Family Ties

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Bulletin of Latin American Research, Vol. 29, No. 2, pp. 155–169, 2010

Family Ties: The Political Genealogy of Shining Path’s Comrade Norah
JAYMIE PATRICIA HEILMAN
Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia

Family was central to the political life of Augusta La Torre (or Comrade Norah), the second-in-command of the Peruvian Communist PartyShining Path (PCP-SL). La Torre was the daughter of a Communist Party militant and the granddaughter of a prominent provincial political ´ figure. She was also the wife of Shining Path founder Abimael Guzman. La Torre’s familial history demonstrates the importance of parental and grandparental contributions to Senderistas’ political formation, and suggests that parents and children were sometimes united in their support for the Shining Path. La Torre’s family ties, however, have also led numerous observers to question her revolutionary credentials. Keywords: Augusta La Torre, Comrade Norah, family, marriage, Shining Path.

Shrouded by her party’s flag, Augusta La Torre lay dead while her comrades drank, sang and danced in mourning. The only relative attending La Torre’s wake was her husband; her parents, siblings, aunts and uncles were all absent (Caretas, 1992: 26). That absence was in many ways deceptive, for family was central to La Torre’s political life. Known by the nom de guerre of Comrade Norah within the ranks of the Peruvian Communist Party-Shining Path (PCP-SL), Augusta La Torre served as second-in-command of that organisation from 1980 until her 1988 death. As a leading PCP-SL militant, La Torre helped wage a war notorious for its extreme uses of violence. From the May 1980 start of the Shining Path’s ‘People’s War’ until the 1992 capture of party founder Abimael ´ Maoist PCP-SL rebels (or Senderistas), state forces and civilians fought bloody Guzman, battles that left some 69,000 Peruvians dead. Scholars have looked in many different directions to explain why so many young men and women joined the Shining Path and its armed struggle (Degregori, 1989; Palmer, 1992; Kirk, 1997; Gorriti, 1999). This article furthers the debate, using the case of Augusta La Torre to highlight the significance of familial influence upon Senderistas’ political trajectories. Several authors have noted the importance of family to the Shining Path. Journalist Gustavo Gorriti has demonstrated the prominence of intermarriage between early Shining Path members, many of whom were actually siblings. Such kin ties indeed led these founding militants to label themselves the ‘sacred family’ (Gorriti, 1990: 20). Historian Ponciano del Pino has likewise considered issues of family. Del Pino (1998)
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makes the compelling argument that familial needs undermined the PCP-SL, serving as a major impetus for resistance to the party. Recently, historian Lewis Taylor noted that Senderistas prioritised recruitment along familial lines. In Taylor’s words, ‘brothers or sisters would enrol their siblings and cousins, children their fathers and mothers and vice versa’ (Taylor, 2006: 180). This article takes the consideration of family in a new direction, demonstrating the importance of parental and grandparental contributions to Senderistas’ political formation and life. Augusta La Torre was the daughter of a Communist Party militant, the granddaughter of a leading provincial political figure, and the great niece of an early Peruvian Communist Party member. She was also the wife of the Shining Path’s founder, Abimael ´ Following the political trajectories of each successive generation in the La Guzman. Torre family–a process I label political genealogy–we can root Shining Path militants, and not just their party, in their deep historical context. While scholars such as Colin Harding (1988), Orin Starn (1995), and journalist Gustavo Gorriti (1999) have worked to understand the PCP-SL’s leaders through their political writings, offering insightful interpretations of Senderista ideology, attempts to analyse leading Senderistas on a personal level have been less successful. Author Santiago Roncagliolio (2007), ´ for example, stumbled in his recent effort to write a biography of Abimael Guzman. ´ Roncagliolio discovered that Guzman’s reluctance to discuss his personal history, ´ combined with the unwillingness of Guzman’s relatives and comrades to speak at length ´ of Guzman’s life, rendered a biography nearly impossible. While I, too, encountered hesitations and silences from interviewees disinclined to discuss Augusta La Torre, the Ayacucho archives were rich with information about her family. Assertions about the importance of family in the genesis and continuing support of a revolutionary are almost certain to be controversial. Without question, tracing political genealogies across family lines is a problematic task. Many are the right-wing children of decidedly leftist parents, many are the spouses who hold opposing political views and many are the siblings who make dramatically different political choices. Just as crucially, a given person’s political choices are heavily influenced by peers, teachers and the times in which he or she lives. Yet we still must take seriously the political influence of family. Few would argue that a person’s morals, values, and religious beliefs are shaped by his or her family. Why not political convictions, too? To speak of familial influence on political trajectories is not to engage in determinism; it is instead to recognise the importance of family as one factor among many in a given militant’s political evolution. Claims of familial political influence will also not sit well with those who believe that a revolutionary comes to his or her cause solely because of her passion for social justice and the inherent rightness of the people’s struggle. Shining Path founder Abimael ´ himself voiced such sentiments. When asked by an interviewer from the proGuzman Shining Path newspaper El Diario if any of his relatives or friends guided him toward ´ demurred. He replied, ‘I would say that what has most influenced me politics, Guzman ´ 1988). The continuing to take up politics has been the struggle of the people’ (Guzman, importance of family in a militant’s life also runs against many dearly held beliefs about a revolutionary’s necessary independence from the constraints of friendship and familial ´ asserted as much when he claimed that he had no love (Pomper, 1979: 90). Guzman ´ 1988). Yet however controversial a consideration of friends, only comrades (Guzman, political genealogy may be, the centrality of family in Augusta La Torre’s political formation, life and legacy makes such an investigation worthwhile. A focus on parental and grandparental influence upon Shining Path militants also raises a counterpoint to arguments about the importance of generational conflict to

