned them: "I notice that none of you have suggested.....". This approach will encourage participants to explore the common ground which may exist elsewhere.

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3. MEETING 'TRICKS' The objective of a meeting is that the participants should influence each other and should themselves be influenced. Meetings are designed to arrive at solutions, preferably solutions with which all concerned can agree. This demands mutual influence. However, the influence should take place in an open and honest way. This is not always so, and certainly not in politics. As we have already stated, politicians like to win! Often, their desire to win will outweigh their desire to arrive at the best solution to a particular problem. While this is a general human trait seen throughout society, it is even more marked in politics since politics is, to an extent, all about power and competition. One of the reasons that people lose interest in politics is because they see it as merely an arena for power games and 'dirty tricks'. Unfortunately, they are frequently right. This alone is reason enough for us to refuse to become involved in such games and to maintain our integrity. However, here we examine a number of 'tricks' which are often used to influence the outcome of a meeting. We do so to provide a means of defence against such tricks and to allow students to recognize them for what they are: knavish, unsportsmanlike conduct and a means of cheating which can only gain their users a bad reputation. A number of the tricks which could be used to influence a meeting have already been touched upon in the preceding sections. Here we take a more detailed look. TRICKS TO INFLUENCE PROCEDURE • The first trick in connection with procedure is to attempt to conduct one of the meeting phases described above in a manner appropriate to another phase. For example, in the information phase, someone may attempt to present an opinion as a hard fact, or to colour a fact by immediately attaching a strong personal opinion (positive or negative. For example: "there are very few women in senior political positions (fact) and that is obviously a very unsatisfactory situation (opinion)." Another means of crossing the boundaries of the various phases would be to propound a ready-made decision during the opinion-forming phase: "everyone will agree that we have absolutely no choice and that we must take a decision right now." • The second trick is to disrupt the flow of the meeting. For example, someone may attempt to return to an agenda point which has already been covered and closed, or to begin a discussion about a point of fact, or to introduce a new agenda point during the 'round robin' and attempt to begin a discussion of this immediately. Another way of disrupting the flow of the meeting is to criticize the manner in which the chairman is conducting the meeting. • The third trick involves creating a bad atmosphere. For example, someone may make it clear that they consider others' input as unimportant by reading the newspaper while someone else is speaking, or by waiting until the meeting itself before opening and reading the relevant documents. TRICKS DURING THE DISCUSSION • Starting an argument about a fact which has long since been established: "everyone claims that the constitution gives men and women equal rights but is that really the case?" • Introducing opinions as if they were facts: "... and finally, the fact that politicians are so unreliable" rather than "I find some politicians to be somewhat unreliable". • Intimidating others with real or imaginary 'knowledge': referring to experts and reports, knowing the other meeting participants are unlikely to bother looking them up. • Overwhelming others with a proposal before they are ready to consider it. • Becoming angry for no good reason, or playing upon other emotions. • Attacking individuals rather than the issues: "this is scandalous and if anyone knows the meaning of the word scandal it is the previous speaker!" • When summarizing, promotion one's own vision at the expense of all others. • Demanding or offering (far) more information than is strictly necessary.

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Addressing other participants in roles which they are not occupying during the meeting ("yes, you would say that because your company would benefit...")

TRICKS OUTSIDE THE MEETING • Secret trysts, deals, bargains and horse trading ("if you back me on point A, I'll back you on proposal B"). • Creating facts and choreographing situations, e.g. by seeking publicity or by leaking certain matters before a decision is taken, thus placing the other participants in an impossible situation. EXERCISE (for use when this theory is offered as a module) This exercise is relatively straightforward. Divide the group into two. One half will conduct a formal meeting, the other will observe. (Later, they will change places). One student is to act as chairman. An agenda point will be chosen. This should not be overly complex and should lie within the students' own experience. The chairman will prepare (possibly assisted by the other students). You should issue instructions to the students taking part in the meeting (briefly remind them of the main points of the theory) who must also think about their own contributions. While they are doing so, you can instruct the group which will be observing. Now act out the meeting situation. If possible, record the proceedings on video. This will be followed by the discussion. First allow the observers to present their findings, then give your own opinions (starting with the positive points and then any points which can be improved). The exercise can be made more difficult by instructing certain participants to be uncooperative or even obstructive. You should keep the 'tricks' section (which the students will particularly enjoy) until last - the icing on the cake!

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PART 2

WHAT THE STUDENTS WILL LEARN: THE MODULES

In this second part of the manual, we take the training method as read and examine the training modules themselves. The modules described here are those which the Alfred Mozer Foundation uses most frequently in helping Easter European political organizations to structure their activities. The first module described deals with the importance of good strategy. Thereafter we shall look at the modules which cover negotiation skills, the theory of communication and presentation, campaigning, and dealing with the press. STRATEGY AND STRATEGIC THINKING: TEN GROUND RULES In politics, survival depends on being able to develop and apply an effective strategy. A party may have all sorts of lofty aims and ideals, but the most important thing is that it actually achieves something in practice. At the end of the day, results count, not plans. A 'strategy' is nothing more than the manner in which a good plan becomes a firm result. How can we develop an effective strategy? The theory is summarized below. 1. What is strategy? Weighty tomes have been written on strategy (and strategies) but it is actually a very simple concept. As we have already stated, a strategy is nothing more (and nothing less) than a means of achieving a certain objective. And a well-chosen strategy is the best way of achieving that objective. Sometimes, the development and implementation of a strategy is seen as a form of manipulation. Some people believe that a 'strategy' is a plan to persuade someone else to do something they do not wish to do or actually find wrong to do. This seems to assume that the objective itself is so clearly 'a good thing', no strategy (in this sense) would be required to achieve it. It ignores the reality that every society contains various groups, each of which has differing interests and each of which has an equal right to use any honest and decent means to present and promote its views, opinions, interests or viewpoints. Occasionally, it may be necessary to use a degree of compulsion or coercion. That is absolutely normal in a democracy. Industrial action - the 'strike' - is a totally acceptable form of coercion and is not generally seen as manipulation. To develop and implement a strategy is a very acceptable means of achieving an end and is often and essential means of doing so. 2. Why is strategy so important? In politics and in political debate, many people tend to focus on a discussion about objectives. That is fine, but is also very dangerous. Politics is not about always being right, but more about being given the opportunity to prove it. After all, voters will eventually judge parties and politicians on what they actually do for the people, not on what they promise they will do. This goes some way towards explaining the former success of the communist party in Central and Eastern Europe. More than any other, the communist parties were able to persuade voters that they actually delivered what they promised. They had a more effective organization and their politicians were better educated and more experienced. Because the opportunity to put one's ideas into practice is so important, it ought to be a rule of thumb for all mature political parties that just as much time should be devoted to thinking about means of achieving the aims as to thinking about what those aims should be. As will become clear from this

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module, the manner in which a chosen objective is accomplished has various implications for the final form of that objective. 3. How does one develop an effective strategy? In order to develop a really good strategy, you must first define your objective. From the very beginning, you must think about means by which that objective can actually be accomplished. This in turn will effect the form and content of the objective, which should meet all the following criteria:

Ÿ

The objective must be concrete. This seems simple enough, but practice frequently proves otherwise. For example: there must be more women in positions of political influence. At first sight, this would appear to be a concrete objective, but when we examine it more closely it proves to be rather vague. What does 'more women' mean? One extra woman? Ten per cent more women? And what is a 'position of political influence'" - that could be anything from a cabinet minister to the receptionist who screens telephone calls. Another example: "there must be a social safety net". What exactly does this mean? Who is this net intended to catch? And how far must they have fallen first? The questions are practically endless. An objective which has not been formulated in concrete terms will give rise to problems later on. Furthermore, the more concrete the formulation, the greater enthusiasm it will be possible to generate for the proposal. The objective should be fully measurable in its results. If the objective is to attract fifty per cent more women into politics, this is in itself measurable, but we must also state the period within which the aim is to be accomplished. Where the objective is not fully measurable, it becomes impossible to determine whether it has ever been accomplished. Indeed, it may be unrealistic or totally impossible, in which case it must be modified accordingly. Without measurability, the organization, party or group can never learn anything about the attainability of its aims. Moreover, they can never prove that they have been successful.

Ÿ

The objective must be attainable. Objectives can - and sometimes must - be rather ambitious, but unless there is a realistic goal that can be achieved within a reasonably short period, people will tend to lose interest. This can often be seen in politics. People wish to see the objective achieved within their own lifetime; if this is unlikely to be the case, the objective will have little or no appeal in attracting votes. That said, the culture of the country can play a significant role. In our Western society it is now becoming increasingly important to achieve objectives within the foreseeable future, and preferably this week! The trend is: "I want it and I want it now! In other countries and cultures, people are often able to view the attainability of a goal in a different perspective, a different timeframe. However, unattainable objectives retain two general effects in politics: they tend to alienate voters and they demotivate rank and file party members. After all, when a lot of effort has been devoted to a project, you like to see results. You tend not to become involved if people are just going to laugh at you or look pityingly on as you (apparently) waste your time.

Ÿ

The objective must be inspiring. If people are not enthusiastic about a political programme (or cannot be made so) they will not support the programme and will make no efforts in helping to achieve its aims. Equally important is the effect of an 'inspiring' objective on yourself. Those who actually develop the objective must be motivated and must remain committed to the purpose. The road to success is often very long and is paved with frustration and disappointment. It is only possible to remain on that road if you are inspired by the 'higher' objective. An aim which is too minimalist (e.g. "we will be satisfied with just one woman in parliament") is not a good one. Although this point may seem to contradict the preceding passage (on attainability), the most effective objective will tread the middle ground between being ambitious enough to be inspiring and realistic enough to be attainable. The above criteria may seem to present a series of consecutive steps, each of which must be observed in turn. However, that is not the intention. All criteria must be met and applied consecutively,

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whereupon they will be able to influence each other. If you have formulated your objective in a concrete and measurable way, the addition of the 'attainability' criterion or that of being 'inspiring' may change its nature once more, whereupon the first criteria (concrete and measurable) must be readjusted, and so on, ad infinitum. If you think carefully about this process, you will understand why the use of these criteria for the strategy will also have consequences in terms of the form and content of the objective itself. To return to our example: the objective was to attract more women into politics. Once all the above criteria have been applied to this objective, it can be defined in concrete terms as: to achieve a minimum of 25% female cabinet ministers and 40% female members of parliament within the next ten years. The ideal final mix of criteria will depend on local circumstances and viewpoints (culture). This is a matter for every political party or politician to decide for themselves. 4. Who decides? The formal and the informal decision-maker

The next step in developing a good strategy is that in which the party starts to think about who is responsible for actual decision-making. The strategy will be designed to persuade the decision-maker to make the desired decision. For example, if your objective is to have certain environmental measures introduced, it would seem most appropriate to choose the Environment Minister or the parliamentary environmental spokesmen as your 'target'. However, in the case of an election campaign, the 'decisionmakers' are the voters: they decide which party or candidate they will support. Sometimes the decision-maker is an individual, often it will be a group of people who must arrive at their final decision by means of an interactive process of consultation. In the case of the voters, it is clearly impossible to devise a strategy which will win the vote of each and every person. This is why political parties gear their election campaigns to certain groups of people, voters who have something in common. Furthermore, in general campaigns do not set out to change people's minds: they aim to reinforce the voting intentions of those who have already decided, as well as reaching out to those 'floating voters' who could conceivably be persuaded to vote for your party on election day. (See the section on 'Target Groups'.) In order to determine who the decision-maker actually is, you must realize that the 'formal' decisionmaker is not necessarily the actual decision-maker. In many situations there may be an informal decision-maker as well as the apparent, formal decision-maker. For example the advisor to a minister or the president will often take more decisions regarding the matters that he or she deals with than the minister or president himself. It is thus always essential to ask yourself whether the formal decisionmaker is really the best person to approach, or whether there may be an informal decision-maker 'behind the scenes'. 5. The decision-maker is inaccessible: what next? A problem will arise when the decision-maker (formal or informal) cannot be reached directly. For example, it would be difficult or impossible for Polish socialists to influence the Pope. He does not live in Poland, is unlikely to feel any particular empathy with the ideology of the Polish socialist movement and is equally unlikely to number any Polish socialists among his personal acquaintances. Nevertheless, the Pope does determine Polish attitudes on a number of matters, including political matters. If Polish socialists (or anyone else) wish to influence the Pope's statements and beliefs, they must do so in a 'roundabout' manner. For example, they might put their case to prominent Polish Catholics who may be assumed to have the ear of the Pontiff himself. Another good example of this roundabout strategy can be seen in the Netherlands. For many years, the Dutch government was dominated by the Christian Democratic Alliance (CDA) which, as the name makes clear, is a Christian party with fairly traditional views on the position of women and strong objections to the legalization of abortion (to take one example). At the opposite pole of the political spectrum were the radical feminists, organized in various action groups rather than political parties as

