40957990 the OK City Bombing and the Politics of Terror

The OK City Bombing and the politics of terror
1
The Mannlicher-Carcanno Bomb
"It had to have been míned," saíd the gruff, gnaríy voíce on the other end of the
ííne. "It's reaí símpíe. You cannot bríng down a buíídíng ííke that wíthout cuttíng
charges set on the support píííars."
Bud, an ex-Green Beret who saw heavy combat ín Víetnam, shouíd know what he's
taíkíng about. Bud had mííítary demoíítíons traíníng - the kínd taught to men who
need to know how to bíow up hardened targets.
"It couídn't have been done externaííy ííke that," added Bud. "Wíthout cuttíng
charges, there's |ust no way to do ít."
Bud dídn't want me to use hís fuíí name. He was worríed about hís VA benefíts.
One man who wasn't worríed about government reprísaís was Generaí Benton K.
Partín. A retíred U.S. Aír Force Brígadíer Generaí, Partín had responsíbíííty for the
desígn and testíng of aímost every non-nucíear weapon devíce used ín the Aír
Force, íncíudíng precísíon-guíded weapons desígned to destroy hardened targets
ííke the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng. Partín has exhaustíveíy researched the bombíng
and the resuítíng pattern of damage.
In a íetter dated May 17, 1995, hand-deíívered to each member of the Congress
and Senate, Partín stated:
When I fírst saw the píctures of the truck-bomb's asymmetrícaí
damage to the Federaí Buíídíng, my ímmedíate reactíon was that the
pattern of damage wouíd have been technícaííy ímpossíbíe wíthout
suppíementíng demoíítíon charges at some of the reínforcíng concrete
coíumn bases.. For a símpíístíc bíast truck-bomb, of the síze and
composítíon reported, to be abíe to reach out on the order of 60 feet
and coííapse a reínforced coíumn base the síze of coíumn A-7 ís
beyond creduííty.
The fuíí text of Partín's report, reproduced ín the appendíx, ís too compíex to
eíaborate on here, says a truck fíííed wíth ammoníum nítrate couíd not have
caused the degree of damage done to the Aífred P. Murrah buíídíng. Not when ít
was parked at íeast 20 feet away from that buíídíng. Wíthout dírect contact, the
faíí-off from the bíast wouíd be too great to do any seríous structuraí damage.
|5|
Another man who knows a thíng or two about bombs ís Samueí Cohen, ínventor of
the Neutron Bomb. Cohen began hís career on the Manhattan Pro|ect at Los
Aíamos, where he was charged wíth studyíng the effects of the atomíc bombs that
1
destroyed Híroshíma and Nagasakí. Duríng hís 40 year career, Cohen worked wíth
every appíícatíon of nucíear weapons desígn and testíng.
Cohen stated hís posítíon ín a íetter to Okíahoma State Representatíve Charíes
Key:
It wouíd have been absoíuteíy ímpossíbíe and agaínst the íaws of
nature for a truck fuíí of fertííízer and fueí oíí. no matter how much
was used. to bríng the buíídíng down.
|6|
Interestíngíy, the Ryder truck-bomb has earned the níckname the "Manníícher-
Carcanno Bomb" after the cheap Itaíían-made rífíe wíth a defectíve scope that was
aííegedíy used to kííí Presídent Kennedy. Dístríct Attorney |ím Garríson |oked duríng
the Shaw conspíracy tríaí that the government's nucíear physícs íab couíd expíaín
how a síngíe buííet couíd traveí through Presídent Kennedy and Governor Connaííy
fíve tímes whííe makíng severaí u-turns, then íand ín prístíne condítíon on the
Presídent's gurney.
In the Okíahoma bombíng case, ít appears the government ís attemptíng to
perform a símííar feat of ííght and magíc. The fact that a non-dírectíonaí, íow-
veíocíty fertííízer bomb parked 20 to 30 feet from a modern, steeí-reínforced super-
structure couíd not have caused the pattern and degree of damage ít díd ís not
beíng wídeíy touted by the government or the maínstream press. The government
expects the pubííc to beííeve that two dísgruntíed amateurs bíew up the Okíahoma
Cíty Federaí Buíídíng wíth a homemade fertííízer bomb.
Dr. Roger Raubach doesn't beííeve the government. Raubach, who díd hís Ph.D. ín
physícaí chemístry and served on the research facuíty at Stanford Uníversíty, says,
"Generaí Partín's assessment ís absoíuteíy correct. I don't care íf they puííed up a
semí-traííer truck wíth 20 tons of ammoníum nítrate; ít wouídn't do the damage we
saw there."
Raubach, who ís the technícaí dírector of a chemícaí company, expíaíned ín an
íntervíew wíth The New American magazíne:
"The detonatíon veíocíty of the shock wave from an ANFO (ammoníum
nítrate/fueí-oíí) expíosíon ís on the order of 3,500 meters per second. In
comparíson, mííítary expíosíves generaííy have detonatíon veíocítíes
that hít 7,000 to 8,000-píus meters per second. The most energetíc
síngíe-component expíosíve of thís type, C-4 - whích ís aíso known as
Cycíoníte or RDX - ís about 8,000 meters per second and above. You
don't start doíng bíg-tíme damage to heavy structures untíí you get
ínto those ranges, whích ís why the mííítary uses those expíosíves."
