Psycho 3 Final

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DR.RAM MANOHAR LOHIYA NATIONAL LAW
UNIVERSITY, LUCKNOW
2015-16

Psychology-III
Final Draft
On
Psychology of Juvenile Sex Offender
Submitted for the project work undertaken in the partial
fulfillment of B.A.L.L.B (Hons.) 5 years integrated course of Dr.
Ram Manohar Lohiya NLU, Lucknow.
SUBMITTED TO:SUBMITTED BY:-Ms. ISHA YADAV
SHALINI DWIVEDI
(ASST.PROFESSOR)
ROLL NO:-121

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DR.RMLNLU
3rd SEMESTER

Table of Contents
1. Introduction..................................................................................................................................3
2. Causes and patterns......................................................................................................................4
3. Traits of Offenders.......................................................................................................................5
4. Characteristics of Juvenile Sexual Abuse..............................................................................8
5. Treatment...............................................................................................................................11
6. Clinical Treatment and Programming for Juvenile Sex Offenders.........................................12
7. Recidivism............................................................................................................................13
8. Conclusion..........................................................................................................................14
9. Bibliography.......................................................................................................................15

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INTRODUCTION
Juveniles commit a significant number of the sexual assaults against children and women in this
country. The onset of sexual offending behavior in these youth can be linked to numerous factors
reflected in their experiences, exposure, and/or developmental deficits. Emerging research
suggests that, as in the case of adult sex offenders, a meaningful distinction can be made between
youth who target peers or adults and those who offend against children. However, juveniles who
sexually offend are distinct from their adult counterparts. Youth who commit sexual offenses are
not necessarily "little adults;" many will not continue to offend sexually. This is a formative area
of research; while there is an ever-increasing body of knowledge regarding the etiologies of
dysfunction and aggression, there remains a tremendous need for additional data to understand
the etiology of juveniles sexual offending. Juvenile sex offenders have sparked the interests of
many researchers in recent years. Most have found juvenile sex offenders are a heterogeneous
group. In order to understand the causes of the delinquent behavior, treatment needs, responses to
treatment, and recidivism risk, we need to identify more homogeneous subgroups within this
diverse group of juvenile offenders. Some support has been found for dividing juvenile sex
offenders into groups based on the age of their victims, labeling them as “child offenders” and
“peer offenders”. Juvenile perpetrated sexual aggression has been a problem of growing concern
in American society over the past decade. Currently it is estimated that juveniles account for up
to one-fifth of the rapes, and one-half of the cases of child molestation committed in the United
States each year. The majority of cases of juvenile sexual aggression appear to involve
adolescent male perpetrators; however, a number of clinical studies have pointed to the presence
of females and prepubescent youths who have engaged in sexually abusive behaviors. Juvenile
sexual offending appears to traverse racial and cultural boundaries. Although children and youth
do engage in sexually aggressive and abusive behaviors, a legal standpoint these offenses are not
sexual abuse, even if they are committed against another child. Technically speaking, sexual
abuse of children can only be committed by caretaking adults (parents, foster parents, etc.).
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When children do sexually offend, their offenses to be sex crimes no different from those
committed by adults.
Legal definitions aside, experts in the field agree that sexually abusive behavior—juvenile or
otherwise—is contact that is sexual in nature and that occurs without consent, without equality,
and as a result of coercion, manipulation, game-playing, or deception. Sex offenses can include
behaviors sometimes treated lightly, such as repeated obscene phone calls, exposure, frotteurism
(rubbing against another against his or her will), and other forms of harassment. However, most
adolescent offenses appear to be more serious, and adolescents are actually more likely to
attempt intercourse and other forms of genital/genital or genital/anal contact than are adult
offenders.
The age of a perpetrator should not fool workers into ignoring unusual or aggressive sexual
behavior. Nor should less severe behaviors be dismissed. Exposure (flashing), touching over the
clothes, obscene, pseudo-mature language, possession of pornography, and “boys-will-be-boys”
type coercion can all be signs of an abuser or potential abuser.

Causes and Patterns
There are a host of theories that have been proposed to explain why some children and teens
sexually abuse others. Although there is no clear and simple formula for how this happens—
sexual offending behaviors are extremely complex—the theory most widely accepted today is
known as the “learning theory,” which holds that sexually abusive behavior in children is linked
to many factors, including exposure to sexuality and/or violence, early childhood experiences
(e.g., sexual victimization), exposure to child pornography and advertising, substance abuse,
heightened arousal to children, and exposure to aggressive role models/family violence .
Early theories about children who sexually abuse others proposed that these individuals move
through a predictable progression. In this cycle, an event causes a negative emotional response in
the youth. The youth attempts to gain control of this response but fails. He then feels anger and
rage, which in turn lead to thoughts of retaliation and fantasies of overpowering another, which
lead to an assault.
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More recently this cycle has been criticized as too rigid—interviews with offenders reveal that
life problems (at school, in the family) and any number of thoughts or feelings can trigger an
offending behavior.
Regardless of how they arise, over time offenses may escalate from “hands off” behaviors to
assaults involving penetration, etc.