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such. The politicians of the CDA (the dominant party in parliament and in the cabinet) did not feel any requirement to heed the views of the feminists, and so they did not do so. For their part, the feminists were not members of the CDA, neither did they vote for the party. They would have known few if any CDA politicians on a personal basis. Nevertheless, the feminists wished to exert some influence on the government of the day. They did so by entering into a dialogue with the women's group within the CDA, which proved to be accessible and indeed approachable. If the feminists could prove to the CDA women that at least some of their ideas were not so far-fetched, the women's group would then present the ideas to parliament and the cabinet. Obviously, the CDA politicians could not ignore the views of the party's own women's group. And so the feminists were able to exert some influence on policy, albeit via a 'detour'. 6. What strategy is best when approaching the decision-maker? Once you have been able to reach the decision-maker, either directly or via more roundabout means, the most appropriate strategy by which the decision-maker can be persuaded to make the desired decision must be chosen. In broad terms, there are three possibilities: persuasion, coercion and compromise (or exchange). The differences between these three methods and the answer to the question of which is most appropriate in any given situation will be covered in the chapter on Negotiation. Here, we need only make a few comments specific to election campaigns, in which the voter is the decision-maker. In any democracy, the only method of approaching the voter is with the strategy based on persuasion. Any other strategy is unthinkable. Undemocratic practices involving coercion, compulsion or bribery (buying votes, which is a form of exchange) can be used against you at any time in the future. Indeed your opponents will undoubtedly do so. After the election, there could be a situation in which the winning party (i.e. that with the actual support of the majority) must employ a strategy other than that of persuasion. For example, there may have been manipulation of the election to give a false result or the current incumbents may refuse to recognize the election result. An extremely recent example of this situation was seen in Serbia, where Milosovic's party had clearly attempted to 'fix' the election and subsequently refused to concede defeat. The opposition, having won the election, had no choice but to adopt a strategy of force and coercion, and then (once Milosovic had finally accepted the result) one of compromise in order to effect the transition into government. 7. Profile of the decision-maker Once the decision-maker has been identified, it will be useful to compile a profile of this decisionmaker in order to determine the most effective approach. This will involve asking (and answering!) four questions: - What does the decision-maker know (about the issue on which he or she must decide)? - What are the decision-maker's views on this issue? - What is the decision-maker's emotional involvement in the issue to be decided? - What can/will the decision-maker actually do with regard to this issue? KNOWLEDGE OPINION EMOTION ACTION

In the vast majority of cases, people's decisions are made gradually rather than in a sudden flash of inspiration. After all, before the decision can be taken at all, the decision-maker must realize that the decision has to be made, and must understand the nature of the issue concerned. He or she must therefore have knowledge of the subject matter. In the case of an election, in which the voter is the decision-maker, we may therefore state that the voter must first of all know that the election is to take place at all. Then comes the question of which party to vote for. The voter must know what the choice is (what parties are standing in the election) and what each of them stands for. The voter is thus

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required to form an opinion. However, it is often not enough just to have an opinion - the voter must also feel involved in the party's aims: there must be an emotional component whereby the voter considers it important that what the party proposes is actually put into practice. This is particularly true in countries in which voting is not compulsory. Finally, the voter will make his decision and will translate this into firm action - he (or she) will report to the polling station on election day and will set a cross against the name of the party or candidate of his choice. Political organizations often make the mistake of asking the decision-maker to take immediate action. In an election campaign, voters are approached and asked to vote for a particular party or candidate. However, this request for action before the requirements of the preceding phases (knowledge, opinion, emotion) have been fulfilled will usually have the reverse effect: it gives rise to aversion and resistance. The election campaign must therefore have a plan in which due consideration is given to each of the four phases. Furthermore, it will often help if these four phases are spread out over time. The duration of the campaign will usually be such as to allow this. In a good campaign, the party begins by disseminating knowledge about the fact that elections are to take place, and about the party's own political standpoints (compared to those of the other party) or the qualities of its own candidate (compared to the other candidates). Next, the party will attempt to influence the opinion of the voter by presenting its own views and opinions as the only right ones, or at least intrinsically better than those of the opposition. Then the party will call upon voters' emotions, perhaps highlighting the 'niceness' of its own candidate or by suggesting that it is scandalous that an issue has yet to be resolved (in the manner suggested by the party). Only if all the phases have been completed in turn can a party successfully call upon the voter to cast his vote one way or the other. 8. What means can be used to reach the decision-maker? We now have an objective which meets all the criteria: concrete, measurable, attainable and inspiring, and we know whom (what decision-maker) we must address. However, there remains much to be done! We still lack the resources with which we can achieve our goal. In other words, how do we reach the decision-maker? Every well-designed strategy will say something about the resources required to implement that strategy. There are often many possible means by which the final aim can be brought a little closer. All must meet the following conditions: • The means must be appropriate to the objective. In other words, the end does not necessarily justify the means: the objective itself can never excuse the use of inappropriate or excessive resources. Every resource which is in conflict with the end will sooner or later compromise those who use it. It must be asked whether they should be supported in doing so, and whether the objective is actually the right one. There are examples to illustrate this point. In Algeria, democracy was suspended in order to save democracy. The fundamentalists of the FIS were expected to win all elections outright, so no second round would be held. At first, this decision was accepted, even by some Western countries. However, the consequences were nothing short of disastrous. Algeria lost all vestiges of a democratic system and a dreadful civil war has been raging for many years as a result. Another obvious example is that of Boris Yeltsin and Chechnya. Yeltsin wanted to ensure that the Russian Federation remained intact and therefore decided to end Chechnya's secession by force. At first he was more or less successful in subduing the Chechnya military forces, but the price he paid was the loss of support for his regime at home (among both communists and the reformers) and internationally. Furthermore, the end result was that the entire military operation had to be repeated just a couple of years later (at first still under Yeltsin, later under Putin). Today, even after the second military operation, the situation in Chechnya cannot be described as peaceful. Yeltsin's overall objective (to prevent the break-up of the Russian Federation) was in itself perhaps not such a bad one - it might even be described as noble - but the means he employed to achieve that objective were questionable, to say the least.

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• The means must be proportionate. The extent of the means can also have a positive or negative effect on the possibility of attracting support for the objective. Where the objective is a good one, but the means are not in proportion (whether too small or too large) the objective will lose its credibility. You would not demand the resignation of the president just because a fellow party member, the mayor of a small village, does something wrong! • Any proposal or political programme which is in line with current social trends (or can be brought into line with those trends) will be easier to 'sell' to the electorate than one which goes against the current trends. This is, of course, due to the phenomenon mentioned earlier in this manual: the 'filters' in people's heads which ensure that the familiar is more readily accepted than the new. In your arguments or presentation, you should therefore seek out points of contact with existing trends. For example, you may be able to demonstrate relevance to existing market developments: "This proposal will be good for the working population but it also contributes to the development of the free market economy, because..." Of course, it could be that a proposal is diametrically opposed to the current trend. After all, in politics the focus is usually on the opinions and standpoints of one party (the aim being to drum up support for that party) rather than on the vox populi as such (although many modern campaigns strive to give the opposite impression). If a party supports a proposal which can not be matched to a current trend, there is no point trying to force it to fit, since the party would then lose all credibility. The most important lesson here is that the members of a political organization must take into account the predominant trends in society and must use them wherever possible. This might involve presenting the party's own proposals in a form which reflect developments elsewhere in the community at large. 9. What do you ask of the decision-maker? Where should the emphasis lie? Once a party has decided on the resources it will use to reach the decision-maker, it should then think about the way in which it intends to ask the decision-maker to take the desired action and the degree to which he is to be asked to deviate from previous behaviour. Here too, a number of general rules apply. • Your chances of success will be in inverse proportion to the size of the step you are asking the decision-maker to take. It will be little use asking a dyed-in-the-wool capitalist to vote for a communist party. It may also be an uphill struggle to get an atheist to vote for a Christian party. However, you may succeed in persuading someone with a generally progressive attitude to vote for a left-wing party. • It helps enormously if the person whose support is being requested can be shown some direct personal benefit in the party's proposal: the "what's in it for me factor". This recommendation may seem fraught with hazard, but has often proven itself to work well and perfectly within the bounds of ethics. A politician or party is usually inclined to argue a case on the basis of personal opinions or political desirability, rather than taking the viewpoint of the voter. Once the objective has been determined, they then try to find common ground between that objective and the interests of the voter (or group of voters), thereby placing the emphasis on contact with that group. A simple exercise will serve to illustrate this point. Have the students state an objective, and their own reasons for wishing them to achieve that objective. Have them designate a target group which they wish to reach. Divide the students into small groups and ask them to think about what the proposal would mean to the specific target group they have chosen. Allow about ten minutes for this preparation. They will then present their results which will be discussed by the entire group. 10. else And finally: in a good strategy, everything is perfectly coordinated with everything

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As we stated earlier when considering the criteria for a good objective, every requirement must be perfectly coordinated with each other. If effectively applied, each will affect the form and content of the objective(s). Just as it is important to spend time in thinking and talking about the objectives, we can state that it is equally important to spend time thinking and talking about the strategy - the manner in which those objectives can, should or must be achieved. We should therefore devote half of our planning time to the objectives and the other half to the strategy. Part 3 of this manual (the Appendices) includes a 'Strategy Checklist' which can be used to support this part of the theory. EXERCISE Once the theory has been explained (briefly and concisely) there will first be the customary session of questions and comments. This will be followed by an exercise. Divide the students in small groups of between three and six people (to ensure everyone gets a turn). Ask the group to formulate a general objective which is relevant to their own experiences. This need not be a matter of national importance, in fact it would be preferable to select something rather smaller in scale. For example, if the group comprises local councillors, they should choose an issue which currently affects their own town; if the group is made up of young people, they should choose a topic which affects their contemporaries. Ask the students to devise a strategy whereby their chosen objective can be achieved. Allow a maximum of thirty minutes. The students should assess their strategy in terms of the requirements and criteria described above. If all goes according to plan, the students will present not only the strategy, but also a modified version of the original objective. If the group is not (yet) quite up to this exercise, you may choose to divide it up into phases. For example, Formulate the objectives in small groups, followed by classroom presentation and discussion (feedback) The entire group then identifies the decision-makers and selects those it wishes to address In smaller groups, the students produce a profile of the selected decision-makers, followed by presentation and feedback The group then 'brainstorms' regarding all possible resources and means of approaching the decision-makers (phone calls, letters, networking, meetings, demonstrations, newspaper articles, etc.) In smaller groups, devise an action plan for the coming period (e.g. the duration of the election campaign or until the next party conference, etc.). Regardless of which approach you select, you should hold the presentation and discussion of the results for the group as a whole. Remember our method: first discuss the good points, and only then go on to those in need of improvement.