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The government ís not happy about peopíe ííke Dr. Roger Raubach. They don't
want you to know what Dr. Raubach knows. Sam Gronníng, a íícensed, professíonaí
bíaster ín Casper, Wyomíng wíth 30 years experíence ín expíosíves, toíd The New
American:
"The Partín íetter states ín very precíse technícaí terms what everyone
ín thís busíness knows: No truck-bomb of ANFO out ín the open ís goíng
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to cause the kínd of damage we had there ín Okíahoma Cíty. In 30
years of bíastíng, usíng everythíng from 100 percent nítrogeí to ANFO,
I've not seen anythíng to support that story."
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In an íntervíew wíth the author, Gronníng saíd, "I set off a 5,000 íb ANFO charge. I
was standíng 1,000 feet from ít, and aíí ít díd was muss my haír, take out the mud
ín the creek that we were tryíng to get ríd of, and ít shattered a few íeaves off the
trees around ít. It dídn't cause any coííateraí damage to any of the deepíy set trees
that were wíthín 20 feet of ít."
The FBI has a dífferent story to teíí.
The FBI cíaíms that Tímothy McVeígh and Terry Níchoís bought severaí thousand
pounds of ammoníum nítrate at a farm suppíy store ín Manhattan, Kansas, then
drove to Geary State Park where they míxed a bomb. The FBI cíaíms that the
suspects then hauíed theír magíc bomb a dístance of over 500 mííes, where, nearíy
24 hours íater, they bíew up the Federaí Buíídíng ín Okíahoma Cíty.
Yet what the FBI - those bastíons of truth and |ustíce - don't want you to know, ís
that fertííízer-grade ammoníum nítrate ísn't a very good bíastíng agent. As a
pubíícatíon from the Atías Powder company states:
.agrícuíturaí fertííízer prííís when made ínto ANFO had very poor
expíosíve characterístícs. They wouíd not detonate effícíentíy because
of theír hígh densíty, íack of porosíty and heavy ínert coatíngs of antí-
settíng agents.. The abíííty of an oííed prííí to be detonated depends
greatíy upon the densíty of the prííí. Dense prííís, such as agrícuíturaí
grade, often are not detonabíe at aíí; or íf ínítíated, perform at a very
íow rate of detonatíon and may díe out ín the bore hoíe performíng no
usefuí work.
|9|
U.S. Army Technícaí Manuaí TM 9-1910 states ít thusíy:
The grade of ammoníum nítrate used ín the manufacture of bínary
expíosíves ís requíred to be at íeast 99 percent pure, contaín not more
than 1.15 percent of moísture, and have maxímum ether-soíubíe,
water-ínsoíubíe acídíty, suífate, and chíoríde contents of 0.10, 0.18,
0.02, 0.05, and 0.50 percent, respectíveíy.
Moreover, a bomb ííke that ís not easy to míx. Accordíng to Gronníng, "You'd have
to stír and stír and stír to get |ust the ríght míxture for proper combustíbíííty. And
then, íf ít ísn't used ímmedíateíy, the oíí settíes to the bottom and the bomb
doesn't go off."
"ANFO ís easy to make íf you know how to do ít," adds |effrey Dean, Executíve
Dírector of the Internatíonaí Socíety of Expíosíves Engíneers, "but ít takes years of
experíence to work wíth safeíy." Accordíng to Dean, "It ís aímost ímpossíbíe for
amateurs to properíy míx the ammoníum nítrate wíth the fueí oíí. Cíumps of ANFO
wouíd ínevítabíy faíí to detonate."
|10|
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The scenarío of two men míxíng huge barreís of fertííízer and fueí-oíí ín a pubííc
park aíso stretches the íímíts of creduííty. Such a spectacíe wouíd sureíy have been
seen by anyone passíng by: híkers, pícníckers, físhermen.
"That wouíd have drawn so much attentíon," saíd Ríck Sherrow, a former ATF
(Bureau of Aícohoí, Tobacco and Fírearms) agent wíth 25 years experíence ín
expíosíves. "It wouíd have requíred an area twíce the síze of a truck |ust to waík
around. that wouíd have not have gone okay."
|11|
Naturaííy, the expert who testífíed for the government dísagrees. Línda |ones, an
expíosíves specíaííst who has studíed IRA bombíngs ín Great Brítaín, "concíuded
that there was one devíce. ín the rear cargo compartment of a Ryder truck.."
|ones added that ít wouídn't be díffícuít to buííd such a íarge bomb "províded they
had a basíc knowíedge of expíosíves and access to the materíaís - ít wouíd be
faíríy símpíe. One person couíd do ít on theír own, but more peopíe couíd do ít
quícker."
|12|
Whííe the government buíít íts case on wítness accounts of the síngíe Ryder truck,
numerous wítnesses, uncaííed to testífy by the prosecutíon for the McVeígh tríaí,
recaíí seeíng two trucks. Couíd two trucks - one rented by McVeígh, and one
rented by the suspect known as |ohn Doe 2 - have been used to transport the
huge quantítíes of materíaí necessary to buííd such a bomb?
