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Hugo Chávez
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

For other uses, see Hugo Chávez (disambiguation).
This name uses Spanish naming customs: the first
or paternal family name is Chávez and the second
or maternal family name is Frías.

Hugo Chávez

President of Venezuela
In office

2 February 1999 – 5 March 2013
Vice President List[show]
Preceded by

Rafael Caldera

Succeeded by Nicolás Maduro
Eternal President of the United
Socialist Party of Venezuela
(appellation)
Incumbent
Assumed office
26 July 2014
Personal details
Born

Hugo Rafael Chávez
Frías
28 July 1954
Sabaneta, Venezuela

Died

5 March
2013 (aged 58)
Caracas, Venezuela

Political party Fifth Republic
Movement(1997–2007)
United Socialist
Party (2007–2013)
Other political Great Patriotic

affiliations

Pole (2011–2013)

Spouse(s)

Nancy
Colmenares (Divorced)
Marisabel
Rodríguez (Divorced)

Alma mater

Military Academy of
Venezuela

Religion

Roman Catholicism

Signature

Military service
Allegiance
Service/branch

Rank

Venezuela
Venezuelan
Army
Lieutenant
colonel

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V
T
E

Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈuɣo
rafaˈel ˈtʃaβes ˈfɾi.as]; 28 July 1954 – 5 March 2013)
was a Venezuelan politician and the President of
Venezuela from 1999 until his death in 2013. He
was the leader of the Fifth Republic Movement from
its foundation in 1997 until 2007, when it merged

with several other parties to form the United Socialist
Party of Venezuela(PSUV), which he led until 2012.
Following Chavismo, his own political ideology
of Bolivarianism and Socialism of the 21st Century,
he focused on implementing social reforms in the
country as a part of a social project known as
the Bolivarian Revolution. He implemented the 1999
Venezuelan Constitution, participatory
democraticcouncils, the nationalization of several
key industries, and increased government funding of
health care and education and made significant
reductions in poverty with oil revenues.[1][2] According
to the ECLAC, from 1999 to 2012, Venezuela
achieved the second highest rate of poverty
reduction in the region; with World Bank data
showing that the poverty rate dropped from 49.4% to
25.6%.[3][4] The Bolivarian Missions have entailed the
construction of thousands of free medical clinics for
the poor,[5] the institution of educational campaigns
that have made about 1.5 million adult Venezuelans
literate[6] (although this claim has been subject of
scholarly debate),[7][8] and the enactment of
food[9] and housing subsidies.[10]
Born into a working-class family in Sabaneta,
Barinas, Chávez became a career military officer,
and after becoming dissatisfied with the Venezuelan
political system, he founded the

secretive Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement200 (MBR-200) in the early 1980s to work towards
overthrowing the government. Chávez led the MBR200 in an unsuccessful coup d'état against
the Democratic Action government of
President Carlos Andrés Pérez in 1992, for which he
was imprisoned. Released from prison after two
years, he founded a socialist political party, the Fifth
Republic Movement, and waselected president of
Venezuela in 1998. He was re-elected in 2000.
During his second presidential term, he introduced
the system of Bolivarian Missions,Communal
Councils, and worker-managed cooperatives, as
well as a program of land reform, while also
nationalizing various key industries. He was reelected in 2006 with over 60% of the vote. After
winning his fourth term as president in the October
2012 presidential election, defeating Henrique
Capriles,[11] he was to have been sworn in on 10
January 2013, but the National Assembly of
Venezuela agreed to postpone the inauguration to
allow him time to recover from medical treatment in
Cuba,[12] resulting from a return of the cancer that
was originally diagnosed in June 2011.
Chávez died inCaracas on 5 March 2013 at the age
of 58.[13][14]

Internationally, Chávez aligned himself with
the Marxist-Leninist governments of Fidel and
then Raúl Castro in Cuba and the socialist
governments of Evo Morales in Bolivia, Rafael
Correa in Ecuador, and Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua,
his presidency was seen as a part of the socialist
"pink tide" sweeping Latin America. Along with these
governments, Chávez described his policies as antiimperialist, being a prominent adversary of
the United States's foreign policyas well as a vocal
critic of US-supported neoliberalism and laissezfairecapitalism.[15] He compared US
president George W. Bush to a donkey[16] and the
devil.[17] He has described himself as
a Marxist.[18][19][20][21][22] He supported Latin American
and Caribbean cooperation and was instrumental in
setting up the pan-regional Union of South American
Nations, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas,
the Bank of the South, and the regional television
network TeleSur.
Some of the government's food subsidies enacted
under Chávez resulted in shortages since the low
profits could not sustain paying for food
imports.[23][24]After price controls were put into place,
food shortages had rates between about 10% and
25%.[25][26] Large purchases of food and lower
reserves also contributed to dollar shortages that

Venezuela suffered in the future.[27]Venezuela's
murder rate largely increased during Chávez's
presidency.[28][29][30][31] Chavez later responded to this
problem by raising the pay for police officers, as well
as launching a new national force[29] that was still
criticized for its corruption and its involvement in
kidnapping years later.[32][33] Chávez's government
was accused of being corrupt by multiple sources in
various ways.[34][35][36][37][38][39][40] Chávez used habilitating
laws, which allowed him to perform functions
normally reserved to the Venezuelan Congress, on
four occasions: starting in 1999 for 6 months, in
2000 for 12, in 2007 for 18 and in 2010 for 12
months.[41] The use of such habilitating laws was
heavily criticized by the opposition.[42] Chávez was
accused by multiple sources of using propaganda to
influence Venezuelans to support the Bolivarian
Revolution and other ideologies.[43][44][45][46][47]
Contents
[hide]




1 Early life
o 1.1 Childhood
o 1.2 Military Academy: 1971–1975
o 1.3 Early military career: 1976–1981
2 Later military career and the Bolivarian
Revolutionary Army-200: 1982–1991
o 2.1 Operation Zamora: 1992








3 Political rise: 1992–1998
o 3.1 1998 election
4 Presidency: 1999–2013
o 4.1 First presidential term: 2 February
1999 – 10 January 2001
 4.1.1 Constitutional reform
o 4.2 Second presidential term: 10
January 2001 – 10 January 2007
 4.2.1 Opposition and the CD
 4.2.2 Coup, strikes and the recall
referendum
 4.2.3 "Socialism of the 21st
century"
o 4.3 Third presidential term: 10
January 2007 – 10 January 2013
 4.3.1 United Socialist Party of
Venezuela and domestic policy
 4.3.2 Bolivarian Alliance for the
Americas and the Bank of the
South
o 4.4 Fourth presidential term: 10
January 2013 – 5 March 2013
5 Political ideology
6 Policy overview
o 6.1 Economic and social policy
 6.1.1 Literacy
o 6.2 Currency Black Market
o 6.3 Food
o 6.4 Crime and punishment

6.4.1 Police corruption
 6.4.2 Prisons
o 6.5 Corruption
 6.5.1 Use of income and public
funds
 6.5.2 Aiding FARC
o 6.6 Human rights
 6.6.1 1999 Venezuelan
Constitution
 6.6.2 Criticisms
 6.6.2.1 Allegations of Antisemitism
o 6.7 Media and the press
o 6.8 Foreign policy
 6.8.1 Argentina
 6.8.2 Cuba
 6.8.3 Iran
7 In popular culture
8 Personal life
9 Illness
10 Death
11 Honours and awards
o 11.1 Recognition
o 11.2 Honorary degrees
12 Legacy
o 12.1 Eponyms
13 See also
14 References
o 14.1 Footnotes













14.2 Bibliography
 14.2.1 Books
 14.2.2 Academic articles
 14.2.3 News articles and reports
 14.2.4 Interviews
 14.2.5 Websites and e-publications
15 External links
o



Early life

[edit]

Childhood[edit]
Further information: Early life of Hugo Chávez

Sabaneta, Barinas, where Chávez was born and raised.

Hugo Chávez was born on 28 July 1954 in his
paternal grandmother Rosa Inéz Chávez's home, a
modest three-room house located in the rural
villageSabaneta, Barinas State. The Chávez family
were of Amerindian, Afro-Venezuelan,
and Spanish descent.[48] His parents, Hugo de los
Reyes Chávezand Elena Frías de Chávez,
were working-lower middle class schoolteachers
who lived in the small village of Los Rastrojos.

Hugo was born the second of seven children,
including their eldest, Adán Chávez.[49][50] The couple
lived in poverty, leading them to send Hugo and
Adán to live with their grandmother Rosa,[51] whom
Hugo later described as being "a pure human
being... pure love, pure kindness."[52] She was a
devout Roman Catholic, and Hugo was an altar boy
at a local church.[53] Hugo described his childhood as
"poor...very happy", and experienced "humility,
poverty, pain, sometimes not having anything to
eat", and "the injustices of this world."[54]
Attending the Julián Pino Elementary School,
Chávez's hobbies included drawing, painting,
baseball and history. He was particularly interested
in the 19th-century federalist general Ezequiel
Zamora, in whose army his own great-greatgrandfather had served.[55][56] In the mid-1960s, Hugo,
his brother and their grandmother moved to the city
of Barinas so that the boys could attend what was
then the only high school in the rural state,
the Daniel O'Leary High School.[57]

Military Academy: 1971–1975[edit]
Aged seventeen, Chávez studied at the Venezuelan
Academy of Military Sciences in Caracas. At the
Academy, he was a member of the first class that
was following a restructured curriculum known as
the Andrés Bello Plan. This plan had been instituted

by a group of progressive, nationalistic military
officers who believed that change was needed within
the military. This new curriculum encouraged
students to learn not only military routines and
tactics but also a wide variety of other topics, and to
do so civilian professors were brought in from other
universities to give lectures to the military
cadets.[58][59][60]
Supporters of Hugo Chávez at his funeral at the Military
academy of Venezuela.

Living in Caracas, he saw more of the endemic
poverty faced by working class Venezuelans,
something that echoed the poverty he had
experienced growing up, and he maintained that this
experience only made him further committed to
achieving social justice.[61][62] He also began to get
involved in local activities outside of the military
school, playing both baseball and softball with
theCriollitos de Venezuela team, progressing with
them to the Venezuelan National Baseball
Championships. Other hobbies that he undertook at
the time included writing numerous poems, stories
and theatrical pieces, painting[63] and researching the
life and political thought of 19th-century South
American revolutionary Simón Bolívar.[64] He also
became interested in the Marxist revolutionary Che
Guevara (1928–67) after reading his memoir The

Diary of Che Guevara, although he also read books
by a wide variety of other figures.[65] In 1974, he was
selected to be a representative in the
commemorations for the 150th anniversary of
the Battle of Ayacucho in Peru, the conflict in which
Simon Bolívar's lieutenant, Antonio José de Sucre,
defeated royalist forces during the Peruvian War of
Independence. In Peru, Chávez heard the leftist
president, General Juan Velasco Alvarado (1910–
1977), speak, and inspired by Velasco's ideas that
the military should act in the interests of the working
classes when the ruling classes were perceived as
corrupt,[66] he "drank up the books [Velasco had
written], even memorising some speeches almost
completely."[67]Befriending the son of Panamanian
President Omar Torrijos (1929–1981), another leftist
military general, Chávez subsequently visited
Panama, where he met with Torrijos, and was
impressed with his land reform program that was
designed to benefit the peasants. Being heavily
influenced by both Torrijos and Velasco, he saw the
potential for military generals to seize control of a
government when the civilian authorities were
perceived as serving the interests of only the
wealthy elites.[66][68] In contrast to military presidents
like Torrijos and Velasco however, Chávez became
highly critical ofAugusto Pinochet, the right-wing
general who had recently seized control in Chile with

the aid of the American CIA.[69]Chávez later related
that "With Torrijos, I became a Torrijist. With Velasco
I became a Velasquist. And with Pinochet, I became
an anti-Pinochetist."[70] In 1975, Chávez graduated
from the military academy, being rated one of the
top graduates of the year (eight out of seventy
five).[71][72][73]

Early military career: 1976–1981[edit]
Further information: Military career of Hugo Chávez
I think that from the time I left the academy I was oriented
toward a revolutionary movement... The Hugo Chávez who
entered there was a kid from the hills, a Ilanero{sic} with
aspirations of playing professional baseball. Four years later,
a second-lieutenant came out who had taken the
revolutionary path. Someone who didn't have obligations to
anyone, who didn't belong to any movement, who was not
enrolled in any party, but who knew very well where I was
headed.
Hugo Chávez[74]

Following his graduation, Chávez was stationed as a
communications officer at a counterinsurgency unit
in Barinas,[75] although the MarxistLeninistinsurgency which the army was sent to
combat had already been eradicated from that state,
leaving the unit with much spare time. Chávez
himself played in a local baseball team, wrote a
column for the local newspaper,
organized bingogames and judged at beauty

pageants.[76] At one point he found in an abandoned
car riddled with bullet holes a stash of Marxist
literature that apparently had belonged to insurgents
many years before. He went on to read these books,
which included titles by such theoreticians as Karl
Marx, Vladimir Lenin and Mao Zedong, but his
favourite was a work entitled The Times of Ezequiel
Zamora, written about the 19th-century federalist
general whom Chávez had admired as a
child.[77] These books further convinced Chávez of
the need for a leftist government in Venezuela, later
remarking that "By the time I was 21 or 22, I made
myself a man of the left."[78]
In 1977, Chávez's unit was transferred
to Anzoátegui, where they were involved in battling
the Red Flag Party, a Marxist-Hoxhaist insurgency
group.[79] After intervening to prevent the beating of
an alleged insurgent by other soldiers,[80] Chávez
began to have his doubts about the army and their
methods in using torture.[78] At the same time, he was
becoming increasingly critical of the corruption in
both the army and in the civilian government,
coming to believe that despite the wealth being
produced by the country's oil reserves, Venezuela's
poor masses were not receiving their share,
something he felt to be inherently un-democratic. In

doing so, he began to sympathize with the Red Flag
Party and their cause, if not their violent methods.[81]
In 1977, he founded a revolutionary movement
within the armed forces, in the hope that he could
one day introduce a leftist government to Venezuela:
the Venezuelan People's Liberation Army (Ejército
de Liberación del Pueblo de Venezuela, or ELPV),
was a secretive cell within the military that consisted
of him and a handful of his fellow soldiers. Although
they knew that they wanted a middle way between
the right wing policies of the government and the far
left position of the Red Flag, they did not have any
plans of action for the time
being.[80][82][83] Nevertheless, hoping to gain an alliance
with civilian leftist groups in Venezuela, Chávez then
set about clandestinely meeting various prominent
Marxists, including Alfredo Maneiro (the founder of
the Radical Cause) and Douglas Bravo, despite
having numerous political differences with
them.[84][85] At this time, Chávez married a workingclass woman named Nancy Colmenares, with whom
he would go on to have three children: Rosa Virginia
(born September 1978), Maria Gabriela (born March
1980) and Hugo Rafael (born October 1983).[86]

Later military career and the
Bolivarian Revolutionary Army200: 1982–1991
[edit]

Logo of MBR-200.

Five years after his creation of the ELPV, Chávez
went on to form a new secretive cell within the
military, the Bolivarian Revolutionary Army200 (EBR-200), later redesignated the Revolutionary
Bolivarian Movement-200 (MBR-200).[58][87][88] Taking
inspiration from three Venezuelans whom Chávez
deeply admired, Ezequiel Zamora (1817–
1860), Simón Bolívar (1783–1830) and Simón
Rodríguez (1769–1854), these historical figures
became known as the "three roots of the tree" of the
MBR-200.[89][90] Later describing the group's
foundation, Chávez would state that "the Bolivarian
movement that was being born did not propose
political objectives... Its goals were imminently
internal. Its efforts were directed in the first place to
studying the military history of Venezuela as a
source of a military doctrine of our own, which up to
then didn't exist."[91] However, he always hoped that
the Bolivarian Movement would become politically

dominant, and on his political ideas at the time,
remarked that "This tree [of Bolívar, Zamora and
Rodríguez] has to be a circumference, it has to
accept all kinds of ideas, from the right, from the left,
from the ideological ruins of those old capitalist and
communist systems."[92] Indeed, Irish political analyst
Barry Cannon noted that the early Bolivarian
ideology was explicitly capitalist, but that it "was a
doctrine in construction, a heterogeneous amalgam
of thoughts and ideologies, from universal thought,
capitalism, Marxism, but rejecting the neoliberal
models currently being imposed in Latin America
and the discredited models of the old Soviet Bloc."[93]
In 1981, Chávez, by now a captain, was assigned to
teach at the military academy where he had formerly
trained. Here he introduced new students in his socalled "Bolivarian" ideals, and recruited those whom
he felt would make good members of the MBR-200,
as well as organizing sporting and theatrical events
for the students. In his recruiting attempts he was
relatively successful, for by the time they had
graduated, at least thirty out of 133 cadets had
joined it.[94] In 1984 he met a Venezuelan woman of
German ancestry named Herma Marksman who was
a recently divorced history teacher. Sharing many
interests in common, she eventually got involved in
Chávez's movement and the two fell in love, having

an affair that would last several years.[95][96] Another
figure to get involved with the movement
was Francisco Arias Cárdenas, a soldier particularly
interested in liberation theology.[97] Cárdenas rose to
a significant position within the group, although he
came into ideological conflict with Chávez, who
believed that they should begin direct military action
in order to overthrow the government, something
Cárdenas thought was reckless.[98]
However, some senior military officers became
suspicious of Chávez after hearing rumours about
the MBR-200. Unable to dismiss him legally without
proof, they reassigned him so that he would not be
able to gain any more fresh new recruits from the
academy. He was sent to take command of the
remote barracks at Elorza in Apure State,[99] where
he got involved in the local community by organizing
social events, and contacted the local indigenous
tribal peoples, the Cuiva and Yaruro. Although they
were distrustful due to their mistreatment at the
hands of the Venezuelan army in previous decades,
Chávez gained their trust by joining the expeditions
of an anthropologist to meet with them. His
experiences with them would later lead him to
introduce laws protecting the rights of indigenous
tribal peoples when he gained power many years
later.[100]While on holiday, he retraced on foot the

route taken by his great-grandfather, the
revolutionary Pedro Pérez Delgado(known as
Maisanta), to understand his family history; on that
trip, he met a woman who told Chávez how
Maisanta had become a local hero by rescuing an
abducted girl.[101] In 1988, after being promoted to the
rank of major, the high-ranking General Rodríguez
Ochoa took a liking to Chávez and employed him to
be his assistant at his office in Caracas.[102]

Operation Zamora: 1992[edit]
Main article: 1992 Venezuelan coup d'état attempts
In 1989, Carlos Andrés Pérez (1922–2010), the
candidate of the centrist Democratic Action Party,
was elected President after promising to oppose the
United States government's Washington
Consensus and financial policies recommended by
the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Nevertheless, he opposed neither once he got into
office, following instead theneoliberal economic
policies supported by the United States and the IMF.
He dramatically cut spending, and put prominent
men in governmental posts. Pérez's policies
angered much of the public.[103][104][105] In an attempt to
stop the widespread protests and looting that
followed his social spending cuts, Pérez ordered the
violent repression and massacre of protesters,
known as El Caracazo, which "according to official

figures ... left a balance of 276 dead, numerous
injured, several disappeared and heavy material
losses. However, this list was invalidated by the
subsequent appearance of mass graves", indicating
that the official death count was
inadequate.[106][107][108] Pérez had used both
the DISIP political police and the army to
orchestrate El Caracazo. Chávez did not participate
in the repression because he was then hospitalized
with chicken pox, and later condemned the event as
"genocide".[109][110]
Disturbed by the Caracazo, rampant government
corruption, the domination of politics by what he
viewed as "the Venezuelan oligarchy" through
the Punto Fijo Pact, and what he called "the
dictatorship of the IMF", Chávez began preparing for
a military coup d'état,[108][111] known as Operation
Zamora.[112] Initially planned for December, Chávez
delayed the MBR-200 coup until the early twilight
hours of 4 February 1992. On that date, five army
units under Chávez's command moved into urban
Caracas with the mission of overwhelming key
military and communications installations, including
the Miraflores presidential palace, the defense
ministry, La Carlota military airport and the Military
Museum. Chávez's immediate goal was to intercept
and take custody of Pérez, who was returning to

Miraflores from an overseas trip. Despite years of
planning, the coup quickly encountered trouble. At
the time of the coup, Chávez had the loyalty of less
than 10% of Venezuela's military forces,[113] and,
because of numerous betrayals, defections, errors,
and other unforeseen circumstances, Chávez and a
small group of rebels found themselves hiding in the
Military Museum, without any means of conveying
orders to their network of spies and collaborators
spread throughout Venezuela.[114] Furthermore,
Chávez's allies were unable to broadcast their
prerecorded tapes on the national airwaves, during
which Chávez planned to issue a general call for a
mass civilian uprising against the Pérez government.
Finally, Chávez's forces were unable to capture
Pérez, who managed to escape from them.
Fourteen soldiers were killed, and fifty soldiers and
some eighty civilians injured during the ensuing
violence.[115][116][117] Fighting during the coups resulted
in the deaths of at least 143 people and perhaps as
many as several hundred.[118]
Realising that the coup had failed, Chávez gave
himself up to the government. On the condition that
he called upon the remaining active coup members
to cease hostilities, he was allowed to appear on
national television, something that he insisted on
doing in his military uniform. During this address, he

invoked the name of national hero Simón
Bolívar and declared to the Venezuelan people that
"Comrades: unfortunately, for now, the objectives we
had set for ourselves were not achieved in the
capital city. That is, those of us here in Caracas did
not seize power. Where you are, you have
performed very well, but now is the time for
reflection. New opportunities will arise and the
country has to head definitively toward a better
future."[119] Many viewers noted that Chávez had
remarked that he had failed only "por ahora" (for
now),[58][120][121][122][123] and he was immediately
catapulted into the national spotlight, with many
Venezuelans, particularly those from the poorer
sections of society, seeing him as a figure who had
stood up against government corruption
andkleptocracy.[124][125][126]
Chávez was arrested and imprisoned at the San
Carlos military stockade, where he remained
wracked with guilt, feeling responsible for the coup's
failure.[127][128] Indeed, pro-Chávez demonstrations that
took place outside of San Carlos led to his being
transferred to Yare prison soon after.[129] The
government meanwhile began a temporary
crackdown on media supportive of Chávez and the
coup.[130] A further attempted coup against the
government occurred in November, which was once

more defeated,[111][131] but then led to Pérez himself
being impeached a year later for malfeasance and
misappropriation of funds for illegal activities.[132][133]

Political rise: 1992–1998

[edit]

A painted mural in support of the Fifth Republic Movement
(MVR) found in Barcelona, Venezuela