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´ Degregori (1998) and the emergence of the Shining Path. Scholars such as Carlos Ivan Miguel La Serna (2008) have demonstrated how tensions between rural youth and older community members factored into the rise of the PCP-SL in the countryside. These arguments about generational conflict are insightful, but there is another story to be told about relations between parents and children with regard to the Shining Path: one of generational concurrence. The case of Augusta La Torre demonstrates that, on occasion, parents and children could be united in their support for the PCP-SL and its violent struggle. While Augusta La Torre was herself exceptional, her situation was not unique. In the Huanta, Ayacucho district of Luricocha, for example, peasants testified that the entire Yauri* family ‘walked with Sendero Luminoso’ while another witness asserted that Eduardo Guti´ errez,* his wife, and their two daughters were all involved with the PCP-SL (Interview 200649, 2002; Interview 200615, 2002).1 The relevance of familial political influence also stretches back in time and across to other Peruvian political organisations. In my closing reflections, I use the lines of family to draw connections between the PCP-SL and the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA). Lastly, this article argues for a cautionary approach to matters of the family, showing that too heavy a focus on familial relations can overshadow the political ideas, efforts ´ has led numerous and legacy of a given militant. La Torre’s marriage to Abimael Guzman observers to call her revolutionary credentials into question. Because the denials of La Torre’s political capacity and relevance have been so frequent and so vehement, this article begins with an extended discussion of Augusta La Torre’s political work.

From Augusta La Torre to Comrade Norah
Augusta La Torre’s political career began in 1962, when she joined the Peruvian Communist Party (Iparraguirre, 2003: 8). Upon the PCP’s 1964 fracture into pro-China and pro-Soviet lines, La Torre chose the Maoist PCP-Bandera Roja (Romero,* 2005). Bandera Roja soon called upon La Torre to further her political education; she and ´ travelled to China in March 1965 and spent five months training in Abimael Guzman an officers’ school. While in China, La Torre undertook both intellectual and practical training, receiving lessons in Marxist and Maoist philosophy as well as instruction in ´ 2002: 15; Iparraguirre, 2003: 8). military tactics and strategies (Guzman, Augusta La Torre played a significant role in the factional divides and permanent ruptures that riddled Peru’s Left after the Sino-Soviet split. While La Torre joined the ´ also immediately Maoist PCP-Bandera Roja upon the 1964 split, she and Guzman founded the splinter ‘Red Fraction’ that challenged, but did not fully break from, the lawyer Saturnino Paredes’s leadership of Bandera Roja. At the regional level, La Torre regularly attended the meetings and demonstrations of other leftist parties, taking careful note of those rival parties’ ideas, opinions and plans, and then reporting her findings to her own Maoist comrades (Silva, 2005). La Torre also contributed to the definitive split between Bandera Roja and the Red Fraction, a break that culminated in the 1970 formation of the PCP-SL. Elena Iparraguirre–the PCP-SL militant who ranked third inside the party’s Central Committee during the 1980s and who married ´ after La Torre’s death–recalled that Augusta La Torre ‘worked in the ferocious Guzman

1 Names followed by an asterisk are pseudonyms.
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struggle that those of Bandera Roja, those of Paredes, made against her’ (Iparraguirre, 2003: 13). Augusta La Torre’s work was significant enough to catch the attention of government officials. A 1969 government report noted La Torre’s political activities, and regional authorities did not let her radicalism go unpunished. La Torre’s highly visible participation in the education protests that rocked Ayacucho and Huanta in June 1969 led to her arrest and brief imprisonment that same month (Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005e).2 Jail did not temper La Torre’s politics. She forcefully promoted the PCP-SL at a 1973 miners’ congress in La Oroya and she staunchly defended Marxism in a 1975 debate with Peruvian intellectual Carlos Franco (Hume, 1998: 45; Iparraguirre, 2003: 10). In 1976, La Torre became Secretary of the PCP-SL’s Northern Regional Committee; that same year, La Torre was named to the PCP-SL’s Political Bureau (Iparraguirre, 2003: 11, 14). Much of Augusta La Torre’s political work in the 1960s and 1970s involved efforts ´ established the Women’s Popular Centre upon to mobilise women. She and Guzman their return from China in 1965, and La Torre soon assumed the leadership of this organisation (Iparraguirre, 2003: 8; Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005a). The Women’s Popular Centre was less an institution than a movement, with members sponsoring talks and raising political awareness through the production and distribution of written propaganda (Movimiento Femenino Popular, 1975: 64; Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005c). Augusta La Torre, Elena Iparraguirre and a third PCP-SL ´ militant also authored the 67-page book El marxismo, Mariategui, y el movimiento femenino (Movimiento Femenino Popular, 1975; Iparraguirre, 2003: 8). La Torre’s efforts to channel women into the PCP-SL continued via the Women’s Popular Movement. Founded in late 1974 as one of the PCP-SL’s so-called ‘generated organisms’, the Women’s Popular Movement formed from the fusion of the Women’s Popular Centre and the Women’s University Front at the Universidad Nacional San ´ Cristobal de Huamanga (UNSCH). Augusta La Torre was that movement’s unequivocal founder and leader (Iparraguirre, 2003: 8–10; Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005c). While the Women’s Popular Movement first emerged in Ayacucho, Augusta La Torre and other members of the movement worked to nationalise the organisation. Government sources noted the presence of the Women’s Popular Movement in Arequipa and in Lima shantytowns, while Iparraguirre recalled that ‘we travelled to all parts of ´ similarly remembered that the our country’ (Iparraguirre, 2003: 10). Abimael Guzman Women’s Popular Movement ‘did work throughout the country, we went to all the little towns, we held meetings and women shared their problems there, the same with ´ 2002: 71). university students’ (Guzman, Through her work with the Women’s Popular Movement, Augusta La Torre regularly denounced Peru’s military government. In a 1975 speech in Arequipa, La Torre railed against the military government, telling the assembled crowd that the regime was ‘utilising women for capitalist, pro-imperialist and feudal interests’ (Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005a: 12). Similarly, during the First Convention of Women Workers in Lima, La Torre described the military government as bloodthirsty and inhumane, and she stated that the goal of that Women Workers’ Convention was