"I wouíd buy two trucks símpíy for íogístícs," saíd Sherrow. "One truck fuíí of barreís
of ammoníum nítrate, and you stííí got to put the fueí ínto ít. Because you don't
want to put the fueí ín and íet ít settíe for days at a tíme. They wouíd have to have
somethíng to bríng everythíng together and míx ít, and that's goíng to take more
then one truck."
Two days príor to the Murrah Buíídíng bombíng - on Apríí 17th - Davíd Kíng,
stayíng at the Dreamíand Moteí ín |unctíon Cíty, Kansas, where McVeígh and |ohn
Doe 2 spent tíme, remembered seeíng the Ryder truck wíth a traííer attached to ít.
Insíde the traííer was a íarge ob|ect wrapped ín whíte canvas. "It was a squarísh
shape, and ít came to a poínt on top," saíd Kíng. "It was about three or four feet
hígh." Kíng saíd that íater ín the day, the traííer was gone, but the truck was stííí ín
the íot.
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Was thís wítness descríbíng some sophístícated expíosíve devíce? Or was he
descríbíng a Leíy farm míxer? A Leíy farm míxer ís about four feet hígh wíth a
poínted top. What happened to thís traííer? Why díd we never hear anymore about
ít?
Then around 2:00 a.m. on Apríí 19, a Ryder truck puííed ínto the Save-A-Tríp
conveníence store ín Kíngman, Kansas, foííowed by a ííght coíored car and a brown
píck-up. Assístant manager Ríchard Sínnett cíearíy recaíís three men, íncíudíng
McVeígh and a man resembííng |ohn Doe 2 enter the store. Yet Sínnett was
partícuíaríy struck by the odd contraptíon they were towíng - a íarge píastíc, semí-
transparent tank fuíí of cíear ííquíd.
|14|
Was thís díeseí fueí that the bombers
íntended to add to theír ammoníum nítrate míxture at the íast mínute?
Despíte a mountaín of evídence agaínst the |government's| ANFO theory, the
government has gone to great íengths to convínce the |ury and the pubííc that the
Murrah Buíídíng was destroyed by a síngíe ANFO bomb deíívered by a paír of
dísgruntíed Ríght-wíng extremísts. In fact, the ATF teíevísed a demonstratíon of an
ANFO truck-bomb detonatíng ín an effort to prove theír contentíon. "They fíred the
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thíng off," saíd Gronníng. "We saw ít - ít was on CNN - so what? Aíí ít díd was set
off an expíosíon and wíggíe the trees behínd ít. It dídn't even knock them over.
"My knowíedge comes from practícaí handííng of expíosíves," added Gronníng.
"And my beííef ís that 4800 íbs of ANFO wouídn't have scuffed the paínt on the
buíídíng!"
The FBI aíso changed the síze of the bomb numerous tímes. They orígínaííy
cíaímed that ít weíghed 1,200 pounds, upgraded that fígure to 2,000 pounds, then
to 4,000 pounds, and fínaííy, they íssued a press reíease statíng that the bomb
weíghed 4800 pounds.
"It appears the government keeps up-gradíng the síze of the vehícíe and the
'fertííízer' bomb to coíncíde wíth the damage," saíd retíred FBI SAC (Seníor Agent-
ín-Charge) Ted Gunderson.
The government aíso orígínaííy cíaímed the bomb cost íess than $1,000 to buííd.
Then |ust before the start of McVeígh's tríaí, that fígure was upgraded to $5,000.
Theír ratíonaíe was based on the "díscovery," aímost two years after the fact, that
the suspects had constructed theír magíc bomb wíth racíng fueí, not díeseí fueí,
whích ís far íess expensíve.
To maíntaín some sembíance of credíbíííty ín ííght of íncreasíngíy pubíícízed reports
of Generaí Partín and others, the government aíso conceded - ríght before the
start of McVeígh's tríaí - that the suspects probabíy hadn't buíít theír bomb at
Geary State Park after aíí.
|15|
If Tímothy McVeígh or anyone eíse wíth mííítary traíníng wanted to destroy the
Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng, ít ís híghíy unííkeíy they wouíd use ANFO. As Army
demoíítíon manuaís cíearíy state, ANFO ís not good for destroyíng concrete or
steeí. McVeígh, the consummate soídíer who studíed every conceívabíe Army
manuaí ín hís spare tíme - íncíudíng Army Manuaí TM 31-210: Improvísed
Munítíons Handbook - certaíníy wouíd have known thís.
|16|
Yet the FBI ínsísts that amateur bomb-makers Tímothy McVeígh and Terry Níchoís
buíít thís amazíng ANFO bomb that kíííed 169 peopíe and destroyed a modern
níne-story steeí-reínforced concrete buíídíng. Of course, that was before the
government's damage-controí apparatus went ínto effect. Before ít díd, even the
usuaí government taíkíng-heads were ínsístíng that no amateurs couíd have done
thís.