While Chávez and the other senior members of the
MBR-200 were in prison, his relationship with Herma
Marksman broke up in July 1993.[134] She would
subsequently become a critic of Chávez.[135] In
1994, Rafael Caldera (1916–2009) of the
centrist National Convergence Party was elected to
the presidency, and soon after taking power, freed
Chávez and the other imprisoned MBR-200
members as per his pre-election pledge. Caldera
had however imposed upon them the condition that
they would not return to the military, where they
could potentially organise another coup.[136][137] After
being mobbed by adoring crowds following his
release, Chávez went on a 100-day tour of the
country, promoting his Bolivarian cause of social

revolution.[138] Now living off a small military pension
as well as the donations of his supporters, he
continued to financially support his three children
and their mother despite divorcing Nancy
Colmenares around this period. On his tours around
the country, he would meet Marisabel Rodríguez,
who would give birth to their daughter shortly before
becoming his second wife in 1997.[139][140]
Travelling around Latin America in search of foreign
support for his Bolivarian movement, he visited
Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, Colombia, and finally
Cuba, where the Communist leader Fidel
Castro (1926–) arranged to meet him. After
spending several days in one another's company,
Chávez and Castro became friends with the former
describing the Cuban leader as being like a father to
him.[141] Returning to Venezuela, Chávez failed to
gain mainstream media attention for his political
cause. Instead, he gained publicity from small, localbased newspapers and media outlets.[142] As a part of
his condemnation of the ruling class, Chávez
became critical of President Caldera, whose
neoliberal economic policies had caused inflation
and who had both suspended constitutional
guarantees and arrested a number of Chávez's
supporters.[143]According to the United Nations, by
1997 the per capita income for Venezuelan citizens

had fallen to US$2,858 from US$5,192 in 1990,
while poverty levels had increased by 17.65% since
1980, and homicide and other crime rates had more
than doubled since 1986, particularly in
Caracas.[144] Coupled with this drop in the standard of
living, widespread dissatisfaction with the
representative democratic system in Venezuela had
"led to gaps emerging between rulers and ruled
which favoured the emergence of
a populist leader".[145]
A debate soon developed in the Bolivarian
movement as to whether it should try to take power
in elections or whether it should instead continue to
believe that military action was the only effective way
of bringing about political change. Chávez was a
keen proponent of the latter view, believing that the
oligarchy would never allow him and his supporters
to win an election,[146] while Francisco Arias
Cárdenas instead insisted that they take part in the
representative democratic process. Cárdenas
himself proved his point when, after joining
the Radical Cause socialist party, he won the
December 1995 election to become governor of the
oil-rich Zulia State.[147] Subsequently changing his
opinion on the issue, Chávez and his supporters in
the Bolivarian movement decided to found their own
political party, the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR –

Movimiento Quinta República) in July 1997 in order
to support Chávez's candidature in the Venezuelan
presidential election, 1998.[115][148][149][150]

1998 election[edit]
The election of a leftist president in Venezuela in 1998
foreshadowed what would, in the following seven years,
become a wave of successes for left-leaning presidential
candidates in Latin America...Luiz Inácio "Lula" da Silva in
Brazil in October 2002, then Lucio Gutiérrez in Ecuador in
January 2003, Néstor Kirchner in Argentina in May
2003, Tabaré Vázquez in Uruguay in October 2004, Evo
Morales in Bolivia in December 2005, Rafael Correa in
Ecuador in November 2006, and then Daniel Ortega in
Nicaragua, also in November 2006. While some of these
moderated [towards the centre or centre-right] significantly
shortly after taking office, such as Gutiérrez and da Silva, they
represent a wave of left-of-center leaders whose election
came as a bit of a surprise given the... disorientation within
the left around the world.
Gregory Wilpert, Head ofVenezuelanalysis.com (2007).[151]

At the start of the election run-up, most polls
gave Irene Sáez, then-mayor of Caracas' richest
district, Chacao, the lead. Although an independent
candidate, she had the backing of one of
Venezuela's two primary political parties,Copei.[152] In
opposition to her right-wing and pro-establishment
views, Chávez and his followers described their aim
as "laying the foundations of a new republic" to
replace the existing one, which they cast as "party-

dominated"; the current constitution, they argued,
was no more than the "legal-political embodiment
of puntofijismo", the country's traditional twoparty patronagesystem.[153] This revolutionary rhetoric
gained Chávez and the MVR support from a number
of other leftist parties, including the Patria Para
Todos(Motherland for All), the Partido Comunist
Venezolano (Venezeuelan Communist Party) and
the Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement for
Socialism), which together fashioned a political
union supporting his candidacy called thePolo
Patriotic (Patriotic Pole).[150][154]
Chávez's promises of widespread social and
economic reforms won the trust and favor of a
primarily poor and working class following. By May
1998, Chávez's support had risen to 30% in polls,
and by August he was registering 39%.[155] Much of
his support came from his 'strong man' populist
image and charismatic appeal.[156] This rise in
popularity worried Chávez's opponents, with a part
of the media proceeding to attack him with a series
of allegations, which included the claim – which he
dismissed as ridiculous – that he was a cannibalwho
ate children.[157] With his support increasing, and
Sáez's decreasing, both the main two political
parties, Copei andDemocratic Action, put their
support behind Henrique Salas Römer, a Yale

University-educated economist who represented
the Project Venezuela party.[158]
Chávez won the election with 56.20% of the vote.
Salas Römer came second, with 39.97%, while the
other candidates, including Irene Sáez and Alfaro
Ucero, gained only tiny proportions of the
vote.[133][159] Academic analysis of the election showed
that Chávez's support had come primarily from the
country's poor and the "disenchanted middle class",
whose standard of living had decreased rapidly in
the previous decade,[160] although at the same time
much of the middle and upper class vote had
instead gone to Salas Römer.[161] Following the
announcement of his victory, Chávez gave a speech
in which he declared that "The resurrection of
Venezuela has begun, and nothing and no one can
stop it."[159]

Presidency: 1999–2013

[edit]

Further information: History of Venezuela (1999–
present)

First presidential term: 2 February 1999 –
10 January 2001[edit]
Chávez's presidential inauguration took place on 2
February 1999, and during the usual presidential
oath he deviated from the prescribed words to

proclaim that "I swear before God and my people
that upon this moribund constitution I will drive forth
the necessary democratic transformations so that
the new republic will have a Magna Carta befitting
these new times."[162][163] He subsequently set about
appointing new figures to a number of government
posts, including promoting various leftist allies to key
positions; he for instance gave one of the founders
of MBR, Jesús Urdaneta, the position in charge of
the secret police; and made one of the 1992 coup
leaders, Hernán Grüber Ódreman, governor of the
Federal District of Caracas.[164] Chávez also
appointed some conservative, centrist and centreright figures to government positions as well,
reappointing Caldera's economy minister Maritza
Izaquirre to that same position and also appointing
the businessman Roberto Mandini to be president of
the state-run oil company Petroleos de
Venezuela.[165] His critics referred to this group of
government officials as the "Boliburguesía" or
"Bolivarian bourgeoisie",[166][167] and highlighted the
fact that it "included few people with experience in
public administration."[162] He also made several
alterations to his presidential privileges, scrapping
the presidential limousine, giving away his entire
presidential wage of $1,200 a month to a
scholarship fund,[168] and selling off many of the
government-owned airplanes, although alternately

many of his critics accused him of excessive
personal expenses for himself, his family and
friends.[169] The involvement of a number of his
immediate family members in Venezuelan politics
has also led to accusations of nepotism, something
Chávez denies.[170] Meanwhile, in June 2000 he
separated from his wife Marisabel, and their divorce
was finalised in January 2004.[171]
Although he publicly used strong revolutionary
rhetoric from the beginning of his presidency, the
Chávez government's initial policies were moderate,
capitalist and centre-left, having much in common
with those of contemporary Latin American leftists
like Brazil's president Lula da Silva.[172][173] Chávez
initially believed that capitalism was still a valid
economic model for Venezuela, but that it would
have to be Rhenish capitalism that would be
followed rather than the neoliberalism which had
been implemented under former governments with
the encouragement of the United States.[174] He
followed the economic guidelines recommended by
the International Monetary Fund and continued to
encourage foreign corporations to invest in
Venezuela,[175] even visiting the New York Stock
Exchange in the United States in an attempt to
convince wealthy investors to do so.[176][177] To
increase his visibility abroad, Chávez spent fifty-two

days of his first year as president outside of
Venezuela, travelling the world meeting various
national leaders, such as American President Bill
Clinton, Governor of Texas George W. Bush and
Chinese Premier Jiang Zemin.[178]
While he was remaining fiscally conservative, he
introduced measures in an attempt to alleviate the
poverty of the Venezuelan working class. Chávez
immediately set into motion a social welfare program
called Plan Bolívar 2000, which he organised to
begin on 27 February 1999, the tenth anniversary of
the Caracazo massacre. According to the United
States Department of State, Chávez wanted to
"send the message that the military was not a force
of popular repression, but rather a force for
development and security". The State Department
also commented that this happened "only 23 days
after his inauguration" and that he wanted to show
his closest supporters "that he had not forgotten
them".[179] Chávez said he would set aside $20.8
million for the plan but some state that the program
costed $113 million. Plan Bolívar 2000 involved
70,000 soldiers, sailors and members of the air force
going out into the streets of Venezuela where they
would repair roads and hospitals, remove stagnant
water that offered breeding areas for diseasecarrying mosquitoes, offer free medical care and

vaccinations, and sell food at cheap
prices.[179][180][181][182] Chávez himself described the Plan
by saying that "Ten years ago we came to massacre
the people. Now we are going to fill them with love.
Go and comb the land, search out and destroy
poverty and death. We are going to fill them with
love instead of lead."[183]
In order to explain his latest thoughts and plans to
the Venezuelan people, in May 2000, he also
launched his own Sunday morning radio show, Aló
Presidente (Hello, President), on the state radio
network, as well as a Thursday night television
show, De Frente con el Presidente (Face to Face
with the President). He followed this with his own
newspaper, El Correo del Presidente (The
President's Post), founded in July, for which he
acted as editor-in-chief, but which was later shut
amidst accusations of corruption in its
management.[184] In his television and radio shows,
he answered calls from citizens, discussed his latest
policies, sang songs and told jokes, making it unique
not only in Latin America but the entire world.[185]
Constitutional reform[edit]
Chávez then called for a public referendum –
something virtually unknown in Venezuela at the
time – which he hoped would support his plans to
form a constitutional assembly, composed of

representatives from across Venezuela, as well as
from indigenous tribal groups, which would be able
to rewrite the nation's constitution. The referendum
went ahead on 25 April 1999, and was an
overwhelming success for Chávez, with 88% of
voters supporting the proposal.[186][187]

Chávez holds a miniature copy of the 1999 Venezuelan
Constitution at the 2003 World Social Forum held inBrazil.

Following this, Chávez called for an election to take
place on 25 July, in which the members of the
constitutional assembly would be voted into
power.[188] Most jurists believed that the new
constitutional assembly became the country's
"supreme authority" and that all other institutions
were subordinate to it.[189] Of the 1,171 candidates
standing for election to the assembly, over 900 of
them were opponents of Chávez, but despite this,
his supporters won another overwhelming electoral
victory, taking 125 seats (95% of the total), including
all of those belonging to indigenous tribal groups,
whereas the opposition were voted into only 6
seats.[186][190][191] On 12 August 1999, the new
constitutional assembly voted to give themselves the

power to abolish government institutions and to
dismiss officials who were perceived as being
corrupt or operating only in their own interests. While
supporters of the move believed that it could force
reforms that had been blocked by corrupt politicians
and judicial authorities for years, many opponents of
the Chávez regime argued that it gave Chávez and
the Bolivarians too much power at the expense of
their political opponents, and was therefore
dictatorial.[192][193]

Book cover of a government edition of the 1999 Constitution.

On August 25 Chávez declared a "judicial
emergency" and created a commission with nine
members given powers to "dismiss the Supreme
Court". Eight of fifteen members of the Supreme
Court agreed with the decree but Cecilia Sosa, then
president of the Supreme Court, resigned saying
that "the Supreme Court was now dead" and that
"the country's democratic system was in danger".

Arguments grew after Sosa's resignation from
existing politicians. On August 27, the existing
politicians called an emergency session with the
newly created Constitutional Assembly and Chávez
calling this session "provocative". National
Guardsmen then tried to prevent congressmen from
entering the parliamentary building in Caracas which
resulted in violent protests. After talking with church
leaders, those who were opposed to the new
measures agreed with Chávez. Chávez then
traveled, seeking support from other countries, and
returned to find that the Constitutional Assembly was
approving articles involving the freedom of
press and the right to life (which included abortion),
two articles Chávez did not agree with. The
Constitutional Assembly also rejected Chávez's
suggestion of renaming the country's name to
the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.[189]
The elected members of the constituent assembly
put together a new constitution, and a referendum
on the issue of whether to adopt it was held in
December 1999; the referendum saw an abstention
vote of over 50%, although amongst those voting,
72% approved the new constitution's
adoption.[191][194][195] The new constitution included
increased protections for indigenous peoples and
women, and established the rights of the public to

education, housing, healthcare and food. It added
new environmental protections, and increased
requirements for government transparency. It
increased the presidential term from five to six years,
allowed people to recall presidents by referendum,
and added a new presidential two-term limit. It
converted the bicameral legislature, a Congress with
both a Senate and a Chamber of Deputies, into
a unicameral one comprising only a National
Assembly.[196][197][198][199] The constitution gave greater
powers to the president, not only by extending their
term but also by giving them the power to legislate
on citizen rights as well as the economic and
financial matters that they were formerly unable to
do.[200] It also gave the military a role in the
government by providing it with the mandated role of
ensuring public order and aiding national
development, something it had been expressely
forbidden from doing under the former
constitution.[200] As a part of the new constitution, the
country, which was then officially known as the
Republic of Venezuela, was renamed the Bolivarian
Republic of Venezuela (República Bolivariana de
Venezuela) at Chávez's request, thereby reflecting
the government's ideology of Bolivarianism and the
influence of Simón Bolívar on the nation as a
whole.[190][191]

Second presidential term: 10 January
2001 – 10 January 2007[edit]

Chávez visiting Porto Alegre, Brazil in 2003

Under the new constitution, it was legally required
that new elections be held in order to re-legitimize
the government and president. This presidential
election in July 2000 would be a part of a greater
"megaelection", the first time in the country's history
that the president, governors, national and regional
congressmen, mayors and councilmen would be
voted for on the same day.[201][202][203] For the position
of president, Chávez's closest challenger proved to
be his former friend and co-conspirator in the 1992
coup, Francisco Arias Cárdenas, who since
becoming governor of Zulia state had turned
towards the political centre and begun to denounce
Chávez as autocratic.[204] Although some of his
supporters feared that he had alienated those in the
middle class and the Roman Catholic Church
hierarchy who had formerly supported him, Chávez
was re-elected with 59.76% of the vote (the
equivalent of 3,757,000 people), a larger majority

than his 1998 electoral victory,[205][206] again primarily
receiving his support from the poorer sectors of
Venezuelan society.[207]
That year, Chávez helped to further cement his
geopolitical and ideological ties with the Cuban
government of Fidel Castro by signing an agreement
under which Venezuela would supply Cuba with
53,000 barrels of oil per day at preferential rates, in
return receiving 20,000 trained Cuban medics and
educators. In the ensuing decade, this would be
increased to 90,000 barrels a day (in exchange for
40,000 Cuban medics and teachers), dramatically
aiding the Caribbean island's economy and standard
of living after its "Special Period" of the
1990s.[208] However, Venezuela's growing alliance
with Cuba came at the same time as a deteriorating
relationship with the United States: in late 2001, just
after the American-led invasion of Afghanistan in
retaliation for 11 September attacks against the U.S.
by Islamist militants, Chávez showed pictures of
Afghan children killed in a bomb attack on his
television show. He commented that "They are not
to blame for the terrorism ofOsama Bin Laden or
anyone else", and called on the American
government to end "the massacre of the innocents.
Terrorism cannot be fought with terrorism." The U.S.

government responded negatively to the comments,
which were picked up by the media worldwide.[209]

Chávez's second term in office saw the implementation of
social missions, such as this one to eliminate illiteracy in
Venezuela.

Meanwhile, the 2000 elections had led to Chávez's
supporters gaining 101 out of 165 seats in the
Venezuelan National Assembly, and so in November
2001 they voted to allow him to pass 49 social and
economic decrees.[210][211] This move antagonized the
opposition movement particularly strongly.[203]
At the start of the 21st century, Venezuela was the
world's fifth largest exporter ofcrude oil, with oil
accounting for 85.3% of the country's exports,
therefore dominating the country's
economy.[212][213] Previous administrations had sought
to privatise this industry, with U.S. corporations
having a significant level of control, but the Chávez
administration wished to curb this foreign control
over the country's natural resources by nationalising
much of it under the state-run oil company,Petróleos
de Venezuela S.A. (PdVSA). In 2001, the

government introduced a new Hydrocarbons Law
through which they sought to gain greater state
control over the oil industry: they did this by raising
royalty taxes on the oil companies and also by
introducing the formation of "mixed companies",
whereby the PdVSA could have joint control with
private companies over industry. By 2006, all of the
32 operating agreements signed with private
corporations during the 1990s had been converted
from being primarily or solely corporate-run to being
at least 51% controlled by PdVSA.[212]
Opposition and the CD[edit]
During Chávez's first term in office, the opposition
movement had been "strong but reasonably
contained, [with] complaints centring mainly on
procedural aspects of the implementation of the
constitution".[203] However, the first organized protest
against the Bolivarian government occurred in
January 2001, when the Chávez administration tried
to implement educational reforms through the
proposed Resolution 259 and Decree 1.011, which
would have seen the publication of textbooks with a
heavy Bolivarian bias. The protest movement, which
was primarily by middle class parents whose
children went to privately run schools, marched to
central Caracas shouting out the slogan "Don't mess
with my children." Although the protesters were

denounced by Chávez, who called them "selfish and
individualistic," the protest was successful enough
for the government to retract the proposed education
reforms and instead enter into a consensus-based
educational program with the opposition.[214] That
year, an organization known as the Coordinadora
Democrática de Acción Cívica (CD) was founded,
under which the Venezuelan opposition political
parties, corporate powers, most of the country's
media, theVenezuelan Federation of Chambers of
Commerce, the Frente Institucional Militar and
the Central Workers Union all united to oppose
Chávez's regime.[210][215] The prominent
businessman Pedro Carmona (1941–) was chosen
as the CD's leader.[210] They received support from
various foreign sources.

Chávez visiting the USS Yorktown, a US Navy ship docked
at Curaçao in theNetherlands Antilles, in 2002

The CD and other opponents of Chávez's Bolivarian
government accused it of trying to turn Venezuela
from a democracy into a dictatorship by centralising
power amongst its supporters in the Constituent
Assembly and granting Chávez increasingly

autocratic powers. Many of them pointed to
Chávez's personal friendship with Cuba's Fidel
Castro and the one-party socialist government in
Cubaas a sign of where the Bolivarian government
was taking Venezuela.[210] Others did not hold such a
strong view but still argued that Chávez was a "freespending, authoritarian populist" whose policies
were detrimental to the country.[216] For instance,
Venezuelan lawyer and academic Allan R. BrewerCarías, a prominent and vocal opponent of Chávez,
made the claim that under his regime the country
had "suffered a tragic setback regarding democratic
standards, suffering a continuous, persistent and
deliberate process of demolishing institutions and
destroying democracy, which has never before been
experienced in the constitutional history of the
country."[217] Other academics have argued that the
opposite was true, and that "the Chávez government
is in fact more democratic than previous ones"
because of the increased checks and balances
introduced by the 1999 constitution and the
introduction of workers' councils.[218]
The pro-Chávez political analyst Gregory Wilpert
argued, in his study of the Bolivarian administration,
that the opposition movement was dominated
primarily by members of the middle and upper
classes. He further argued that this wealthy elite was

particularly furious at the Bolivarian government
because they themselves had lost much of their
dominance over Venezuelan politics with the
introduction of the 1999 constitution and the
relegitimization of all areas of government that it
required.[219] He went on to argue that this wealthy
elite subsequently used its control of the country's
mass media to create an anti-Chávez campaign
aimed primarily at the middle classes, stirring up the
latent racism and classism that existed in
Venezuelan culture.[220][221] One of the most prominent
examples of this was through the popularization of
the racist termese mono ("that monkey"), which
began to be applied to Chávez by his
opponents,[187][222][223] who would also often accuse him
of being "vulgar and common".[205][222][224] Both
Venezuelan and Western opposition media also
characterized Chávez's supporters, who were known
as the Chávistas, as being "young, poor, politically
unsophisticated, antidemocratic masses" who were
controlled, funded and armed by the state,[225] and
they were regularly referred to as "hordes" in
opposition media discourse, which also commonly
referred to the Bolivarian Circles as "terror
circles".[223] Such descriptions have been refuted by
certain academics, such as Cristóbal Valencia
Ramírez, who, after studying Chavista groups, have
argued that they consist of people from many

classes of society and are educated and largely nonviolent.[226] Chavista-run organizations have since
claimed to have been the target of violent attacks
from opposition groups: for instance, the Ezequiel
Zamora National Farmers' Coordinator estimated
that 50 Chavista leaders involved in the land-reform
program had been assassinated during 2002 and
2003.[227]
Coup, strikes and the recall referendum[edit]
Main articles: 2002 Venezuelan coup d'état
attempt, Venezuelan general strike of 2002–
2003 and Venezuelan recall referendum, 2004