2 A guide to this microfilm collection is available on the internet; see Guide to the Microfilm Edition of Documenting thePeruvian Insurrection (n.d.).

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to ‘unite the people against the regime’ (Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005a: 12). Having proven herself a dedicated and militant activist, La Torre won a key position inside the PCP-SL: in 1980, PCP-SL militants voted her into the Shining Path’s Permanent Central Committee, allotting her the second highest position of leadership in the party (Iparraguirre, 2003: 11, 14). That same year, La Torre assumed leadership of the PCP-SL’s Andahuaylas-Cangallo Zonal Committee. This committee was at that time the most important of all the PCP-SL’s regional committees, as it was the zone where the PCP-SL initiated its war and where it won significant popular support (Iparraguirre, 2003: 15; Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005b). La Torre also led the PCPSL’s first major guerrilla action. While the People’s War had its official start with the 17 May 1980 burning of ballot boxes in Chuschi, the first bloodletting did not occur until the 24 December 1980 attack on the Hacienda San Agust´ ın de Ayzarca in Pujas. It was Augusta La Torre who led this attack. As Elena Iparraguirre explained it, ‘this is extremely important, because under her direction, the first guerrilla action came to be carried out’ (Iparraguirre, 2003: 14). Augusta La Torre retreated from the countryside in 1982 to focus on strategising, ´ and Elena Iparraguirre, the two planning the PCP-SL’s actions with Abimael Guzman other members of the three-person Central Committee. La Torre’s work in the PCP-SL’s Central Committee continued up until her November 1988 death from still-unknown causes (Roncagliolio, 2007: 131–132). Discussion of the final years of La Torre’s life cannot go beyond the stuff of rumour. From her 1979 entrance into ‘profound ´ until her 1988 death, La Torre lived in hiding and clandestinity’ alongside Guzman the details of her political actions and everyday life are known only to those PCP-SL militants who lived alongside her.

Family Lines: The Political Genealogy of the La Torres
Augusta La Torre was certainly not the first of her family to draw the ire of Peruvian authorities. That dubious honour instead belonged to her paternal grandfather, Carlos La Torre Cortez. Born in 1887, La Torre Cortez jumped to local political prominence in January 1923, when he was arrested following a heated argument with Huanta’s subprefect. Testifying about his stint in jail, La Torre Cortez charged that the subprefect and his prison guards had grossly abused their power, holding him incommunicado, denying him food, stripping him of his clothing and forcing him to bathe. Compounding the mistreatment and humiliation, guards raised human excrement to La Torre Cortez’s mouth, pressing him to ingest the waste (Ayacucho Regional Archive (ARA), 1923b: 10). Upon winning his freedom, La Torre Cortez headed up a crowd of dozens of men who angrily confronted the subprefect, pushing authorities to charge La Torre Cortez with ‘contempt and other crimes’ (ARA, 1923b: 27). That incident was only the start of Carlos La Torre Cortez’s political notoriety. Together with over 40 other hacendados and middle-class professionals from across Huanta, La Torre Cortez formed the the Rights of Man Defence League in 1923. This group lobbied intensively against the policies of President Augusto B. Legu´ ıa, voicing particular opposition towards the government’s proposed taxes on coca and alcohol, ´ Vial, a programme of forced highway construction and denouncing the Conscripcion labour. La Torre Cortez was at the forefront of these efforts (ARA, 1923a). In January 1924, Huanta’s subprefect complained that ‘Mr. La Torre is one of the venal men who
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´ Vial] Law, wish to see the Indians rise up and demand the repeal of this [Conscripcion the Coca Tax, and the State Alcohol Monopoly’ (ARA, 1924). La Torre Cortez and his allies also made heated calls for the Legu´ ıa government’s downfall, promoting the candidacy of Legu´ ıa’s rival in the 1924 presidential elections and even inciting Huanta’s population to violence against the Legu´ ıa government (ARA, 1924). Carlos La Torre Cortez and his supporters were protesting policies that ran counter to their economic interests; the taxes, like highway conscription, threatened their profits as well as the availability of peasant labour to generate those profits. But La Torre Cortez’s interests were not limited to economics. He was also drawn to politics for the sake of politics, seeking election to Peru’s Chamber of Deputies in the 1924 congressional elections. Between October 1923 and January 1924, members of the Rights of Man Defence League made repeated visits to the district of Luricocha, publicising La Torre’s candidacy. The district’s mayor recounted that, ‘they went all over the town, pressing people to join their protest against the coca tax and promoting La Torre’s candidacy by casting him as the people’s anti-tax Savior’ (ARA, 1924). La Torre Cortez’s political activities continued in subsequent years. He briefly supported APRA in the early 1930s, and by the 1940s, La Torre Cortez was firmly established inside the ranks of Huanta’s officialdom. He served as president of the Provincial Electoral Jury in 1939, and he was named Huanta’s mayor in 1941 (ARA, 1939: 1; ARA, 1941–1942, 6 January 1941, 12 January 1942). In 1945, La Torre Cortez added his name to the long list of Huanta candidates seeking election to Peru’s Chamber of Deputies. As in 1924, he lost his electoral bid (Sierra, 1945: 4). Politics evidently ran in the La Torre family. La Torre Cortez’s son, Carlos La ´ Torre Cardenas, proved just as politically engaged as his father. Like his father, Carlos ´ La Torre Cardenas took an active role in regional politics, participating in Huanta’s Public Aid Society during the 1940s and serving on Huanta’s provincial council in the early 1950s (ARA, 1942, 17 January; Sierra, 1951: 8). But unlike his father, Carlos La ´ Torre Cardenas joined the Ayacucho branch of the Peruvian Communist Party (PCP). ´ As a PCP member, La Torre Cardenas enjoyed a moment of particular paternal pride in 1960, when his son Alejandro won a scholarship to the Patrice Lumumba People’s Friendship University in Moscow, a school that trained third-world students in technical fields and Marxist philosophy (Silva, 2005). ´ Crucially, my interview questions about why Carlos La Torre Cardenas joined the PCP routinely received the same answer: his family. Edgar Romero, a pro-Soviet Huanta ´ Communist in his late 1960s, cited La Torre Cardenas’s mother and maternal uncle as ´ the main factor behind La Torre Cardenas’s attraction to the PCP, explaining that these relatives were all Communist Party members (Romero, 2005). Franco Silva similarly ´ referenced family when explaining Carlos La Torre Cardenas’s political development. ´ According to Silva, La Torre Cardenas joined the Communist Party primarily because of the example set by his maternal uncle, a Huanta landlord who belonged to the PCP and had extensive experience in Argentina’s Communist Party (Silva, 2005). Now, the phrase ‘Communist hacendado’ does not roll easily off the tongue; it sounds awkward at best, oxymoronic at worst. According to the logic of the Peruvian Left–and of Marxists worldwide–landlords perpetrated and profited from the very socio-economic injustices against which the Communist Party railed. Certainly, Carlos ´ La Torre Cardenas made no significant efforts to bring social justice or equality to his hacienda, the Iribamba estate. Silvio Medina* worked on that hacienda as a child, and he remembered the family’s insistence on aristocratic formality. Medina recalled that, ‘I attended to visitors when they came to eat lunch . . . I had my coat, very white, with a