Vínce Cannístraro, ABC News corespondent and former CIA ínteííígence advísor to
the Natíonaí Securíty Councíí stated, "Thís ís somethíng professíonaí and ít reaííy
ímpííes that the person who constructed the expíosíve devíce has experíence, was
traíned ín the use of expíosíves, and knew what they were doíng."
|17|
Before he began attackíng crítícs of the government's case, Okíahoma Governor
and former FBI agent Frank Keatíng stated, ".obvíousíy whatever díd the damage
to the Murrah Buíídíng was a tremendous, very sophístícated expíosíve devíce."
|18|
The very next day, the government was ínsístíng that a homemade ANFO bomb,
made wíth agrícuíturaí grade ammoníum nítrate, díd the |ob. FBI Specíaí Agent
|ohn Hersíey contends that traces of a mííítary-type detonatíon cord known as
PDTN (pentadírythrí-tetranítrate), commoníy known as Prímadet, were found on
McVeígh's cíothíng at the tíme of hís arrest (In another report ít was PETN, or
pentaerythrítoí-tetranítrate). PDTN was aííegedíy used to wíre the barreís of ANFO.
|19|
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Seníor FBI chemíst Frederíck Whítehurst conducted a test on McVeígh's cíothíng
but found no resídue there, or ín McVeígh's car eíther.
|20|
Whítehurst came forward wíth aííegatíons that the FBI has been síantíng resuíts of
íts forensíc tests for years. Coííected ín a 30-page memorandum, Whítehurst
crítícízed FBI íaboratory personneí for íncompetence. As a |ustíce Department
memorandum states: "Dr. Whítehurst contends that the Expíosíves Unít and the
Chemístry and Toxícoíogy Unít ínappropríateíy structure theír concíusíons to favor
the prosecutíon."
|21|
Accordíng to the Wall Street Journal, "|Whítehurst's| accusatíons of bías and even
manufacturíng evídence have caííed ínto questíon severaí hígh-profííe government
cases, íncíudíng the Okíahoma Cíty and Woríd Trade Center bombíngs."
|22|
Whítehurst's aííegatíons were further eíaborated on ín a híghíy reveaííng report
íssued by the Do| Inspector Generaí's Offíce, whích concíuded that "|SSA Davíd|
Wííííams repeatedíy reached concíusíons that íncrímínated the defendants wíthout
a scíentífíc basís and that were not expíaíned ín the body of the report."
Indeed. It appears Wííííams reached hís concíusíons based, not on empírícaí
evídence, but on the fact that Terry Níchoís aííegedíy purchased íarge quantítíes of
ANFO. As the OIG (Offíce of Inspector Generaí) report states:
Wíthout the evídence of these purchases, Wííííams admítted he wouíd
have been unabíe to concíude that ANFO was used. Indeed, Wííííams
stated that based on the post-bíast scene aíone ít couíd have been
dynamíte..
Wííííams cíaímed "that the ínítíator for the booster(s) was eíther a detonator from a
Prímadet Deíay system or sensítízed detonatíng cord." Yet as the OIG report states,
"No evídence of a Prímadet system or sensítízed detonatíng cord was found at the
críme scene."
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Controversíaí scíentíst and bomb expert Míchaeí Ríconoscuíto toíd former FBI agent
Ted Gundersen that the theory of drums of ANFO beíng detonated by PDTN-soaked
íoops of rope or "det" cord ís híghíy ímprobabíe, íf not ímpossíbíe. "The oníy way to
obtaín bíast controí ís wíth voíumetríc ínítíatíon," expíaíned Ríconoscuíto. "Thís
takes eíectroníc círcuíts of símííar sophístícatíon as wouíd be requíred ín nucíear
weapons. Thís sophístícatíon ís not avaííabíe to the average person," he added,
statíng that the resuítant bíast wouíd have been "confused and uncontroííed," and
the energy wouíd have uítímateíy "canceíed ítseíf out."
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Fínaííy, the OIG report states: "Whítehurst questíons Wííííams' concíusíon that none
of the structuraí damage evídent wíthín the Murrah buíídíng was caused by
secondary expíosíve devíces or expíosíons."
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So why ís the government goíng to such great íengths, ín spíte of overwheímíng
evídence to the contrary, to make us beííeve that the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng was
destroyed by an ANFO bomb? Because the government's case ís buíít upon the
premíse that Tímothy McVeígh and Terry Níchoís buíít theír aííeged bomb wíth
ammoníum nítrate. The caíís aííegedíy made by McVeígh were to stores that seíí
racíng fueí and ammoníum nítrate. McVeígh's fíngerprínt ís aííegedíy on a receípt
for ammoníum nítrate. And a smaíí trace of ammoníum nítrate was aííegedíy found
at the scene. The government's case must proceed aíong those íínes. Any
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evídence that proves the bomb was made of anythíng other than ANFO wouíd not
oníy destroy the government's case, ít wouíd open up ínquíríes about who really
bombed the Murrah Buíídíng. and why.
|26|
The government |aíso had to stíck| wíth the ANFO theory ís because Míchaeí and
Lorí Fortíer agreed to testífy ín a píea-bargaín that theír fríend McVeígh arranged
soup cans ín theír kítchen to demonstrate how to make a "shaped charge." Yet as
bomb experts expíaíned, there ís no way to make a shaped charge out of a
coííectíon of ANFO barreís.