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NEGOTIATION In this module we look at the skills needed in negotiating with others. The ability to negotiate is an important one - especially in politics, which relies on frequent negotiation. For example, there may be negotiations between separate parties with a view to forming a coalition. There will also be constant negotiation within the party: one person wants to see one particular point added to the programme, while someone else may want an entirely different issue to take its place. Frequently we see various groups within a party putting forward ideas which are mutually exclusive. They must negotiate to find a solution acceptable to all. There will also be enthusiastic negotiations within the party with regard to compiling a list of (parliamentary) candidates. But negotiation is not confined to politics. We also see it in our everyday social dealings: between employees and employers, between lobby groups and the government, between men and women, between parents and children - there are countless examples. What exactly do we mean by 'negotiation'. Negotiation is the art of getting two (or more) parties who do not share the same standpoint on an issue to adopt a standpoint on which they both agree. This happens by means of a process in which ideas and opinions are exchanged back and forth, with due consideration for each other's positions (including positions of power or influence). The skills involved include the ability to avoid conflicts of the type that would lead one or the other party to break off the talks, or to impose their will on the other by force. Negotiation is part of democracy. Where negotiations break down, there can be a schism or the dominant party will unilaterally impose its views on everyone else. It will only be successful in doing so for as long as its dominance remains intact; if dominance is lost, or is perceived to be lost, the 'game' of negotiation will begin all over again. It will be clear that a political party, society or organization within which people know how to negotiate with each other will be better off than one in which negotiation skills are lacking. The negotiating society is more stable and can rely on the support of a greater number of people when making important decisions. Internal stability and general consensus, at least on the outline of any issue, are increasingly recognized as significant success factors in economic development and in internal and external security (in the case of countries), electoral results (in the case of political parties) and commercial success (in the case of companies). Good negotiators are worth their weight in gold within any organization! Broadly speaking, there are three styles of negotiation: negotiation based on argumentation (persuasion), negotiation based on power (the strongest wins) and negotiation based on exchange ("I'll give you this if you give me that"). The style adopted will depend on the position attributed to the negotiation partner and the position one believes oneself to hold. A few general rules for the choice of style are given at the end of this chapter. Here, we shall merely point out that if one chooses the wrong style of negotiation at the start of the discussions, there will probably be a very high price to pay later on. The reasons for this will become obvious as the chapter proceeds. In any event, before the discussions begin those involved must give very careful thought to the style of negotiation they intend to use. There is much to be gained straight away just by choosing the most appropriate negotiating strategy The three strategies are explained in further detail below. 1. NEGOTIATION BASED ON ARGUMENTS (PERSUASION) The most pleasant style of negotiation is that based on arguments and 'friendly persuasion'. This style focuses on finding the best possible solution. In other words, the negotiation partners strive to find the solution which will satisfy them both. They present all arguments openly and honestly, and the best arguments (those which persuade both parties) win. To achieve such a pleasant negotiation situation, two preconditions must be met. Firstly, the parties must trust each other and both must intend to maintain their good relationship in the future. Secondly, both parties must be prepared to adapt or abandon their own standpoints should other arguments prove

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more persuasive. Each party should not only set out to persuade, but should know that the other party is open to sound argument and can indeed be persuaded. It is not always simple to adopt this open attitude. It means that if you start at point A, and the other party begins at point B, you must be prepared to finish at point B yourself. Furthermore, you will then have to defend point B to the outside world and to your rank and file supporters: you must explain that the other party was right all along. In fact, it is frequently the case that the final result of a process of negotiation based on argument is neither of the starting positions, but a sort of mix of arguments from both sides: a compromise. Indeed, this is likely to be the best solution, since it would be unlikely for either party to be totally right and the other completely wrong. An important condition for negotiation based on arguments is an open attitude. Each side should trust the other and should make this apparent. Secret agendas and tricks are totally inappropriate, as are threats. The mobilization of rank and file support will have the opposite effect to that intended. Furthermore, it is a good idea to show the weaker sides of your argument as well as the stronger. (And there will always be weaker sides, such as the costs involved in implementing your solution or some disadvantage to another group or person). Another important condition is that the information is full and complete: only on the basis of complete information, with nothing held back, can someone really be persuaded. If one person wishes to persuade another, he must prepare thoroughly, bringing all aspects of the standpoint and the views of the rank and file support into play. He must also attempt to identify the advantages that the other person will derive from the suggested solution (to play on the 'what's in it for me?' factor). After all, it is not a question of being proved right or of getting one's own way, it is a question of persuading the other person that the solution put forward is in everyone's best interests. Finally, the negotiator must be confident that the other party is capable of implementing the solution. It may be that the 'other side' is perfectly willing to do so, but is simply not able (if, for example, the rank and file support are against the solution or if the steps involved are too big at this time). Persuasion on the basis of arguments is the best method of negotiation in that the results will be permanent. Both parties are convinced of the merits of the chosen solutions, and the relationship between them will have been strengthened by the pleasant manner in which the negotiations have proceeded. Unfortunately, it is not always possible to adopt this method and an alternative style of negotiation must be selected. 2. NEGOTIATION BASED ON POWER Negotiating on the basis of power is the exact opposite of negotiation based on argument and friendly persuasion. This style is notable for the following characteristics. Firstly, it does not rely on sound arguments (what is the best solution?) but on which of the negotiating parties is the stronger. Secondly, the parties will generally not be open and honest about the shortcomings and weaker points of their proposed solution. Indeed, they will try to conceal them wherever possible. Thirdly, each party will tend not to engage in reasoned argument but will merely stress that they are right and the other party is wrong. They will not consider the merits of the other side's arguments but will only focus on the effects the proposed solution would have on the public and, more specifically, their own support. In fact, the negotiation process is nothing more than a contest of wills in which each party attempts to demonstrate superior power and strength. If necessary, resources may actually be deployed to prove superior strength. However, it is often enough to make (convincing) threats to do so, whereupon the other party will give way. Of course, it is important that the threatened means actually exist and that the party making the threats is indeed prepared to carry them through. If this proves not to be the case, that party's position will be seriously undermined. An example would be a trade union which threatens an all-out strike, but then proves unable to effectuate that strike. This situation will be fatal to the union's negotiating position. The party with the most power wins (or wins most).

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In a negotiation situation based on power, there will generally be extremely diverse means at the parties' disposal to establish that power: from strikes to legal proceedings, from protest meetings and demonstrations to publicity-seeking ventures, and from the retention of experts to suspending negotiations altogether. Where one of the parties is considering deploying any of these resources, it is important to show the opposition how much support (form strategically important groups) your standpoint can rely upon and how far the supporters are willing to go in demonstrating their support. The manner in which power is to be demonstrated will be chosen according to the importance of the issue. It must be in proportion: one would probably not call a strike just because management plans to introduce clocking-in procedures. The choice will also depend on the credibility of the means (you must be willing and able to carry out any threat you make) and on the extent to which the other party is likely to feel threatened. In this type of negotiation, most of the work is done before the discussions themselves begin. One's own resources must be identified and prepared (again, threatening a strike will be pointless if the strike cannot actually be implemented) and as close an estimation as possible must be made of the means at the other party's disposal. Each party must also determine how much room to manoeuvre it has within the negotiations. In addition to an objective (what we wish to achieve in view of the current power relationship) which, of course, will be made public, the lower limit must be set (what is the least we would accept?) Needless to say, the lower limit is not made public (that would rather defeat the object of the exercise!) The objective may be termed the 'target point', and the lower limit may be termed the 'resistance point'. There must be room for negotiations between these two points. Only a party with absolute power can allow the two points to coincide. Obviously the other party will also have a target point and a resistance point, but mirroring your own. This can be represented as a diagram: Target point A _______________

_______________ Resistance point B

Resistance point A

_______________

_______________ Target point B The actual room for negotiation lies between resistance point B and resistance point A. The closer the final result is to one's own target point, the better you have negotiated. Negotiations based on power may well fail. For example, they will be deemed to be unsuccessful if no agreement of any kind can be reached. Failure may have serious consequences, such as a schism, stand-off or violence in which one party attempts to impose acceptance on the other by force. An extreme example of a failed negotiation process is that in which the interests of an ethnic minority in a country are not respected, and an (armed) struggle begins to force separation. Another example would be where a political party dissolves into conflicting factions which then break off to form their own, new parties. There are various reasons for power-based negotiations to fail. The most common is that one or the other party sets the stakes so high that no agreement is possible. If in the diagram above, the resistance point of A would be permanently and resolutely set above the resistance point of B (i.e. the

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minimum acceptable outcome for A is nowhere near the greatest possible concession on the part of B), the negotiations will inevitable fail. Happily, this situation does not usually present itself at the outset. If during the course of the negotiations it becomes apparent that if no immediate agreement is likely, the threats made will be carried out (e.g. the strike will be called). The experience of seeing the power resources actually used in this way will often lead the parties to adjust their resistance points (and occasionally their target points, too). Frequently, the resistance points will start to converge until they actually coincide or until the smallest possible room for negotiation has been created. Because negotiations usually proceed in several separate rounds, there is usually time for adjustment. A good negotiator will always ensure that there is also room for adjustment. Both factors play a role when considering the second reason for the failure of power-based negotiation, that of the conflict inherent in such processes. Both parties are trying to force the other to do something which it is initially unwilling to do. Emotions may run high. One or other of the parties may be unnecessarily hard on the other, or may react in an overly emotional way. Alternatively, it may pretend to do so in order to mobilize rank and file support. The party can then be 'held to ransom' by its own supporters. Sometimes, the hard approach or a display of emotion can be a power resource in itself. Sometimes, errors of judgement are made. A party asks too much, believes too firmly in its own arguments without considering the other party's position, considers itself to have been discourteously treated, and so on. Negotiations might also fail because subjective factors (anger, fear, feeling insulted) prevent an agreement being reached, not because an agreement is absolutely impossible (from the objective viewpoint). To address this particular problem, it is advisable to negotiate in several separate rounds, so that there is always sufficient time to take stock of the situation and regain one's composure. One final remark about power-based negotiations: even if your side has won (or has won the most) it is usually sensible not to 'rub the other party's nose in it' by announcing the victory too loudly or conspicuously. It is more than likely that you will have to negotiate with this party again at some future date. If they are publicly humiliated now, they (or their supporters) will no doubt seek revenge. It is therefore wise, even if the negotiations have been acrimonious, to present the final solution in such a way as to save any embarrassment or loss of face on the part of the opposition. Statements such as, "there are no losers in this issue, we have both won," may help. 3. NEGOTIATION BASED ON EXCHANGE Besides negotiation based on arguments and that based on power, there is a third style of negotiation: negotiation based on exchange. Also known as 'tit for tat' negotiation or (less auspiciously) 'horsetrading', it lies somewhere between the other two styles. The parties do not try to persuade each other with reasoned arguments, neither do they do so by means of threats and displays of power. The basic principle of the exchange method is a very businesslike approach in which the parties accept that they both hold their own views and standpoints and that these are not necessarily compatible. Rather, what the parties attempt to achieve by means of the exchange method is to compile a package of measures which includes something to satisfy each. In this style of negotiation, it is important that the parties respect each other and make serious attempts to discover the actual interests which underpin the various standpoints. It is these underlying interests which are at the heart of the process. They must be taken absolutely seriously by all, the parties seeking creative solutions whereby the interests of both can be served. With the exchange method it is always important to present a package which both parties find sufficiently satisfactory to justify further interaction. CLOSING REMARKS ABOUT NEGOTIATION Which style of negotiation should be selected in any given circumstances? It is important to remember that it is very important to give due consideration to the style of negotiation before the discussions actually begin. The wrong choice may prove very troublesome later on. If the other party operates on the basis of power, it will not be particularly useful to adopt a strategy of persuasion. If you do not

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discover the disparity until the discussions are well under way, you will have already lost considerable ground. The same applies, albeit to a slightly lesser extent, where the exchange approach has been adopted in negotiations with a party operating the power-based strategy. Here, your side will have taken the interests and position of the other seriously at the very beginning of the negotiations, and will therefore appreciate the arguments put forward. It will be difficult or impossible to abandon these later on. Political parties must make every attempt to gauge their opponent's attitude in advance of any discussions and to identify the style of negotiation likely to be adopted. A number of guidelines can be given. The first is to look at the existing relationship between the negotiating parties. Do they completely trust each other, or do they completely mistrust each other? Does one believe that the other is willing and able to make concessions? Does one believe that the other wishes to maintain a good relationship, perhaps even improve it? Is this feeling mutual? Will the party put forward proposals which are not diametrically opposed to one's own views? Will a party be willing to undergo a radical change of direction? If the answer to all these questions is no, this firmly suggests that negotiations should be conducted on the basis of power. Where there is a smattering of negative answers, the parties may care to consider exchange, whereby it will be essential for each party to trust the other completely. Where the answer to all questions is yes, this would suggest negotiation on the basis of arguments and gentle persuasion. A checklist is included in Part 3 of this manual.