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tie, and my hair was neatly combed’ (Medina, 2003). It seems the only effort La Torre ´ Cardenas made to defend Iribamba’s workers came in 1955, when he pursued criminal charges against an Iribamba peon for rape of an hacienda employee (ARA, 1955 SCJ Huanta, file 1705, book 119: 1). ´ Yet Carlos La Torre Cardenas was a committed Communist Party member all the same. Franco Silva worked through the seeming contradiction between La Torre ´ Cardenas’s political sympathies and his economic position by pointing to the La Torre family’s economic troubles in the late 1950s (Silva, 2005). The Iribamba hacienda fell ´ into debt, and Carlos La Torre Cardenas and his wife were forced to sell off their urban Ayacucho properties (ARA, 1957: 634–635; ARA, 1957b: 935). Worse still, ´ La Torre Cardenas had to take a job as a public employee in the city of Ayacucho, a far-from-prestigious post for the son of a prominent hacendado (Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005b). As Franco Silva phrased it, assuming that post was ‘a ´ humiliation, an embarrassment’ and heightened La Torre Cardenas’s sympathies for the PCP (2005). Like her father and grandfather before her, Augusta La Torre Carrasco was drawn to politics. Born in 1945, Augusta La Torre Carrasco joined the Communist Party at the age of seventeen (Iparraguirre, 2003: 8). Here again, family influence was paramount. Franco Silva attributed Augusta La Torre’s politics to her father, explaining ´ that because Carlos La Torre Cardenas belonged to the PCP, ‘his daughter Augusta ´ (Silva, already had a certain orientation, a certain disposition, before meeting Guzman’ 2005). The most obvious role Augusta La Torre’s parents played in her political life ´ was that of ideological and personal matchmakers: Carlos La Torre Cardenas and Delia ´ The relationship between Carrasco introduced their daughter to Abimael Guzman. ´ and the La Torre family began in 1962, after Guzman ´ accepted a teaching Guzman position at the UNSCH (Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005a; Silva, 2005). ´ sought out Carlos La Torre Cardenas ´ Guzman because of their shared membership ´ in the PCP. Within two years of their first meeting, Carlos La Torre Cardenas and ´ were cooperating in their political work. In February 1964, the pair organised Guzman a demonstration among UNSCH students. That same month, they travelled to a nearby hacienda–a trip authorities insisted was intended to ‘subvert the peons of this hacienda’ (Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005b: 1). ´ ´ however, were more than The ties between Carlos La Torre Cardenas and Guzman, ´ just political. They were also personal. La Torre Cardenas and his wife Delia Carrasco ´ in high esteem from the outset of their friendship. Delia Carrasco later held Guzman ´ ‘was another son and, of course, the whole family loved him very reflected that Guzman ´ much. We’ve always respected him’ (Everest, 1993: 9). Carlos La Torre Cardenas and ´ into their home. It was there that Guzman ´ met Delia Carrasco regularly invited Guzman the couple’s young daughter, Augusta, and the pair soon became romantically involved, marrying in 1964. Without question, the marriage enjoyed the blessings of the bride’s family. At the ceremony, it was Augusta’s relatives, rather than the couple’s friends, colleagues, or comrades, who filled most of the seats. Some even speculate that the marriage happened because Augusta’s parents pressured her to marry the man they so esteemed (Silva, 2005). It is difficult–probably even impossible–to gauge the impact of political genealogy upon Augusta La Torre’s life. We cannot say for certain whether La Torre would have taken a different political path had her grandfather, father and great uncle been resolutely apolitical. Nor can we prove that familial influence had more impact upon La Torre than did any other factor. But even if we cannot make decisive statements
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about familial impact upon La Torre’s political trajectory, placing La Torre inside her family’s long political lineage helps us ground her participation in what can otherwise seem an enigmatic political party. La Torre grew up in a family where political activity, party membership and protest against the Peruvian state were routine, making it unsurprising that she too entered into radical politics. The fact that Augusta La Torre’s siblings likewise joined the PCP-SL only bolsters this assertion. Augusta’s sister Gisela entered the PCP-SL and married Javier Esparza, one of the PCP-SL’s earliest militants (La Republica , 2003a). Augusta’s brothers Pablo and Juan were also accused ´ of collaboration with the PCP-SL (La Republica , 2003b). While such broad familial ´ participation speaks to the fact that the Shining Path emphasised familial recruitment, as Lewis Taylor argues, this participation also reflects the importance of parental and grandparental influence on youth’s political trajectory.