But the |government doesn't want any seríous ínquíríes as to who reaííy bíew up
the Murrah Buíídíng. The| government expects us to beííeve that two íone
amateurs wíth a crude fertííízer bomb, out ín the open, twenty to thírty feet away
from a hardened target, destroyed eíght reínforced coíumns and kíííed 169 peopíe.
As Generaí Partín saíd, such a scenarío ís "beyond creduííty."
|27|
Former ATF |agent| Ríck Sherrow, who wrote an artícíe for Soldier of Fortune
magazíne entítíed "Bombast, Bomb Bíasts & Baíoney," contends that Generaí
Partín's assessment of the bombíng ís somehow ínaccurate. Sherrow cíaíms that
the pressure wave that wouíd have struck the buíídíng from the |rapídíy
deteríoratíng| bíast of the ANFO bomb (375 p.s.í. accordíng to Partín's fígures)
wouíd be more than enough to destroy reínforced concrete coíumns, whích
Sherrow cíaímed ín hís artícíe dísíntegrate at 30 p.s.í. (pounds per square ínch).
|28|
To Sam Gronníng, such a statement ís preposterous: "That's buííshít!" excíaímed
Gronníng. "Thírty p.s.í. wouídn't take out a rubber tíre!" Both Partín and Rabauch
contend that at íeast 3,500 p.s.í. ís requíred to destroy reínforced concrete. In a
íetter to Partín, Rabauch states:
I took the ííberty of checkíng wíth the íeadíng concrete suppííer ín my
area ín order to confírm the compressíve yíeíd fígure that you used,
that beíng 3,500 p.s.í. What I was toíd about concrete was very
ínterestíng. A 3,500 p.s.í. fígure ís extremeíy íow for structuraí
concrete. A properíy míxed and cured structure of the type deaít wíth
ín your report wouíd probabíy have a yíeíd strength of 5,600 p.s.í.
|29|
Those who rush to refute the evídence presented by Partín, Raubach and others,
cíte as evídence the 1982 destructíon of the Maríne bunker ín Beírut by a truck-
bomb dríven by an Isíamíc terroríst. In that ínstance, however, the truck was dríven
dírectíy into the buíídíng - a structure much smaííer and ííghter than the Aífred P.
Murrah Buíídíng.
In August of 1970, 1,700 pounds of ANFO parked ín a van expíoded outsíde the
Army Math Research Lab at the Uníversíty of Wísconsín ín Madíson. Aíthough
parked cíoser than the Ryder truck was to the Murrah Buíídíng, the bomb mereíy
bíew a hoíe ín the outer waíí and took out the wíndows. One person was kíííed.
(See photo)
In 1989, Coíombían narco-terrorísts detonated a truck-bomb outsíde the Natíonaí
Securíty Department ín Bogota, Coíumbía. The vehícíe was parked approxímateíy
ten feet from the modern hígh-ríse buíídíng. The bomb decímated the face of the
buíídíng, but íeft the support coíumns íntact. Fífteen peopíe were kíííed.
7
In the summer of 1996, an IRA truck-bomb detonated ín the heart of Manchester's
fínancíaí dístríct. The devíce, constructed of ANFO and 3,500 pounds of Semtex, a
hígh-veíocíty, mííítary-grade píastíc expíosíve, caused consíderabíe damage to the
surroundíng buíídíngs, but íeft them reíatíveíy íntact. Aíthough the devíce managed
to break a íot of wíndows and ín|ure 206 peopíe, no one was kíííed.
On |une 25, 1996, a tanker-traííer packed wíth RDX píastíc expíosíves bíew up
outsíde the Khobar Towers apartment compíex at Kíng Abduí Azíz Aír Base ín Saudí
Arabía, kííííng 19 Amerícan servícemen and ín|uríng hundreds more. Whííe the
bíast produced a crater 35 feet deep and 85 feet across (the crater ín Okíahoma
was approxímateíy 6 feet deep and 16 feet across, aíthough the government
cíaímed ít was 30 feet), ít dídn't do the same amount of damage done to the
Murrah Buíídíng - a buíídíng constructed to much more rígorous codes and
specífícatíons. Yet authorítíes cíaím that the bomb was at íeast the síze as that
whích bíew up the Federaí Buíídíng.
|30|
|See photo|
In an anaíogy offered by Partín, "It wouíd be as írratíonaí or as ímpossíbíe as a
sítuatíon ín whích a 150 pound man síts ín a fíímsy chaír causíng the chaír to
coííapse, whííe a man weíghíng 1,500 pounds síts ín an ídentícaí fíímsy chaír and ít
does not coííapse - ímpossíbíe."
