hong kong

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In September 2014, pro-democracy advocates in Hong Kong protested outside the go
vernment headquarters and occupied several major city intersections soon after t
he Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) announced its de
cision on proposed electoral reform.[3] The NPCSC would require a nomination com
mittee to pre-approve up to three electoral candidates before proceeding to a vo
te involving the general population. After the election, the Chief Executive-ele
ct would then still need to be formally appointed by the central government befo
re officially taking the post.
The Hong Kong Federation of Students and Scholarism began protesting outside the
government headquarters on 22 September 2014.[4] On the evening of 26 September
, several hundred demonstrators breached a security barrier and entered the fore
court of the Central Government Complex, which has been barred from public entry
since July 2014. Officers cordoned off protesters within the courtyard and rest
ricted their movement overnight, eventually removing them by force the next day,
including student leader Joshua Wong, who was temporarily detained.[5] Occupy C
entral announced that they would begin their civil disobedience campaign immedia
tely.[6]
Around noon on 28 September, protesters marched onto Harcourt Road and proceeded
to occupy Queensway as well, blocking both east-west arterial routes in norther
n Hong Kong Island. After a several hour standoff, police attempted to disperse
crowds with pepper spray, tear gas, and water cannon, and held signs reading 'St
op Charging or We Use Force'.[7]
Contents [hide]
1 Etymology
2 Background
2.1 Standing Committee decision on electoral reform
2.2 Stated goals by Hong Kong Federation of Students and Scholarism
3 Class boycott
4 Chronology
4.1 26/27 September
4.1.1 First clearance
4.1.2 Second clearance
4.1.3 Bridge blockade
4.1.4 Conflicts arose
4.2 28 September
4.2.1 Occupy Central started early
4.2.2 Protesters alliance at Harcourt Road
4.2.3 Tear gas fired
4.3 29 September
4.4 30 September
4.5 October
5 Organisation and civility
6 Reactions
6.1 Domestic reactions
6.1.1 Public opinion towards police action
6.1.2 Hong Kong government
6.1.3 Chinese government and media
6.2 International reactions
6.2.1 Organisations
6.2.2 States
6.2.3 Rallies and petitions
6.2.4 Foreign media
6.2.5 Anonymous
7 Gallery
8 See also
9 References
10 External links
Etymology[edit]
When Occupy Central with Love and Peace declared the launch of the campaign, man
y protesters came out with the purpose of supporting the students.[8] Furthermor
e, the occupation phase of the campaign was organised neither by the the Hong Ko
ng Federation of Students nor Occupy Central with Love and Peace.[9] The term "O
ccupy Central" is used by China's government and pro-China advocates.
The name Umbrella Revolution was coined by New Yorker Adam Cotton on social medi
a on 26 September to describe the 2014 Hong Kong protests, and was widely repeat
ed by Western media to describe the large number of protesters who brought umbre
llas in order to defend themselves from pepper spray and tear gas.[10][citation
needed][11][12][13][14]
Background[edit]
Main article: 2014 Hong Kong electoral reform
In the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, the governments of the United Kin
gdom and China agreed Hong Kong would revert back to Chinese control in July 199
7 and stated the basic policies under which the city would be governed after the
handover. Under the principle of "one country, two systems", Hong Kong would en
joy "a high degree of autonomy, except in foreign and defence affairs" for 50 ye
ars after the transfer of sovereignty.[15] Annex I of the treaty states the Hong
Kong's leader, the Chief Executive, would eventually be selected by election or
through consultations and the legislature would be chosen through elections.[16
]
The Hong Kong Basic Law was drafted in accordance with the Joint Declaration and
details how the former British colony would be governed. Socialism as practiced
on the mainland would not be extended to Hong Kong. Instead, the territory woul
d continue its previous capitalist system and way of life for a period of 50 yea
rs after 1997. Hong Kong would retain responsibility for its own domestic affair
s including, but not limited to, the judiciary and courts of last resort, immigr
ation and customs, public finance, currency, and extradition.[15] Articles 45 an
d 68 of this "mini-constitution" prescribed that the Chief Executive would event
ually be elected through universal suffrage.
Standing Committee decision on electoral reform[edit]
On 31 August 2014, the Tenth Session of the Standing Committee in the Twelfth Na
tional People's Congress set limits for the 2016 Legislative Council and 2017 Ch
ief Executive elections. While calling for "universal suffrage," the decision im
poses the standard that "the Chief Executive shall be a person who loves the cou
ntry and loves Hong Kong" and requires "the method for selecting the Chief Execu
tive by universal suffrage must provide corresponding institutional safeguards f
or this purpose." The decision states that for the 2017 Chief Executive election
, a nominating committee, similar to the present Election Committee system, be f
ormed to nominate two to three candidates, each of whom must receive the support
of more than half of the members of the nominating committee. After popular ele
ction of one of the nominated candidates, the Chief Executive-elect "will have t
o be appointed by the Central People's Government." The process of forming the 2
016 Legislative Council would be unchanged, but following the new process for th
e election of the Chief Executive, a new system to elect the Legislative Council
via universal suffrage would be developed with the approval of Beijing.[17]
While Li Fei, a deputy secretary general of the Committee, said that the procedu
re would "protect the broad stability of Hong Kong now and in the future," pro-d
emocracy advocates viewed the decision as a betrayal of the principle of "one pe
rson, one vote," as they feared candidates deemed unsuitable by the Beijing auth
orities would stand no chance of being nominated. The Standing Committee decisio
n is set to be the basis for electoral reform crafted by the Legislative Council
, although Democratic Party legislative members have already promised to "veto t
his revolting proposal." In response, Occupy Central announced that it would org
anise civil disobedience protests.[18] Simultaneously, the Hong Kong Federation
of Students and the student pressure group Scholarism staged a coordinated class
boycott and organised public rallies and street assemblies.[19][20]
Stated goals by Hong Kong Federation of Students and Scholarism[edit]
Universal suffrage
Resignation of Chief Executive CY Leung
Withdrawal of the decision by the National People's Congress Standing Committee
Class boycott[edit]

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