Traits of Offenders
A significant amount of research has been conducted on juvenile sex offenders. Although these
efforts have revealed much solid information about this population, each of these children is
unique. Perhaps the only statement that is reliably true for all juvenile sex offenders is that the
traits and progression of behavior can vary tremendously from one individual to another.
That said, we do know that nine of ten juvenile sex offenders are male and that juvenile sex
offenders often commit their first sexual offense before age 15 and even before age 12. We also
know that juvenile sex offenders are found in every socioeconomic class and every racial, ethnic,
religious, and cultural group.
Children who sexually abuse are far more likely than the general population to have been
physically, sexually, or otherwise abused. Studies indicate that between 40% and 80% of
sexually abusive youth have themselves been sexually abused, and that 20% to 50% have been
physically abused.
Some professionals believe a history of victimization is virtually universal among juvenile sex
offenders. Experienced therapist Robert Longo writes, “As I think back to the thousands of sex
offenders I have interviewed and the hundreds I have treated, I cannot think of many cases in
which a patient didn’t have some history of abuse, neglect, family dysfunction, or some form of
maltreatment within his or her history”.
According to the Center for Sex Offender Management (1999) the following are other common
traits among juvenile sex offenders.

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• Difficulties with impulse control and judgement
• High rates of learning disabilities and academic dysfunction (30% to 60%)
• Mental illness: up to 80% have a diagnosable psychiatric disorder
A minority of sexually abusive youth also have deviant sexual arousal and interest patterns.
“These arousal and interest patterns are recurrent and intense, and relate directly to the nature of
the sexual behavior problem (e.g., sexual arousal to young children)”.

Two Types of Offenders
Clinical observation and empirical research indicate that, as is the case for adult sexual offenders,
juvenile sexual offenders fall into two groups: those who sexually abuse children and those who
victimize peers and adults. These two groups, have clear differences not only in the victims they
select, but in their offense patterns, social and criminal histories, behavior patterns, and in the
treatment they require.

Juvenile Offenders Who Sexually Offend Against Peers or Adults


Juveniles who sexually offend against peers or adults predominantly assault

females and strangers or casual acquaintances.


The sexual assaults of these youths are more likely to occur in association with

other types of criminal activity (e.g., burglary) than are the assaults of those who
target children.


These juvenile sex offenders are more likely to have histories of non-sexual

criminal offenses, and appear more generally delinquent and conduct disordered
than those who sexually assault children.
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This group of youthful offenders is also more likely to commit their offenses in

public areas than those who offend against children.


These juveniles generally display higher levels of aggression and violence in

the commission of their sexual crimes than those who offend against children.


Youths who sexually offend against peers or adults are more likely to use

weapons and to cause injuries to their victims than those who sexually assault
children.

Juvenile Offenders Who Sexually Offend Against Children


Juveniles who sexually offend against children have both a higher number of

male victims and victims to whom they are related than peer/adult offenders.


Although females are victimized at slightly higher rates than males, almost

50% of this group of juvenile sex offenders has at least one male victim.



As many as 40% of their victims are either siblings or other relatives.
The sexual crimes of juvenile child molesters tend to reflect a greater reliance

on opportunity and guile than injurious force. This appears to be particularly true
when their victim is related to them. These youths may "trick" the child into
complying with the molestation, use bribes, or threaten the child with loss of the
relationship.


Within the overall population of juveniles who sexually assault children, there
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are certain youths who display high levels of aggression and violence. Generally,
these are youths who display more severe levels of personality and/or
psychosexual disturbances (e.g., psychopathy; sexual sadism, etc.).


Juveniles who sexually offend against children have often been characterized

as suffering from deficits in self-esteem and social competency.


Many of these youths, particularly those with victimization histories, show

evidence of depression. Although the ability of these juveniles to form and
maintain healthy peer relationships and successfully resolve interpersonal
conflicts may be impaired, they generally evidence less emotional indifference to
the needs of others than peer/adult offenders.