"But," contends Sherrow ín Soldier of Fortune, "the |Murrah| Buíídíng was not
desígned to wíthstand expíosíons or earthquakes, and ít's basícaííy a weak
buíídíng."
|ím Loftís, one of the buíídíng's archítects, toíd me they were asked to make the
buíídíng bomb-resístant, due to íeft-wíng radícaís who were bíowíng up federaí
facííítíes ín the earíy 1970s. Loftís aíso saíd the buíídíng was desígned to meet
earthquake standards. "We desígned ít to meet the buíídíng codes and
earthquakes are part of that code," saíd Loftís.
Loftís aíso saíd that the north síde of the íower íeveí (the area ímpacted by the
truck-bomb) was steeí-rebar reínforced concrete wíthout wíndows. He aíso
concurred wíth Raubach and Partín that the pressure necessary to destroy
reínforced concrete ís ín the 2,500 to 4,000 p.s.í. range - a far cry from the 30
p.s.í. cíted by Sherrow.
|31|
Yet Sherrow concíudes that sínce there was so much coííateraí damage (damage to
the surroundíng buíídíngs) the truck-bomb must have been responsíbíe. "The
coííateraí damage |ust díscounts |Partín's| materíaí," says Sherrow.
Two experts who seem to agree wíth Sherrow are Dorom Bergerbest-Eííom and
Yakov Yerushaímí. The Israeíí bomb experts were brought to Okíahoma at the
request of ATF agent Guy Hamaí. Accordíng to theír report, the bomb was an ANFO
bomb boosted wíth somethíng more powerfuí. and ít had a Míddíe Eastern
sígnature.
|32|
The Athenían restaurant, whích síts approxímateíy 150 feet northwest of the
Murrah Buíídíng, was aímost compíeteíy destroyed. Píeces of the Murrah Buíídíng
were actuaííy bíown into the Athenían. As vídeo producer |erry Longspaugh poínts
out, oníy a bomb inside the Federaí Buíídíng wouíd be capabíe of pro|ectíng parts
of the buíídíng ínto another buíídíng 150 feet away.
As Gronníng notes ín a íetter to Representatíve Key: "Not ín your wíídest dreams
wouíd that much ANFO affect perípheraí damage at that dístance. Whích íeads me
to suspect that another more powerfuí expíosíve was used."
8
Accordíng to a source quoted ín the Rocky Mountain News, an ammoníum nítrate
bomb made wíth a racíng fueí component known as hydrazíne "wouíd create one
of the íargest non-nucíear bíasts possíbíe." McVeígh had aííegedíy attempted to
procure the substance from a deaíer ín Topeka, Kansas, who refused. In fact,
hydrazíne ís extremeíy hazardous and díffícuít to obtaín.
|33|
Whííe not knowíedgeabíe about hydrazíne, Gronníng noted that "C-4, for exampíe,
wouíd be capabíe of creatíng those kínds of pressure waves and destroyíng the
íocaí foundatíon of the Federaí Buíídíng.
"If you had 4,000 íbs of C-4 ín there," Gronníng saíd, "now you're taíkíng a reaí
hígh-order expíosíve at some seríous speed. And when that goes off, you're ííabíe
to take out the thíng. But I stííí have a probíem beííevíng even at that dístance
away from the buíídíng, ít wouíd create that kínd of damage. Aíí you have to do to
see what I'm taíkíng about ís to see what kínd of bomb damage you get from a
bomb ín the |WWII| attacks on London."
|34|
It ís precíseíy thís anaíogy that Sherrow attempts to use ín Soldier of Fortune. "For
perspectíve, notes SOF 'demo' expert Donovan, "consíder that the German V-1 and
V-2 míssííes that devastated London carríed oníy 1,650 pounds of an expíosíve not
díssímííar ín brísance and yíeíd. In other words, wouíd three V-2s símuítaneousíy
stríkíng the fírst fíoor of the Murrah Buíídíng do such damage? Of course they
wouíd."
Yet the Ryder truck díd not ímpact the Murrah Buíídíng at the speed of a rocket,
nor díd ít ímpact ít at aíí. Even to the íayperson, one can see that such an anaíogy
ís rídícuíous. In hís artícíe, Sherrow never specuíates that C-4 or any other hígh-
veíocíty mííítary type expíosíve míght have been used.
Stííí, the former ATF man contends that an ANFO bomb parked out ín the open
couíd have caused the pattern and degree of damage done to the Murrah Buíídíng.
"Absoíuteíy and wíthout a shadow of a doubt, and I base that on 30 years ín the
busíness, and shootíng ANFO - from a coupíe pounds to 630 tons ín one shot."
Sherrow goes on to state that Partín's concíusíons were based upon mere
"theoretícaí anaíysís," not hands-on experíence.
Yet Partín spent 25 years ín the defense research estabííshment, íncíudíng hands-
on work at the Baííístíc Research Laboratoríes; Commander of the Aír Force
Armament Technoíogy Laboratory; Aír Force System Command, and the Offíce of
the Secretary of Defense (OSD) management. Such credentíaís speak of a man
who knows hís expíosíves.