EXERCISE The exercise to close this module is a rather obvious one. Have the group devise an imaginary negotiation setting. Ideally, they should choose an issue which is relevant to their own situation and experience. The students should define who the negotiation partner is and give a brief account of the partner's main characteristics. They should formulate an objective. Divide the group into three or more smaller groups. Keep one or more of the stronger students apart to play the part of the opposing party. Alternatively, you may choose to do so yourself. Allow one of the groups to prepare according to a pre-agreed negotiation strategy (persuasion, power or exchange). The opposing party may also prepare for the exercise (possibly with the help of the trainer). Act out a negotiation session and have the other two groups observe. They will then give their comments in the usual way: first say what is good and then state what can be improved. Reserve your own comments until last. If there is time, you can make the exercise somewhat more complex by assigning different styles of negotiation to the two parties. If available, a video camera will prove very useful. Play the tape and invite the group's comments. (Remember that this will take up some time, so keep the role-playing sessions to a reasonable length).

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COMMUNICATION AND PRESENTATION THEORY This module looks at the theory of communication and presentation. We have already stated that communication is one of the most important aspects of any political organization's work. Another important aspect is presentation, which must always be impeccable. In this section we discuss the main theoretical components of communicating and presenting a political message. Ideas are important, but they cannot stand all by themselves. First of all you must make the ideas known to others. Then you must gain support for the ideas, which will entail communicating with others. You have to convince other people of the merits of your ideas. Here, your arguments must, of course, be sound. But equally important will be the way in which you present your ideas and your arguments. The general beliefs concerning the 'best' presentation and communication techniques are constantly developing. This is clearly the result of changes in society itself, both in terms of human behaviour, (people's reaction to the manner in which messages are presented and communicated) and the technological developments which various communication channels (radio, television, telephone, ICT, etc.) have created. These developments have been accompanied, and in some cases prompted, by an enormous increase in the amount of information being directed at people. Everyone who wishes to communicate something to others must therefore think carefully about the content of the message as well as the way in which the message is structured and presented. A number of possibilities are described below. THE 'INJECTION' THEORY It was long believed that a message could only be well received (and remembered) if it was logical and well structured, stated in a pleasant setting and more or less appropriate to the audience being addressed. In this approach, the audience is being 'subjected' to a message from without, rather like having it injected into them with a hypodermic syringe. The audience passively hears the message: they do not necessarily listen as an active 'receiver'. In this concept of communication, the person attempting to put the message across must pay particular attention to three variables: • the central point of the message (the key point) • the target group • the effect These are explained in further detail below. By 'central point of the message' we mean that which the speaker wishes to have remembered by the audience. The speaker should be able to sum this up in a single, pithy sentence (the modern-day 'sound bite'), but should also be able to expand upon it for hours at a time, if necessary. The key point must appear and reappear as a leitmotif in the presentation as a whole, and will also provide the speaker with an anchor point in responses, in argument (e.g. if the message is contested by an opponent) and in other difficult situations. 'Target group' refers to the people whom the speaker is addressing with the message and who are likely to respond positively or allow their opinions to be swayed accordingly. It specifically excludes opponents or those who are so set in their ways they will not even consider the merits of the message. (See also the chapter on Target Groups). The message must be structured to address the wishes and requirements of the target group being addressed. It must also be put across in a 'tone of voice' appropriate to the intended recipient, i.e. language which is neither too formal nor too informal. This calls for a thorough analysis of the target group prior to presentation of the message.

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By 'effect', we understand the consequences of the message in terms of the listeners' attitudes or behaviour. The speaker must plan in advance the effect that he or she wishes to create among the audience, and more specifically the effect he is able to create. (This point was touched upon in the section on Strategy, ‘profile of the decision maker'). In brief, the process will first call for the speaker to ensure that the knowledge of the target group is adequate, whereupon he will attempt to influence opinions, and then try to draw a certain emotional response from the listener. Only when this process is conducted successfully and in full can the listener be called upon to perform a certain action. Provided the message has been structured with these three points in mind, it will have a reasonable chance of success according to the 'injection' theory. This theory regards the receiver of the message (say, the listener to a presentation) as more or less a passive 'object of the speaker's attentions. Indeed, this was indeed the case at one time. However, it is a view that is now somewhat out of date. Much has changed. The listener has been emancipated, a fact which must now be reflected in communications theory. However, this does not mean that the three principles of the 'injection' theory cease to apply. Even in the more modern view of communication, the three requirements (with regard to the crux of the message, the target group and the effect) remain valid. However, the listener is expected to take a more active part in the proceedings, a fact which the speaker must take into account. MODERN COMMUNICATIONS Modern communications tend to assume two-way interaction, rather than the 'one-way traffic' of the injection theory. In modern communications, the person presenting the message (for convenience we shall call continue to call him the 'speaker', although forms of communication other than the spoken may be involved), must be prepared to involve the receiver ('listener') in his message. In fact, to a significant degree the speaker will allow the listener to determine the content of the message. This is a marked divergence from the 'injection' situation described above. Modern communications theory is marked by its recognition of the listener's active role, rather than a merely passive one. The listener selects, colours, interprets, ignores or accepts (parts of) the message. In short, the listener has become autonomous. If the speaker wishes the message to be accepted by the listener, not only the form of the message but also its content must be adapted to suit the listener. In modern communications, it is therefore extremely important to identify the target group and to formulate the message in language which is appropriate to that group. In practice, political parties frequently use 'focus groups': small groups who provide feedback on the message before it is finalized and used in campaigning. Focus group sessions help to identify the points and arguments within the overall message will appeal to the members of the target group. The style of language and the terminology to be used can also be 'fine-tuned' to provide maximum effect. The interests, concerns and opinions of the message recipients are central, not the interests, views or language of the person presenting the message. A few general pointers may be given with regard to formulating a message according to modern communications theory. (Remember that the 'old' principles of the injection method continue to apply). THE MESSAGE: 'KISS' The organization's message must address its target group. What aspects must be taken into account? Firstly, you must consider the audience's concentration span. In this age of huge quantities of information and the opportunity to 'zap' from source to source, that attention span is rapidly dwindling. You should therefore be brief and concise. This approach is encapsulated in the 'KISS' method. KISS stands for 'Keep It Short and Simple'. You should know what you want to say, and then say it in as brief a manner as possible. This may seem obvious, but it is crucial nonetheless. There are many people who start to speak without having properly formulated the message they wish to put across. There is a risk of becoming bogged down in irrelevancies and side issues, the exact opposite of the

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KISS method. The core, or crux, of your message will consist of one or two sentences which form a recurrent theme of the message as a whole. That is the KISS method. The central message is short, although you should be able to expound upon it for hours if necessary. A good central message will be: positive (i.e. for something rather than against something) geared towards finding a concrete and realistic solution, rather than on problems as such forward-looking: it must address the future rather than being bogged down in past rhetoric and dogma geared towards affirmative action. Election slogans present examples of extremely short central messages. In the Netherlands, members of the PvdA ought to be able to talk at length about the actual meaning of the slogan 'strong and social'. This can be applied to practically any situation. The same is true of the slogan 'New Labour, New Britain'. Indeed, 'KISS' is itself an example of a very brief and concise central message. The central message will act as an aide memoire for both the speaker and the audience. It should be repeated several times, perhaps at the beginning, middle and end of the speech. This will give the audience 'handholds' - something to grasp as they attempt to follow your line of reasoning. For the speaker, the central message also represents a 'safe refuge'. Should he lose the thread of his own arguments, he can simply return to and repeat the central message. From here, it is usually relatively simple to pick up the thread of the speech once more. If it proves impossible to sum up your message in a couple of sentences, it will be wise to take a couple of steps back and re-assess your strategy. Check your definition of the objectives and the target groups once again. It is likely that the objectives do not address the target group or that you are trying to reach too many different groups at the same time. AIDA Another useful mnemonic in formulating your central message is AIDA (as in the Verdi opera). AIDA stands for 'Attention, Interest, Desire, Action', the various stages which an individual will pass through before arriving at a decision or action. The intended effect of a political message is usually to prompt some action on the part of the audience, for example to vote for a particular party or candidate. This effect will certainly not be achieved if you demand too great a step to be taken all at once. Your presentation should therefore build up gradually, starting with some means of grasping the audience's attention and making clear the relevance of what is to follow to the target group. The objective here is to increase the audience's willingness (and even the desire) to take action. To walk onto the platform and immediately ask people to hand out campaign leaflets on the streets would be demanding too much. The speaker must first explain why the leaflets have to be handed out, how this will address the audience's own interests ("what's in it for me?") and why their contribution would be so greatly appreciated. Only then can you start handing out packs of leaflets! The process you must undertake starts with knowledge (the audience must be told that an election is about to take place), and moves on to opinion-forming (an idea of who must be voted for), then to involvement (realization of the importance of voting) to the final action (voting itself). If your audience really doesn't know that an election is about to take place, and has no idea that there is a social democratic party for whom they can vote, there will be absolutely no point in asking them to vote for that party. Your message must therefore take into account the stage of the process that your audience has now reached. You must join them at that stage in order to gently guide them into the next. This is why campaigning generally takes quite a long time.

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One final remark on this topic: a message which is not believed by the speaker himself or which contains outright untruths will sooner or later be rejected by its intended audience (usually sooner rather than later). Voters are not stupid. They have a well-developed instinct which enables them to sniff out whether something is true or not. It is extremely rare for people to believe a claim which is not actually believed by the person making it. Some basic rules for success: KISS AIDA address a target group of potential supporters rather than trying to persuade the 'unpersuadable' address the actual needs and interests of your target group; do not place your own interests at the fore asks for only a small step forwards, appropriate to the stage of the persuasion process that your target group has now reached remember that your message will be more credible if it is presented by someone with whom the target group can identify and if the message itself is presented in appropriate language tell the truth and say only things in which you yourself believe.

EXERCISE You can have students practise the theory in this module by asking them to give a short presentation (of approximately three minutes' duration). Divide the group into smaller groups of four or five. Together, they will decide the target group they wish to address and what message they are to present. This preparation will require approximately twenty minutes. The person making the actual presentation will assign roles to the other members of the group, e.g. parents of children at a school, customers of a shopping centre or pensioners at Mayday celebrations. When the presentation begins, you should keep a close eye on the time. Give a warning (with a gesture) when only twenty seconds remain. Ask the student describe how he experienced speaking in front of the group. Your discussion should then consider the main aspects of the theory: was there a central message? Did the speaker KISS? Was the presentation appropriate to the target group in terms of its structure and style? It will not be possible to hear and discuss more than four presentations. If there are to be more, you should consider splitting the group into two and working independently (with two or more trainers). TARGET GROUPS In any attempt at communication directed at more than one person, there will be the complication that those hearing the message may well react very differently to it. One person might accept or even welcome the message, while another may ignore or reject it. This is because everyone is different. They are of different genders, ages and educational backgrounds. They have different interests and priorities. Different groups within the same society speak a different 'version' of the language: compare the words young people use with those their parents apply to the same objects or concepts. If a message directly addresses the listener's interests or is specifically formulated in his 'language' will be more attentively and effectively received than one which is not. Furthermore, as we have already stated, people have a sort of 'filter' in their heads which any information directed at them must pass through before being accepted. Communications theory tells us that information which is already (partly) familiar to the audience will be more readily assimilated than that which is totally new. The necessity of targeting information as accurately as possible applies equally to individual conversations, those with groups of several people, a speech or address made to a large group and to a full-blown election campaign. The larger the group being addressed, the more difficult it becomes to

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target the message accurately. The disadvantage of a message directed at a particularly large group is that it will be somewhat more vague; it will be formulated in the broadest possible terms to appeal to the highest common factor. Take advertisements for washing powder: no matter what the brand, all commercials are remarkably similar almost to the point of being identical. Only one or, at the most, two aspects are ever mentioned: our product washes whiter than all the others and it is cheaper (even if it actually costs more, because you don't need to use so much.) Large political campaigns also have to adopt this broad appeal to reach as large a group as possible. A common mistake is for a party to attempt to address the entire electorate. This will rarely if ever be effective. The party must distinguish individual target groups and must formulate a separate message for each (although all will fall within the overall general message, of course). One reasonably straightforward way of identifying target groups is to draw a circle to represent a large group within society (or society as a whole). This can then be split into segments, with each segment representing a certain target group. The most simple division would be, say, into men and women, or young and old, as shown in the diagram below.