Characteristics of Juvenile Sexual Abuse
Sexual aggression perpetrated by young people has been a growing concern in the United States
over the past decade. Currently, it is estimated that juveniles account for up to one-fifth of all
rapes and almost one-half of all cases of child molestation committed each year. Adolescents age
13 to 17 account for the vast majority of cases of rape and child molestation perpetrated by
minors (Davis and Leitenberg,1987). The majority of incidents of juvenile sexual aggression
involve male perpetrators (Sickmund et al, 1997). However, a number of clinical studies also
point to prepubescent youths and females engaging in sexually abusive behaviors. Although
racial and socioeconomic differences may be over represented in certain settings (e.g., juvenile
justice), juveniles referred for treatment in a variety of environments reflect the same racial,
religious, and socioeconomic distribution as the general population of the United States (Ryan et
al, 1996).

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In 1995, youth were involved in 15 percent of all forcible rapes that resulted in arrest;
approximately 18 adolescents per 100,000 (ages 10 to 17) were arrested for forcible rape in
1995. Approximately 16,100 adolescents were arrested for sexual offenses in 1995 (excluding
rape and prostitution). This is approximately 3 times the number of youths arrested for forcible
rape (Sickmund et al, 1997).
A number of etiological factors (risk factors) have been identified to help explain the
developmental origin of sexual offending. Factors receiving the most attention are abusive
experiences and exposure to aggressive role models. Other factors in focus are substance abuse
and exposure to pornography; however, these are seen more as disinhibitors than as causal
influences.
The Effects of Physical and Sexual Abuse
Recent studies show that rates of abusive histories vary widely for sexually abusive youth. A
history of physical abuse has been found in 20 to 50 percent of these youth; a history of sexual
abuse has been found in 40 to 80 percent of sexually abusive youth (Hunter and Becker, 1998,
Kahn and Chambers, 1991). Rates of physical abuse and sexual victimization are even higher in
samples of prepubescent and young female sexual abusers (Gray et al,1997, Mathews et al,
1997). Research suggests that age of onset, number of incidents of abuse, the period of time
elapsing between the abuse and its first report, as well as perceptions of familial responses to
awareness of the abuse are all relevant in understanding why some sexually abused youths go on
to commit sexual assaults while others do not (Hunter and Figueredo, in press).
The influence of abusive experiences is considered multi-faceted and includes effects related to
both Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder and modeling (Freeman-Longo, 1986, Gil and Johnson,
1992). Symptoms of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder have been observed in a number of youths
with sexual behavior disorders, especially children ages 13 and younger and females. These
symptoms include recurrent and intrusive recollections of past traumatic events and increased
levels of irritability and anger. Youths who have directly experienced or witnessed sexual abuse
may imitate the behavior of the aggressive role model(s) in their interactions with others.

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The presence of child maltreatment—whether neglect, physical abuse, sexual abuse, or other
forms of victimization—may eventually prove to be a significant predictor of sexual offending
behavior.
Exposure to Aggressive Role Models
Studies show that male child witnesses to domestic violence tend to engage in externalizing
behaviors (the acting-out of psychological conflict or tension), including acts of interpersonal
aggression, more than their female counterparts (Stagg et al, 1989). Exposure to family violence
is linked to the likelihood of sexually offending as an adolescent, as well as the severity of
psychosexual disturbance (Fagan and Wexler, 1988, Smith 1988). The effects of exposure may
be cumulative, as well as interactive with other developmental experiences, such as child abuse
and neglect (O’Keefe, 1994). Recent studies suggest that exposure to severe community violence
(e.g., murders) may also increase the likelihood of engaging in violent and antisocial behavior
(Johnson-Reid, 1998).
Substance Abuse and Exposure to Pornography
While there is strong research to support the association between violent crime and alcohol use,
the association between sexual offending and substance abuse is not fully established. Estimates
of the extent of substance abuse vary widely for the population of youth who sexually offend
(Lightfoot and Barbaree, 1993). The influence of pornography on the developing male’s potential
for sexual offending is an issue of similar controversy. One recent study found that sexually
abusive youth were exposed to pornographic material at younger ages on the average, and to
"harder core" pornography, than either status offenders or violent non-sex offending youths (Ford
and Linney, 1995). Research in these areas is lacking and clearly, juvenile sexual offending is far
more complex than simple exposure to pornography or substance abuse.
Developmental Progression
While sexual aggression may emerge early in the developmental process, there is no evidence to
suggest that the majority of sexually abusive youth become adult sex offenders. Recidivism rates
for these youth may have been exaggerated by a reliance on retrospective research studies
(studies that examine historical data), which can overstate the strength of correlations.
Longitudinal studies (studies that examine current data), which tend to be more reliable, suggest
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that aggressive behavior in youths often does not continue into adulthood, although some portion
of those who commit rape may continue to abuse.