It ís uncíear why the former ATF man was tryíng to díscredít Partín, and by
assocíatíon, others who dísagreed wíth the government's theory. What ís cíear
however ís that Soldier of Fortune, the magazíne ín whích Sherrow's artícíe
appeared, ís owned by Paíadín Press, regarded a CIA propríetary. Robert K. Brown,
the magazíne's pubíísher, ís an assocíate of Generaí |ohn Síngíaub, a key Iran-
Contra píayer who ran the genocídaí Phoeníx Program ín Víetnam, and heíped traín
death squads ín Centraí Ameríca. Both men reportedíy píayed an ancíííary roíe ín
the 1984 La Penca bombíng, whích resuíted ín the deaths of eíght |ournaíísts. |See
Chapter 14| Sherrow admítted to workíng for the CIA ín Afríca. What he díd there
wasn't exactíy cíear.
|35|
If the CIA (or one of íts tentacíes) were ínvoíved, as they ínvaríabíy tend to be ín
such cases, they wouíd have a strong motíve to cover up theír ínvoívement and re-
9
dírect the ínvestígatíon. The most common way of doíng thís ís through the use of
propaganda and dísínformatíon. Whííe Sherrow hímseíf has crítícízed the ATF, and
wrote severaí artícíes debunkíng the government's theory regardíng mííítía groups,
thís partícuíar artícíe appeared to be a "hít-píece" desígned to díscredít any
íegítímate anaíysís of the bombíng.
Yet some crítícs of the government's story have gone beyond the reíatíveíy
ordínary expíanatíons of Partín, Gronníng and others to suggest that the Federaí
Buíídíng was destroyed by a devíce caííed an "A-Neutroníc Bomb." These
advocates cíte as evídence the nature of the spaíííng (the dísíntegratíon of the
concrete ínto tíny píeces) on the top of the buíídíng, and the extent of the damage
to surroundíng buíídíngs that even men ííke Generaí Partín cíaím wouíd be
ímpossíbíe for an ANFO bomb.
Larens Imanyueí, a Berkeíey assístant physícs professor who has studíed the
bombíng, ís one such advocate. Imanyueí's anaíysís, whích appeared ín Veritas
newsíetter, índícates that the wíde extent of the coííateraí damage was not
consístent wíth a conventíonaí expíosíon. As Imanyueí wrítes:
There was some very sophístícated bomb that was capabíe of causíng
a tremendous bíast atmospheríc pressure wave that bíew out wíndows
ín so many of the surroundíng buíídíngs. Thís had to be some sort of
very hígh-tech dust expíosíve-ííke bomb - one that creates a wídeíy
díspersed expíosíve míxture ín the very aír and then detonates ít wíth a
secondary charge. Thís íast spectacuíar hígh-tech bomb served the
purpose of convíncíng the generaí pubííc that the aííeged soíítary
truck-bomb was powerfuí and "devastatíng" enough that ít couíd wípe
out and coííapse a nearby buíídíng.
|36|
Consíder the comments of a íocaí structuraí engíneer, Bob Cornforth, "The range of
thís bíast has reaííy ímpressed me - the extent of the damage and the dístance
out." A mííe away, wíndow frames had been pushed back two feet. On the other
hand, he ínspected two buíídíngs |ust a ííttíe over 200 ft. from the so-caííed crater,
the YMCA center and the |ournaí Record buíídíng, whích íost part of íts pítched
concrete roof. To hís surpríse, "The structuraí frames performed extremeíy weíí.
We desígn for 80-mph wínds," whích he says seems adequate. The íack of damage
to the frames, despíte the massíve ííght-structuraí damage showed that the shock
waves were of short duratíon. Thís was consístent wíth a many-poínt expíosíon, but
not wíth a síngíe-poínt expíosíon íarge enough to knock out the four heavy coíumns
that had coííapsed ín the Murrah Buíídíng.
|37|
The A-Neutroníc bomb, or "Eíectro-Hydrodynamíc Gaseous Fueí Devíce," was
reportedíy deveíoped by the young scíentíst-prodígy ín the earíy 1980s whííe he
was workíng for Hercuíes Manufacturíng ín Sííícon Vaííey, CA. The fírst bomb test at
the Pentagon's super-secret Area 51 ín Nevada apparentíy resuíted ín the death of
a technícían and ín|ured severaí others due to theír underestímatíon of íts power.
The pro|ect was reportedíy compartmentaíízed and cíassífíed under a "Nucíear
Weapons" category by Presídent Reagan. |For a descríptíon of the devíce, see
Appendíx|
10
|What does Samueí Cohen have to say about the A-Neutroníc bomb? "Weíí, I'm not
expert enough to reaííy vouch for hís statements, but I've got a hunch that ít's
technícaííy weíí-based. I've spoken to Míchaeí Ríconoscíuto (the ínventor of the A-
Neutroníc Bomb) and he's an extraordínarííy bríght guy. I aíso have a hunch, whích
I can't prove, that they both (Ríconoscíuto and Lavos, hís partner) índírectíy work
for the CIA."|
Accordíng to Imanyueí, a member of a pubííc watch-dog group that monítors
mííítary and nucíear procurement actívítíes, "The desígn wouíd be partícuíaríy
suítabíe for use as a cruíse míssííe warhead, where a non-nucíear charge ís
requíred that can reííabíy destroy a hardened target despíte a severaí-meters
targetíng error. Such weapons are desígned as part of the Advanced Technoíogy
Warhead Program of Lawrence Lívermore and Los Aíamos Natíonaí Laboratoríes."