[DIAGRAM]

For each group, you should develop a message (within the overall message) which will appeal specifically to that group. There are a few points to bear in mind: • There will be little point in trying to persuade people to vote for your party if they have already decided to support the opposition. You should direct your efforts to supporters and potential supporters ('floating voters'). Those who are members of another political party altogether or have decided to vote for another party will unlikely be persuaded by your arguments, no matter how eloquent. They know what they want. All energy devoted to these people will be wasted, in that the chance of success is infinitesimally small. However, it is extremely important that 'your' people actually vote (since they will vote for you) and that anyone who might vote for your party is persuaded to do so. In a modern democracy, parties rely on the support of their own followers and on that of as many 'floating' voters as possible. Supporters and potential supporters therefore form the groups which you must address, i.e. your 'target groups'. When defining your target groups, it is extremely important that you actually have something to offer them. There must be points in your programme which can credibly be claimed to represent the interests of the target group. You must also be able to provide arguments why they should vote at all, and why they should vote for your party in particular. This means that you must identify the groups you wish to reach when first formulating your programme. When establishing you target groups you must ask yourself whether you have the means and resources to reach those groups. You must also determine which medium will be most effective in reaching each group. Finally, you must think about the effect you wish your message to have on each target group. In a previous section of this manual we covered four possible effects (information, opinion, emotion and action) as well as the need to ensure that these effects are addressed in the appropriate sequence. These are equally relevant here.



• •

SUCCESS FACTORS In addition to the aspects described above, factors which will increase the likelihood of being able to influence the target group include the following.

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Every message which addresses a current social trend (e.g. is good for the environment or increases the individual's opportunities for self-determination) will be more readily accepted than one which does not, or which actually flies in the face of prevailing trends. You should therefore try to match your message to a dominant trend in social development. However, this should not be construed as a call to establish artificial - and hence false - relationships between your message and the trend in question. If no actual relationship exists, or if your message is contrary to current trends, there will be no point in trying to cover this up. Sooner or later, the public will find you out and you will then be worse off than when you started. However, there is some comfort for those whose message bucks the current trends: almost every movement begins as a counter-movement. And every action has an equal and opposite reaction! Take many Easter European countries for example: almost every Communist government was replaced by a markedly liberal, market-oriented political formation. These then gave way to 'leftist' governments (which nevertheless continued to observe the prevailing market trend). A message which is relevant to current events will be easier to 'sell' than one which relies mainly on the past. This is especially the case in Western Europe, although not (yet) so applicable in Eastern Europe. In any case, it is certainly applicable when reaching out to young people, since for very obvious reasons they look more to today and tomorrow than to the past. This is something you must bear in mind as a trainer, too. Looking back will rarely provide solutions to the problems faced by political parties today, whether in the socio-economic sphere or in relation to, say, (ethnic) minorities. An approach using various media will be more effective than one which relies upon only one medium of communication. The message will rarely if ever work on the basis of its own merits and arguments alone. A message which is repeated, preferably using a variety of different channels, will be more effective than which is presented only once and only via one particular channel. The message does not change in any way, but it gains in strength through repetition. Advertising campaigns frequently make use of a variety of media: television commercials, billboards, posters and magazine advertisements for example. A message which can be seen everywhere one looks is of more value that one which can be received via only one medium. As previously stated, the message should be presented using a medium which is appropriate to the recipient. Different groups of people have different ways of gathering the information they require. Young people tend to make greater use of the Internet, while older people still rely on newspapers. The importance of selecting the most appropriate medium can be illustrated by experience in the Netherlands. The Dutch government experienced great difficulty in reaching young people within the ethic minorities, even with widespread distribution of leaflets written in their own language. Reading this type of information was not common practice. However, they were used to listening to the imam of the local mosque or the informal leaders of their local community. When the government decided to disseminate its message via these channels, that message reached its intended target. When sending out a message, you must therefore take into account the manner in which the target group normally seeks its information.

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EXERCISE A simple exercise with which the above theory can be practised involves dividing the group into smaller groups and asking each to represent their own environment (as immediate as possible: city, province, country) as a circle, divided into segments. The groups must then designate each segment as a target group, stating what message they wish to send to each, how and why. This must be done according to the above theory. The students should formulate a specific message for each of the target

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groups they wish to reach, and should determine which medium (or media) will be most appropriate in attempting to reach that group.

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CAMPAIGNING

"Campaigns which are based on the colour of the poster are doomed to failure." (Bo Krogvik, Swedish campaign specialist during campaign training for the Czech CSSD in 1996.) There is a high demand for training courses in campaigning techniques. This is hardly surprising. After all, one of the main goals of any political party is to achieve good results at election time. Without good results there can be no power, and without power the political objectives cannot be achieved. The 'art of campaigning' is a topic on which much information is exchanged at international level. Parties are include to look at and emulate successful campaigns in other countries. This chapter begins with a quote by Bo Krogvik. On the subject of international cooperation with regard to campaigning, he also stated, "it is one big stealing game, but we are all in it together." The parties with which the Alfred Mozer Foundation works are active at many political levels and thus in various types of election: presidential, parliamentary, regional and local. Each has its own specific features. The aim of the election will make an enormous difference to the manner in which the campaign is conducted; attempting to gain the greatest number of seats in parliament is not the same as trying to return the mayor of a medium-sized town. Furthermore, there may be differing commitment to the outcome of the election. Obviously, the aim is to win the election, but there may be differing definitions of 'winning', depending on the exact circumstances. For example, a party may attempt to: Ø become the largest party Ø limit its losses Ø increase the number of parliamentary seats it holds Ø achieve a parliamentary majority. Furthermore, campaigning may produce significant secondary effects, such as: Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø increasing the overall membership increasing the active membership and firing their enthusiasm attracting more young people: an election campaign is an excellent way to attract talented young people to your party and to engender their loyalty. In general, a party's headquarters during a campaign will be 'packed with blue jeans' establishing a new image attracting new expertise and techniques.

Conducting a campaign entails much hard work, but is also an inspiring and most enjoyable activity. Life within the party during a campaign is very different to that at other times. Below, we compare the party's 'everyday' routine with that during the campaign. EVERYDAY PARTY LIFE Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Internal orientation, focusing on members Slow processes Undisciplined, not rigidly structured Democratic with considerable discussion Potentially rather dull and uneventful.

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THE CAMPAIGN Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø External orientation, focusing on voters Active, with decisions made quickly Disciplined Hierarchical in management style Non-democratic Fun and exciting.

In general, our training courses stress that a campaign should be forward-looking, concerned with issues which appeal directly to the voter and thus give him (or her) a reason to vote. Most of the techniques suggested by the AMF can be used in any type of election. Some are described in this chapter. The trainer will find careful preparation for this course particularly valuable. It is essential to be familiar with the specific circumstances in which the campaign will be conducted. This will assist in achieving the desired results of the course. Not only should the trainer seek out information concerning the political system in the country concerned, he should also read as much general information as possible, such as that on the state of the economy, the demographics of the country, and so on. We begin this section by listing a number of points which are relevant to the campaign itself. 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) What type of campaign is it? At what stage in the campaign is the course being offered? What type of people make up the course group and what is their role in the campaign? At what level are decisions concerning strategy and the formulation of the message made? Have any pre-election opinion polls been conducted? If so, are the results available?

Clearly, it is for the partner in Central or Eastern Europe to decide what assistance is needed, but experience has shown that misunderstandings can be avoided if this is clearly defined in the light of the above points. For example, the stage in the campaign in which the course is to be offered will help determine what is desirable and, more pertinently, what is possible in the time available. If the election itself is not to take place for another six months, the course can usefully consider the overall planning of an election campaign. However, if the elections are only weeks away, it will be necessary to concentrate on the hectic final phase of the election battle: 'Get out the vote'. It is also pertinent to discover who is to follow the course: those who must actually conduct the campaign at local grass roots level for example, or senior party officials (who will be overseeing the process). Point 4 becomes relevant because it will be of little use to work out a message or complete strategy with people who are not actually responsible for doing so and who cannot approve the finished product. The opinion polls of the following point are now an increasingly common feature of the run-up to an election and provide useful information concerning the topics which are seen to be most important within society as a whole. Furthermore, this type of poll can indicate differences in views between those in different parts of the country, as well as information concerning your party's image and that of its leader. In fact, one can research practically any aspect in this way, but it does involve high costs. Where research has been conducted in the country in which the course is to be given, it will be extremely useful to have the results to hand. However, as Bo Krogvik warns us, "there are no scientific certainties before the election. They become visible only after the votes have been counted." We now examine each of the aspects of the campaign training course in greater detail.

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THE INTRODUCTION The campaign training course will always begin with an introduction to the programme itself followed by the personal introductions of yourself and the students. These introductions are actually the first practical exercise in that they are relevant to the rest of the course. Ask the students to introduce themselves by means of a short interview. Divide the group into pairs, A and B. Student A will interview Student B for five minutes and then they will reverse roles. The following questions may be asked: Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Who are you? (Name and age) Where do you come from? What do you do in everyday life? (Profession and hobbies) What do you do within the party? What do you expect to learn from this course?

During these interviews, you can take photographs of everyone using an instant (Polaroid) camera. With the photo and the answers given, students can then make an A4-size poster of their interview partner. Once everyone has had a turn, the students are introduced by their partner in a short speech of about one minute's duration. The advantage of this approach is that it is also an initial exercise in presentation: writing short pithy text and making an attractive poster. STRATEGY A second component of the campaign training course is the strategy. This begins with a SWOT analysis (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats) of the party concerned and the general situation in the country in question. It forms the basis for all further campaign strategy and will play a significant part in determining further action. The analysis can also be practised as an exercise. Three or four small groups (the 'campaign teams') should be formed, depending on the overall size of the group. A representative of each group will present the results of the analysis. Here, it is important to stress that the students must base their answers on the voter's perspective rather than the (theoretical or ideological) desires of the party. After all, the objective of a campaign is to enter the daily lives of the general public. The students must base their answers on the general situation in the country, region or city in question. It is extremely important to gauge the scope of the research accurately. Once an analysis of the party's position has been made, a similar exercise can be conducted for each of its opponents. The practical part of this exercise will take approximately thirty minutes, as will the review and discussion. TARGET GROUPS Bearing in mind the results of the SWOT analysis, it will then become appropriate to look at the theory of Target Groups. The political party as a broad-based movement in which the interests of a clearlydefined social group are represented, would seem to be a thing of the past. We now see a trend in which social discussion is conducted in the media, by one-issue movements (at national, regional or local level), or on an individual basis using the Internet. This places political parties under some pressure. The political world no longer enjoys its traditional primacy, a problem to which the parties are trying to find a solution. One of the developments now emerging is that the parties are becoming extremely effective campaign machines. The level of support for a party is gauged by the number of votes it attracts, not the number of members. Indeed membership figures are declining; it is becoming increasingly difficult to find volunteers willing to do the 'manual work' of politics. This is a problem facing all Western European political parties at present, and one which will certainly face Eastern European parties as well, sooner or later. An additional complication is that the parties' target groups are becoming increasingly diffuse. In 'the good old days', a clearly defined group of supporters could be addressed through the existing targeted