All in the Family
Testifying before Peru’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Elena Iparraguirre asserted that upon joining the PCP-SL, she had to abandon familial connections outside the party. In her words, ‘I couldn’t go to school, work, nor attend to my family, none of that, so I quit school and broke ties with my family. It is a process that one has to follow’ (Iparraguirre, 2003: 16). Iparraguirre was not the only Senderista to take such action. ´ Morote and Teresa Durand left their children in the Leading PCP-SL militants Osman custody of the children’s grandparents, just as Eduardo Mata and Yeny Mar´ ıa Rodriguez abandoned their newborn daughter so as to dedicate themselves to the revolution (del ´ and Augusta La Torre themselves had no children, and Pino, 1998: 181). Guzman that childlessness was a conscious choice (cf. Roncagliolio, 2007: 58). Edgar Romero ´ telling him that La Torre ‘did not want to have kids, because they remembered Guzman had decided to be total revolutionaries and their kids would suffer’ (Romero, 2005). Yet while Shining Path’s top-ranking members spoke of the need to abandon familial connections with relatives who remained outside the party’s ranks, those members sometimes remained heavily dependent on such extra-party familial support. ´ relied From the first days of their marriage, Augusta La Torre and Abimael Guzman upon her parents’ aid to make their political actions possible. Much of this support was ´ moved in with her parents financial. Immediately after they wed, La Torre and Guzman in Ayacucho, and they made repeated use of her parents’ second home in Lima. Augusta La Torre and Abimael needed this parental support because they struggled with that most common of familial problems: money. Augusta La Torre’s uncle Luis La Torre recalled that the couple ‘lived in an extremely austere way’, and that they had ‘problems balancing their monthly budget’ (Gorriti, 1983: 13). The pair’s money troubles became so desperate that Augusta La Torre had to seek money from her greatest enemy: the state. She and her father took out a loan of around 10,000 soles in January 1970 from the Agricultural Development Bank. When Augusta La Torre was unable to repay that loan on time, the bank initiated a lawsuit against her (ARA, 1972: 1). The couple’s ´ financial situation grew even more precarious after April 1975, when Guzman’s political activities and ill health cost him his job at the UNSCH (Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005b). Carlos La Torre and Delia Carrasco were far from unaware of the young couple’s ´ with fondness, political ideas and efforts. Years later, Delia Carrasco recalled Guzman remembering that ‘talking to him was like being awakened to a new reality. It was