Treatment
Since it was first identified as a serious problem, there have been tremendous advances in the
treatments available for children and teens who sexually offend. In 1983 there were only 20
programs in North America for juvenile sex offenders; today there are well over 1,000
worldwide.
“The majority of juvenile sexual offender treatment programs have generally adhered to a
traditional adult sex offender model. Standard interventions include the teaching of relapse
prevention and the sexual abuse cycle, empathy training, anger management, social and
interpersonal skills training, cognitive restructuring, assertiveness training, journaling, and sex
education”.
Although treatment is widely acknowledged as helpful to juvenile sex offenders and as an
important component in the prevention of future sexual offenses, additional studies of the
effectiveness of different methods are required.
Treatment can be a difficult hurdle for juvenile sex offenders. In one study, as many as 50% of
youths entering a community-based treatment program were expelled during the first year of
participation, most often for failure to comply with attendance requirements or therapeutic
directives . As the next section explains, this failure to complete treatment can increase a youth’s
chances re-offending.

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Clinical Treatment and Programming for Juvenile Sex Offenders
Clinical programming for juvenile sex offenders typically includes a combination of individual,
group, and family therapies. Additionally, many programs offer supportive psycho educational
groups to the families of these youths. Youths who display more extensive psychiatric or
behavioral problems (e.g., substance abuse) may require additional adjunctive therapies (e.g.,
drug/alcohol treatment; psychiatric care, etc.). All therapies provided to the youth should be
carefully coordinated within the treatment agency and with external agencies providing case
management and oversight.
The following have been found by many providers to be important in the effective treatment of
juvenile sex offenders:


The establishment of positive self-esteem and pride in one's cultural heritage.



The teaching and clarification of values as they relate to a respect for self and others, and
a commitment to stop interpersonal violence. Maximally effective programming may
include promoting a sense of healthy masculine identity, egalitarian male-female
relationships, and a respect for cultural diversity.



The provision of sex education and an understanding of healthy human sexuality, and the
correction of distorted beliefs about appropriate sexual behavior.



The enhancement of social skills to promote greater self-confidence and social
competency.



The teaching of the impulse control and coping skills needed to successfully manage
sexual and aggressive impulses.



The teaching of assertiveness skills and conflict resolution to manage anger and resolve
interpersonal disputes.



The provision of programming designed to enhance empathy and promote a greater
appreciation for the negative impact of sexual abuse on victims and their families.



The teaching of relapse prevention. This includes teaching offenders to understand the
cycle of thoughts, feelings, and events that can trigger sexual acting-out, identify
environmental circumstances and thinking patterns that should be avoided because they
increase the risk of re-offending, and identify and practice coping and self-control skills
necessary for successful behavior management.
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Recidivism
A common belief about juvenile sexual offenders is that even after treatment, most will offend
again. Hunter (2000), citing the research literature, finds “no compelling evidence to suggest that
the majority of juvenile sex offenders are likely to become adult sex offenders. . . . . juveniles
who engage in sexual aggression frequently cease such behavior by the time they reach
adulthood”.
Juveniles who participate in treatment programs have sexual recidivism rates that range between
7% and 13% over follow-up periods of two to five years. Research indicates that recidivism for
nonsexual offenses is much higher among juveniles (25–50%) .
Youths participating in treatment have lower recidivism rates than either adult sex offenders or
untreated juvenile sex offenders. In an analysis of eight separate studies, Alexander (1999) found
that while adults had re-offend rates that averaged 13%, juveniles who participated in offensespecific treatment had a recidivism rate that averaged 7.1% in a 3–5 year follow-up. Worling
(2001), in a large-scale study that examined data from across Canada, found that only 5% of
youths who underwent treatment were charged with another sexual offense within six years,
compared to 18% of the youths who did not participate in treatment.

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CONCLUSION
Juveniles account for a significant percentage of the sexual assaults against children and women
in our society. The onset of sexual behavior problems in juveniles appears to be linked to a
number of factors, including child maltreatment and exposure to violence and pornography.
Emerging research suggests that, as in the case of adult sex offenders that a meaningful
distinction can be made between juveniles who target peers or adults, and those who offend
against children. The former group appears generally to be more anti-social and violent, although
considerable heterogeneity exists within each population. Although available data do not suggest
that the majority of juvenile sex offenders are destined to become adult sex offenders, legal and
mental health intervention is believed, by professionals, to be important in deterring a
continuation of such behavior. The most effective intervention is believed to consist of a
combination of legal sanctions, monitoring, and specialized clinical programming. Programs
reflecting the collaborative efforts of juvenile justice and mental health professions generally
report low sexual recidivism rates. Practitioners are advised to be aware of recent legislative
reform within juvenile justice, and to adhere to organizational guidelines when working with this
population.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. www.villagecounselingcenter.net
2. http://www.practicenotes.org/
3. http://www.csom.org/
4. Current Perspectives in Forensic Psychology and Criminal Justice- Bartol & Bartol
5. Applying Psychology to Criminal Justice- Carson & Milne

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