The 11 April 2002 rally in Caracas

On 11 April 2002, mass protests took place in
Caracas against the Bolivarian government, during
which guns were fired, and violence ensued
involving both pro- and anti-Chávez supporters, the
police, and the army.[228] Twenty people were killed,
and over 110 were wounded.[229] A group of highranking anti-Chávez military officers, likely supported
by figures in the business community, media, and

certain political parties,[which?] had been planning to
launch a coup against Chávez and used the civil
unrest as an opportunity.[230] After the plotters gained
significant power, Chávez agreed to be detained and
was transferred by army escort to La Orchila, and
although he requested to be allowed to leave the
country, he refused to officially resign from the
presidency at the time. Nonetheless, the wealthy
business-leader Pedro Carmona declared himself
president of an interim government.[231] Carmona
abolished the 1999 constitution and appointed a
small governing committee to run the
country.[203] Protests in support of Chávez along with
insufficient support for Carmona's regime, which
many felt was implementing totalitarian measures,
led to Carmona's resignation, and Chávez was
returned to power on 14 April.[232]
Chávez's reaction to the coup attempt was to
moderate his approach, implementing a new
economic team that appeared to be more centrist
and reinstated the old board of directors and
managers of the state oil company Petróleos de
Venezuela S.A. (PDVSA), whose replacement had
been one of the reasons for the coup.[233][234] At the
same time, the Bolivarian government began
preparing for potential future uprisings or even a US
invasion by increasing the country's military

capacity, purchasing 100,000 AK-47 assault rifles
and several helicopters from Russia, as well as a
number of Super Tucano light attack planes from
Brazil. Troop numbers were also increased, with
Chávez announcing in 2005 the government's
intention to increase the number of military reserves
from 50,000 to 2,000,000.[235]
In December 2002, Chávez made political allies
heads of PDVSA including Ali Rodriguez, a former
Marxist guerrilla who he made president of PDVSA,
replaced the company's board of directors with
loyalists who had "little or no experience in the oil
industry" and fired executives who
complained.[236] Chávez then faced a two-month
management strike at the PDVSA when he initiated
these management changes. Those involved in the
strike said that the new management was
"inexperienced and did not earn their jobs through
the established merit-based promotion system, but
were appointed only because they were Chavez
allies."[237] However, pro-Chávez political analyst
Gregory Wilpert noted that "While the opposition
labelled this action a 'general strike', it was actually a
combination of management lockout, administrative
and professional employee strike, and general
sabotage of the oil industry."[238] The Chávez
government's response was to fire about 19,000

striking employees for illegally abandoning their
posts and then employing retired workers, foreign
contractors, and the military to do their jobs
instead.[238] The Miami Herald reported from local
officials in Venezuela that in the month following the
replacement of workers, there were "at least 60
industrial accidents" including oil spills, at least
4,500 barrels of oil spilled, seven fires, the sinking of
barges and the death of a worker. Firefighters and
loss prevention experts for PDVSA reported that
conditions were too hazardous and later joined the
strike.[239] Energy Security Analysis Inc (ESAI)
claimed that, after the strike, "the oil sector has
struggled with inexperienced replacement workers
and the burden of funding Chavez' wide ranging
populist initiatives" and that there were "[s]tories of
crumbling facilities and underused refining
capacity".[240] Wilpert explained that this move further
damaged the strength of Chávez's opposition by
removing the many managers in the oil industry who
had been supportive of their cause to overthrow
Chávez.[238]
The 1999 constitution had introduced the concept of
a recall referendum into Venezuelan politics, so the
opposition called for such a referendum to take
place. A 2004 referendum to recall Chávez was
defeated. 70% of the eligible Venezuelan population

turned out to vote, with 59% of voters deciding to
keep the president in power.[206][241] Unlike his original
1998 election victory, this time Chávez's electoral
support came almost entirely from the poorer
working classes rather than the middle classes, who
"had practically abandoned Chávez" after he "had
consistently moved towards the left in those five and
a half years".[242] According to Cannon, some figures
in the opposition movement began calling for the
United States military to intervene and invade the
country in order to topple Chávez.[241][dubious – discuss]
"Socialism of the 21st century"[edit]
[Bolivarian] socialism would be 'based in solidarity, in
fraternity, in love, in justice, in liberty, and in equality' and
would mean the 'transformation of the economic model,
increasing cooperativism, collective property, the submission
of private property to the social interest and to the general
interest', created 'from the popular bases, with the
participation of the communities'. This socialism was not a
dogma, however, but 'must be constructed every day'.
Barry Cannon, Irish political analyst (2009)[93]

The various attempts at overthrowing the Bolivarian
government from power had only served to further
radicalize Chávez. In January 2005, he began
openly proclaiming the ideology of "Socialism of the
21st Century", something that was distinct from his
earlier forms of Bolivarianism, which had been social
democratic in nature, merging elements of capitalism

and socialism. He used this new term to contrast
the democratic socialism, which he wanted to
promote in Latin America from the MarxistLeninist socialism that had been spread by socialist
states like the Soviet Union and the People's
Republic of China during the 20th century, arguing
that the latter had not been truly democratic,
suffering from a lack of participatory democracy and
an excessively authoritarian governmental
structure.[93]
In May 2006, Chávez visited Europe in a private
capacity, where he announced plans to supply
cheap Venezuelan oil to poor working class
communities in the continent. The Mayor of
London Ken Livingstone welcomed him, describing
him as "the best news out of Latin America in many
years".[243]

Third presidential term: 10 January 2007
– 10 January 2013[edit]
In the presidential election of December 2006, which
saw a 74% voter turnout, Chávez was once more
elected, this time with 63% of the vote, beating his
closest challenger Manuel Rosales, who conceded
his loss.[241] The election was certified as being free
and legitimate by the Organization of American
States (OAS) and the Carter Center.[244][245][246] After

this victory, Chávez promised an "expansion of the
revolution."[247]
United Socialist Party of Venezuela and domestic
policy[edit]
On 15 December 2006, Chávez publicly announced
that those leftist political parties who had continually
supported him in the Patriotic Pole would unite into
one single, much larger party, the United Socialist
Party of Venezuela (Partido Socialista Unido de
Venezuela, PSUV).[150] In the speech which he gave
announcing the PSUV's creation, Chávez declared
that the old parties must "forget their own structures,
party colours and slogans, because they are not the
most important thing for the fatherland."[150] According
to political analyst Barry Cannon, the purpose of
creating the PSUV was to "forge unity amongst the
disparate elements [of the Bolivarian movement],
providing grassroots input into policy and leadership
formation, [and] uniting the grassroots and
leadership into one single body."[248] It was hoped
that by doing so, it would decrease the problems of
clientelism and corruption and also leave the
movement less dependent on its leadership:[248] as
Chávez himself declared, "In this new party, the
bases will elect the leaders. This will allow real
leaders to emerge."[248]

The logo for the PSUV, Chávez's socialist political party
founded in 2007

Chávez had initially proclaimed that those leftist
parties which chose to not dissolve into the PSUV
would have to leave the government, however, after
several of those parties supporting him refused to do
so, he ceased to issue such threats.[249] There was
initially much grassroots enthusiasm for the creation
of the PSUV, with membership having risen to 5.7
million people by 2007,[248][250] making it the largest
political group in Venezuela.[251] The United
Nations' International Labour Organization however
expressed concern over some voters' being
pressured to join the party.[252]
In 2007, the Bolivarian government set up a
constitutional commission in order to review the
1999 constitution and suggest potential
amendments to be made to it. Led by the prominent
pro-Chávez intellectual Luis Britto García, the
commission came to the conclusion that the
constitution could include more socially progressive
clauses, such as the shortening of the working
week, a constitutional recognition of Afro
Venezuelans and the elimination of discrimination on
the grounds ofsexual orientation.[241] It also

suggested measures that would have increased
many of the president's powers, for instance
increasing the presidential term limit to seven years,
allowing the president to run for election indefinitely
and centralizing powers in the executive.[241] The
government put the suggested changes to a public
referendum in December 2007.[253]Abstention rate
was high however, with 43.95% of registered voters
not turning out, and in the end the proposed
changes were rejected by 50.65% of
votes.[241][254] This would prove to the first electoral
loss that Chávez had faced in the thirteen electoral
contests held since he took power,[241] something
analysts argued was due to the top-down nature of
the changes, as well as general public
dissatisfaction with "the absence of internal debate
on its content, as well as dissatisfaction with the
running of the social programmes, increasing street
crime, and with corruption within the government."[255]
In order to ensure that his Bolivarian Revolution
became socially engrained in Venezuela, Chávez
discussed his wish to stand for re-election when his
term ran out in 2013, and spoke of ruling beyond
2030.[256] Under the 1999 constitution, he could not
legally stand for re-election again, and so brought
about a referendum on 15 February 2009 to abolish
the two-term limit for all public offices, including the

presidency.[257] Approximately 70% of the
Venezuelan electorate voted, and they approved this
alteration to the constitution with over 54% in favor,
allowing any elected official the chance to try to run
indefinitely.[256][257][258]
Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas and the
Bank of the South[edit]

Chávez (far right) with fellow Latin American leftist presidents
in 2009. From left to right: Paraguay's Fernando Lugo,
Bolivia'sEvo Morales, Brazil's Lula da Silva and
Ecuador's Rafael Correa

The Bolivarian government placed a great emphasis
on providing financial and medical aid to the rest of
Latin America, bolstered by the profits produced by
the Venezuela oil industry: indeed, in the first eight
months of 2007 alone, Venezuela spent $8.8 billion
in doing so, something which was "unprecedented
for a Latin American country" in terms of
scale.[259] Adding to this, the Chávez administration
sought greater political, economic and military
alliances with those Latin American countries who
had seen leftist, and in particular socialist

governments elected in the early 21st
century.[260] The widespread success of left-leaning
candidates at the time had led to what political
analysts have described as a "pink tide" sweeping
the region, although there was a great deal of
diversity within this leftist trend. Those that became
the closest allies of Bolivarian Venezuela were Evo
Morales and his Movement for Socialism, which was
elected into power in Bolivia in 2005, and Rafael
Correa and his PAIS Alliance, who won the election
in Ecuador in 2006.[151]
It was alleged that Chavez's government gave
money, weapons and support to the FARC, a rebel
guerilla movement in Colombia known for extensive
kidnappings and control of the drug trade. The
suspicion of Venezuelan support was supposedly
repeatedly confirmed. In 2005, captured laptops
belonging to FARC leaders showed Chavez's
involvement and support. The FARC rebels sought
Venezuelan assistance in acquiring surface-to-air
missiles. These files were confirmed byInterpol as
being authentic.[261] Files found in Ecuador showed
FARC spent $400,000 to support the presidential
campaign of Rafael Correa, an ally of Chavez. The
documents allege that Chavez met personally with
rebel leaders.[262]

In 2007, the socialist Daniel Ortega and
his Sandinista National Liberation Front were
elected into government in Nicaragua, and his
administration immediately entered into deals with
the Venezuelan government. On Ortega's first day in
power, Chávez announced plans to aid the
impoverished Central American country by forgiving
the $30 million it owed Venezuela, and agreed to
supply them with a further gift of $10 million in aid,
as well as providing them with a $20-million loan
with little or no interest and designed to benefit the
country's poor.[263]
In 2004, Venezuela had been one of the founding
states in the Bolivarian Alliance for the
Americas (ALBA).
As of 26 September 2009, Chávez, along with allies
such as Argentina, Brazil and Bolivia, had set up a
regional bank and development lender called Bank
of the South, based in Caracas, an attempt to
distance himself from financial institutions such as
the International Monetary Fund. Chávez first
mentioned the project before winning the
Presidential election in 1998.[264] Chávez maintains
that unlike other global financial organizations, the
Bank of the South will be managed and funded by
the countries of the region with the intention of
funding social and economic development without

any political conditions on that funding.[265] The
project is endorsed by Nobel Prize–winning,
former World Bank economist Joseph Stiglitz, who
said: "One of the advantages of having a Bank of the
South is that it would reflect the perspectives of
those in the south," and that "It is a good thing to
have competition in most markets, including the
market for development lending."[266]
As the Arab Spring erupted across North Africa and
the Middle East in 2010, Chávez openly criticised
those leaders who had been backed by the U.S.,
such as Egypt's Hosni Mubarak, but at the same
time championed those who had adhered toArab
socialist ideals, such as Syria's Bashar al-Assad,
whom he called "a humanist and a brother" in spite
of Assad's government's violent crackdown on
protesters.[267] Following the outbreak of the Libyan
civil war, in which forces opposed to the socialist
government rose up against the regime, Chávez,
who had always had good international relations
with Libya – describing its ceremonial
leader Muammar Gaddafi as "a friend of mine"[267] –
offered to act as an intermediary between the
government and the rebel-controlled National
Transitional Council (NTC); however the latter
declined the offer.[268]During the subsequent 2011
military intervention in Libya, in which western forces

attacked the Libyan army in support of the NTC,
Chávez criticised the "indiscriminate bombing" of the
country, accusing the United States of simply trying
to "lay its hands on Libya's oil".[269] Upon the killing of
Muammar Gaddafi in October 2011, Chávez
proclaimed that "We shall remember Gaddafi our
whole lives as a great fighter, a revolutionary and a
martyr. They assassinated him. It is another
outrage."[270]

Fourth presidential term: 10 January 2013
– 5 March 2013[edit]
On 7 October 2012, Chávez won election as
president for a fourth time, and for the third time he
won a six years term. He defeated Henrique
Capriles with 54% of the votes versus 45% for
Capriles, which was a lower victory margin than in
his previous presidential wins, in the 2012
Venezuelan presidential election[11][271] Turnout in the
election was an unheard-of 80%, testifying that the
election was hotly contested between the two
candidates.[272] There was significant support for
Chávez amongst the Venezuelan lower class.
Chávez's opposition blamed him for unfairly using
state funds to spread largesse before the election to
bolster Chavez's support among his primary
electoral base, the lower class.[271]

Chávez in June 2012.

The inauguration of Chávez's new term was
scheduled for 10 January 2013, but as he was
undergoing medical treatment at the time in Cuba,
he was not able to return to Venezuela for that date.
The National Assembly president Diosdado
Cabello proposed to postpone the inauguration and
the Supreme Court decided that, being just another
term of the sitting president and not the inauguration
of a new one, the formality could be bypassed.
TheVenezuelan Bishops Conference opposed the
verdict, stating that the constitution must be
respected and the Venezuelan government had not
been transparent regarding details about Chávez's
health.[273]
Acting executive officials produced orders of
government signed by Chávez, which were
suspected of forgery by some opposition politicians,
who claimed that Chávez was too sick to be in
control of his faculties. Guillermo Cochez, recently
dismissed from the office

ofPanamanian ambassador to the Organization of
American States, even claimed that Chávez had
been brain-dead since 31 December
2012.[274][275] Near to Chavez's death, two American
attachés were expelled from the country for
allegedly undermining Venezuelan democracy.[citation
needed]

Due to the death of Chávez, Vice President Nicolas
Maduro took over the presidential powers and duties
for the remainder of Chávez's abbreviated term until
presidential elections were held. Venezuela's
constitution specifies that the speaker of the
National Assembly, Diosdado Cabello, should
assume the interim presidency if a president cannot
be sworn in.[276]

Political ideology

[edit]

Main articles: Bolivarianism and Bolivarian Circles

19th century general and politician Simón Bolívarprovided a
basis for Chávez's political ideas.

Hugo Chávez defined his political position
as Bolivarianism, an ideology he developed from
that of Simón Bolívar (1783–1830) and others.
Bolívar was a 19th-century general who led the fight
against the colonialist Spanish authorities and who
is widely revered across Latin America today. Along
with Bolívar, the other two primary influences upon
Bolivarianism areSimón Rodríguez (1769–1854), a
philosopher who was Bolívar's tutor and mentor,
andEzequiel Zamora, (1817–1860), the Venezuelan
Federalist general.[277] Political analyst Gregory
Wilpert, in his study of Chávez's politics, noted that
"The key ingredients for Chávez's revolutionary
Bolivarianism can be summarized as: an emphasis

on the importance of education, the creation of
civilian-military unity, Latin American integration,
social justice, and national sovereignty. In many
ways this is not a particularly different set of
principles and ideas to those of any
other Enlightenment or national liberation thinker."[278]
Democracy is impossible in a capitalist system. Capitalism is
the realm of injustice and a tyranny of the richest against the
poorest. Rousseau said, 'Between the powerful and the weak
all freedom is oppressed. Only the rule of law sets you free.'
That's why the only way to save the world is through
socialism, a democratic socialism... [Democracy is not just
turning up to vote every five or four years], it's much more
than that, it's a way of life, it's giving power to the people... it is
not the government of the rich over the people, which is
what's happening in almost all the so-called democratic
Western capitalist countries.
Hugo Chávez, June 2010[174]

Although he was a leftist ever since his days at the
military academy, after becoming president
Chávez's political position progressed further left,
rejecting moderate leftist ideologies likesocial
democracy or the Third Way and instead
embracing democratic socialism and more
revolutionary methods. He propagated what he
called "socialism for the 21st century", but according
to Gregory Wilpert, "Chávez has not clearly defined
twenty-first century socialism, other than to say that
it is about establishing liberty, equality, social justice,

andsolidarity. He has also indicated that it is
distinctly different from state socialism", as
implemented by the governments of the Soviet
Union and the People's Republic of China.[279] As a
part of his socialist ideas, he emphasised the role of
so-called "participatory democracy", which he
claimed increased democratic participation, and was
implemented through the foundation of
theVenezuelan Communal Councils and Bolivarian
Circles which he cited as examples of grassroots
and participatory democracy.[280]
Chávez was well acquainted with the various
traditions of Latin American socialism, espoused by
such figures as Colombian politician Jorge Eliécer
Gaitán,[281] former Chilean president Salvador
Allende,[281] former Peruvian president Juan Velasco
Alvarado,[64] former Panamanian president Omar
Torrijos[68] and the Cuban Communist
revolutionaries Che Guevara andFidel
Castro.[281] Other indirect influences on Chávez's
political philosophy are the writings of American
linguist Noam Chomsky[282] and the Gospel teachings
of Jesus Christ.[283][284]
Chávez's connection to Marxism was a complex
one. In May 1996, he gave an interview with Agustín
Blanco Muñoz in which he remarked that "I am not a
Marxist, but I am not anti-Marxist. I am not

communist, but I am not anti-communist."[285] In a
2009 speech to the national assembly, he said: "I
am a Marxist to the same degree as the followers of
the ideas of Jesus Christ and the liberator of
America, Simon Bolivar."[18][286] He was well versed in
many Marxist texts, having read the works of many
Marxist theoreticians, and often publicly quoted
them. Various international Marxists supported his
government, believing it to be a sign of proletariat
revolution as predicted in Marxist theory.[287] In 2010,
Hugo Chávez proclaimed support for the ideas of
Marxist Leon Trotsky, saying "When I called him
(former Minister of Labour,José Ramón Rivero)"
Chávez explained, "he said to me: 'President I want
to tell you something before someone else tells you
... I am a Trotskyist', and I said, 'well, what is the
problem? I am also a Trotskyist! I follow Trotsky's
line, that of permanent revolution," and then
cited Marx and Lenin.[288][289] Other inspirations of
Chávez's political view are Giuseppe
Garibaldi,[290] Antonio Gramsci and Antonio
Negri.[291][292][293][294]

Policy overview

[edit]

Economic and social policy[edit]
See also: Economic policy of the Hugo Chávez
government and Economy of Venezuela

From his election in 1998 until his death in March
2013, Chávez's administration proposed and
enacted democratic socialisteconomic policies.
Domestic policies included redistribution of wealth,
land reform, and democratization of economic
activity via workplace self-management and creation
of worker-owned cooperatives.[295] Chávez supported
the creation of a series of Bolivarian Missions which
claimed to be aimed at providing public services to
improve economic, cultural, and social conditions. A
2010 OAS report[296] indicated achievements in
addressing illiteracy, healthcare and poverty,[297] and
economic and social advances.[298] In January 2013,
the Heritage Foundation and the Wall Street
Journal gave Venezuela's economic freedom a low
score of 36.1, twenty points lower than 56.1 in 1999
and was ranked very low at 174 of 177 countries on
its 2013 Index of Economic Freedom report with its
freedom trend heading downward.[299]
Oil products were the keystone of the Venezuelan
economy during Chávez's presidential period.
Chávez gained a reputation as a price hawk
in OPEC, pushing for stringent enforcement of
production quotas and higher target oil prices.
According to Cannon, the state income from oil
revenue "increas[ed] from 51% of total income in
2000 to 56% 2006";[300] oil exports "have grown from

77% in 1997 [...] to 89% in 2006";[300] and "this
dependence on oil is one of the chief problems
facing the Chávez government".[300] In 2012, the
World Bank also explained that Venezuela's
economy is "extremely vulnerable" to changes in oil
prices since in 2012 "96% of the country's exports
and nearly half of its fiscal revenue" relied on oil
production.[301]
The economist Mark Weisbrot, in an analysis of the
Chávez administration, said: "The current economic
expansion began when the government got control
over the national oil company in the first quarter of
2003. Since then, real (inflation-adjusted) GDP has
nearly doubled, growing by 94.7 percent in 5.25
years, or 13.5 percent annually."[302] The inflation rate
was over 20 percent in January 2013.[303] According
to Ian James, citing estimates from the Venezuelan
Central Bank, the Venezuelan government
"controlled" the same percentage of the economy as
when Chávez was elected in 1998, with "the private
sector still control[ling] two-thirds of Venezuela's
economy".[304] For the year 2009, the Venezuelan
economy shrank by an average of 2.9% due to the
global recession.[305]

The blue line represents annual rates. The red line represents
trends of annual rates given throughout the period
shown. GDP is in billions of Local Currency Unit that has been
adjusted for inflation.
Sources: International Monetary Fund, World Bank

After his election in 1998, more than 100,000 stateowned cooperatives – which claimed to represent
some 1.5 million people – were formed with the
assistance of government start-up credit and
technical training;[306] and the creation and
maintenance, as of September 2010, of over 30,000

communal councils, examples of localised
participatory democracy; which he intended to be
integrated into regional umbrella organizations
known as "Communes in Construction".[307] In 2010,
Chávez supported the construction of
184 communes, housing thousands of families, with
$23 million in government funding. The communes
produced some of their own food, and were able to
make decisions by popular assembly of what to do
with government funds.[308] In September 2010,
Chávez announced the location of 876 million
bolivars ($203 million) for community projects
around the country, specifically communal councils
and the newly formed communes. Chávez also
criticised the bureaucracy still common in Venezuela
saying, when in discussion with his Communes
Minister Isis Ochoa, that "All of the projects must be
carried out by the commune, not the bureaucracy."
The Ministry for Communes, which oversees and
funds all communal projects, was initiated in
2009.[307]
Every factory must be a school to educate, like Che
Guevara said, to produce not only briquettes, steel, and
aluminum, but also, above all, the new man and woman, the
new society, the socialist society.
Hugo Chávez, May 2009[309]