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a great satisfaction to hear him–how he laid out different themes’ (Everest, 1993: 8). Carlos La Torre, in turn, recalled that because the couple lived with him and his wife, ‘We saw the enthusiasm that they put toward the revolution’ (Everest, 1993: 9). Carlos La Torre and Delia Carrasco even provided their daughter and son-in-law a locale for revolutionary preparations: their Iribamba hacienda in Huanta, co-owned with Carlos La Torre’s brother Luis. Abimael and Augusta travelled openly and often to Iribamba during the late 1960s and into 1970, regularly taking fellow militants along with them (Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005a; Silva, 2005). The Iribamba arrangement did not last long, however. Because Augusta La Torre ´ along with other members of the nascent PCP-SL, were so vocal in their and Guzman, opposition to the 1968–1980 military government, their frequent trips to Iribamba raised the suspicions of government officials. In June 1970, police raided the Iribamba ´ Morote and two other PCP-SL militants, arresting hacienda and detained Osman them on the grounds of undermining the military’s government’s agrarian reform. The authorities deemed Iribamba a ‘training centre for sabotage against the Agrarian ´ for being the ‘intellectual author’ of that sabotage Reform’, and they arrested Guzman (Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005a: 1). That arrest led to a four-month ´ while Augusta was spared punishment. Although the Iribamba stay in jail for Guzman, arrests were dramatic and the prison stays significant, those arrests brought only a temporary pause to Augusta and Abimael’s political activities on the hacienda. In April 1978, the couple formed a military school on the estate to train PCP-SL militants in guerrilla warfare (Documenting the Peruvian Insurrection, 2005d). Familial support for the PCP-SL must not, of course, be overstated. Even some members of Augusta La Torre’s family bitterly opposed Sendero and staunchly refused to assist Augusta and Abimael. The most dramatic example of that opposition came ´ from Augusta’s aunt and uncle, Adriana Cardenas and Eduardo Spatz. In 1978, Augusta La Torre visited her aunt and uncle’s hacienda in Huanta, asking to purchase Spatz’s large gun collection. When Spatz refused the request, a heated argument ensued. Augusta ended that argument with the pledge that, ‘You will be one of the first we’ll burn’. Making good on La Torre’s promise, PCP-SL militants attacked the hacienda in November 1982 (Caretas, 1982: 14). Within the limits of Augusta La Torre’s nuclear family, however, support for the PCP-SL remained strong throughout the 1980s. From late 1982 onward, that support came from abroad, as Carlos La Torre, Delia Carrasco, and three of Augusta’s siblings fled to Sweden to escape arrest for their involvement with the PCP-SL. The family’s international work for Sendero began when Augusta’s brother-in-law Javier Esparza ´ with a proposal to extend the PCP-SL’s propaganda war contacted Abimael Guzman into Europe (Caretas, 1986: 46). And so, in the closing days of 1982, Esparza organised the Ayacucho Studies Circle to advance the PCP-SL’s cause. Comprised primarily of Augusta’s relatives, the group published a newspaper and distributed flyers, and it staged a public demonstration on Labour Day 1983. Such activities continued in subsequent years; several Ayacucho Studies Circle members were detained by Swedish authorities in 1986 after distributing Senderista propaganda and painting pro-Sendero graffiti on the walls of the Peruvian embassy in Stockholm (Caretas, 1991: 38, 94). What is perhaps most surprising about the La Torre Carrasco family’s support for the ´ PCP-SL is that it continued long after Augusta’s 1988 death. Upon Abimael Guzman’s dramatic 1992 arrest, Carlos La Torre and Delia Carrasco rushed to his defence, hiring him a lawyer. As Delia Carrasco told the leftist newspaper Revolutionary Worker, ´ ‘we love him and we feel very strongly for him . . . I feel proud of Abimael Guzman
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and happy to know him, but at the same time I feel saddened by the arrest’ (Everest, ´ 1993: 9). The elderly couple were especially active in the campaign to spare Guzman the death penalty. The pair attended the February 1993 Founding Conference of the ´ At that International Emergency Committee to Defend the Life of Abimael Guzman. conference, Carlos La Torre stated, ‘We will defend his life, as long as our lives remain’ (International Emergency Committee, 1993: 31). Certainly, much of Carlos La Torre and Delia Carrasco’s support was driven by emotional and personal connections. They ´ as a son-in-law, and by defending him, they were implicitly defending loved Guzman their own reputations and that of their deceased daughter. But it is also the case that Carlos La Torre and Delia Carrasco were motivated by politics, continuing to believe–despite all the devastation wrought by the war–that the PCP-SL’s struggle was justified. Carlos La Torre in fact told a Revolutionary Worker reporter that he, ‘would like to assure the readers of the paper that the People’s War in Peru will surge forward’ (Everest, 1993: 9). Augusta La Torre’s family remained committed to her party long after her life had ended.

Wedded to the Cause
Just as family contributed to Augusta La Torre’s formation as a political militant and sustained her political career, family has also had a detrimental impact upon her historical legacy. Within the ranks of the PCP-SL, La Torre’s reputation is solid; she is ´ eulogised La Torre as a, ‘Daughter celebrated as the party’s ‘Greatest Heroine’. Guzman of the people and the international proletariat. Bright red flag, defiant in the face of the storm. The greatest heroine of the Party and the revolution!’ (Everest, 1993: 8). Elena Iparraguirre, in turn, stressed that La Torre ‘was a very kind woman, she had an absolute generosity, that is why she is the Party’s greatest heroine. Completely generous, she gave everything from her person, absolute’ (Iparraguirre, 2003: 22). One imprisoned Shining Path militant similarly described La Torre as ‘the greatest heroine of the party and the Revolution’. This same man spoke of La Torre’s ‘indelible and shining example of giving her life to the Party, the Revolution, and communism’ (Interview SCO 309 07, 2002: 53). The PCP-SL’s official line on Augusta La Torre–a line enforced through the party’s policy of democratic centralism–differs dramatically from numerous popular castings of the woman. Observers have often mobilised Augusta La Torre’s marriage to Abimael ´ to deny her capacity and relevance as a PCP-SL militant. Sometimes, that denial Guzman is sympathetic, seeking to excuse La Torre from the atrocities her party committed. One ˜ Huanta campesino, for example, insisted that the only reason ‘Senora Augusta’ joined Shining Path was because of her love for her husband, not because she supported the party’s ideals or its plans (Vargas,* 2005). Many of the individuals with whom writer Robin Kirk spoke offered a similar explanation for La Torre’s politics, claiming that La Torre’s devotion to her husband translated into devotion to his party. As Kirk herself ´ had been a doctor, she would have run his office. An architect, phrased it: ‘If Guzman and she would have schooled herself in design’ (Kirk, 1997: 90). In other cases, the denial of La Torre’s political radicalism is anything but friendly. Leading Senderista Oscar Ram´ ırez Durand (Comrade Feliciano) repeatedly asserted that La Torre’s position in the PCP-SL owed to her sexual relationship ´ and Guzman’s ´ with Guzman own megalomania. Ram´ ırez insisted that La Torre–and Elena Iparraguirre–held their prestigious positions in Shining Path’s Central Committee