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media (party newspapers, trade unions, etc.) Today, each party addresses target groups with which a certain affinity may be assumed, or from which it expects to gain the greatest number of votes. For example, if a party centres its manifesto around better healthcare, its target group can be said to comprise health service staff and those who make most use of the health services (the elderly, the disabled, parents with children). However, a party should not confine its attentions to the target groups, but should also conduct research into how its own (potential) electorate is made up. Broadly speaking, a party's electorate can be divided into three groups: 1. One third of the electorate comprises potential voters who must be persuaded to vote for your party, since they are currently considering voting for a rival party. This forms the 'battle ground'. 2. One third comprises 'weak' voters who must be persuaded to vote for your party, although they are not actively planning to vote for a rival. They must be persuaded to turn out to the polls at all. 3. The final third comprises 'strong' voters who intend to vote for your party come what may. It may be possible to enlist their help in your campaign activities. Clearly, it will be necessary to deploy the greater part of your energy and financial resources in reaching groups 1 and 2. Their interest and support should be gained with clear language which is relevant to day-to-day life. This may also serve to strengthen the support and admiration of the third group. However, there is a danger that you will neglect group 3. This must not be allowed to happen! If you lose this fundamental support, your entire campaign is doomed to failure. A good idea is to communicate your message by means of the people in group 3. This will entail devoting considerable time to convincing them of the merits of your central message, so that they become your messengers in the campaign. The overall electorate can also be divided into three groups: 1. Those who always vote for you. 2. Those who are considering doing so. 3. Those who have already decided to vote for a rival party. Politicians would like to appeal to the entire population. In an election campaign, that would not be a good idea. Group 3 is a lost cause before you even begin; their minds are made up. Group 1 is on your side and needs little further persuasion to remain there. The final election battle itself will depend entirely on the 'floating' voters, who could swing one way or the other. In order to win this group over, a differentiated strategy geared towards several clearly defined target groups is called for, rather than one directed at the entire populace. A custom-made message must be devised for each of these target groups, as described in the following paragraphs. THE CENTRAL MESSAGE Many of our training courses describe the central message as the 'heart' of the campaign. The central message is a short account, some fifty to one hundred words in length, of exactly what the party stands for. This is the information you wish to present to potential voters. It is a 'beacon' which remains visible and upon which you can fall back at any time. If the electorate can be made fully aware of your message, you will have achieved a very important objective. Your party will now have a clearly recognizable profile. The central message (or a recognizable paraphrase thereof) must be repeated time and time again in everything the party does during the campaign. It is the party's campaign. The repetition of the central message is very important. Politicians tend to believe that people are just as interested in politics as they themselves are. This is certainly not the case. The 'man in the street' will devote only a very small proportion of his time to anything that could be considered political

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thought, and it is therefore essential to make the best possible use of the rare and unpredictable moments in which you enjoy his undivided attention. Your message must be as clear as possible in order to have the greatest impact. The central message will also form a leitmotif to which you may return in a speech or interview. The essential factor here is communication with the voter. This is not always simple to achieve, since there are many other things competing for his attention. Today's 'information society' is burgeoning practically everywhere, including Central and Eastern Europe. There are now scores of television channels (many of which are 'domestic' stations), newspapers, street advertising, radio, Internet. Together, they represent an 'overkill' of information - a vast quantity from which the citizen must select, remote control in hand. For any political party, it is therefore essential to choose the most appropriate medium and the best time to make use of that medium. "The growth in consumption is far smaller than the growth in information" (Ron Rutherglen during a course organized for the ANC.) In principle, the central message will consist of three elements: 1) The problem 2) The solution 3) The direction The following example is the central message of the PvdA in 1998 (here in translation): The PvdA wishes to make the Netherlands stronger, both in economic terms and in the social sense. Everyone must be able to share in the increased prosperity and improved quality of life. More people must be helped out of the social security system into paid employment, there must be a fair tax system, smaller classes in our schools, thirty thousand extra jobs in healthcare and a police service which is closer to the general public. This is what we have stood for in recent years. The Netherlands of the twenty-first century must be Strong and Social. THE KEY FEATURES OF THE CENTRAL MESSAGE The central message must be: Ø Dynamic Ø Motivational Ø Inspiring Ø Challenging Ø Activating Ø Not defensive, but positive and geared towards solutions Ø A reflection of attitudes and developments in society itself Ø Non-theoretical Ø Clear and concise: 'Keep It Short and Simple' (KISS) Ø Credible. The central message can be formulated in several different ways. This is not a problem in itself, provided the gist and meaning remain the same. This is what is meant by 'one message, a thousand voices', where the actual words used to present the message vary according to the target group being addressed, but the crux of the message remains the same. During the campaign training course, you may like to explore this theme further by means of an exercise. Divide the group into four campaign teams. Jointly, they should devise a central message which is written down on a piece of paper. Then ask the students to think of three separate target groups which they wish to address with their campaign. They will then adapt the central message to appeal to each of their target groups ('one message, a thousand voices').

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ISSUES AND SLOGANS The PvdA central message quoted above contains a number of topics, or 'issues' - employment, tax, education, health, law and order - and a similar number of promises, or 'pledges': • • • • • • • • • • Issue: employment Pledge: bring people off welfare and into jobs Issue: social equality Pledge: a fair taxation system Issue: good education Pledge: smaller classes Issue: safe streets and neighbourhoods Pledge: the police 'closer' to the public Issue: healthcare Pledge: 30,000 extra jobs in the healthcare sector.

An up-to-date way of presenting the issues and pledges of the central message is the 'Pledge Card'. This is the same size as a credit card, with a photo of the party leader and the party slogan on one side and the list of pledges on the reverse. It was used by the British Labour party in 1997 and by the PvdA in 1998. The PvdA message quoted above ends with a slogan: 'Strong and Social'. Other slogans include: Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Britain deserves better Sweden can do better A better life for all The PvdA is working New energy for Slovenia Everyone counts

EXERCISE Following your explanation of the theory, ask the students to design their own campaign poster (pledge card, poster, etc.) Again, this will be undertaken in smaller groups or 'campaign teams'. Each poster must include the main points covered in the theory: Slogan Issues & pledges Target group Central message The poster must also meet the 'AIDA' requirements: Attention Interest Desire Action (A) (I) (D) (A)

A good example of the AIDA approach is to be seen in the advertising campaign of a Dutch travel organization: First photo: Question on poster: People queuing for a bus in the pouring rain Is this what you want?

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Second photo: Text: Attention: Interest: Desire: Action:

People on a sunny beach lazing under a palm tree Offer of a sunshine holiday with a telephone number for reservations. The photo of the wet people in the rain Is this what you want? The photo of the happy people having fun on the beach The telephone number to call and book the holiday.

There are various ways in which the message can be presented during an election campaign. The choice will depend on the specific circumstances and on practical considerations (e.g. how much money is available to the party?) However, the final objective is always the same: to reach the voter. This may entail: Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø going from door to door, speaking to people individually standing in the market place or some other public area where there are a lot of people use of the mass media (both free publicity and paid advertising) use of the local media (free and paid) public meetings special neighbourhood activities use of the 'new media' (Internet).

CAMPAIGN ORGANIZATION During a presentation given on behalf of the AMF in February 2001, Alex Klusman (a member of the PvdA's 1998 campaign team) compared a campaign team to a mafia family! The features of both include: • • • • • • Hierarchical, not democratic A clear division of responsibilities between the members Loyalty as an essential requirement Great commitment to the final objective Closed to the outside world Critical of itself.

As previously stated, the main aim of the campaign is to put across the party's central message, further to its own strategy. The campaign team managers are very much involved in every aspect of this. Their tasks include planning, coordinating and organization the activities, writing speeches for the politicians who are campaigning, advising, discussing the course to be followed and managing the campaign budget. The campaign organization is also a good testing ground for new techniques and presents an excellent opportunity to recruit young and talented people into the party. Some of the tasks performed by the campaign team are described in greater detail below. During your course, remember that the resources available to parties in Central and Eastern Europe can vary tremendously. You may be dealing with a very impecunious party barely able to pay for its election leaflets. However, there are also rather more prosperous parties which can mount a campaign comparable to those we see in the West. In fact, the differences between the Western social democratic parties are also marked. The PvdA spent approximately four million guilders on its last campaign, which in Germany or Great Britain would be considered mere pocket money! Even campaigns in some Central and Eastern European countries can cost many times this amount. In short, every party must devise a campaign which is appropriate to its own means and its own style. Resources have to be very carefully selected, just as in the Netherlands.

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TIPS FOR A GOOD CAMPAIGN ORGANIZATION 1. Your campaign team should include a research group. This will initiate and carry out various research activities and will report to and advise the rest of the team as well as the party's senior politicians. It is important to gauge the views of your rank and file supporters by means of surveys and 'focus groups'. For example, such methods can be used to determine which target groups your party can profitably address and how you can best reach them. 2. Not only must the research team find out about the target groups, it is also very important to gather information about your opponents in the election battle. "Know your enemy" is something of an understatement in any campaign; not only must you know who they are, you must know what they stand for, what they are doing now and what they have said and done in the past. An archive should be maintained for this purpose, containing the political programmes, manifestos and statements of the opponents, with newspaper cuttings, audiovisual material such as videos and a listing (or print-outs) of relevant Internet sites. It is also important to gather as much relevant information as possible about the 'issues' (healthcare, education, law and order, etc.) for use in your campaign. In short, you must ensure that you can never be taken by surprise and that you can always respond immediately and adequately to anything your opponent might say. This is known as the Rapid Response. 3. A thorough communications strategy covering dealings with the press is important. It is essential to know exactly who will approach the various media and how they will do so. Press releases, press conferences, personal interviews (with the required Rapid Response) must run to perfection. It is therefore important to make an inventory of all the available and relevant media, with an estimate of the effectiveness of each. Here, 'media' includes paid newspaper advertisements, posters in stations or on the streets and commercials on television. 4. A relatively recent phenomenon are the 'new media', which refers mainly to the Internet. A good website is now essential and although this is unlikely to affect a present-day campaign greatly, it is likely that the Internet will have a very much greater influence in future. This is indicated by developments in the United States, where the Internet has already become an important fund-raising channel. In addition, e-mail and mobile telephones are now essential tools. The technical support available to the campaign team must always be extremely efficient and professionally organized. 5. The importance of budget control and fund-raising should certainly not be underestimated. A full budget should be drawn up beforehand and should be strictly observed throughout the campaign. This will help to avoid nasty surprises (such as winning the election and then discovering the party is bankrupt!) 6. The organization of events (such as rallies) during the campaign must be absolutely perfect. The time of the high-profile politicians available must be equally divided between them ('speaker coordination'). The objective here is to create clarity for both the politicians and your supporters. Everyone would like to see the party leader come to their city to speak, but that is obviously impossible. The campaign team must ensure that each event has an appropriate speaker. 7. For social democratic parties, a high turnout at the polls is very important. (After all, it is votes that count!) It is therefore essential to mobilize the rank and file support. A good means of doing so is with a national network of volunteers . Ensure that you have clear points of contact in the form of local coordinators. These can then mobilize the local volunteers and can provide feedback to the central campaign team. 8. Everyone in the party - from the leader to the volunteers - needs full information about the form of the campaign, who to contact for what, and about its content (central message, themes and target groups). It can therefore be useful to have a campaign handbook, in which all relevant information concerning the campaign can be found. It is also important to identify those areas in which further training is necessary, both for the campaign staff and the politicians in the field.