Chávez supported the creation of a series
ofBolivarian Missionswhich claimed to be aimed at
providing public services to improve economic,
cultural, and social conditions. A 2010 OAS
report[296] indicated achievements in addressing
illiteracy, healthcare and poverty,[297] and economic
and social advances.[298] Barry Cannon wrote that
"most areas of spending have
increased".[310] "[S]pending on education as a
percentage of GDP stood at 5.1% in 2006, as
opposed to 3.4% in the last year of the Caldera
government."[310] Spending on health "has increased
from 1.6% of GDP in 2000 to 7.7% in
2006".[310] Spending on housing "receives low public
support", increasing only "from 1% in GDP to 1.6%
in 2006".[310] Teresa A. Meade wrote that Chávez's
popularity "rests squarely on the lower classes who
have benefited from these health initiatives and
similar policies."[311] Under Chavez, Venezuelans'
quality of life improved according to a UN
Index[2] and the poverty rate fell from 48.6 percent in
2002 to 29.5 percent in 2011, according to the U.N.
Economic Commission for Latin America.[2] The drop
of Venezuela's poverty rate compared to poverty in
other South American countries is slightly behind of
Peru, Brazil and Panama.[312] The Missions have
entailed the construction of thousands of free

medical clinics for the poor,[5] and the enactment of
food[9] and housing subsidies.[10]
The Center for Economic and Policy
Research (CEPR) reported that the Venezuelan
economy grew on average by 11.85% in the period
2004–2007.[313] According to The Washington Post,
citing statistics from the United Nations, poverty in
Venezuela stood at 28% in 2008,[314] down from
55.44% in 1998 before Chávez got into
office.[315] Economist Mark Weisbrot found that,
"During the ... economic expansion, the poverty rate
[was] cut by more than half, from 54 percent of
households in the first half of 2003 to 26 percent at
the end of 2008. Extreme poverty fell by 72
percent.[316] These poverty rates measured only cash
income, and do not take into account increased
access to health care or education."[302][317]Under his
presidency, the Gini coefficient, a measure
of income inequality, dropped from nearly .5 in 1998
to .39 in 2011, putting Venezuela behind only
Canada in the Western Hemisphere.[303] Nicholas
Kozloff, Chávez's biographer, stated of Chávez's
economic policies: "Chávez has not overturned
capitalism, he has done much to challenge the more
extreme, neo-liberal model of development."[259]
Literacy[edit]

Of Venezuelans aged 15 and older, 95.2% can read
and write, one of the highest literacy rates in the
region. The literacy rate in 2007 was estimated to be
95.4% for males and 94.9% for females.[318] In 2007
primary education enrollment was around 93%.[319]
Chávez's government says that it had taught 1.5
million Venezuelans to read but this claim has
become the subject of scholarly debate.[7][8]

Currency Black Market[edit]

Blue line represents implied value of VEF compared
to USD.The red line represents what the Venezuelan
government officially rates the VEF.
Sources: Banco Central de Venezuela, Dolar Paralelo, Federal Reserve
Bank, International Monetary Fund

The implied value or "black market value" is what
Venezuelans believe the Bolivar Fuerte is worth
compared to the United States dollar.[320] In the first
few years of Chavez's office, his newly created
social programs required large payments in order to

make the desired changes. On February 5, 2003,
the government created CADIVI, a currency control
board charged with handling foreign exchange
procedures. Its creation was to control capital
flight by placing limits on individuals and only
offering them so much of a foreign currency.[321] This
limit to foreign currency led to a creation of a
currency black marketeconomy since Venezuelan
merchants rely on foreign goods that require
payments with reliable foreign currencies. As
Venezuela printed more money for their social
programs, the bolívar continued to devalue for
Venezuelan citizens and merchants since the
government held the majority of the more reliable
currencies.[322]
As of January 2014, the official exchange rate is
1 USD to 6.3 VEF while the black market exchange
rate is over ten times higher since the actual value of
the bolívar is overvalued for Venezuelan
businesses. Since merchants can only receive so
much necessary foreign currency from the
government, they must resort to the black market
which in turn raises the merchant's prices
on consumers.[323] The high rates in the black market
make it difficult for businesses to purchase
necessary goods since the government often forces
these businesses to make price cuts. This leads to

businesses selling their goods and making a low
profit, such as Venezuelan McDonald's franchises
offering a Big Mac meal for only $1.[324]Since
businesses make low profits, this leads to shortages
since they are unable import the goods that
Venezuela is reliant on. Venezuela's largest food
producing company, Empresas Polar, has stated
that they may need to suspend some production for
nearly the entire year of 2014 since they owe foreign
suppliers $463 million.[325]

Food[edit]
In the 1980s and 1990s health and nutrition indexes
in Venezuela were generally low, and social
inequality in access to nutrition was high.[326] Chávez
made it his stated goal to lower inequality in the
access to basic nutrition, and to achievefood
sovereignty for Venezuela.[327] The main strategy for
making food available to all economic classes was a
controversial policy of fixing price ceilings for basic
staple foods implemented in 2003.[328] In 2012, total
food consumption was over 26 million metric tonnes,
a 94.8% increase from 2003.[329]

Empty shelves in a Venezuelan market.

In 2011, food prices in Caracas were nine times
higher than when the price controls were put in
place and resulted in shortages of cooking oil,
chicken, powdered milk, cheese, sugar and
meat.[23] These shortages of food occurred during
Chávez's presidency with food shortage rates
between 10% and 20% from 2010 to 2013. In early
2014, these food shortages nearly reached
30%[26] with some food shortages approaching 50%.
One possible reason for shortages is the relationship
between inflation and subsidies, where no
profitability due to price regulations affect
operations. In turn, the lack of dollars made it difficult
to purchase more food imports.[24] Chávez's strategy
in response to food shortages consisted mainly of
increasing domestic production through nationalizing
large parts of the food industry. The price ceilings
increased the demand for basic foods while making
it difficult for Venezuela to import goods causing
increased reliance on domestic production.
According to some commentators this policy may
have increased shortages.[330][331]
According to official statistics from the Ministry of
Land and Agriculture, soybean production in
Venezuela has grown by 858% to 54,420 tons over
the past decade, and production of rice has risen by

84%, reaching close to 1.3 million tons
yearly.[332] Chávez's presidency has also seen
significant increases in milk production, as much as
50% over ten years reported by some
sources.[333] Between 1998 and 2006 malnutrition
related deaths fell by 50%.[302][334] In October 2009,
the Executive Director of the National Institute of
Nutrition (INN) Marilyn Di Luca reported that the
average daily caloric intake of the Venezuelan
people had reached 2790 calories, and that
malnutrition had fallen from 21% in 1998 to 6%.[335]
In 2011, Datanálisis, an independent polling firm
found that powdered milk could be found in less than
half of grocery stores in Venezuela and that liquid
milk was even more scarce in the country.[330] Chávez
blamed "speculators and hoarders" for these
scarcities.[331]
Chávez was strictly enforcing a price control policy,
denouncing anyone who sold food products for
higher prices as "speculators".[328] In January 2008,
Chávez ordered the military to seize 750 tons of
food that sellers were illegally trying to smuggle
across the border to sell for higher prices than what
was legal in Venezuela.[336] In February 2009,
Chávez ordered the military to temporarily seize
control of all the rice processing plants in the country
and force them to produce at full capacity, which he

claimed they had been avoiding in response to the
price caps.[337] In May 2010, Chávez ordered the
military to seize 120 tons of food from Empresas
Polar after inconsistencies in reports from the
Empresas Polar conglomerate were said to have
been detected by authorities.[338]
In March 2009, the Venezuelan government set
minimum production quotas for 12 basic foods that
were subject to price controls, including white rice,
cooking oil, coffee, sugar, powdered milk, cheese,
and tomato sauce, which is intended to stop food
companies from evading the law. Business leaders
and food producers claimed that the government
was forcing them to produce this food at a
loss.[339] Chávez expropriated and redistributed 5
million acres of farmland from large landowners,
saying: "The land is not private. It is the property of
the state... The land is for those who work it." But,
the lack of basic resources made it difficult or
impossible to make full use of the expropriated lands
by its new tenants – leading to a lower overall
degree of productivity in spite of a larger overall area
of land under cultivation.[340]

Shoppers waiting in line at a government-run MERCAL store.

As part of his strategy of food security Chávez
started a national chain of supermarkets, the Mercal
network, which had 16,600 outlets and 85,000
employees that distributed food at highly discounted
prices, and ran 6000 soup kitchens throughout the
country.[341] In 2008 the amount of discounted food
sold through the network was 1.25 million metric
tonnes,[302] often sold at as much as 40% below the
price ceiling set for privately own stores.
Simultaneously Chávez expropriated many private
supermarkets.[341] According to Commerce Minister
Richard Canan, "The average [savings] for the basic
food bundle (at the Mercal Bicentennial markets) is
around 30%. There are some products, for example
cheese and meat, which reach a savings of 50 to
60% compared with capitalist markets."[342] The
Mercal network was criticized by some
commentators as being a part of Chávez's strategy
to brand himself as a provider of cheap food, and
the shops feature his picture prominently. The

Mercal network was subject to frequent scarcities of
basic staples such as meat, milk and sugar – and
when scarce products arrived, shoppers had to wait
in line.[341]
In 2007 14,383 tonnes of milk, rice, pasta, beef and
chicken, worth $54 million were also abandoned. In
2010, after the government nationalized the port at
Puerto Cabello, more than 120,000 tons of food
worth 10.5 bolivares sat rotting at the port.[343][344] In
May 2010, during a shortage of beef, at least 40
butchers were detained on charges of speculation
for allegedly selling meat above the regulated price;
some of them were held at a military base and later
strip-searched by police.[345]
Jose Guerra, former executive of the Central Bank of
Venezuela (BCV) explained that Venezuela's large
increases on purchasing food in 2012 and reserves
that are at their lowest levels since 2004 contributed
to dollar shortages that Venezuela suffered in the
years following 2012.[27]

Crime and punishment[edit]

Murder rate (1 murder per 100,000 citizens) from 1998 to
2013.
Source: Observatorio Venezolano de Violencia

During the 1980s and 1990s there was a steady
increase in crime in Latin America. The countries of
Colombia, El Salvador, Venezuela, and Brazil all
had homicide rates above the regional
average.[346] During his terms as president, hundreds
of thousands of Venezuelans were murdered due to
violent crimes occurring in the country.[347]
Under Chávez's administration, crimes were so
prevalent that the government no longer produced
crime data.[348] Homicide rates in Venezuela more
than tripled, with one NGO finding the rate to have
nearly quadrupled. The majority of the deaths occur
in crowded slums in Caracas.[28][29] The NGO found
that the number of homicides in the country
increased from 6,000 in 1999 to 19,000 in
2011[30][31] 21,692 in 2012[349] and 24,763 in 2013.[350] In
2010 Caracas had the highest murder rate in the

world.[351] According to the United Nations Office on
Drugs and Crime, in 2012 there were 13,080
murders in Venezuela and 14,670 murders in
neighboring Colombia.[352]
In September 2010, Chávez claimed that Venezuela
is no more violent now than it was when he first took
office.[353]Although critical of Chávez, an International
Crisis Group report claimed that when Chávez took
office, there were several factors beyond his control
that led to the crime epidemic throughout
Venezuela. The study went on to say that cross
border activity, mainly with Colombia, was also an
important factor. It claimed that international
organised crime filters between the two countries
had led to higher rates of kidnapping, drug
trafficking, and homicides. Furthermore, Chávez
supporters claimed that the states with the highest
murder rates were controlled by the
opposition.[354] According to the publications El
Espectador and Le Monde diplomatique, rising crime
in rural and urban areas of Venezuela was partly
due to increased cross-border activity by Colombian
right-wing paramilitary groups like Águilas Negras.[355]
Police corruption[edit]
According to some sources, there is widespread
corruption in Venezuela's police force.[356] Many
victims are afraid to report crimes to the police

because many officers are involved with criminals
and may bring even more harm to the
victims.[32]Human Rights Watch claims that the
"police commit one of every five crimes" and that
thousands of people have been killed by police
officers acting with impunity (only 3% of officers
have been charged in cases against them).[357] The
Metropolitan Police force in Caracas was so corrupt
that it was disbanded and was even accused of
assisting in many of the country's 17,000
kidnappings.[33] Medium says that the Venezuelan
police are "seen as brutal and corrupt" and are
"more likely to rob you than help".[358]
Between 2000 and 2007, 6,300 Venezuelan
policemen were investigated for violations of human
rights. Because decentralization of police was
blamed for their ineffectiveness, the 1999
constitution required the National Assembly to form
a national police force to fight crime; however,
legislation on this became bogged down in
numerous legislative discussions. In 2006, the
government established the National Commission
for Police Reform (Conarepol), in which a range of
civil society representatives, politicians, and
academics investigated law enforcement in
Venezuela and made recommendations. This
included setting up a national police force designed

to operate with high standards of professionalism
and specific training in human rights. It also included
initiatives whereby communal councils could
participate in police supervision by being able to
request investigations into police behaviour and file
recommendations and complaints.[30] Chavez also
combated crime by raising the pay for police officers,
as well as launching a new national force.[29]
In 2008, Chávez passed a decree designed to
implement Conarepol's recommendation on the
national police force, and the National Bolivarian
Police (PNB),[359][360] and Experimental Security
University began operations in 2009. According to
the PNB, murder was reduced by 60%, robberies by
nearly 59%, and gender-based violence by 66% in
the pilot areas where the PNB was active in and
around Caracas.[360] However, not all homicides due
to encounters with police are reported.[361]
However, human rights groups still say the effort by
the Venezuelan government to fight crime is too
"timid".[362] The decree was also criticized because it
was negotiated behind closed doors and did not
follow Conarepol's recommendations to deal with
human rights and because "politicization of the force
could undercut the goal of professionalization".[361][363]
Prisons[edit]

During Chávez's presidency, there were reports of
prisoners having easy access to firearms, drugs, and
alcohol. Carlos Nieto—head of Window to
Freedom—alleges that heads of gangs acquire
military weapons from the state, saying: "They have
the types of weapons that can only be obtained by
the country's armed forces. ... No one else has
these." Use of internet and mobile phones are also a
commonplace where criminals can take part in street
crime while in prison. One prisoner explained how,
"If the guards mess with us, we shoot them" and that
he had "seen a man have his head cut off and
people play football with it."[364]
Edgardo Lander, a sociologist and professor at the
Central University of Venezuela with a PhD in
sociology from Harvard University explained that
Venezuelan prisons are "practically a school for
criminals" since young inmates come out "more sort
of trained and hardened than when they went in". He
also explained that prison are controlled by gangs
and that "very little has been done" to control
them.[365]
In some Venezuelan prisons, inmates partake
in gladiatorial matches to settle disputes. In 2011,
the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of
the Organization of American States denounced the
practice of "The Coliseum" saying "The Commission

reiterates to the State the need to take immediate
and effective steps to prevent such incidents from
happening again" after 2 inmates died and 54 more
were injured after from the practices.[366] However a
year later, one "Coliseum" in Uribana left 2 dead and
128 injured. Those injured had to be assisted by a
church in the area.[367][368]
Venezuelan rights groups report that the 34 prisons
in Venezuela hold 50,000 people but are only
supposed to hold about one-third of that. In 2012, La
Planta, a prison built in 1964 with a capacity of 350
inmates, held almost 2,500 inmates with most armed
with heavy weapons.[369]

Corruption[edit]

Venezuela's perception of corruption scores between 2004
and 2013.
( * ) Score was averaged according to Transparency International's method.
Source: Transparency International

In December 1998, Hugo Chávez declared three
goals for the new government; "convening a

constituent assembly to write a new constitution,
eliminating government corruption, and fighting
against social exclusion and poverty". However,
during Hugo Chávez's time in power, corruption has
become widespread throughout the government due
to impunity towards members of the government,
bribes and the lack of transparency.[370] In 2004,
Hugo Chávez and his allies took over the Supreme
Court, filling it with supporters of Chávez and made
new measures so the government could dismiss
justices from the court.[357]According to
the libertarian Cato Institute, the National Electoral
Council of Venezuela was under control of Chávez
where he tried to "push a constitutional reform that
would have allowed him unlimited opportunities for
reelection".[37] The Corruption Perceptions Index,
produced annually by the Berlin-based
NGO, Transparency International (TNI) reports
findings of corruption in countries around the world.
In recent years, corruption has worsened; it was
158th out of 180 countries in 2008, and 165th out of
176 (tied withBurundi, Chad, and Haiti)[371]). Most
Venezuelans believe the government's effort against
corruption is ineffective, that corruption has
increased, and that government institutions such as
the judicial system, parliament, legislature and police
are the most corrupt.[372]

In Gallup Poll's 2006 Corruption Index, Venezuela
ranked 31st out of 101 countries according to how
widespread the population perceive corruption as
being in the government and in business. The index
lists Venezuela as the second least corrupt nation in
Latin America, behind Chile.[373] In August 2006,
following assaults on a squatter and a National
Assembly member, El Universal says that Chávez
called on the latest Minister, Jesse Chacón to quit if
he could not do the job, demanding more effort in
the fight against corruption, and affirming the need
to clean up and reform the local police forces. He
questioned the impunity that exists in the country,
and challenged authorities, like Chacón, to resign if
they could not make progress against crime. He also
called for greater protection of squatters settling on
landed estates.[374] Some criticism came from
Chávez's supporters. Chávez's own political
party, Fifth Republic Movement (MVR), had been
criticized as being riddled with the same cronyism,
political patronage, and corruption that Chávez
alleged were characteristic of the old "Fourth
Republic" political parties. Venezuela's trade
unionists and indigenous communities have
participated in peaceful demonstrations intended to
impel the government to facilitate labor and land
reforms. These communities, while largely
expressing their sympathy and support for Chávez,

criticize what they see as Chávez's slow progress in
protecting their interests against managers and
mining concerns, respectively.[375][376][377]
Use of income and public funds[edit]
From the beginning of Chávez's presidency to 2008,
Venezuela had a total income of approximately $700
billion. During that time, Venezuela's debt increased
from $22 billion to $70 billion. According to the Cato
Institute, this large amount of money was "nowhere
to be seen in terms of public works or effective
health and education programs".[37]
However, $22.5 billion of public funds were
transferred from Venezuela to foreign accounts with
half of that money being unaccounted for by
anyone.[37] José Guerra, a former Central Bank
executive, claimed that most of that money has been
used to buy political allies in countries such
as Cuba and Bolivia.[37] Chávez reportedly made
promises and carried out most payments of nearly
$70 billion USD to foreign leaders without the
consultation of the people of Venezuela and without
normal legal procedures.[37]
Aiding FARC[edit]
According to the International Institute for Strategic
Studies (IISS), "Chavez's government
funded FARC's office in Caracas and gave it access

to Venezuela's intelligence services" and said that
during the 2002 coup attempt that, "FARC also
responded to requests from (Venezuela's
intelligence service) to provide training in urban
terrorism involving targeted killings and the use of
explosives." The IISS continued saying that "the
archive offers tantalizing but ultimately unproven
suggestions that FARC may have undertaken
assassinations of Chavez's political opponents on
behalf of the Venezuelan state." Venezuelan
diplomats denounced the IISS' findings saying that
they had "basic inaccuracies".[378]
In 2007, authorities in Colombia claimed that
through laptops they had seized on a raid
against Raul Reyes, they found in documents that
Hugo Chávez offered payments of as much as $300
million to the FARC "among other financial and
political ties that date back years" along with other
documents showing "high-level meetings have been
held between rebels and Ecuadorean officials" and
some documents claiming that FARC had "bought
and sold uranium".[379][380]

Human rights[edit]
Main article: Human rights in Venezuela

Chávez, speaking at the 2003 World Social Forum in Porto
Alegre, Brazil

1999 Venezuelan Constitution[edit]
In the 1999 Venezuelan constitution, 116 of 300
articles were concerned with human rights; these
included increased protections for indigenous
peoples and women, and established the rights of
the public to education, housing, healthcare, and
food. It called for dramatic democratic reforms such
as ability to recall politicians from office by popular
referendum, increased requirements for government
transparency, and numerous other requirements to
increase localized, participatory democracy, in favor
of centralized administration. It gave citizens the
right to timely and impartial information, community
access to media, and a right to participate in acts of
civil disobedience.[197][198]
Criticisms[edit]
In 2008, Human Rights Watch released a report
reviewing Chávez's human rights record over his
first decade in power.[381]The report praises Chávez's
1999 amendments to the constitution which

significantly expanded human rights guarantees, as
well as mentioning improvements in women's
rights and indigenous rights, but noted a "wide range
of government policies that have undercut the
human rights protections established" by the revised
constitution.[381] In particular, the report accused
Chávez and his administration of engaging in
discrimination on political grounds, eroding the
independence of the judiciary, and of engaging in
"policies that have undercut journalists' freedom of
expression, workers' freedom of association, and
civil society's ability to promote human rights in
Venezuela."[382] The Venezuelan government
retaliated for the report by expelling members of
Human Rights Watch from the
country.[383] Subsequently, over a hundred Latin
American scholars signed a joint letter with
the Council on Hemispheric Affairs criticizing the
Human Rights Watch report for its alleged factual
inaccuracy, exaggeration, lack of context, illogical
arguments, and heavy reliance on opposition
newspapers as sources, amongst other
things.[384][385][386]
The International Labor Organization of the United
Nations expressed concern over voters being
pressured to join the party.[252]

Chávez meets with Hillary Clinton at the Summit of the
Americas on 19 April 2009.