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´ ‘fantasised about being alone, surrounded by women in the solely because Guzman ´ wanted Political Bureau’ (Caycho, 2005: 47). Ram´ ırez similarly asserted that Guzman ´ to ‘establish a clan . . . a fiefdom’ and he derided La Torre and Iparraguirre as Guzman’s ‘mujercitas’ (little women), his ‘girlfriend number one and his girlfriend number two’, and his ‘two Geishas’ (Ram´ ırez Durand, 2002a: 24, 28, 34). Ram´ ırez Durand stressed La Torre’s role as both wife and political inferior to cast ´ her only as an obedient follower, working as Guzman’s proverbial yes-woman. La ´ ‘as Torre, by Ram´ ırez Durand’s telling, held power only because she saw Guzman a genius, he was never wrong’ and because his influence over her and Iparraguirre ´ to concentrate power in his own hands (Ram´ allowed Guzman ırez Durand, 2002b: 28). Ram´ ırez Durand also blamed La Torre for initiating the notorious cult of personality ´ Testifying before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, surrounding Guzman. Ram´ ırez Durand asserted that, ‘Norah started this in 1982, 1983 . . . It was Norah who initiated these things, ‘‘I bow my head before the Party and before President Gonzalo’’ ’ (Ram´ ırez Durand, 2002b: 49). ´ La Ram´ ırez Durand’s claims are easy to dismiss, for his anger toward Guzman, Torre, and Iparraguirre represents a case of political jealousy at its most extreme. Not only did La Torre and Iparraguirre rank directly above Ram´ ırez, keeping him out of Shining Path’s Central Committee until La Torre’s 1988 death, but the PCP-SL’s adherence to the principle of democratic centralism meant that Ram´ ırez had to accept ´ La Torre, and Iparraguirre imposed. Remaining free at the the policies that Guzman, ´ and Iparraguirre’s 1992 capture, Ram´ moment of Guzman ırez adamantly opposed the pair’s post-arrest decision to pursue a peace treaty with the Peruvian government. Ram´ ırez thus broke from the PCP-SL, leading a splinter group and continuing to fight the People’s War until his arrest in 1999 (Caycho, 2005: 45). But even though Ram´ ırez’s motives render his assertions suspect, he is hardly the only individual to use the familial ties of marriage to dismiss the political relevance of Augusta La Torre, or of Senderista women in general. A retired female university professor likewise cast the female Senderista spouses of male Sendero militants as uncomplicated political followers. ‘The wives were like that’, the ex-professor explained, ‘loyal to their husbands and therefore the Party’ (Kirk, 1997: 78). In his otherwise tremendously sensitive article on familial relations and the Shining Path, historian Ponciano del Pino similarly wrote of Senderista ‘patriarchs delivering entire families to the party’ (del Pino 1998: 181–182). To explain women’s prominence in the PCP-SL primarily through reference to their husbands is to deny women’s choices, experiences, and agency, even inside a political party known for its sexism and patriarchal attitudes (Vega-Centeno ıquez Ay´ ın, 2006). Elena Iparraguirre herself stressed 1994; Coral Cordero, 1998; Henr´ that she joined the PCP-SL out of frustration at the sexism inside other leftist parties. Speaking to the Truth Commission, she explained her move from the PCP-Patria Roja ´ (Red Fatherland) into Guzman’s splinter Red Faction of the PCP-Bandera Roja and his sub-group, the ‘fourteenth of July National Committee’. As she phrased it, ‘What did Patria want? For women to go out and get chickens . . . unacceptable. But in the ‘‘fourteenth of July National Committee’’ we were equal in everything, we did the same things’ (Iparraguirre, 2003: 7). For the case of Augusta La Torre, there is more than enough evidence to demonstrate that she was much, much more than simply her husband’s ‘mujercita’. Certainly, the political efforts outlined at the start of this article reflect the work of a dedicated political actor. Several observers have also commented on La Torre’s political radicalism. As ´ Edgar Romero told me, ‘She was more radical than [Guzman] was, and for that
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reason it is speculated that within Sendero’s lines, as she was more radical, maybe they killed her internally’(Romero, 2005). Others speak of the influence La Torre had upon ´ A Huamanga schoolteacher described La Torre as a ‘woman of passionate Guzman. ´ had initially considered convictions and definitive decisions’, asserting that Guzman abandoning politics in favour of a strictly academic life but that ‘Augusta would not permit it’ (Gorriti, 1983: 13). Gilberto Hume remembered seeing Augusta La Torre at a 1973 miners’ congress, thinking her indefatigable because she attended every session she could and because she repeatedly stressed her party’s line. As Hume recalled, ‘we started to call her The Evangelist’ (Hume, 1998: 45). Yet even these comments subtly downplay Augusta La Torre’s political significance, evaluating her only in relation to her husband and failing to treat her as a militant in her own right. Family–in the form of her husband–has effectively overshadowed Augusta La Torre’s political legacy.