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9. During the election campaign, an enormous quantity of campaign material will be distributed to the various local centres. This material may include posters, balloons, pamphlets, leaflets, etc. The campaign team must ensure efficient coordination. Requests for material should be logged, the material ordered from the supplier and forwarded to where it is needed. It is important that everything is well presented, professional in appearance, with uniformity of logo, text, lettertype etc. In short, the artwork must be in order. The campaign will use its own 'house style'. Just as in a professional business setting, this house style must be used consistently and this must be clearly communicated to the various regional centres. 10. Last but by no means least, your organization will rely on secretarial support, technical support and catering services. Based on the above ten points, we arrive at the following areas of responsibility: 1) Political leadership 2) Campaign manager 3) Budget controller 4) Communications 5) Inventory and documentation 6) Material and equipment 7) Information through technological channels 8) Events organization 9) Target groups 10) Training 11) Volunteers. We might therefore state that a campaign team comprises eleven people, although in practice it is difficult to lay down hard and fast rules concerning the size of the team. This will largely depend on the manpower available and on various practical and strategic considerations which can vary from election to election. However, we can state that the absolute minimum requirement for the campaign team is: 1) the campaign coordinator 2) a political leader 3) a communications coordinator. EXERCISE To practise the relevant theory during the course, you might like to split the group up into smaller 'campaign teams', asking each to devise a campaign. The question to be answered is: "who and what do we need in order to perform the task in hand and to arrive at the best possible result?" Clearly, the training course should also consider the planning, schedule or timetable of the campaign, from the very earliest stages of organization through to election day itself. It is difficult to state a schedule which will apply in all situations, since a number of factors must be taken into consideration: 1) 2) 3) At what point in the campaign is the training course being held? Does the country have any official rules with regard to the maximum length of a political campaign? Has the party you are training already devised a campaign schedule?

You must know the answers to these questions before taking any further action. You can then adapt your course to the specific situation and may be able to make suggestions for improvement.

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EXERCISE Have your groups (campaign teams) devise a schedule for their campaigns. They should decide who and what is necessary from month to month, what action must be undertaken and when it is to be taken.

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DEALING WITH THE PRESS A good campaign requires particular attention to media coverage. This module covers various aspects of the relevant theory, such as how to write an effective press release and how to organize a press conference. This module will form part of almost all AMF courses. It provides much practical (and practicable) information as well as being interesting and fun to practise. However, when undertaking this module, it is always a good idea to ask your students about the specific media situation in their country. Is there really an independent free press? If not, it will be necessary to devote more attention to alternative forms of communication which do not involve the press, such as word of mouth, party newspapers, leaflets, and pamphlets. Where the press does enjoy a reasonable degree of independence, this theme is an important one. It is also necessary to stress the importance of developing a good network of journalists. This will usually require considerable time and energy. One has to develop a personal relationship with a journalist, keep him or her informed of developments on a regular basis, and every now and then pass on a 'scoop' - exclusive information that will allow him to stay one step ahead of the competition. During the campaign it is essential to identify the events in which the press is likely to be most interested. During the PvdA's national and European campaigns, the visit by British Prime Minister Tony Blair was just such an event. You should announce these 'media moments' in advance by means of a press release and, if it is a very special or significant event, you should also organize a press conference. Always ensure that you know in advance exactly what it is you wish to communicate and how you wish to see the information presented in the media. Your strategy for dealing with the press is a very important aspect of the overall campaign strategy. THE PRESS RELEASE Journalists might receive many press releases every day. You should therefore ensure that yours stands out from the rest. Your message should be clear and the layout should be attractive and inviting. Wherever possible, you should address your press release to a specific journalist by name, with a copy to his or her editor. Having sent out your press release, follow it up with a telephone call to the journalist in question to ask whether he has seen it and, if so, what is going to be done with it. We can state a number of instructions for producing a good press release: Ø Ø Ø Ø 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Keep It Short and Simple (KISS) Use the central message The actual news must be stated immediately in the very first line, preferably in bold print. The press release should answer the following questions: Who? What? Where? When? Why?

(As Rudyard Kipling, a journalist who single-handedly produced an eight-page newspaper every day for many years, put it: I keep six honest serving men / They taught me all I knew / Their names are What and Why and When / And How and Where and Who. This has become the journalist's creed.) Ø Ø Use everyday language, not jargon There should be a consistent layout for all press releases: 1. Date (for release of the information) 2. Logo of the party or of the campaign

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3. 4.

The text should be double spaced and there should be wide margins (providing room for notes) Name, address, telephone number, fax number and e-mail address of the person issuing the press release. (If you do not want this information to be included in the newspaper report itself, you should clearly state 'Not for publication'.)

THE PRESS CONFERENCE The following rules should be observed for all press conferences: Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø Ensure that the location reflects an appropriate image Ensure that phone, fax and e-mail facilities are available Ensure that there is a competent chairman to introduce the people at the table Announce the reason for the press conference Use the central message Use everyday language and avoid making long speeches Allow sufficient time for questions.

THE INTERVIEW At some stage of the campaign one or more of the key figures is likely to be asked for an interview. In the case of a television interview, it is said that appearance counts for 70%, the way in which you put your message across for 20% and the content itself for only 10%. Other forms of interview are the newspaper interview and the radio interview. A golden rule in every case is that you must have prepared thoroughly. Ask the journalist beforehand what the interview is about and how it is to be used. For example, is it to broadcast 'live', or will it be recorded for later transmission? How long will it last? You may like to ask what the journalist's first question will be. During the interview itself, you should use the central message and should be clear in what you say. It is best to answer a question with a definite 'yes' or 'no', followed by any further explanation. However, if you don't actually know the answer to the question, you can ask for it to be repeated. This will give you time to think. Above all, stay calm. Do not allow yourself to be intimidated and do not become aggressive. Here too, 'Keep It Short and Simple' (KISS). The interview process involves more than just the question and answer session with the journalist. You should ask for editorial control of the final version (to avoid unwarranted or misleading editing) and you should call the journalist to ask whether he needs any additional information or assistance. Students generally find practising interview technique very enjoyable. Using a video camera you will be able to simulate a very realistic interview situation. THE SPEECH The final technique that students can practise during the course is that of making a good speech. Here too, preparation is crucial. You should make notes, but do not read directly from paper. Again, use the central message and 'Keep It Short and Simple' (KISS). Language is extremely important: do not use jargon. Choose a level of formality that is appropriate to your audience and illustrate your message with examples from actual practice. Body language is also very important. You should: Ø make eye contact Ø smile (where appropriate!) Ø stand up straight Ø act normally - do not 'perform' Ø use gestures which can emphasize certain emotions Ø take your time; have an occasional drink of water Ø pause at appropriate points Ø vary the tone and volume of your voice

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Ø

talk about solutions rather than about problems.

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EXERCISE Divide the group into pairs, A and B. Student A will help Student B to prepare a short (five minute) speech. Invite a number of people to make their speech to the entire group, which will then provide comments and feedback.

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WOMEN'S AND YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS In this final module we examine some points which are of specific relevance to the political activities of women's groups and youth organizations. FROM TRAINING IN PARTY DEVELOPMENT TO COURSES FOR SPECIFIC TARGET GROUPS The Alfred Mozer Foundation has always based its activities on the wishes and requirements of its partners. This is partly due to the subsidy condition that we are a 'demand-driven' organization and must therefore only undertake projects if a clear written request to do so has been received. We follow demand, but this does not detract from the fact that a clear development can be observed in our projects. In the early years of the Alfred Mozer Foundation, we concentrated on courses in structuring and developing (new) political parties and in organizing election campaigns. Almost all partners requested our help in campaign training, while advise on party structure was mostly requested by the 'authentic' social democratic parties. The reformed communists still had a clear party structure of their own, complete with members, departments and physical accommodation. This was not so in the case of the (re-formed) social democratic parties. Because the Foundation had frequently sought out the authentic social democrats as partners, a tendency towards training courses in party development emerged. Today, the Alfred Mozer Foundation is called upon to give very few such courses. However, there is significant demand for training in organizational development on the part of youth organizations and women's movements within the political parties. Such training courses are often very effective, as can be illustrated by our activities in Slovenia. In 1999 and 2000 we gave a series of courses designed to strengthen both the organization and the image of the young socialists of the ZLSD. Their youth organization, 'Mladi Forum', has now become one of the largest such groups in the country and has trebled its membership. The young people have a positive influence on the rest of the party and played a key part in the ZLSD campaign team for the elections held in late 2000. The group attributes this success to the AMF training courses and the person within the ZLSD who arranged for the AMF to lend its support has since become one of the party's most important organizers. The women's organization of the ZLSD has also become very active since receiving AMF training. Following a period of stagnation after electoral defeat in 1996, the women's forum has now developed a new strategy. Inspired by the AMF training courses, it has launched a campaign whereby medicines will be provided to children free of charge. By becoming active in this way and by involving as many partners as possible, the group intends to bring itself back into the political arena. THE NATURE OF THE DEMAND Young people and women often organize themselves slightly outside the main party. They have their own interests and priorities which may not feature on the agenda of the party as a whole. The greatest source of frustration for these groups is that they have little or no access to the decision-making apparatus (even at an informal level) and are rarely offered representation in the decision-making processes, whether as members of the party administration or as candidates for parliamentary elections. They therefore strive to redress the balance through separate action. This is particularly true of the women's groups. There is therefore a tendency towards purely introspective action, which will eventually become frustrating for the people within the organization and will not serve to raise its appeal to others, whereupon recruitment will stagnate. There will then be even less interaction with the main party, and a vicious circle develops.

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When a youth faction or women's group approaches the Alfred Mozer Foundation for help in structuring its organization, we generally respond to such a request with a training course which focuses on strategy and campaigning directed at the relevant target group, i.e. young people or women, outside their own party. This is based on the theory that it is possible to attract support on the basis of political success, and that you can achieve political success by finding allies outside your own party. In other words, the approach is one of networking rather than recruitment. We tell women's organizations how the Rooie Vrouwen ('red women') integrated themselves into the PvdA, and we tell young people how the PvdA's youth group is organized. In very simple terms, it is not the members who represent the basis of success, but the supporters elsewhere. THE AGENDA Women and young people are often prompted to organize themselves separately because they have a number of interests which they wish to promote. These are mostly specific interests related to their own problems and those of their allied target group within society. However, this 'private agenda' will often fade into the background when the group takes on the party itself. It is important to start by brainstorming about one's own points for political action, and then to select a number of priorities. It is not possible to tackle the problems all at once. The agenda must meet several criteria: Ø There must actually be a solution to the problem What can be done about the problem? Ø The women's or youth group must be capable of bringing this solution closer to hand What can you do about it? Ø It must be the appropriate moment to address this particular priority What can you do now? Can you implement the solution, or at least make a small step towards it? Ø It must be possible to identify a target group which will benefit from the solution For whom are you doing this? Ø It must be possible for the youth or women's organization to actually reach this target group Does the target group wish to have dealings with you? Do you know where you can reach the people concerned? Once the priorities have been identified, it is time to raise the profile of one's own organization and its agenda. STRATEGY The strategy module is described elsewhere in this manual and is eminently suitable for use by youth organizations and women's groups. However, a few specific comments are in place at this stage. Firstly, we may state that the party's own decision-maker (in the formal and informal senses) is not the 'be all and end all' in this context. There are many, many other decision-makers who can be responsible for success. It may be quite a revelation to discover that one is not totally reliant on the party. One can seek one's own successes, outside the party altogether if necessary. Nevertheless, the groups with little access to political decision-making apparatus will often need a strategy based on pressure. Often such groups will lack sufficient power resources, or 'clout', to enter into full, head-on confrontation. Moreover, party loyalty may be simply too high to permit this. To turn one's back on one's own party is often too much to ask. And this is very understandable. After all, the group has firm links with the party and wishes to utilize these links in bringing about improvements. The only solution