In 2010, Amnesty International criticized the Chávez
administration for targeting critics following several
politically motivated arrests.[387] Freedom
House listed Venezuela as being "partly free" in its
2011 Freedom in the World annual report, noting a
recent decline in civil liberties.[388]
A 2010 Organization of American States report
found concerns with freedom of expression, human
rights abuses, authoritarianism, press freedom,
threats to democracy,[389][390] as well as erosion of
separation of powers, the economic infrastructure
and ability of the president to appoint judges to
federal courts.[389][390][391] OAS observers were denied
access to Venezuela;[391] Chávez rejected the OAS
report, pointing out that its authors did not even
come to Venezuela. He said Venezuela should
boycott the OAS, which he felt is dominated by the
United States; a spokesperson said, "We don't
recognize the commission as an impartial
institution". He disclaimed any power to influence the

judiciary.[392] A Venezuelan official said the report
distorted and took statistics out of context, and said
that "human rights violations in Venezuela have
decreased".[393] Venezuela said it will not accept an
IACHR/OAS visit as long as Santiago Cantón
remains its Executive Secretary, unless the IACHR
apologizes for what he[clarification needed]described as its
support of the 2002 coup.[296][394]
Venezuelan Judge Maria Afiuni was arrested in
2009 on charges of corruption, after she ordered the
conditional release on bail of banker Eligio Cedeño,
who had been held on charges of fraud and other
crimes due to alleged illegal currency trading
activities. Some human rights officials alleged the
arrest was politically motivated; Cedeño "had been
in pretrial detention for nearly three years, despite a
two-year limit prescribed by Venezuelan
law".[395] Cedeño later fled to the U.S. to avoid
prosecution. Following Afiuni's arrest, several
groups, including the United Nations, the InterAmerican Commission on Human Rights, the
Episcopal Conference of Venezuela, Human Rights
Watch, the Law Society of England and Wales, the
U.S. Department of State, and the European Union
Parliament accused Chávez of "creating a climate of
fear" among Venezuela's legal
profession.[395][396][397][398][399][400][401][402] The European

Parliament called it "an attack on the independence
of the judiciary by the President of a nation, who
should be its first guarantor".[403] A director of Human
Rights Watch said, "Once again the Chávez
government has demonstrated its fundamental
disregard for the principle of judicial
independence."[395]
Allegations of Anti-semitism[edit]
See also: Accusations of Chávez anti-Semitism
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is disputed. Relevant discussion may
be found on the talk page. Please do
not remove this message until
the dispute is resolved. (May 2014)
Chavez's opposition to Zionism and close relations
with Iran, have led to accusations
of antisemitism[404][405] During Chavez's presidency,
the Venezuelan Jewish community made statements
at a World Jewish Congress Plenary Assembly
in Jerusalem saying, "Where we live, anti-Semitism
is sanctioned. It comes from the president, through
the government, and into the media."[406] In a 2006
Christmas speech, Chavez made remarks saying
that "[t]he world is for all of us, then, but it so
happens that a minority, the descendants of the
same ones that crucified Christ, the descendants of

the same ones that kicked Bolívar out of here and
also crucified him in their own way over there in
Santa Marta, in Colombia. A minority has taken
possession all of the wealth of the world." The
Venezuelan Jewish community leadership and
several major American Jewish groups defended
Chavez from accusations (by the Simon Wiesenthal
Center, among others) that he had made antisemitic remarks. They pointed to Chavez's reference
to Bolivar as the clearest evidence that his
comments were directed at wealthy elites in general,
not at any group in particular.[407][408][409][410][411] In 2009,
attacks on a synagogue in Caracas were alleged to
be influenced by "vocal denunciations of Israel" by
the Venezuelan state media and Hugo Chávez even
though Chavez promptly condemned the attacks
blaming an "oligarchy".[406][412] Elias Farache,
President of the Venezuelan Israeli Association,
rebuked the allegations, stating that they came from
unauthorized spokespersons of the Jewish
community; he explained that "We do not blame the
government, and it does not sound logical for us to
be attacked by a government that is liberal, that has
above all always been in favor of
minorities".[413][414][415] A weeklong CICPC investigation
revealed the synagogue attack to be an 'inside job',
the motive apparently being robbery rather than antisemitism.[416][417] Venezuelan authorities arrested 11

suspects, including a rabbi's bodyguard, who
planned the crime, along with seven other policemen
and three civilians.[418] [419] The Venezuelan Israeli
Association publicly expressed its appreciation of
the Chavez government’s prompt repudiation of the
synagogue attack, and its thorough investigation and
arrest of its perpetrators. "The national government
has shown its commitment to struggle to eradicate
feelings that are foreign to the Venezuelan people,
and to restore peace and tranquility to our
community", said Farache.[420][421][422][423][424] State media
attacks on Henrique Capriles Radonski, a Catholic
of Jewish ancestry, were widely criticized as
antisemitic.[425][426][427] The Wall Street Journal said that
Capriles "was vilified in a campaign in Venezuela's
state-run media, which insinuated he was, among
other things, a homosexual and a Zionist
agent".[425] Prior to the 2012 Venezuelan presidential
election, when Chavez faced presidential
nominee Henrique Capriles Radonski, it was
reported to be a choice between Chavez's socialist
revolution and "international Zionism which
threatens to destroy the planet", according to an
article published on the website of Radio Nacional
de Venezuela.[428]

Media and the press[edit]
See also: Media representation of Hugo Chávez

Although the freedom of the press was mentioned
by two key clauses in the 1999 Constitution of
Venezuela, in 2008,Human Rights Watch criticized
Chávez for engaging in "often discriminatory policies
that have undercut journalists' freedom of
expression."[382] Freedom House listed Venezuela's
press as being "Not Free" in its 2011 Map of Press
Freedom, noting that "[t]he gradual erosion of press
freedom in Venezuela continued in
2010."[429] Reporters Without Borders criticized the
Chávez administration for "steadily silencing its
critics".[430] In the group's 2009 Press Freedom Index,
Reporters Without Borders noted that "Venezuela is
now among the region’s worst press freedom
offenders."[430]
The large majority of mass media in Venezuela
remained privately owned, but subject to significant
state control. The Venezuelan government required
that all private television stations dedicate at least
25%[clarification needed] of their airtime to programs created
by community groups, non-profits, and other
independent producers. In 2007,[dated info] private
corporations controlled 80% of the cable television
channels, 100% of the newspaper companies, and
706 out of 709 radio stations.[431][432]
In July 2005 Chávez inaugurated TeleSUR, a PanAmerican equivalent of Al Jazeera that sought to

challenge the present domination of Latin American
television news by Univision and the United Statesbased CNN en Español.[433] In 2006 Chávez
inaugurated a state-funded movie studio called Villa
del Cine (English: Cinema City).[434] According to
Chávez, the goal of this indigenous film industry was
to counter what he described as "the dictatorship of
Hollywood", the lack of alternative media.[435]

Venezuelans protesting against the closing of RCTV.

Chávez had a Twitter account with more than
3,200,000 followers as of August
2012.[436][437][438] Chávez's Twitter account has been
described as a way for people to
bypass bureaucracy and contact the president
directly. There was a team of 200 people to sort
through suggestions and comments sent via Twitter.
Chávez said Twitter was "another mechanism for

contact with the public, to evaluate many things and
to help many people",[439] and that he saw Twitter as
"a weapon that also needs to be used by the
revolution".[440] In a Twitter report released in June
2010 Venezuela was third globally for the
prevalence of Twitter with 19% of the population
using it.[441]
In 2010 availability of Internet service in Venezuela
rose by 43%.[citation needed] The Venezuelan state
instituted Infocenters, community spaces equipped
with computers with internet connections which are
free to use.[441] By January 2011 there were 737
infocenters, and the programme was awarded a
prize by UNESCO.[442]
In the days before the 11 April 2002 coup, the five
main private Venezuelan TV stations gave
advertising space to those calling for anti-Chávez
demonstrations.[443][444] In 2006, Chávez announced
that the terrestrial broadcast license for RCTV would
not be renewed, due to its refusal to pay taxes and
fines, and its alleged open support of the 2002 coup
attempt against Chávez, and role in helping to
instigate the oil strike in 2002–2003.[445] RCTV was
transmitted via cable and satellite and was widely
viewable in Venezuela until January 2010, when it
was excluded by cable companies in response to an
order of National Commission of

Telecommunications.[446][447][448] The refusal to renew
its terrestrial broadcast license was condemned by a
multitude of international organizations, many of
whom have claimed that the closure was politically
motivated, and was intended to silence government
critics.[449][450][451][452]
Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR)
questioned whether, in the event a television station
openly supported and collaborated with coup
leaders, the station in question would not be subject
to even more serious consequences in the United
States or any other Western nation.[453] In a poll
conducted by Datanalisis, almost 70 percent of
Venezuelans polled opposed the shut-down, but
most quoted loss of their favourite soap operas
rather than concerns about limits on freedom of
expression.[454]

Foreign policy[edit]
Further information: Foreign policy of the Hugo
Chávez government

Chávez with fellow South American presidents of Argentina
and Brazil

Chávez refocused Venezuelan foreign policy on
Latin American economic and social integration by
enacting bilateral trade and reciprocal aid
agreements, including his so-called "oil
diplomacy".[455][456] Chávez stated that Venezuela has
"a strong oil card to play on the geopolitical stage ...
It is a card that we are going to play with toughness
against the toughest country in the world, the United
States."[457] Chávez focused on a variety of
multinational institutions to promote his vision of
Latin American integration, including Petrocaribe,
Petrosur, and TeleSUR. Bilateral trade relationships
with other Latin American countries also played a
major role in his policy, with Chávez increasing arms
purchases from Brazil, forming oil-for-expertise trade
arrangements with Cuba, and creating
unique barter arrangements that exchange
Venezuelan petroleum for cash-strapped Argentina's
meat and dairy products. Additionally, Chávez
worked closely with other Latin American leaders
following the 1997 Summit of the Americas in many
areas – especially energy integration – and
championed the OAS decision to adopt the AntiCorruption Convention. Chávez participated in the
United Nations Friends groups for Haiti, and pursued
efforts to join and engage theMercosur trade bloc to
expand the hemisphere's trade integration
prospects.[458]

Argentina[edit]
Main article: Maletinazo

Chávez and then-President of ArgentinaNéstor
Kirchner energy projects for South America.

In August 2007, Guido Alejandro Antonini Wilson, a
self-identified member of the entourage of Hugo
Chávez, who was about to visit Argentina, arrived in
Argentina on a private flight paid for by Argentine
and Venezuelan state officials. Wilson was carrying
US$800,000, which the police seized on arrival. A
few days later Wilson, a Venezuelan-American and
a close friend of Chávez's, was a guest at a signing
ceremony involving Cristina Kirchner and Chávez at
the Casa Rosada. He was later arrested on money
laundering and contraband charges. It was alleged
that the cash was to have been delivered to the
Kirchner's as a clandestine contribution to Cristina's
campaign chest from President Chávez. Fernández,
as a fellow leftist, was a political ally of Chávez. This
was seen as a similar move that Chávez allegedly
used to give payments to leftist candidates in

presidential races for Bolivia and Mexico in order to
back his anti-US allies.[379] The incident led to a
scandal and what Bloomberg News called "an
international imbroglio", with the U.S. accusing five
men of being secret Chávez agents whose mission
was to cover up the attempt to deliver the cash.[459][460]
Cuba[edit]
Main article: Cuba–Venezuela relations
During Hugo Chávez's presidency, relations
between Venezuela and Cuba improved
dramatically. Their bilateral relations include
developmental aid, joint business ventures, large
financial transactions, exchange of energy resources
and information technology, and cooperation in the
fields of intelligence service and military.[461] In 2003,
Venezuela and Cuba made a bater agreement
where Cuba would send doctors to Venezuela while
Venezuela would send 100,000 barrels of oil per
day.[462] From 2008 to 2011, Chávez's government in
Venezuela gave Cuba $18 billion in loans,
investments and grants.[462]
Iran[edit]
Main article: Iran–Venezuela relations
Hugo Chávez and Iranian President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad, respectively, both described
themselves on the world stage as opposed
to American imperialism. Citing this commonality of

opinion, they formed a close alliance embarked on a
number of initiatives together. On 6 January 2007,
the two announced that they would use some money
from a previously announced $2 billion joint fund to
invest in other countries that were "attempting to
liberate themselves from the imperialist yoke", in
Chávez's words.[463] The two presidents declared an
"axis of unity" against "US imperialism".[464]
Chávez developed strong ties with the government
of Iran, in particular in the area of energy production,
economic, and industrial cooperation.[465] He visited
Iran on several occasions, the first time in
2001,[466] when he declared that he came to Iran to
"prepare the road for peace, justice, stability and
progress for the 21st century".[465] Mohammad
Khatami also visited Venezuela on three occasions.
During his 2005 visit, Chávez awarded him
the Orden del Libertador and called him a "tireless
fighter for all the right causes in the world".[467] In May
2006, Chávez expressed his favorable view of the
production of nuclear energy in Iran announced
by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and denied that they had
plans to developatomic weapons.[468]

In popular culture

[edit]

Bolivarian memorabilia for sale in Venezuela, 2006


Syndicated cartoonists from around
the world created cartoons,
illustrations, and videos of Hugo
Chávez's controversial political
career and the reactions to his
death.[469][470][471][472]



Hugo Chávez appears as a heroic
character in the Latin American
postmodern fantasy novel United
States of Banana (2011)
by Giannina Braschi; Chávez leads
left-wing Latin American
leaders Evo Morales, Lula, Fidel
Castro, and Cristina Fernández de
Kirchneron a quest to liberate the
people of Puerto Rico from the
United States.[473]



Oliver Stone directed the 2009
documentary South of the Border,
where he "sets out on a road trip
across five countries to explore the
social and political movements as
well as the mainstream media's
misperception of South America,
while interviewing seven of its
elected presidents."[474]



On January 15, 2014, Mexican
novelist Norma Gomez
released Swan Song, a political
thriller that points to American
involvement in the death of Hugo
Chávez.[475]



On 5 March 2014, Oliver Stone
and teleSUR release the
documentary film Mi Amigo
Hugo (My Friend Hugo), a
documentary about his political life,
one year after his death. The film
also is a "spiritual answer" and a
tribute from Stone to Chávez.[476]

Personal life

[edit]

Chávez married twice. He first wed Nancy
Colmenares, a woman from a poor family in
Chávez's hometown of Sabaneta. Chávez and
Colmenares remained married for 18 years, during
which time they had three children: Rosa Virginia,
María Gabriela, and Hugo Rafael, the latter of whom
suffers from behavioural problems.[477] The couple
separated soon after Chávez's 1992 coup attempt.
During his first marriage, Chávez had an affair with
historian Herma Marksman; their relationship lasted
nine years.[478] Chávez's second wife was
journalist Marisabel Rodríguez de Chávez, whom he
separated in 2002 and divorced in 2004.[479] Through
that marriage, Chávez had another daughter,
Rosinés.[480] Both María and Rosa provided Chávez
with grandchildren.[477][481] Allegations were made that
Chávez was a womanizer, and had been throughout
both his marriages, but these have remained
unproven and are contradicted by statements
provided by other figures close to him.[482]
Chávez was a Catholic. He intended at one time to
become a priest. He saw his socialist policies as
having roots in the teachings of Jesus
Christ,[483] (liberation theology) and he publicly used
the slogan of "Christ is with the
Revolution!"[484]Although he traditionally kept his own
faith a private matter, Chávez over the course of his

presidency became increasingly open to discussing
his religious views, stating that he interpreted Jesus
as a Communist.[485] He was, in general, a liberal
Catholic, some of whose declarations were
disturbing to the religious community of his country.
In 2008 he expressed his skepticism of an afterlife,
saying that such idea was false.[486] He also would
declare his belief in Darwin's theory of evolution,
stating that "it is a lie that God created man from the
ground."[487] Among other things, he cursed the state
of Israel,[488] and he had some disputes with both the
Venezuelan Catholic clergy and Protestant groups
like the New Tribes Mission,[489][490] whose evangelical
leader he "condemned to hell".[491] In addition, he
showed sysyncretistic practices such as the worship
of the Venezuelan goddess María Lionza.[492][493] In his
last years, after he discovered he had cancer,
Chávez became more attached to the Catholic
Church.[494]

Illness

[edit]

In June 2011, Chávez revealed in a televised
address from Havana, Cuba, that he was recovering
from an operation to remove an abscessed tumor
with cancerous cells.[495] Vice President Elías
Jaua declared that the President remained in "full
exercise" of power and that there was no need to

transfer power due to his absence from the
country.[496] On 3 July, the Venezuelan government
denied, however, that Chávez's tumour had been
completely removed, further stating that he was
heading for "complete recovery".[497] On 17 July 2011,
television news reported that Chávez had returned
to Cuba for further cancer treatments.[498]
Chávez gave a public appearance on 28 July 2011,
his 57th birthday, in which he stated that his health
troubles had led him to radically reorient his life
towards a "more diverse, more reflective and multifaceted" outlook, and he went on to call on the
middle classes and the private sector to get more
involved in his Bolivarian Revolution, something he
saw as "vital" to its success.[499] Soon after this
speech, in August Chávez announced that his
government would nationalize Venezuela's gold
industry, taking it over from Russian-controlled
company Rusoro, while at the same time also
moving the country's gold stocks, which were largely
stored in western banks, to banks in Venezuela's
political allies like Russia, China and Brazil.[500]
On 9 July 2012, Chávez declared himself fully
recovered from cancer just three months before
the 2012 Venezuelan presidential election, which he
won, securing a fourth term as president.[501] In

November 2012, Chávez announced plans to travel
to Cuba for more medical treatment for cancer.[502]
On 8 December 2012, Chávez announced he would
undergo a new operation after doctors
in Cuba detected malignant cells; the operation took
place on 11 December 2012.[503] Chávez suffered
a respiratory infection after undergoing the surgery
but it was controlled.[504] It was announced 20
December by the country's vice-president that
Chávez had suffered complications following his
surgery.[505] It was announced on 3 January 2013 that
Chávez had a severe lung infection that had
caused respiratory failures following a strict
treatment regimen for respiratory
insufficiency.[506] However he was reported to have
overcome this later that month,[507] and it was
reported that he was then undergoing further
treatment.[508]On 18 February 2013, Chávez returned
to Venezuela after 2 months of cancer treatment in
Cuba.[509] On 1 March 2013, Vice President Nicolás
Maduro said that Chávez had been receiving
chemotherapy in Venezuela following his surgery in
Cuba.[510] On 4 March, it was announced by the
Venezuelan government that Chávez's breathing
problems had worsened and he was suffering a
new, severe respiratory infection.[511]

After his first cancer surgery in June 2011, Chávez
indicated that a baseball-sized tumor had been
removed from his pelvis, but he never revealed what
type of cancer he suffered from then or later when
further surgery, chemotherapy and radiation were
used.[512]
However, on 27 February 2012, Wikileaks released
an internal Stratfor email, dated 6 December 2011,
that detailed the earlier cancer as well as putting the
blame on his doctors and Chavez's personal habits.
It also details the cause for his second trip to Cuba.
"The tumor started as a growth close to the prostate.
It spread to the colon, which is what led to a lot of
confusion in the [unknown] about the treatment of
prostate v. colon cancer in hormonal v.
chemotherapy. A reliable source on the medical
[team] has explained that the cancer has spread to
the lymph nodes and into the bone marrow up to the
spine, ie. very serious." [513]
"Chavez temporarily stopped the chemo in order to
make an appearance at the recent CELAC meeting.
The medical team is made up of both Russian and
Cuban doctors. Both sides are clashing. The
Russian team blamed the Cubans for an improper
surgery the first time in trying to remove the tumor.
The second surgery over the summer was basically
the Russian team trying to clean up the Cuban

team's mistakes. The Russians complain that the
Cubans don't have the right imagery treatment to
properly treat Chavez. The Cuban medical diagnosis
is two years. The Russian medical diagnosis, due to
improper medical equipment, is less than one year.
The source on the medical team complains that
Chavez is a very 'bad patient.' He doesn't listen to
his doctors, and he ceases treatment when he has
to make a public appearance. Now the Russian and
the Chinese doctors are going at it because Chavez
sought the advice of a Chinese doctor that
advocates more natural treatments and the
Russians are saying this is "horse shit treatment".
Only Chavez can get the most politicized medical
team in the world." [513]

Death

[edit]

Main article: Death and state funeral of Hugo
Chávez
On 5 March 2013, Vice President Nicolás Maduro
announced on state television that Chávez had died
in a military hospital in Caracas at
16:25 VET (20:55 UTC).[514] The Vice President said
Chávez died "after battling a tough illness for nearly
two years."[514] According to the head of Venezuela's
presidential guard, Chávez died from a massive
heart attack, and his cancer was very advanced

when he died.[515] Gen. Jose Ornella said that near
the end of his life Chávez could not speak aloud, but
mouthed his last words: "Yo no quiero morir, por
favor no me dejen morir" (I don't want to die. Please
don't let me die).[515] The funeral was planned to be
held in Caracas.[516][517][518][519][520] Chávez is survived by
four children and four grandchildren.[521]
Vice President Maduro and Chávez's supporters had
suggested foul play was behind Chávez's illness and
death.[514][522]Maduro speculated that Chávez had
been poisoned or infected by enemies, and
expressed a belief that the claim could someday be
tested scientifically. It was unclear whether Maduro
was referring to Chávez' cancer, or his respiratory
infection. During the same address, Maduro
announced the expulsion of an attaché to the U.S.
embassy for what he called "a plot against the
government" of Venezuela.[523][524][525][526][527] Chávez
himself had claimed to be "a victim of U.S.
assassination attempts."[528] The U.S. Department of
State dismissed the allegation as
"absurd".[529] Argentine doctor Eduardo Cazap
dismissed Venezuelan claims of the existence of a
cancer-inducing weapon by quoting: "Our body is
extremely resistant to all the factors that could affect
it. And when you need to produce cancer in an

experimental manner you need to use huge
amounts of drugs or huge amounts of toxins".[530]
His death triggered a constitutional requirement that
a presidential election be called within 30 days.
Chavez's Vice President, Maduro, was elected
president.

Honours and awards
Award or
decoration
Order of
José
Marti

Countr
y

Date

[edit]

Place

Note

Cuban
17
highest
Cuba Novemb Havana
order of
er 1999
merit.

Grand
Collar of
8
the
Novemb Lisbon
Order of Portugal
er 2001
Prince
Henry
High
Medal of
Honor

Iran

Highest
29 July
Tehran national
2006
medal of

Ref

[531]

[532]

[533][53
4]

of the
Islamic
Republic
of Iran

Iran.

Highest
Order of
11
honour of
Augusto Nicarag
Manag
January
the
César
ua
ua
2007
Republic of
Sandino
Nicaragua.
Order of
the
Friendsh Belarus
ip of
Peoples

23 July
Minsk
2008

Order of
the
Republic Serbia
of Serbia

Serbian
highest
order of
6 March Belgra
merit.
2013
de
Awarded
posthumous
ly.