Conclusions
Behind every great man, there stands a woman. Or so the tired old adage tells us. Augusta La Torre’s case offers a new spin on that dictum: behind (many) a leader, there stands a family. For Augusta La Torre and her relatives, political ideology and actions were family affairs; La Torre’s relatives actively participated in politics before, during, and after her short life. Moreover, issues of family have shaped her historical legacy. Without understating all that was unique about Augusta La Torre’s personal and political life, we can nonetheless say that her political genealogy has many echoes in contemporary Peruvian history. Keiko Fujimori provides one obvious example. The daughter of ex-President Alberto Fujimori, Keiko Fujimori is presently a Congresswoman and there is widespread speculation that she will run for Peru’s presidency in 2011 should her father’s recent conviction for human rights abuses block his own candidacy. Ms. Fujimori is also joined in the Congress by her uncle, Santiago Fujimori, brother of the former president (El Comercio, 2008: A6). Yet while the Fujimori family dominates today’s headlines, it is the family of APRA ´ Haya de la Torre that provides some of the most interesting founder V´ ıctor Raul parallels with Augusta La Torre (no relation). As was true of Augusta La Torre, Haya was nested inside a highly politicised family. Haya’s father was a Congressional Deputy for Trujillo, holding that post from 1906 to 1912 (Klar´ en, 1973: 90). Like Augusta La Torre, Haya was joined inside his party by several of his relatives. Haya’s brother Agust´ ın was an active participant in APRA’s early struggles (Klar´ en, 1973: 127, 129, 139) and Haya’s cousin Marcela Pinillos Ganoza was an Aprista (D´ ıaz, 2007: 129–132). In addition, Haya’s parents provided him with important familial support for his early political efforts. In 1931, Haya and several other Aprista militants utilised his parental home both to formalise their political plans and to hide out from police (D´ ıaz, 2007: 50). These parallels give weight to historian Jos´ e Luis R´ enique’s recent call ´ (R´ for a comparative consideration of Haya de la Torre and Abimael Guzman enique, ´ shared Augusta La Torre’s familial political 2003: 148). If we recognise that Guzman ´ and connections and dependencies through his position as her husband then Guzman Haya exhibit some significant familial similarities. The issue of familial ties also offers grounds for a broad comparison between the PCP-SL and APRA as parties. APRA was arguably as dependent upon familial participation as was the Shining Path. Within the early APRA, the brothers of Trujillo’s Speluc´ ın family proved dedicated and militant Apristas, ascending to leadership posts

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inside the nascent party (Klar´ en, 1973: 147). In addition, historian Lewis Taylor has demonstrated the prominence of ‘historic’ Aprista families in Cajamarca, where Aprista sons followed the political trajectory of their Aprista fathers. Taylor also notes the prominence of sibling participation within Cajamarca’s APRA (Taylor, 2006: 151). Similar patterns emerged inside the department of Ayacucho. Within the district of ´ Carhuanca, the brothers Vidal and Augusto Cardenas both belonged to APRA in the 1930s, and Vidal’s son stood as the district’s Aprista candidate in the 2003 municipal elections (Heilman, 2006: 189). These connections between APRA and the PCP-SL exist on more than just an academic level. Crucially, many Shining Path militants were the daughters and sons of Apristas. Augusta La Torre was herself the grand-daughter of an Aprista, even if Carlos La Torre Cortez’s affiliation with APRA was only fleeting. Elena Iparraguirre, in turn, was the daughter of an Aprista militant (Iparraguirre, 2003: 5). The familial ties between Senderistas and Apristas also existed at the level of rank-and-file party members. Inside the district of Carhuanca, many of the individuals who joined the PCP-SL were the children of once-prominent local Apristas (Heilman, 2006). These examples are telling. Not only do these cases show the importance of family political influence, they also suggest that some Senderistas had looked upon their Aprista parents’ shortcomings and disappointments as revolutionaries and decided that a new, far more violent, political path was necessary. For Augusta La Torre, and for many other Peruvians, politics bound the ties of family.

Acknowledgements
My warm thanks to G. McCormick, I. Rodr´ ıguez Silva, and participants in the Dalhousie Stokes Seminar.

References
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Pomper, P. (1979) Sergei Nechaev. Rutgers University Press: New Brunswick. R´ enique, J. (2003) La voluntad encarcelada: las ‘luminosas trincheras de combate’ de Sendero Luminoso del Peru ´ . IEP: Lima. ´ y Sendero Roncagliolio, S. (2007) La cuarta espada: La historia de Abimael Guzman Luminoso. Debate: Barcelona. Sierra (1945) Primera Quincena, March: 4. Sierra (1951) Primera Quincena, July: 8. Starn, O. (1995) ‘Maoism in the Andes: The Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path and the Refusal of History’. Journal of Latin American Studies 27(2): 399–421. Taylor, L. (2006) Shining Path Guerrilla War in Peru’s Northern Highlands, 1980–1997. Liverpool University Press: Liverpool. ´ Vega-Centeno, I. (1994) ‘G´ enero y pol´ ıtica: A proposito de la mujer en Sendero Luminoso’. Bolet´ ın Americanista 34(44): 207–213.

´ Interviews from the Centro Concejo de la Verdad y Reconciliacion ´ para la Memoria Colectivo y Derechos Humanos de Informacion (Lima)
Interview 200649 (2002) Huanta campesino, March. Interview 200615 (2002) Huanta campesino, March. Interview SCO 309 07 (2002) Anonymous prisoner in Yanamayo prison. Iparraguirre, E. (2003) March. ´ A. (2002) May. Guzman, Ram´ ırez Durand, O. (2002a) April. Ram´ ırez Durand, O. (2002b) September. Ram´ ırez Durand, O. (2002c) October.

Interviews by Author
Carrasco, L. (pseudonym) (2005) Journalist from Huanta, May 2005, Huanta. Medina, S. (pseudonym) (2003) Former worker on Iribamba hacienda, September, Huanta. Silva, F. (pseudonym) (2005) Former Ayacucho activist, May, Ayacucho. Romero, E. (pseudonym) (2005) Former Huanta activist, May, Huanta. Vargas, E. (pseudonym) (2005) Huanta campesino, May, Huanta.

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