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whereby the group's own agenda may be realized will then be in the form of a 'workabout' or detour. This is described below. SEEKING OUTSIDE SUPPORT Any women's group or youth organization which is committed to achieving the objectives of its own agenda can rely on a certain amount of support from those outside the party. The supporters need not even be social democratic partners. For example, the PvdA stood alongside representatives of the churches in demonstrating against nuclear weapons. In many countries, we see alliances of democratic parties against an undemocratic leader. Examples include Serbia and Slovakia. Such alliances comprise disparate partners, ranging from the liberal right to the radical left. However, they agree on one or more specific issues and therefore address such issues together. Based on the issues concerned, a list of potential supporters can be made. These must then be approached to determine whether they will indeed lend their support on one or more issues. This process should be based on the principles set out in the module on communication. The party making the advances must build up a relationship with the potential supporters and in doing so will undertake the familiar steps of 'information, opinion-forming and creating involvement'. Only then can action be requested. It may also be necessary to adjust one's own objective. The potential supporters will inevitably have objectives and aims of their own. The final form of the joint objectives will rely on a process of negotiation; they must be objectives supported by all concerned. STAND UP FOR WHAT YOU BELIEVE IN In Eastern Europe (even more than in the West), politics is often a question of personal loyalties. In the Czech Republic we have seen the women's organization complaining about the party's closed nature and its apparent contempt for women's interests. The party chairman (one Zeman) actually described women as having 'more hair than sense'! As the result of an AMF training course the women were able to design their own agenda and formulated an action plan whereby support for their views could be found. They even went so far as to organize their own women's congress prior to the party conference, to which they invited various NGOs to discuss their agenda. This was a revolutionary step. However, this same women's congress decided to support Zeman's candidacy for re-election as party leader, which demonstrates how party personal loyalties can weigh more heavily than direct interests. It is not easy to change a political culture which relies so heavily on people and personalities. Nevertheless, it remains important to remember that women's organizations and youth groups are not fan clubs: they stand for issues. In a democracy, those issues must be discussed in an impersonal manner to arrive at conclusions which are equally impersonal. In general, one should be tough on the issue, rather less so on the person. WHO NEEDS WHOM? Many youth groups and women's organizations feel that they need the party - that they have to belong in order to achieve anything. Nothing is further from the truth. It is the party which needs them! A modern party which wishes to appeal to a large proportion of the electorate needs young people. A party which cannot appeal to the young has no future. Furthermore, social democratic parties must be able to rely on the women's vote. Women are particularly interested in the combination of sound economy with appropriate social security. An attractive candidate will not be enough. The party must be able to put its pledges into action.

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If the organization is successful in its political aims, whereby it expands its network of external supporters, it will 'automatically' become a more attractive and more important discussion partner for the party itself. It will therefore be able to enter into talks with a view to achieving further successes. Here too, 'tough on the issues, less so on the person' is the appropriate approach. Constructive discussion is better than merely saying 'we told you so'!

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PART 3

APPENDICES

APPENDIX 1: Strategy checklist

1. • • • • 2. • • • 3. • • • 4. • • • • 5. • • • 6. • • 7.

Determine the objective concrete measurable attainable inspiring and motivational Who is the decision-maker? formal informal directly accessible or via a 'detour'? What strategy? persuasion power 'win-win' Profile of the decision-maker - what does the decision-maker know? (KNOWLEDGE) - what does the decision-maker believe? (OPINION) - what does the decision-maker feel? (EMOTION) - what can the decision-maker do? (ACTION) With what resources will I reach the decision-maker? resources in line with the objective resources must be in proportion in line with dominant trends (where possible) What am I asking of the decision-maker and where does the emphasis lie? size of the step the decision-maker's own interests Everything in interrelationship with everything else

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APPENDIX 2: Negotiation checklist

1. • • • 2. • • • •

Three types of negotiation negotiation based on arguments (persuasion) negotiation based on power (pressure) exchange and mutual benefit (win-win strategy) How to select is there a good relationship with the decision-maker? are both sides open to arguments? do both sides wish to maintain a good relationship (or even improve it)? are the interests of each side compatible?

If the answer to each question is yes, the appropriate negotiation style is persuasion. If the answer to each question is no, the appropriate negotiation style is power/pressure. Where there are both 'yes' and 'no' answers, the appropriate style is exchange/mutual benefit 3. • • • • • 4. • • • • • Persuasion (arguments) list your arguments clearly be open to arguments from the other side be honest about the strong points and the weaker points of your arguments avoid tricks; do not attempt to exert pressure above all, try to make clear the benefits of the proposed solution to the other party. Power strategy determine the target point and the resistance point determine and prepare your power resources (the 'back up' to your threats) be selective in your information; do not reveal the weak points ensure that there is plenty of time for manoeuvring (various rounds) allow the party to step down gracefully

Tips for a power strategy: • keep the power resources ('threats') in proportion • do not allow yourself to be influenced by arguments • be tough on the issues, less so on the person. 5. • • • • • Exchange/mutual benefit (win-win strategy) be businesslike accept the legitimacy of the other side's standpoint seek the interests behind the standpoints; recognize and accept those interests be creative and seek solutions which will serve the interests of both sides aim to achieve agreement between the parties

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APPENDIX 3: Frequently asked questions

1. WHO WAS ALFRED MOZER? Alfred Mozer was born in Munich in 1905. His mother was German and his father Hungarian. In 1918, he and his father took German nationality following the collapse of Austria-Hungary. Mozer became active in a social democratic party at an early age, joining the Sozialistische Arbeiter Jugend, or SAJ. He went on to become a journalist with the social democratic Kassler Volksblatt and was later appointed editor of Der Volksbote, a regional SPD newspaper with its offices in Emden. He was one of the most outspoken critics of Hitler's NSDAP. By 1933, it was clearly no longer wise for him to remain in Germany. His newspaper was banned and he was the target of personal attacks by nazi sympathizers. He spent a short time in prison before fleeing to the Netherlands. Alfred Mozer lived briefly in Groningen where he met his future wife, Ali Ebbinge. He remained an active opponent of the nazis via a circle of German émigrés. He was brought to Amsterdam by Koos Vorrink (then chairman of the AJC, the youth organization within the PvdA of the day) and later joined Vorrink's staff. During the nazi occupation, Mozer went into hiding following an unsuccessful attempt to reach free France. He was active for the underground press throughout this period. Following the war, the Dutch government made use of Mozer's contacts in Germany to restore relationships between the two countries. Notably, Mozer operated across party political boundaries in doing so. He maintained close contact with Konrad Adenauer, chairman of the CDU in the British sector and later German chancellor. In 1948 , Mozer was appointed international secretary of the PvdA, a role in which he strongly opposed all vestiges of nationalism and showed himself to be a staunch supporter of federal European integration. At this time, the prime aim of the German SDP was the reunification of Germany itself, rejecting any pan-European alliances. This brought Mozer into conflict with the German party, which he frequently accused of nationalism. Eventually, the conflict was such that Mozer was no longer welcome as a speaker at SPD meetings. When the EEG came into being in 1958, the Dutch agricultural commissioner Mansholt asked Mozer to join his staff as private secretary. He filled this role in somewhat unconventional fashion, paying little heed to bureaucratic convention. This approach proved to be extremely popular in Brussels. Alfred Mozer retired in 1970, but did not cease to work for his ideals. He remained committed to European integration and went on to chair the Mozer Commission, which was to coordinate the first 'Euregio' experiment (between Germany and the Netherlands). He also took an active part in the debate concerning the policy of detente espoused by Willy Brandt (the first post-war SPD German Chancellor). Mozer was an outspoken critic of this policy. He considered it naive to believe that democracy and communism could exist side by side on the basis of mutual trust. He did not oppose efforts to improve East-West relationships, but considered the tempo of Brandt's Ost-politik to be too ambitious. He warned against pinning too much hope on this approach. This brought him into conflict with the PvdA, which in 1969 (supported by the 'new left' ) called for recognition of the DDR and which enthusiastically supported Brandt's policies. In 1972, Alfred Mozer expressed his dissatisfaction with the PvdA's new direction by resigning from the party altogether. This move was also prompted by the strategy of polarization adopted by the PvdA with regard to the Christian Democrat parties. At the 1972 Socialist International Conference in Vienna, the entire PvdA delegation abstained from voting on a motion condemning terrorism. Mozer believed that any social democratic party must distance itself unequivocally from any form of politically motivated violence, while the PvdA standpoint allowed some room for violence as a justifiable political means for, say, liberation movements. However, even after his break with PvdA, Alfred Mozer did not abandon the social democratic cause; he became a member of the Norwegian social democratic party. He died in 1979.

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Alfred Mozer was a social democrat to his very bones. Above all, he was a democrat who could and did look beyond party politics and national boundaries. He was a committed supporter of European integration, while an equally fervent opponent of any form of dictatorship or political compulsion. He was unconventional and refused to be swayed by what we now term 'political correctness'. He did not shy away from personal risk when it came to standing up for his ideals. When in 1990 the PvdA set up its Eastern European foundation, it decided to name it the 'Alfred Mozer Foundation' as a posthumous tribute to a great man. (Source: biographical essay on Alfred Mozer by Friso Wielenga taken from the Yearbook for Democratic Socialism 1991, here in translation). 2. WHAT SORT OF WORK DOES THE AMF PERFORM? TRAINING AND EDUCATION The Alfred Mozer Foundation's main activity is providing training and education to Eastern European social democratic parties and groups. Until recently, the people of Eastern Europe had little or no opportunity to organize political activities, and hence very little experience in doing so. There is an enormous demand for knowledge concerning such aspects as formulating programmes and manifestos, selecting candidates, controlling representatives, recruiting members and organizing campaigns. There is also significant demand for programmes to involve minorities, such as young people and women, in politics and political life. The Alfred Mozer Foundation wishes to meet such demand wherever possible and therefore provides training courses in these areas at the request of the Eastern European parties themselves, conducted either in the country concerned or in the Netherlands. In recent years, the AMF's focus has shifted slightly towards the countries of Eastern and South-eastern Europe. Rather than concentrating solely on those countries which are due to join the European Union in the relatively near future, it now devotes specific attention to those which require assistance most. This has given rise to projects in such lands as the Russian Federation, Ukraine and the countries of the former Yugoslavia. REPORTS Another of the Alfred Mozer Foundation's regular activities is the publication of reports. Such reports contribute towards the discussion and forming of opinions with regard to future relations between the countries of Europe. In many cases, the publication of an AMF report will coincide with an (international) conference to discuss the report, held in the Netherlands or elsewhere. The most recent AMF Publican is a book entitled Troubled Transition; Social Democracy in East Central Europe, which resulted from cooperation with the Wiardi Beckman Foundation and the German Friedrich Ebert Foundation. DEPARTMENTAL CONTACT The Alfred Mozer Foundation also wishes to promote contact between the various branches and departments of the Dutch PvdA and their counterparts in Central and Eastern Europe. Of course, each branch is free to determine the nature of such contact. It will take the form of cultural exchange, reciprocal visits of trade delegations or perhaps the 'twinning' of towns and cities. NEWSLETTER The final main activity of the Alfred Mozer Foundation is the publication and distribution of a newsletter. This appears three times each year and provides full information about the foundation's activities. The newsletter also examines current developments in Eastern Europe. It is available on line at: www.alfredmozerstichting.nl. 3. WHERE DOES THE MONEY COME FROM?

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The work of the Alfred Mozer Foundation is subsidized by the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs as part of the MATRA programme. (MATRA is a contraction of MAatschappelijke TRAnsformatie: social transformation). This subsidy is intended to promote the process of democratization in Central and Eastern Europe through direct practical support given to political parties. Dutch political parties of all persuasions are allocated funds through this programme in order to assist their counterparts elsewhere. The subsidy must be used for activities such as training and education. It may not be passed on as a direct financial contribution, even in the form of goods or manpower. The amount of the subsidy depends on the number of parliamentary seats held by the recipient Dutch party. Each party receives a set basic amount, plus approximately NLG 15,000 per seat. The AMF's budget therefore fluctuates according to the PvdA's election results. 4. HOW CAN ONE REQUEST A TRAINING COURSE? The AMF is a 'demand-driven' organization. That means that we will attempt to meet any request from a sister party in Central or Eastern Europe. Such a request must be submitted in writing and should be accompanied by a breakdown of the likely costs involved, where possible. There is no standard application form as such - a clearly written letter will be enough. Requests from nongovernmental organizations will be considered but are honoured only in exceptional circumstances. 5. ARE YOU COMING TO MY CITY SOON? The AMF will go anywhere provided the relevant sister party has requested us to do so. (We do not turn up on the doorstep unannounced!) Regional or local party organizations which would like to receive AMF training are advised to contact the relevant person(s) within their party.

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