[535]

[536]

[537]

Recognition[edit]
The United States-based Time magazine included
Hugo Chávez among their list of the world's 100

most influential peoplein 2005 and 2006.[538][539] In a
2006 list compiled by the British magazine New
Statesman, he was voted eleventh in the list of
"Heroes of our time".[540] In 2010 the magazine
included Chávez in its annual The World's 50 Most
Influential Figures.[541] His biographers Marcano and
Tyszka believed that within only a few years of his
presidency, he "had already earned his place in
history as the president most loved and most
despised by the Venezuelan people, the president
who inspired the greatest zeal and the deepest
revulsion at the same time."[542]
In 2008 Chávez was awarded the Blue Planet
Award [543] by the Ethecon Foundation,[544] one of the
comparatively very few 'grass-root' foundations.[545]

Honorary degrees[edit]
During his term, Chávez was awarded the following
honorary degrees:[546]




South Korea: Kyung Hee
University Honorary Doctorate in
Political Science – Granted by
Rector Chungwon Choue on 16
October 1999.
Dominican
Republic: Universidad Autónoma
de Santo Domingo Honorary















Doctorate in Jurisprudence, 9
March 2001.
Brazil: University of
Brasília Honorary Doctorate –
Granted by Rector Alberto Pérez
on 3 April 2001.
Nicaragua: Universidad Nacional
de Ingeniería Honorary Doctorate
in Engineering – Granted by Rector
Aldo Urbina on May 2001.[547]
Russia: Diplomatic Academy of
the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs Honorary Doctorate, 15 May
2001.
China: Beijing
University Honorary Doctorate in
Economics, 24 May 2001.
Bolivia: Higher University of San
Andrés Honorary Doctorate, 24
January 2006.[548]
Chile: UARCIS Honorary
Doctorate – Granted by Rector
Carlos Margotta Trincado on 7
March 2006.[549]
Syria: University of
Damascus Honorary Doctorate –



Legacy

Granted by Rector Wael Moualla
on 30 August 2006.[550]
Libya: University of
Tripoli Honorary Doctorate in
Economy and Human Sciences, 23
October 2010.[551][552]

[edit]

Eponyms[edit]










Hugo Chávez International
Airport in Cap-Haïtien, Haiti.[553][554]
Hugo Chávez neighbourhood,
in Managua, Nicaragua.[555]
Hugo Chávez neighbourhood,
in Pehuajó, Argentina.[556]
Potter complex Hugo Chávez,
in Maripa, Venezuela.[557]
Roads and streets:

Dominican Republic: Hugo
Chávez Street, Moca.[558]

Dominican Republic: President
Hugo Chávez Avenue, Santo
Domingo Este.[559][560]

Dominican Republic:
Commander Hugo Chávez
Street, La Vega.[561][562]

Lebanon: President Hugo
Chávez Square, Majadel.[563]

State of Palestine: Hugo
Chávez Street, al-Bireh.[564]

Russia: Hugo Chávez
Street, Moscow.[565][566]
Several other cities of the world had expressed their
intention of naming one of their streets Hugo
Chávez, for
example:Minsk (Belarus),[567] Durban (South
Africa),[568] Rio
Gallegos (Argentina),[569] Maturín (Venezuela)[570] or L
ouga(Senegal).[571]


See also

[edit]

Venezuela portal



References

Bolivarianism
Chavismo
[edit]

Footnotes[edit]
1. Jump up^ Ian James (4 October
2012)."Venezuela vote puts
'Chavismo' to critical test".
Yahoo. Archivedfrom the original on

4 Sep 2014. Retrieved 2 February
2013.
2. ^ Jump up to:a b c Charlie Devereux
& Raymond Colitt. March 7,
2013. "Venezuelans' Quality of Life
Improved in UN Index Under
Chavez]". Bloomberg.Archived from
the original on 4 Sep 2014.
Retrieved 7 March 2013.
3. Jump up^ "Social Panorama of
Latin America 2013". ECLAC.
March 2014.Archived from the
original on 4 Sep 2014. Retrieved
24 April 2014.
4. Jump up^ Montilla K., Andrea (23
April 2014)."Hoy se inicia consulta
nacional para el currículo
educativo". El Nacional. Retrieved
24 April 2014.
5. ^ Jump up to:a b "Estrategia de
Cooperación de OPS/OMS con
Venezuela 2006-2008" (PDF). Pan
American Health Organization. June
2006. pp. p. 54. Retrieved 31
December 2006. (Spanish)[dead link]
6. Jump up^ Márquez, Humberto (28
October 2005). "Venezuela se
declara libre de
analfabetismo". Inter Press
Service. Archived from the original

on 4 Sep 2014. Retrieved 29
December 2006. (Spanish)
7. ^ Jump up to:a b "Propaganda, not
policy". The Economist. 28 February
2008.Archived from the original on 4
Sep 2014. Retrieved 3 May 2014.
8. ^ Jump up to:a b Weisbrot, Mark;
Rosnick, David (May
2008). ""Illiteracy" Revisited: What
Ortega and Rodríguez Read in the
Household Survey". Retrieved 3
May 2014.
9. ^ Jump up to:a b Barreiro C., Raquel
(4 March 2006). "Mercal es 34%
más barato". El Universal. Retrieved
29 December 2006. (Spanish)
10. ^ Jump up to:a b "Banco de la
Vivienda transfirió 66 millardos para
subsidios". El Universal. 10
November 2006. Retrieved 29
December 2006.(Spanish)
11. ^ Jump up to:a b Cawthorne,
Andrew (8 October
2012). "Venezuela's Chávez reelected to extend socialist. rule".
Reuters. Retrieved 8 October 2012.
12. Jump up^ "Chavez swearing-in
delay legal, rules Venezuela
Supreme Court".

World.myjoyonline.com. 9 January
2013. Retrieved 8 March 2013.
13. Jump up^ Castillo, Mariano (5
March 2013)."Venezuelan leader
Hugo Chávez dies". CNN. Retrieved
5 March 2013.
14. Jump up^ Cawthorne, Andrew (5
March 2013). "Venezuela's Hugo
Chávez dies from cancer:
VP". Reuters. Retrieved 5 March
2013.
15. Jump up^ Ellner 2002
16. Jump up^ "Hugo Chavez:
Memorable moments". BBC News.
6 March 2013. Retrieved 14 March
2013.
17. Jump up^ Chavez calls bush
Satan
18. ^ Jump up to:a b "Hugo Chavez
admits to being Marxist, just like
Christ | World | RIA Novosti".
En.ria.ru. 2010-01-16. Retrieved
2014-05-19.
19. Jump up^ Yolanda Valery BBC
Mundo, Venezuela (1970-0101). "BBC Mundo - América Latina El marxismo según Chávez".
Bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 2014-05-19.
20. Jump up^ Foto: ABN / Zurimar
Campos."Chávez afirma que es

"marxista" pero reconoce que
todavía no ha leído "El Capital" en".
Noticias24.com. Retrieved 2014-0519.
21. Jump up^ Ludmila Vinogradoff
(2010-06-03)."Chavez se declara
marxista Internacional_Iberoamerica Internacional". ABC.es. Retrieved
2014-05-19.
22. Jump up^ "Chávez se declara
marxista en un mensaje ante el
Congreso". Edant.clarin.com. 201001-16. Retrieved 2014-05-19.
23. ^ Jump up to:a b "Venezuela's
economy: Medieval policies". The
Economist. 20 August 2011.
Retrieved 21 April 2014.
24. ^ Jump up to:a b "Las principales
causas de la escasez en
Venezuela". Banca & Negocios. 27
March 2014. Retrieved 21 April
2014.
25. Jump up^ Blasco, Emili (23 April
2014)."Venezuela se queda sin
suficientes divisas para pagar las
importaciones". ABC News (Spain).
Retrieved 24 April 2014.
26. ^ Jump up to:a b "EL ASCENSO DE
LA ESCASEZ". El Universal. 13

February 2014. Retrieved 21 April
2014.
27. ^ Jump up to:a b "¿Por qué faltan
dólares en Venezuela?". El
Nacional. 8 October 2013.
Retrieved 21 April 2014.
28. ^ Jump up to:a b Pretel, Enrique
Andres (2 September
2010). "Chávez defends his record
on crime in Venezuela".Reuters.
Retrieved 10 September 2010.[dead link]
29. ^ Jump up to:a b c d "Venezuela
murder-rate quadrupled under
Chávez: NGO".Reuters. 11 March
2010. Retrieved 10 September
2010.
30. ^ Jump up to:a b c Holland, Alisha. A
decade under Chávez: political
intolerance and lost opportunities
for advancing human rights in
Venezuela Human Rights Watch,
New York (2008) ISBN 1-56432371-4
31. ^ Jump up to:a b "Chávez criticizes
US take on crime in
Venezuela". The Boston Globe. 27
March 2012. Retrieved 16 May
2012.[dead link]
32. ^ Jump up to:a b Wills, Santiago (10
July 2013)."The World Is Getting

More Corrupt, and These Are the 5
Worst Offenders". Fusion. Retrieved
18 March 2014.
33. ^ Jump up to:a b "Venezuela: Police
corruption blamed for kidnapping
epidemic".The Scotsman. 30 May
2011. Retrieved 18 March 2014.
34. Jump up^ Marshall, edited by
Paul A. (2008).Religious freedom in
the world. Lanham, Md.: Rowman &
Littlefield Publishers. pp. 423,
424. ISBN 978-0742562134.
35. Jump up^ "Government Officials
Supporting the FARC". Press
Release. United States Department
of Treasury. Retrieved 5 March
2014.
36. Jump up^ Meza, Alfredo (26
September 2013). "Corrupt military
officials helping Venezuela drug
trade flourish". El Pais. Retrieved 5
March 2014.
37. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f Coronel,
Gustavo. "The Corruption of
Democracy in Venezuela". Cato
Institute. Retrieved 18 March 2014.
38. Jump up^ "Venezuela's DrugRunning Generals May Be Who
Finally Ousts Maduro". Vice News.

31 March 2014. Retrieved 13 April
2014.
39. Jump up^ "World Report 2012:
Venezuela". The Human Rights
Watch. Retrieved 14 April 2012.
40. Jump up^ "Venezuela ocupa
último lugar de naciones
latinoamericanas analizadas". El
Nacional. 8 March 2014. Retrieved
17 March 2014.
41. Jump up^ "Leyes habilitantes".
Correo del Orinoco. Retrieved
2014-05-19.
42. Jump up^ Stay informed today
and every day (2010-1228). "Enabling laws in The
Economist". Economist.com.
Retrieved 2014-05-19.
43. Jump up^ Moloney, Anastasia (29
January 2007). "Photo Feature:
Chavez's Propaganda". World
Politics Review. Retrieved 10 March
2012.
44. Jump up^ Grant, Will (November
23, 2010)."Venezuela bans
unauthorised use of Hugo Chavez's
image". BBC News. Retrieved April
26, 2012.
45. Jump up^ Romero, Simon
(February 4, 2011)."In Venezuela,

an American Has the President's
Ear". The New York Times.
Retrieved April 26, 2012.
46. Jump up^ Lakshmanan, Indira (27
July 2005)."Channeling his energies
Venezuelans riveted by president's
TV show". The Boston Globe.
Retrieved 14 April 2012.
47. Jump up^ Manwaring (2005), p.
8.
48. Jump up^ Beaumont 2006.
49. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. pp. 7–8, 247.
50. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 21.
51. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. pp. 08–09.
52. Jump up^ Chávez quoted
in Jones 2007. pp. 22, 25.
53. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 24.
54. Jump up^ Chávez quoted
in Jones 2007. pp. 23, 25–26.
55. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 11.
56. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 23–24,
26–27.
57. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. pp. 07, 24–26.
58. ^ Jump up to:a b c Cannon 2009. p.
55.

59. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 30.
60. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 38.
61. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 49–50.
62. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 31.
63. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 35.
64. ^ Jump up to:a b Jones 2007. pp.
40–47.
65. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. pp. 29–30.
66. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 36.
67. Jump up^ Chávez quoted
in Jones 2007. p. 40-47.
68. ^ Jump up to:a b Jones 2007. pp.
52–53.
69. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 54.
70. Jump up^ Chávez quoted
in Marcano and Tyszka 2007. pp.
36–37.
71. Jump up^ "Hugo Chávez Frías /
Venezuela / América del Sur /
Biografías Líderes Políticos /
Documentation / CIDOB home
page". Cidob.org. 23 March 2012.
Retrieved 14 April 2012.
72. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 54–56.

73. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 37.
74. Jump up^ Chávez quoted
in Jones 2007 pp. 54–55.
75. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 38.
76. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 57–59.
77. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 59.
78. ^ Jump up to:a b Chávez, quoted
in Jones 2007. p. 59.
79. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 39.
80. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 41.
81. Jump up^ Chávez, quoted
in Jones 2007. pp. 60–64.
82. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 63–65.
83. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. p. 15.
84. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p. 54.
85. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 65–77.
86. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 634.
87. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. pp. 48–49, 56.
88. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. p. 16.
89. Jump up^ Gott 2005. pp. 23–24.
90. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p. 56.
91. Jump up^ Chávez, quoted
in Jones 2007. p. 80.

92. Jump up^ Chávez, quoted
in Jones 2007. p. 81.
93. ^ Jump up to:a b c Cannon 2009. p.
58.
94. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 83–85.
95. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. pp. 51–53.
96. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 86–90.
97. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 92–93.
98. Jump up^ Cárdenas, quoted
in Jones 2007. pp. 92–93.
99. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 50.
100. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 98102.
101. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
103.
102. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
105, 108.
103. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. pp.
36–37.
104. Jump up^ Kozloff 2006. pp.
43–44.
105. Jump up^ Gibbs 2006. p.
270.
106. Jump up^ Inter-American
Court of Human Rights 1999.
107. Jump up^ Pretel 2005.

108. ^ Jump up to:a b Kozloff 2006.
pp. 46–47.
109. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 55.
110. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
122–123, 126.
111. ^ Jump up to:a b Cannon 2009.
pp. 55–56.
112. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 64.
113. Jump up^ Gott 2005. p. 64.
114. Jump up^ Gott 2005. p. 63.
115. ^ Jump up to:a b Sylvia and
Danopolous 2003. p. 66.
116. Jump up^ Gott 2005. p. 69.
117. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
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118. Jump up^ Uppsala Conflict
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119. Jump up^ Chávez quoted
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120. Jump up^ Gott 2005. p. 23.

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122. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 75.
123. Jump up^ International Crisis
Group 2007. p. 04.
124. Jump up^ Gott 2005. p. 67.
125. Jump up^ O'Keefe 2005.
126. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p.
41.
127. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 75–77.
128. Jump up^ International Crisis
Group 2007. pp. 04–05.
129. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 91–92.
130. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
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131. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 95.
132. Jump up^ Tarver and
Frederick 2005. p. 167.
133. ^ Jump up to:a b Cannon 2009.
p. 37.
134. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 104–105.
135. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
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Tyszka 2007. pp. 107–108.
137. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
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138. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
187–188.
139. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 235–236.
140. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
190–191, 219.
141. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 214–215, 220.
142. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
192–195.
143. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
195–198.
144. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. pp.
35–36.
145. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p.
48.
146. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 116.
147. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
202–203.
148. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 119.
149. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
204.

150. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Cannon
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151. ^ Jump up to:a b Wilpert 2007.
pp. 01–02.
152. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
205–207.
153. Jump up^ "Chávez's
constitutional reform; A hard look at
the rationale & proposals", Latin
America Weekly Report, 12 January
1999, Venezuela; Politics; WR-9902; P. 18
154. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
214.
155. Jump up^ Trinkunas, Harold;
Jennifer McCoy (February
1999). "Observation of the 1998
Venezuelan Elections: A Report of
the Council of Freely Elected Heads
of Government" (PDF).Carter
Center. pp. p. 49. Retrieved 30
December 2006.
156. Jump up^ Sylvia and
Danopolous 2003. p. 67.
157. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
218.
158. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
220–223.

159. ^ Jump up to:a b Jones 2007.
p. 223.
160. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007 pp.
18–19.
161. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. pp.
41–42.
162. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 127.
163. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
226.
164. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
229.
165. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
230.
166. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. xx.
167. Jump up^ Romero 2010.
168. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
234.
169. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 151–153, 250–
251.
170. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 250–255.
171. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 243.
172. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007 p. 03.
173. Jump up^ Ellner 2005.

174. ^ Jump up to:a b Sackur and
Chávez 2010.
175. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 148–149.
176. Jump up^ Kozloff 2006. p.
61.
177. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
234–236.
178. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 154.
179. ^ Jump up
to:a b "VENEZUELAN SOLDIERS
LEAVE THEIR BARRACKS . . . TO
IMPLEMENT CHAVEZ'S CIVILMILITARY PUBLIC WORKS
PROGRAM". United States
Department of State. Retrieved 23
April 2014.
180. Jump up^ Gott 2005. pp.
178–179.
181. Jump up^ Kozloff 2006. pp.
83–84.
182. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 138.
183. Jump up^ Chávez quoted
in Jones 2007. p. 231.
184. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 193–195.

185. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
237.
186. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 130.
187. ^ Jump up to:a b Jones 2007.
p. 238.
188. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
239.
189. ^ Jump up to:a b Gott, Richard
(2005). Hugo Chávez and the
Bolivarian revolution(New ed. ed.).
London [u.a.]: Verso.
p. 147. ISBN 978-1844675333.
190. ^ Jump up to:a b Jones 2007.
p. 240.
191. ^ Jump up to:a b c International
Crisis Group 2007. p. 05.
192. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
241.
193. Jump up^ Belos 1999.
194. Jump up^ Kozloff 2006. p.
94.
195. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. pp.
61–62.
196. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. pp.
31–41.
197. ^ Jump up to:a b Wilpert 2003.
198. ^ Jump up to:a b "Bolivarian
Constitution of Venezuela".

Embassy of Venezuela in the US.
2000. Retrieved 30 December
2006.
199. Jump up^ International Crisis
Group 2007. pp. 05–06.
200. ^ Jump up to:a b International
Crisis Group 2007. p. 06.
201. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 140.
202. Jump up^ Kozloff 2006. p.
88.
203. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Cannon
2009. p. 63.
204. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p.
42.
205. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 141.
206. ^ Jump up to:a b Ramírez
2005. p. 79.
207. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. pp.
42–44.
208. Jump up^ Kozloff 2008. pp.
23–24.
209. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 208–209.
210. ^ Jump up
to:a b c d International Crisis Group
2007. p. 07.

211. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 143.
212. ^ Jump up to:a b Kozloff 2008.
pp. 18–23.
213. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p.
32.
214. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 143–145.
215. Jump up^ Ramírez 2005. p.
80.
216. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p.
01.
217. Jump up^ Brewer-Carías
2010. p. i.
218. Jump up^ Ramírez 2005. p.
83. See for example López
2003 and Wilpert 2007.
219. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. pp.
04–05.
220. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. p.
20.
221. Jump up^ The role of racism
and classism in Venezuela is
explored in Cannon 2009. pp. 38–
41.
222. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 260.
223. ^ Jump up to:a b Cannon 2009.
p. 46.

224. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p.
45.
225. Jump up^ Ramírez 2005. p.
81.
226. Jump up^ Ramírez 2005. p.
84.
227. Jump up^ Ramírez 2005. pp.
83–84.
228. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 171–172.
229. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 168.
230. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 170–171.
231. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 175–184.
232. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 181–185.
233. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 185.
234. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. p.
24.
235. Jump up^ Kozloff 2008. p.
71.
236. Jump up^ Kahn, Jeremy (3
February 2003)."Pumping Trouble A
strike in Venezuela has raised
temperatures in Caracas and oil

prices around the world.". CNN.
Retrieved 21 April 2014.[dead link]
237. Jump up^ Ceaser, Mike (5
April 2002)."Venezuelans hit by oil
crisis".BBC. Retrieved 21 April
2014.
238. ^ Jump up to:a b c Wilpert 2007.
p. 25.
239. Jump up^ Robles, Frances
(21 January 2003). "Oil accidents
mount in Venezuela - Novice standins blamed for chaos". Miami
Herald.
240. Jump up^ "MARKETS:
Impact of Chavez's death on
Venezuela and the oil
trade". Energy Asia. 11 March 2013.
Retrieved 21 April 2014.
241. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g Cannon
2009. p. 64.
242. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. p.
19.
243. Jump up^ The
Observer 2006.
244. Jump up^ International Crisis
Group 2007. p. 01.
245. Jump up^ BBC News 2006.
246. Jump up^ "Chávez wins
Venezuelan election". Gulf News. 4

December 2006. Retrieved 30
December 2006.
247. Jump up^ Ireland OnLine. Chávez promises more-radical
turn toward socialism.[dead link] (4
December 2006). Retrieved 4
December 2006.
248. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Cannon
2009. p. 60.
249. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. pp.
59–60.
250. Jump up^ Walter,
Mathew. "Venezuela May Lower
Voting Age, Add Gay Rights in
Constitution". Bloomberg. 11
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2010.
251. Jump up^ Fuentes,
Federico. "Massive Turnout in
PSUV Primaries Shows Support for
Change". Green Left Weekly. 9 May
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252. ^ Jump up to:a b (Spanish) "En
Pdvsa y Sidor se concentra
criminalización de las protestas –
Economía". El Universal. 16 June
2009. Retrieved 28 September
2010.
253. Jump up^ Ellsworth, Brian
(16 August 2007)."Venezuela's

Chávez calls for end to term limits".
Reuters. Retrieved 16 August 2007.
254. Jump up^ Romero, Simon (4
December 2007). "Venezuela Vote
Sets Roadblocks on Chávez
Path". New York Times. Retrieved
26 February 2010.
255. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. pp.
64–65.
256. ^ Jump up to:a b Carroll 2009.
257. ^ Jump up to:a b Cannon 2009.
p. 65.
258. Jump up^ Forero, Juan (16
February 2009)."Chávez Wins
Removal of Term Limits". The
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259. ^ Jump up to:a b Kozloff 2008.
p. 45.
260. Jump up^ "Hugo Chavez; His
Policies and Who Will Fill the Gap in
Latin America?". The World
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261. Jump up^ Forero, Juan (16
May 2008)."FARC Computer Files
Are Authentic, Interpol Probe
Finds". Washington Post. Retrieved
6 March 2013.

262. Jump up^ "FARC files 'show
ties to Chavez'". Al Jazeera.
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263. Jump up^ Carl 2007.
264. Jump up^ McElhinny,
Vince. "Bank of the South."[dead
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Chris. "Brazil To Join Bank of the
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267. ^ Jump up to:a b Otis, John (20
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268. Jump up^ Chulov 2011.
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270. Jump up^ "As it happened:
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271. ^ Jump up to:a b "Venezuelan
President Hugo Chávez wins
another 6-year term, electoral
council says". Fox News Channel. 8
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(7 October 2012)."Chávez Wins a
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275. Jump up^ "Former envoy
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dead". PanARMENIAN.Net. 28
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Hugo Chavez gets his choice of
successor".National Post. Retrieved
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James. "Noam Chomsky Meets with
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Charming provocateur, Robin
Lustig, BBC News, Paris
284. Jump up^ "Chávez promises
a socialist Venezuela as he starts

new 6-year term", 10 January
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285. Jump up^ Quoted in Jones
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286. Jump up^ Video on YouTube
287. Jump up^ See for
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288. Jump up^ Malinarich,
Nathalie (10 January
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289. Jump
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290. Jump up^ (Italian) Garibaldi,
the hero of Chávez
291. Jump
up^ (Italian) Venezuela, no wins at
"photo finish"
292. Jump up^ (Italian) Redazione
Il Fatto Quotidiano (18 March
2011). "North Africa, french
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Chavez Talks to Marta Harnecker,
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294. Jump up^ (Italian) Cotroneo
Rocco (17 August 2007). "Chávez
insists for socialism". Corriere della
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Francisco (24 February
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Luis. "The Chávez Administration at
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306. Jump up^ Bowman, Betsy;
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310. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Cannon
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311. Jump up^ Meade, Teresa. A
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314. Jump up^ Forero, Juan (19
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aid, Colombia struggles to reduce
poverty". The Washington Post.
315. Jump up^ Mark Weisbrot;
Luis Sandoval; David Rosnick
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316. Jump up^ Thomas Davis (11
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HPUB. Retrieved 11 March 2013.
317. Jump up^ Ask the expert:
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318. Jump
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319. Jump
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in Venezuela Has Greatly Improved
320. Jump up^ "Venezuela's black
market rate for US dollars just
jumped by almost 40%". Quartz. 26

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2014.
321. Jump up^ CADIVI, CADIVI,
una medidia necesaria
322. Jump up^ Hanke,
Steve. "The World's Troubled
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323. Jump up^ Gupta, Girish (24
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Retrieved 26 January 2014.
324. Jump up^ Pons, Corina (14
January 2014)."McDonald's Agrees
to Cut the Price of a Venezuelan
Big Mac Combo".Bloomberg.
Retrieved 26 January 2014.
325. Jump up^ Goodman, Joshua
(22 January 2014). "Venezuela
overhauls foreign exchange
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326. Jump up^ George W.
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Health: Venezuela and Cuba
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327. Jump up^ Parker, Dick. 2005.
Chávez and the Search for an

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328. ^ Jump up to:a b Devereux,
Charlie (22 November
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329. Jump up^ Pearson,
Tamara. Venezuelan Government
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330. ^ Jump up to:a b Neuman,
William (20 April 2012). "With
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331. ^ Jump up to:a b Romo, Rafael
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332. Jump up^ Venezuela's
Agricultural Production
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333. Jump up^ Research and
Markets ltd (1 June

2011). "Venezuela Milk and Dairy
Products Market Outlook to 2015
"Abstract", Research & Markets".
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334. Jump up^ Derham, Michael.
2010 Politics in Venezuela:
Explaining Hugo Chávez. Peter
Lang. p. 296.
335. Jump
up^ Venezuelanalysis.com, 21
October 2009, Government Policies
See Venezuelans Eating Well.
Retrieved 3 June 2012.
336. Jump up^ Venezuelan troops
crack down on smuggling along
Colombian border, Associated
Press, 22 January 2008
337. Jump up^ Chávez orders
army to seize Venezuela rice mills,
Reuters, 28 February 2009
338. Jump up^ Chávez
Government Seizes 120 Tons of
Food from Venezuela's Largest
Company, Latin American Herald
Tribune
339. Jump up^ Chávez boosts
food price controls, BBC, 4 March
2009

340. Jump up^ In Venezuela,
Land 'Rescue' Hopes Unmet,
Washington Post, 20 June 2009
341. ^ Jump up to:a b c A Food Fight
for Hugo Chávez, Business Week,
11 March 2010
342. Jump up^ Popularity of StateRun Food Markets on the
Rise.Venezuelanalysis.com.
Retrieved 27 February 2012.
343. Jump up^ A Rotting Chicken
in Every Pot: Venezuela's
Disastrous Food Policy, Huffington
Post, 2 August 2010
344. Jump up^ "Se pudrieron
alimentos valorados en Bs. 10
millones". El Universal. 20 April
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345. Jump up^ Hugo Chávez's
Response to Beef Shortage: Arrest
Butchers, CNBC, 7 May 2010
346. Jump up^ Reid,
Michael.Forgotten continent: the
battle for Latin America's soul, p.
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Manuel. "How Did Venezuela
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348. Jump up^ Gallegos, Raul (10
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349. Jump up^ "Las campanadas
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350. Jump up^ "Venezuela's
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Deivis (25 August 2010). "Caracas
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353. Jump up^ Pretel, Enrique
Andres (2 September
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355. Jump up^ Lemoine, Maurice
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356. Jump up^ Reel, M. "Crime
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357. ^ Jump up to:a b "World Report
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358. Jump up^ Beckhusen, Robert
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to:a b (Spanish) "Provea rechaza no
incluir a delincuentes en cifra de
homicidios – Sucesos – EL
UNIVERSAL".
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364. Jump up^ Gupta, Girish (14
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365. Jump up^ Jay, Paul (19 April
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366. Jump up^ "IACHR Reiterates
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367. Jump up^ "Riña colectiva de
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368. Jump up^ "Coliseo en
Uribana sigue y llega a 128 heridos
Leer más en:
http://www.ultimasnoticias.com.ve/n
oticias/actualidad/sucesos/coliseoen-uribana-sigue-y-llega-a-128heridos.aspx#ixzz2zP6WDmoB".Ulti
mas Noticica. 29 February 2012.
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370. Jump up^ Coronel,
Gustavo. "Corruption,
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372. Jump up^ "GLOBAL
CORRUPTION BAROMETER
2010/11". Transparency
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373. Jump up^ Steve Crabtree
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Gallup Poll News
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374. Jump up^ Diaz, Sara
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1 April 2010. Retrieved 27 February
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388. Jump up^ "Freedom in the
World- Venezuela (2009)." Freedom
House. 2011. Retrieved 6
December 2011.
389. ^ Jump up to:a b Forero, Juan
(24 February 2010). "Venezuela,
President Chávez criticized in OAS
report". The Washington Post.
Retrieved 24 February 2010.
390. ^ Jump up to:a b "Venezuela
violates human rights, OAS
commission reports". CNN. 24
February 2010. Retrieved 24
February 2010.
391. ^ Jump up to:a b Prado, Paulo
(24 February 2010). "OAS Report
Chastises Venezuela". The Wall
Street Journal. Retrieved 24
February 2010.
392. Jump up^ "Chávez Rejects
Report Citing Rights
Violations". New York Times.
Associated Press. 25 February
2010. Retrieved 25 February
2010.[dead link]
393. Jump up^ "Venezuelan
official disputes report on human
rights abuses". CNN. 25 February
2010. Retrieved 26 February 2010.

394. Jump up^ Venezuelanalysis,
20 October 2009, Venezuela's OAS
Rep: Opposition Human Rights
Claims a Smear Campaign
395. ^ Jump up to:a b c "Rights
group says Caracas attacks judicial
freedom". Reuters. 8 April 2010.
Retrieved 6 August 2010.
396. Jump up^ "Venezuelan
leader violates independence of
judiciary—UN rights experts" (Press
release). UN News Centre. 16
December 2009. Retrieved 14 April
2010.
397. Jump up^ "U.N. experts say
Venezuela's Chávez creating
fear." Reuters. 16 December 2009.
Retrieved 7 August 2010.
398. Jump up^ "U.N. criticizes
Venezuela's President Chávez for
judge's arrest". LA Times. 17
December 2009. Retrieved 14 April
2010.
399. Jump up^ (Spanish) "TSJ
suspende sin goce de sueldo a
Afiuni". Noticia al Dia. 15 January
2010. Retrieved 29 January
2010.[dead link]
400. Jump
up^ (Spanish) "Conferencia

Episcopal llama al diálogo y deplora
agresiones". El Nacional. 25
January 2010. Retrieved 29
January 2010.[dead link]
401. Jump up^ (Spanish) "EE.UU.
advierte a Chávez que respete los
DD.HH. y la libertad de
expresión". La Nacion. 26 March
2010. Retrieved 14 April 2010.
402. Jump up^ "Vietnamese
lawyer escapes death sentence".
Law Society of England and Wales.
28 January 2010. Retrieved 30
January 2010.
403. Jump up^ "European
Parliament resolution of 8 July 2010
on Venezuela, in particular the case
of Maria Lourdes Afiuni".
Europarl.europa.eu. Retrieved 8
March 2013.
404. Jump up^ "Lauder urges
Venezuela to fight anti-Semitism,
resume ties with Israel". World
Jewish Congress. Retrieved 11 May
2014.
405. Jump up^ "Hugo Chavez And
Anti-Semitism". Forbes. Retrieved
2014-05-19.
406. ^ Jump up to:a b "Venezuela's
oldest synagogue vandalized by

armed men". World Jewish
Congress. Retrieved 11 May 2014.
407. Jump up^ "Venezuela’s Jews
Defend Leftist President in Flap
Over Remarks". The Jewish Daily
Forward. 13 January 2006.
Retrieved 11 May 2014.
408. Jump up^ "Playing the 'AntiSemitism' Card Against Venezuela".
North American Congress on Latin
America. September 2009.
Retrieved 11 May 2014.
409. Jump up^ "Editing Chavez to
Manufacture a Slur:Some outlets
spread spurious charges of antiSemitism". Fairness & Accuracy In
Reporting. 23 January 2006.
Retrieved 11 May 2014.
410. Jump up^ "From Chavez’s
Alleged Anti-Semitism to the Threat
against Privileges". FVltairenetd. 12
April 2006. Retrieved 11 May 2014.
411. Jump up^ "Chavez's Alleged
Anti-Semitism:Right-wing pundits
and conservative hawks are calling
Hugo Chavez an anti-Semite.
Venezuela's Jewish community
says they don't know bupkus.".
Alternet. 14 March 2006. Retrieved
11 May 2014.

412. Jump up^ "Chávez
responsabiliza a "oligarquía" por
ataque a la sinagoga". El Universal.
1 February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
413. Jump up^ "Ataque a la
Sinagoga encierra "asuntos muy
extraños"". El Universal. 5 February
2009. Retrieved 4 June 2014.
414. Jump up^ "Contacto
telefónico del presidente de la
República Bolivariana de
Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, con el
programa "Dando y
Dando"".Venezolana de Televisión.
5 February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
415. Jump up^ "Presidente
Chavez con el Pdte Asociación
Israelita de Venezuela 2". Noticia
Oficial. 13 April 2010. Retrieved 4
June 2014.
416. Jump up^ "Presentó los
resultados de la investigación de los
ataques a la
Sinagoga". Noticias24.com. 9
February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
417. Jump up^ "Trasladan a los
Tribunales a implicados en ataque a

la sinagoga". Noticias24.com. 10
February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
418. Jump up^ "Crónica AP: "Ex
escolta de rabino, sospechoso del
ataque a la
sinagoga"". Noticias24.com. 9
February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
419. Jump up^ "El Aissami dijo
que el ataque a la sinagoga se dio
desde adentro y ratificó complicidad
interna". Radio Mundial. 9 February
2009. Retrieved 4 June 2014.
420. Jump up^ "Ministro del Poder
Popular para las Relaciones
Exteriores, Nicolás Maduro,
presidente de la Asociación Israelita
de Venezuela, Elías Farache,
director del Cicpc, Wilmer Flores
Trosel, y el ministro del Poder
Popular para Relaciones Interiores
y Justicia, Tareck El
Aissami."(Press release). 12
February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
421. Jump up^ Press Conference
- Israel Tiferet Synagogue of
Mariperez.

422. Jump up^ "Venezuelan
Jewish Community "Profoundly
Grateful and Moved" by
Government’s
Efforts".Venezuelanalysis.com. 13
February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
423. Jump up^ "Comunidad judía
ratificó su satisfacción por las
investigaciones sobre el caso de la
sinagoga de Maripérez". 12
February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
424. Jump up^ "Comunidad judía
agradece a Chávez resultados de
las investigaciones del caso
Sinagoga". Retrieved 4 June 2014.
425. ^ Jump up to:a b "Henrique
Capriles Radonski: Hugo Chavez
Foe A Target Of AntiSemitism". The Huffington Post. 17
February 2012. Retrieved 22 May
2012.
426. Jump up^ Devereux, Charlie
(20 February 2012). "Chavez media
say rival Capriles backs plots
ranging from Nazis to Zionists".
Bloomberg. Retrieved 21 February
2012. Also available
from sfgate.com[dead link]

427. Jump up^ Cawthorne,
Andrew (1 April 2012)."Insight: The
man who would beat Hugo
Chavez". Reuters. Retrieved 10
May 2012.
428. Jump up^ Devereux, Charlie
(20 February 2012). "Chavez media
say rival Capriles backs plots
ranging from Nazis to Zionists".
Bloomberg. Retrieved 21 February
2012.
429. Jump up^ "Map of Press
Freedom 2011."Freedom
House.org. 2011. Retrieved 6
December 2011.
430. ^ Jump up to:a b "Reporters
Sans Frontières". En.rsf.org.
Retrieved 28 September 2010.
431. Jump up^ David Edwards (19
October 2007)."Chávez and RCTV:
Media Enemies at Home and
Abroad". Media Accuracy.
432. Jump up^ Lamrani,
Salim "Reporters Without Borders
and Venezuela’s RCTV", ZNet, 11
July 2007
433. Jump up^ Bruce, Ian. (BBC,
28 June 2005)."Venezuela sets up
'CNN rival'". Retrieved 13 June
2006.

434. Jump up^ Information on the
Villa del Cine[dead link] Bolivarian
Government of Venezuela
435. Jump up^ Ingham, James (1
November 2007). "Venezuelan
cinema, Chávez style". BBC News.
Retrieved 8 March 2013.
436. Jump up^ "Hugo Chávez
Frías (@chavezcandanga) op
Twitter". Twitter.com. Retrieved 8
March 2013.
437. Jump up^ Carroll,
Rory. "Hugo Chávez embraces
Twitter to fight online
'conspiracy'." The Guardian. 28
April 2010. Retrieved 7 August
2010.
438. Jump up^ "Hugo Chávez
Frías (chavezcandanga) on
Twitter".Twitter. Retrieved 28
September 2010.
439. Jump up^ Carroll, Rory (10
August 2010)."Hugo Chávez's
Twitter habit proves a popular
success". The Guardian(London).
440. Jump up^ Chris
Toothaker Chávez Hires 200 To
Manage His Twitter
Account,Associated Press, 8 May
2010

441. ^ Jump up to:a b AVN. "Internet
Usage Advances in Venezuela".
Venezuelanalysis.com. Retrieved
28 September 2010.
442. Jump
up^ (Spanish) UNESCO, 12
January 2011, Infocentros en
Venezuela trabajando por la
inclusión tecnológica
443. Jump up^ Campbell, Duncan
(29 April 2002)"It's a Coup: your
sets will adjust accordingly," The
Guardian.
444. Jump up^ "The Media War
Against the People: A Case Study
of Media Concentration and Power
in Venezuela", in Olivia Burlingame
Goumbri, The Venezuela
Reader,Washington D.C., 2005, p
94.
445. Jump up^ Chávez to shut
down opposition TV. BBC News.
(29 December 2006).
446. Jump up^ "CONATEL ordenó
a las cableras suspender la señal
de RCTV por no cumplir la Ley
Resorte en". Noticias24.com.
Retrieved 28 September 2010.
447. Jump up^ [dead link]"Anti-Chávez
Channel Is Taken Down "

448. Jump up^ Station was never
closed as claimed Venezuela's
RCTV Reappears on Cable and
SatelliteVenezuelanalysis.com.
Retrieved 12 August 2007.
449. Jump up^ Forero,
Juan. "Pulling the Plug on AntiChávez TV". (The Washington Post,
18 January 2007). Retrieved 18
January 2007.
450. Jump up^ Joel Simon,
Executive Director CPJ urges
Chávez to allow RCTV to stay on
the air[dead link]. Committee to Protect
Journalists. Retrieved 29 May 2007.
451. Jump up^ Venezuela
(2006). Freedom House. Retrieved
29 May 2007.
452. Jump up^ IPI condemns
shutdown of RCTV television station
in Venezuela[dead link]. International
Press Institute. Retrieved 29 May
2007.
453. Jump up^ "Coup CoConspirators as Free-Speech
Martyrs." FAIR, 25 May 2007.
Retrieved 3 October 2010.
454. Jump up^ Ellsworth, Brian;
Oliver, Christian (28 May
2007). "Venezuela replaces

opposition TV with state network".
Reuters.
455. Jump up^ "Using oil to
spread revolution" (retitled to
"Venezuela and Latin
America") The Economist, (28 July
2005). Retrieved 11 June 2005.
456. Jump up^ Guyana Diary.
(Monthly Newsletter of the Guyana
Embassy, Caracas, Venezuela,
February 2004). "Guyana to Try for
Better Oil Rates Under Caracas
Accord".[dead link]. Retrieved 14 June
2006." Under the Caracas Energy
Accord, countries can purchase oil
supplies on concessional terms. It
complements the terms of the San
Jose Agreement, through which
Venezuela offers special financial
conditions to signatory oil-buying
countries."
457. Jump up^ Blum, Justin (22
November 2005)."Chávez Pushes
Petro-Diplomacy".Washington Post.
Retrieved 29 November 2005.
458. Jump up^ "Hugo Chávez in
Moscow Thinks First, Then
Speaks". Pravda.ru. 1 October
2009. Retrieved 21 September
2009.

459. Jump up^ "Another stashed
money scandal rocks Kirchner's
administration — MercoPress".
En.mercopress.com. 2007-08-10.
Retrieved 2014-05-19.
460. Jump up^ Voreacos, David
(2008-01-07)."Venezuelan Valise
With $790,550 Roils U.S.-Argentina
Relations". Bloomberg. Retrieved
2014-05-19.
461. Jump up^ Javier
Corrales, Amherst College."The
Logic of Extremism: How Chávez
Gains by Giving Cuba So
Much" (PDF). Center for Latin
American and Caribbean
Studies,University of Connecticut.
Retrieved 2008-06-08.
462. ^ Jump up to:a b Lopez
Ballesteros, Frank (1 June
2014). "En tres años se transfirieron
a Cuba 18.000 millones de
dólares". El Universal. Retrieved 4
June 2014.
463. Jump up^ Iran and
Venezuela plan anti-U.S. fund, USA
Today, 14 January 2007
464. Jump up^ "Iran, Venezuela in
'axis of unity' against U.S.". Reuters.
2 July 2007.

465. ^ Jump up to:a b VENEZUELA
E IRÁN EN CAMINO HACIA UNA
'ALIANZA ESTRATÉGICA'. El
Universal (21 May 2001). .
Retrieved 1 July 2006.(Spanish)
466. Jump up^ Hugo Chávez de
visita en Irán hasta el lunes. El
Universal (18 May 2001). .
Retrieved 1 July 2006.(Spanish)
467. Jump up^ Presidente Jatami
recibió condecoración Collar de la
Orden del Libertador.[dead link] Radio
Nacional de Venezuela (1 March
2005). (Spanish)
468. Jump up^ "Chávez exige
respetar Irán y aclara que no tiene
plan nuclear".El Universal (21 May
2006). . Retrieved 1 July
2006. (Spanish)
469. Jump up^ Steve Brodner (8
March 2013)."Hugo Chavez
Cartoons and Comics". Los Angeles
Times. Retrieved 21 April 2013.
470. Jump up^ staff writer; no byline.--> (6 March
2013). "Cartoonists Say Goodbye to
Hugo Chavez". The Contributor.
Retrieved 21 April 2013.
471. Jump up^ staff writer; no byline.--> (21 April 2013). "Hugo

Chavez Cartoons and Comics".
News Cartoons, Cartoonstock.
Retrieved 21 April 2013.
472. Jump up^ staff writer; no byline.--> (7 March 2013). "Hugo
Chavez Cartoons and Comics".
Mercury News. Retrieved 7 April
2013.
473. Jump up^ Braschi, Giannina
(2012). United States of Banana.
Seatlle: AmazonCrossing. pp. 240–
275.ISBN 9781611090673.
Retrieved 1 December 2011.
474. Jump up^ "South of the
Border". Movies.is. 30 December
2010. Retrieved 21 April 2013.
475. Jump up^ Gomez,
Norma. Swan Song.
476. Jump up^ ""Mi Amigo Hugo"
Trailer". You Tube. 28 February
2014. Retrieved 5 March 2014.
477. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 254–255.
478. Jump up^ Byrne,
Jennifer. "Venezuela – Bolivarian
Revolution".Foreign Correspondent.
3 June 2003. Retrieved 11
November 2005.
479. Jump up^ (Spanish) "Actriz
Venezolana Ruddy Rodríguez

Niega Romance con Hugo
Chávez." IBL News. 30 June 2006.
Retrieved 1 February 2007.
480. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 254.
481. Jump up^ Guevara, Aleida,
and Hugo Chávez. Chávez,
Venezuela and the new Latin
America. New York: Ocean Press.
2005. p 95.
482. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 230–232.
483. Jump up^ "Chávez demands
Pope apologize for Indian
comments". Reuters. 19 May 2007.
Retrieved 16 August 2010.
484. Jump up^ Chávez quoted
in Marcano and Tyszka 2007. p.
140.
485. Jump up^ The Economist.
"With Marx, Lenin and Jesus
Christ". Jan 11th 2007. Retrieved on
May 14, 2014.
486. Jump up^ Jairo Vargas
(2013). "Ni el poder ni el dinero...".
Latino News, LLC: In May 2008,
Chávez said: "Some say that after
people die, the soul goes to heaven
and there the Kingdom of Christ will
be possible. No, false, there is not a

hereafter, the 'there' or the 'here' is
here; there is not an afterlife, it is
here.. " Retrieved on May 14, 2014.
487. Jump up^ NotiActual.
"Bocaranda: La nueva religiosidad
de Chávez revela la gravedad de su
cáncer". April 9, 2012. 12:45 pm.
Retrieved on May 14, 2013.
488. Jump up^ La Nación Mundo.
"Chávez condena ataque
"genocida" del "maldito" Estado de
Israel". June 2, 2010. Retrieved on
May 14, 2013.
489. Jump up^ Alford 2005.
490. Jump up^ (Spanish) Otaola,
Javier. "Chávez y sus
'demonios'." La Jornada. 12
February 2006. Retrieved 27
December 2006.
491. Jump up^ "Chávez condenó
al "infierno" a un líder evangélico".
November 23, 2007. Retrieved on
May 14, 2013.
492. Jump up^ María Lilibeth Da
Corte. April 23, 2012. "Afirman que
Chávez representa la típica
religiosidad venezolana" El
Universal. Retrieved on May 14,
2013.: "The one who takes a little of
the Catholic religion, which does not

see any contradiction in another
kind of religious expressions closely
linked to the Cuban, Santeria or
African religions, devotion to the
spirits, the cult of the dead, Maria
Lonza."
493. Jump up^ AP. El Universal.
"Chávez, después del cancer,
recurre a la religión". May 7,
2012 "Chavez considers himself a
Catholic, but his religious beliefs are
somewhat eclectic. Sometimes he
has declared himself a follower of
folk deities such as Maria Lonza,
which is an indigenous goddess
venerated shrines, candles and
rituals."
494. Jump up^ Redacción Central.
March 6, 2013. "Hugo Chávez
murió 'en el seno de la Iglesia'." ACI
Prensa. Retrieved on May 14, 2014.
495. Jump up^ "President
Chávez's address to the Nation". El
Universal, 1 July 2011
496. Jump up^ "Venezuelan VP
rules out declaring temporary
absence of Chávez"[dead link]
497. Jump up^ "Maduro niega que
haya secretismo sobre salud de

Chávez"[dead link]. El Nacional, 3 July
2011
498. Jump up^ WCBS-TV (New
York) morning news report, 17 July
2011, 07:40 am
499. Jump up^ BBC News 2011b.
500. Jump up^ The
Guardian 2011.
501. Jump up^ Naranjo and
Cawthorne, Mario and
Andrew. "Venezuela's Chávez says
"totally free" of cancer, again".
Yahoo News. Retrieved 9 July
2012.[dead link]
502. Jump up^ "Hugo Chávez
heading to Cuba for more
treatment". CBS News. Retrieved
27 November 2012.
503. Jump up^ "Chávez to
undergo new cancer surgery". CNN.
10 December 2012. Retrieved 9
December 2012.
504. Jump up^ "CHÁVEZ
SUFFERS RESPIRATORY
INFECTION AFTER
SURGERY". Associated Press.
Retrieved 19 December 2012.
505. Jump up^ "Venezuela VP:
Chávez Suffers 'New

Complications'". Associated Press.
Retrieved 31 December 2012.[dead link]
506. Jump up^ "Chávez battling
'severe' lung infection, respiratory
failure". CNN. 5 January 2013.
Retrieved 4 January 2013.
507. Jump up^ "Venezuela's
Chávez 'overcomes infection'.".
Aljazeera.com. Retrieved 2013-0202.
508. Jump up^ John Pike (201301-26). "Chávez Begins New
Treatment Course – Vice
President.". Globalsecurity.org.
Retrieved 2013-02-02.
509. Jump up^ "Hugo Chávez
'back in Venezuela' after Cuba
cancer care". BBC. 18 February
2013. Retrieved 18 February 2013.
510. Jump up^ "VENEZUELA
SAYS CHÁVEZ RECEIVING
CHEMOTHERAPY".Associated
Press. Retrieved 2 March 2013.
511. Jump up^ "Venezuela says
Chávez's breathing problems have
worsened". Reuters. Associated
Press. 5 March 2013. Retrieved 5
March 2013.

512. Jump up^ AP (5 March
2013). "Hugo Chávez, 58, dies after
battle with cancer".New York Post.
513. ^ Jump up to:a b "The Global
Intelligence Files - Re: INSIGHT VENEZUELA - Update on Chavez's
health, power struggle, etc. VZ302". Wikileaks.org. Retrieved 3
October 2013.[dead link]
514. ^ Jump up to:a b c "Venezuelan
President Hugo Chávez dead, VP
says". Foxnews.com. Associated
Press. 5 March 2013. Retrieved 7
March 2013.
515. ^ Jump up to:a b Associated
Press. 07 March 2013. Heart attack
killed a suffering Hugo Chavez,
head of Venezuela's presidential
guard says. FOX News. Retrieved:
9 March 2013.
516. Jump up^ [3][dead link]
517. Jump up^ "Venezuelan
President Hugo Chávez dead, VP
says". Fox News. 5 March 2013.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
518. Jump up^ Frank Bajak (5
March 2013). "Hugo Chávez, Fiery
Venezuelan Leader, Dies at 58".
ABC News. Retrieved 5 March
2013.

519. Jump up^ Jonathan Watts (5
March 2013)."Hugo Chávez,
president of Venezuela, dies in
Caracas". London: the Guardian.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
520. Jump up^ Kraul, Chris (5
March 2013)."Venezuelan
strongman Hugo Chávez dead after
struggle with cancer". latimes.com.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
521. Jump up^ Associated,
The. "Chavez Family". Npr.org.
Retrieved 7 March 2013.[dead link]
522. Jump up^ "Hugo Chávez,
Venezuelan President, Dead at 58".
ABC News. Retrieved 5 March
2013.
523. Jump up^ "Venezuela Expels
2 US Diplomats; Vice President
Claims Hugo Chávez was Poisoned
| Fox News Latino".
Latino.foxnews.com. 5 March 2013.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
524. Jump up^ "Venezuelan VP:
Chávez was Poisoned – Latest
News Briefs". Israel National News.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
525. Jump up^ Cawthorne,
Andrew (5 March
2013). "Venezuela's Hugo Chávez

dies from cancer". Reuters.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
526. Jump up^ "Hugo Chávez,
Venezuela's Anti-U.S. Socialist
Leader, Dies at 58". SFGate.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.[dead link]
527. Jump up^ "Venezuela
accuses enemies of Chávez plot –
This Just In – CNN.com Blogs".
News.blogs.cnn.com. 5 March
2013. Retrieved 5 March 2013.
528. Jump up^ "FOX News
Confirms: Venezuelan President
Hugo Chávez Dies " FOX News
Radio". Radio.foxnews.com.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
529. Jump up^ "S rejects
Venezuela's conspiracy claims".
AFP. 5 March 2013. Retrieved 5
March 2013.
530. Jump up^ Alexander, Ruth
(14 January 2012). "Hugo Chavez's
US 'cancer plot' put to the numbers
test". BBC News. Retrieved 7 March
2013.
531. Jump up^ Condecoro Fidel a
Hugo Chavez con Orden Jose
MartiLondres2012.ain.cu (Spanish)
532. Jump up^ CIDADÃOS
ESTRANGEIROS AGRACIADOS

COM ORDENS
PORTUGUESASOrdens.presidenci
a.pt (Portuguese)
533. Jump up^ "Highest Badge of
Honor Granted to Chavez". Fars
News Agency. 30 July 2006.
Retrieved 12 June 2013.[dead link]
534. Jump up^ "Syrian President
Awarded Iran's Medal of
Honor". People's Daily. 31 July
2006. Retrieved 12 June 2013.
535. Jump up^ "Presidentes
Chávez y Morales fueron
distinguidos con la orden Augusto
César Sandino".
Diarioelprogreso.com. 13 January
2007. Retrieved 12 June
2013.(Spanish)
536. Jump up^ Imposición de
Orden Amistad de Pueblos al
Presidente de la República
Bolivariana de Venezuela, Hugo
Chávez Embassy of the Bolivarian
Republic of Venezuela Washington D.C., U.S.A. (Spanish)
537. Jump up^ "Председник
Николић постхумно одликовао
Уга Чавеса, председника
Венецуеле". Predsednik.rs. 6

March 2013. Retrieved 7 March
2013.[dead link]
538. Jump up^ Padgett 2005.
539. Jump up^ Padgett 2006.
540. Jump up^ Cowley 2006.
541. Jump up^ New
Statesman 2010.
542. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 148.
543. Jump up^ "Präsident Hugo
Chávez und Meister Abreu erhielten
"Blue Planet Award" in
Deutschland". Gobierno Bolivariano
de Venezuela. 16 March 2009.
Retrieved 5 April 2013.
544. Jump up^ "Botschaft von
Venezuela begrüßt ethecon-Preis
an José Abreu und Hugo Chavez".
ethecon - Stiftung Ethik &
Ökonomie. 2009. Retrieved 5 April
2013.
545. Jump up^ "What do Hugo
Chavez, Vandana Shiva, and Diane
Wilson Have In Common?".
Chelsea Green Publishing. 2009.
Retrieved 5 April 2013.
546. Jump
up^ (Spanish) "Gobierno en Línea:
Biografía del Presidente Hugo

Rafael Chávez Frías". Government
of Venezuela. 2005. Retrieved 15
October 2011.
547. Jump up^ "UNI otorgará
"Honoris Causa" a Chávez". El
Nuevo Diario. 5 January 2007.
Retrieved 15 June 2013. (Spanish)
548. Jump up^ UMSA entrega
título de Honoris Causa a
Chávez Eldiario.net, 24 January
2006 (Spanish)
549. Jump up^ "Universidad de
Arte y Ciencias Sociales de Chile
entrega Doctorado Honoris Causa
al presidente Chávez". Venezuelan
Ministry of Communications and
Information. 10 November 2007.
Retrieved 15 June 2013. (Spanish)
550. Jump up^ "Universidad de
Damasco otorgó Doctorado Honoris
Causa al presidente
Chávez". Venezuelan Ministry of
Communications and Information.
30 August 2006. Retrieved 15 June
2013. (Spanish)
551. Jump up^ "Chávez fue
investido doctor "honoris causa" por
la Universidad de Trípoli". El
Espectador. 23 October 2010.
Retrieved 15 June 2013.(Spanish)

552. Jump up^ "Chávez fue
investido doctor "honoris causa" por
la Universidad de Trípoli". América
Economía. 23 October 2010.
Retrieved 15 June 2013. (Spanish)
553. Jump up^ "Haiti renames
airport for Hugo
Chavez". Associated Press. 18 April
2013. Retrieved 30 June 2013.
554. Jump up^ "Haiti renames
airport for Hugo Chavez". The
Jakarta Post (AP). 19 April 2013.
Retrieved 30 June 2013.
555. Jump up^ "Barrio "Hugo
Chávez" de Managua espera algún
día ser visitado por su ídolo". El
Nuevo Diario (AFP). 27 November
2008. Retrieved 30 June
2013. (Spanish)
556. Jump up^ "Barrio de Pehuajó
llevará el nombre de Hugo
Chávez". La Nación (Telam). 8
March 2013. Retrieved 30 June
2013. (Spanish)
557. Jump up^ "Gobierno de Calle
Inspecciona el Complejo Alfarero
Hugo Chávez en Bolívar". Ministry
of Public Works and Housing
(Venezuela). 23 May 2013.
Retrieved 30 June 2013.(Spanish)

558. Jump up^ "SC Aprueba calle
nombre Hugo Chávez".
Ayuntamiento de Moca. 21 March
2013. Retrieved 30 June 2013.[dead
link]

(Spanish)

559. Jump up^ "Rotulan una calle
en RD con nombre de Hugo
Chávez". Diasporadominicana.com.
6 April 2013. Retrieved 30 June
2013.(Spanish)
560. Jump up^ "A partir de hoy la
Prolongación avenida Venezuela se
llamará Presidente Hugo Chávez".
Ciudadoriental.org. 5 June 2013.
Retrieved 30 June 2013.[dead
link]

(Spanish)

561. Jump up^ "Rotulan calle en
honor al Comandante Hugo
Chávez". Ayuntamiento de La
Vega. 25 June 2013. Retrieved 30
June 2013.(Spanish)
562. Jump up^ "Designan calle de
La Vega "Comandante Hugo
Chàvez"". El Sol Dominicano. 24
June 2013. Retrieved 30 June
2013.[dead link](Spanish)
563. Jump up^ "Inauguración de la
Plaza Hugo Chávez en Mayadel,
Sur del Líbano". Embajada de la
República Bolivariana de Venezuela

en Líbano. 27 May 2013. Retrieved
30 June 2013. (Spanish)
564. Jump up^ "Palestinian city
names street after Chavez". Jewish
Telegraphic Agency. 11 March
2013. Retrieved 30 June 2013.
565. Jump up^ "Calle de Rusia
lleva el nombre de Líder de la
Revolución Bolivariana Hugo
Chávez". Venezolana de Televisión.
30 June 2013. Retrieved 30 June
2013. (Spanish)
566. Jump up^ "Moscow names
street in memory of Hugo
Chavez". Itar-Tass. 25 June 2013.
Retrieved 30 June 2013.
567. Jump up^ "Ladutko in favor of
naming Minsk street after Hugo
Chavez".Belarusian Telegraph
Agency. 7 March 2013. Retrieved
30 June 2013.[dead link]
568. Jump up^ "Durban to rename
street after Chavez". The
Independent. 9 March 2013.
Retrieved 30 June 2013.
569. Jump up^ "Quieren llamar
"Hugo Chávez" a una calle de Río
Gallegos". La Nación. 11 March
2013. Retrieved 30 June
2013. (Spanish)

570. Jump up^ "Plaza Rómulo
Gallegos podria llamarse
Comandante Hugo Chávez".
Elsoldematurin.info. 12 April 2013.
Retrieved 30 June 2013.(Spanish)
571. Jump up^ "Avenida en
Senegal se llamará "Hugo
Chávez"". Últimas Noticias. 16 May
2013. Retrieved 30 June
2013. (Spanish)

Bibliography[edit]
Books[edit]








Ali, Tariq (2006). Pirates of the
Caribbean: Axis of Hope. London and
New York: Verso. ISBN 978-1-84467102-1.
Brewer-Carías, Allan
(2010). Dismantling Democracy in
Venezuela: The Chávez Authoritarian
Experiment. Cambridge and New
York: Cambridge University
Press. ISBN 978-0-521-19587-4.
Bruce, Iain (2008). The Real
Venezuela: Making Socialism in the
21st century. London: Pluto
Press. ISBN 978-0-7453-2736-5.
Cannon, Barry (2009). Hugo Chávez
and the Bolivarian Revolution:











Populism and Democracy in a
Globalised Age. Manchester:
Manchester University
Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-7771-5.
Carroll, Rory (2013). Commandante:
myth and reality in Hugo Chávez's
Venezuela. New York: The Penguin
Press. ISBN 978-1-59420-457-9.
Corrales, Javier and Penfold, Michael
(2011). Dragon in the Tropics: Hugo
Chávez and the Political Economy of
Revolution in Venezuela. Washington
D.C.: Brookings Institution
Press. ISBN 978-0-8157-0497-3.
Gates, Leslie C. (2010). Electing
Chávez: The Business of AntiNeoliberal Politics in Venezuela.
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: University of
Pittsburgh Press. ISBN 978-0-82296064-5.
Gott, Richard (2005). Hugo Chávez
and the Bolivarian Revolution in
Venezuela. London and New York:
Verso. ISBN 978-1-84467-533-3.
Hawkins, Kirk A. (2010). Venezuela's
Chavismo and Populism in
Comparative Perspective. New York:
Cambridge University
Press.ISBN 978-0-521-76503-9.













Jones, Bart (2007). Hugo! The Hugo
Chávez Story from Mud Hut to
Perpetual Revolution. Hanover, New
Hampshire: Steerforth
Press. ISBN 978-1-58642-135-9.
Kozloff, Nicholas (2006). Hugo
Chávez: Oil, Politics, and the
Challenge to the United States. New
York: Palgrave Macmillan.ISBN 978-14039-7315-3.
Kozloff, Nicholas (2008). Revolution!:
South America and the Rise of the
New Left. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-61754-4.
Marcano, Christina and Tyszka,
Alberto Barrera (2007). Hugo Chávez:
The Definitive Biography of
Venezuela's Controversial President.
New York: Random House. ISBN 9780-679-45666-7.
McCaughan, Michael (2005). The
Battle of Venezuela. New York: Seven
Stories Press. ISBN 978-1-58322-6803.
Tarver, H. Michael and Frederick,
Julia C. (2005). The History of
Venezuela. Westport, Connecticut:
Greenwood Publishing
Group.ISBN 978-0-313-33525-9.







Trinkunas, Harold A. (2005). Crafting
Civilian Control of the Military in
Venezuela: A Comparative
Perspective. Chapel Hill, North
Carolina: University of North Carolina
Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-5650-5.
Wilpert, Gregory (2007). Changing
Venezuela by Taking Power: The
History and Policies of the Chávez
Government. London and New York:
Verso. ISBN 978-1-84467-552-4.
Woods, Alan (2006). The Venezuelan
Revolution: A Marxist
Perspective (Third Edition). London:
Well Red Books. ISBN 978-1-90000721-4.

Academic articles[edit]




Ellner, Steve, S. (2002). "The 'Radical'
Thesis on Globalization and the Case
of Venezuela's Hugo Chávez". Latin
American Perspectives (Thousand
oaks, California: SAGE
Publications) 29(6): 88–
93. doi:10.1177/0094582X020290060
9.JSTOR 3185001.
Gibbs, Terry, T. (2006). "Business as
Usual: what the Chávez era tells us
about democracy under
globalisation". Third World









Quarterly (London: Routledge) 27 (2):
265–
279.doi:10.1080/01436590500492931
. JSTOR 4017674.
López Maya, Margarita (2003). "Hugo
Chávez Frías: His Movement and His
Presidency". In Ellner, Steve;
Hellinger, Daniel. Venezuelan Politics
in the Chávez Era: Class, Polarization
and Conflict. Boulder: Lynne Riener.
pp. 73–92.ISBN 978-1-58826-297-4.
Ramírez, Cristóbal Valencia, C. b. V.
(2005). "Venezuela's Bolivarian
Revolution: Who Are the
Chavistas?". Latin American
Perspectives (Thousand Oaks,
California: SAGE Publications)32 (3):
79–
97. doi:10.1177/0094582X05275532.J
STOR 30040243.
Sylvia, Ronald D. and Danopoulos,
Constantine P., R. D.; Danopoulos, C.
P. (2003). "The Chávez Phenomenon:
Political Change in Venezuela". Third
World Quarterly (London: Routledge).
24 (1) (1): 63–
76. doi:10.1080/713701367.JSTOR 39
93630.
Zúquete, José Pedro, José Pedro
(Spring 2008). "The Missionary

Politics of Hugo Chávez". Latin
American Politics and
Society (Hoboken, New Jersey: WileyBlackwell) 50 (1): 91–
121.doi:10.1111/j.15482456.2008.00005.x. JSTOR 30130840
.

News articles and reports[edit]










Hugo Chávez kept his promise to the
people of Venezuela
Alford, Deann (14 October
2005). "Venezuela to Expel New
Tribes Mission". Christianity
Today (Carol Stream, Illinois:
Christianity Today International).
Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Beaumont, Peter (7 May 2006). "The
new kid in the barrio". The
Observer (London: Guardian Media
Group). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Bellos, Alex (17 December
1999). "New Venezuela hands
Chávez wide powers". The
Guardian (London: Guardian Media
Group). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Carl, Traci (11 January
2007). "Nicaragua's Ortega Signs
Trade Pact". The Washington
Post (Washington D.C.: The













Washington Post Company).
Retrieved 12 May 2011.
Carroll, Rory (16 February
2009). "Hugo Chávez wins
referendum allowing indefinite reelection". The Guardian (London:
Guardian Media Group). Retrieved 27
March 2011.
Chulov, Martin (3 March
2011). "Libyan rebels reject Hugo
Chávez mediation offer". The
Guardian (London: Guardian Media
Group). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Cowley, Jason (22 May
2006). "Heroes of our time – the top
50". New Statesman (London).
Retrieved 27 March 2011.
Padgett, Tim (18 April 2005). "Hugo
Chávez: The Radical with Deep
Pockets". Time (New York City: Time
Inc.). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Padgett, Tim (30 April 2006). "Hugo
Chávez: Leading the Left Wing
Charge". Time (New York City: Time
Inc.). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Padgett, Tim (3 March 2008). "War
Drums in Latin America". Time (New
York City: Time Inc.). Retrieved 25
March 2011.













Pretel, Enrique Andres (21 September
2009). "Venezuela exhumes unnamed
dead in riot investigation". London:
Reuters. Retrieved 30 March 2011.
Romero, Simon (16 February
2010). "Purging Loyalists, Chávez
Tightens His Inner Circle". The New
York Times (New York City: The New
York Times Company). Retrieved 10
April 2011.
Shifter, Michael, M. (May–June
2006). "In Search of Hugo
Chávez". Foreign Affairs (New York
City: Council on Foreign
Relations)85 (3): 45–
59. doi:10.2307/20031966. JSTOR 20
031966.
"Chávez to nationalise Venezuelan
gold industry". The Guardian (London:
Guardian Media Group). 18 August
2011. Retrieved 15 October
2011. (This content has been removed
as the copyright has expired)
"Chávez offers oil to Europe's
poor". The Observer (London:
Guardian Media Group). 14 May 2006.
Retrieved 27 March 2011.
"Chávez wins Venezuela re-election".
London: BBC News. 4 December
2006. Retrieved 27 March 2011.







"Venezuela President Hugo Chávez
meets Libyan delegation". London:
BBC News. 26 April 2011. Retrieved
11 May 2011.
"Venezuela President Hugo Chávez in
middle class appeal". London: BBC
News. 30 July 2011. Retrieved 30 July
2011.
"50 People Who Matter 2010: 10.
Hugo Chávez". New
Statesman (London). 21 September
2010. Retrieved 27 March 2011.

Interviews[edit]


Sackur, Stephen; Chávez, Hugo
(subject) (15 June 2010). "Hugo
Chávez, President of
Venezuela". HARDtalk. London:
British Broadcasting Corporation.
Retrieved 25 March 2011.

Websites and e-publications[edit]




Ellner, Steve (17 October
2005). "Venezuela's "Demonstration
Effect": Defying Globalization's Logic".
Venezuela Analysis. Retrieved 30
March 2011.
O'Keefe, Derrick (9 March
2005). "Building a democratic,
humanist socialism".









ZCommunications. Retrieved 30
March 2011.
Wilpert, Gregory (27 August
2003). "Venezuela's New
Constitution". Venezuela Analysis.
Retrieved 3 May 2011.
Trinkunas, Harold and McCoy,
Jennifer (February 1999)."Observation
of the 1998 Venezuelan Elections: A
Report of the Council of Freely
Elected Heads of Government".
Atlanta, Georgia: The Carter Centre.
Retrieved 21 March 2011.
"Del Caracazo Case". Inter-American
Court of Human Rights. 11 November
2011. Retrieved 21 March 2011.
"Venezuela: Hugo Chávez's
Revolution". International Crisis
Group. 22 February 2007. Retrieved 8
April 2011.

External links

[edit]

Find more about Hugo Chávez at
Wikipedia's sister projects
Media from Commons
Quotations from Wikiquote

Source texts from Wikisource
Library resources about
Hugo Chávez
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Resources in your library
Resources in other libraries


Official personal blog (Spanish)



PBS Frontline Documentary: The
Hugo Chávez Show
Chavez: Inside the Coup: The
Revolution Will Not Be
Televised on YouTube
The Guardian: The Rise and Rule of
'Hurricane Hugo' audio slide show
Democracy Now! 16 September 2005
Interview: Part I and Part II with Hugo
Chávez, in New York City
ABC News Video, 27 April
2007: Barbara Walters interviews
Hugo Chávez
Interview with Hugo Chávez about the
American threat on YouTube October
2009

Multimedia











NPR Audio Report, 18 February
2008: The Politics of Venezuela's
Hugo Chávez
 Appearances on C-SPAN
Articles and Interviews

















BBC News: Profile: Hugo Chávez
Shifter, Michael. In Search of Hugo
Chávez. Foreign Affairs, May/June
2006 issue
Palast, Greg. Hugo Chávez
Interview. The Progressive, July 2006
Hugo Chávez collected news and
commentary at Al Jazeera English
Hugo Chávez collected news and
commentary at The Guardian
Hugo Chávez collected news and
commentary at The New York Times
Hugo Chávez collected news and
commentary at The Wall Street
Journal
Hugo Chavez death teaches vital
lesson about cancer

Miscellaneous




Extended biography by CIDOB (in
Spanish)
Hugo Chávez at the Internet Movie
Database



Works by or about Hugo Chávez in
libraries (WorldCat catalog)
Party political offices

New office

Leader of the Fifth
Republic Movement
1997–2007

Position
abolished

Leader of the United
Socialist Party of
Venezuela
2007–2013

Succeeded by
Nicolás Maduro

Political offices
Preceded by
President of Venezuela Succeeded by
1999–2013
Rafael Caldera
Nicolás Maduro

[sho
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V
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E

Hugo C

[sho
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V
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Presidents o

WorldCat
 VIAF: 118314221
 LCCN: n93108109
 ISNI: 0000 0001 1085 880X
 GND: 123854008
Authority control
 SELIBR: 46169
 SUDOC: 069145830
 BNF: cb144101733 (data)
 NDL: 00940621
 BNE:XX1479372
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