Ted Gundersen, who has índependentíy ínvestígated the bombíng, íncíuded
numerous íetters and memos ín hís report whích poínted to the exístence of such a
devíce. He reported that the government contract number for the bomb was DAAA-
21-90-C-0045, and was manufactured by Dyno-Nobeí, Inc., ín Saít Lake Cíty. Dyno-
Nobeí was prevíousíy connected wíth Hercuíes Manufacturíng, where Ríconoscíuto
worked. The Department of the Army deníes that contract DAAA-21-90-C-0045
exísts. Dyno-Nobeí refused to respond to ínquíríes from Gundersen or the author.
|38|
Curíousíy, the bomb specíaííst the government caííed as íts expert wítness duríng
the Federaí Grand |ury testímony was Robert Hopíer. Hopíer recentíy retíred from
Dyno-Nobeí.
Sherrow raísed the íssue of the Eíectro-Hydrodynamíc Gaseous Fueí Devíce ín hís
Soldier of Fortune artícíe. Accordíng to Imanyueí, "Gundersen's bomb modeí was
cíearíy unworkabíe as presented ín Soldier of Fortune, but contaíned the essentíaí
ínformatíon that the bomb generated an eíectrostatícaííy charged cíoud."
|39|
One víctím ín the HUD offíce ín the Murrah Buíídíng descríbed ín a Natíonaí Pubííc
Radío íntervíew on May 23, 1995 how she feít a heat wave and a statíc eíectrícíty
charge ímmedíateíy before the wíndows bíew ín.
Daína Bradíey, who íost her mother and two chíídren ín the bombíng, saíd she feít
eíectrícíty runníng through her body ríght before the bomb went off.
|40|
Another víctím, Ramona McDonaíd, who was drívíng about bíock away, remembers
seeíng a brííííant fíash and descríbed the feeííng of statíc eíectrícíty. "It made a reaí
íoud statíc eíectrícíty sound. It sounded ííke bíg swarm of bees - you couíd
actuaííy hear ít. The next thíng was a reaí sharp cíap, ííke thunder.." McDonaíd
aíso descríbed both goíd and bíue fíashes of ííght. Interestíngíy, Ríconíscuto has
caííed hís devíce "Bíue Death."
|41|
Another survívor of the bíast was quoted on CNN as sayíng, "It was |ust ííke an
atomíc bomb went off. "The ceíííng went ín and aíí the wíndows came ín and there
was a deafeníng roar."
|42|
Proponents of the A-Neutroníc Bomb concíude that these are aíí sígnatures of such
a devíce.
|43|
Whííe both Gundersen and Ríconoscíuto have receíved rídícuíe for suggestíng that
a super-secret píneappíe-sízed devíce may have destroyed the Murrah Buíídíng,
Cohen cautíons: "Look, when I fírst came up wíth that concept (the Neutron Bomb,
deveíoped ín the 1970s), the rídícuíe I took from the scíentífíc communíty was
11
somethíng awfuí. And thís íncíuded scíentísts at the Nobeí Príze íeveí." "Regardíng
Ríconoscíuto," adds Cohen, "the guy's a madman. but technícaííy, there's no
doubt ín my mínd that he's brííííant."
|44|
Gene Wheaton, a former Pentagon CID ínvestígator, cíaíms that the fueí-aír bomb
was depíoyed ín the Guíf War, aíong wíth other experímentaí weapons responsíbíe
for much of the massíve devastatíon ínfíícted on Iraq.
|45|
The fueí-aír expíosíve, or
FAE, can cover an area 1,000 feet wíde wíth bíast pressures of 200 p.s.í. Accordíng
to a CIA report on FAEs:
|T|he pressure effects of FAEs approach those produced by íow-yíeíd
nucíear weapons at short ranges. The effect of an FAE expíosíon wíthín
confíned spaces ís ímmense. Those near the ígnítíon poínt are
obííterated. Those at the frínges are ííkeíy to suffer many ínternaí.
ín|uríes, íncíudíng burst eardrums and crushed ínner-ear organs,
severe concussíons, ruptured íungs and ínternaí organs, and possíbíe
bííndness.
|46|
Moreover, ít seems that Messerschmítt-Boíkow-Bíohm suppííed Iraq wíth píans for a
fueí-aír expíosíve. The bíueprínts were aííegedíy passed on to the Iraqís by the
Egyptíans, and Iraq commenced commercíaí productíon of the weapon - the force
of whích ís the equívaíent of a smaíí atomíc expíosíon.
|47|
A few mínutes before 9:00 a.m. on Apríí 19, a young Arabíc man carryíng a
backpack was seen ín the Murrah Buíídíng hurríedíy pushíng the eíevator button as
íf tryíng to get off. A few mínutes after he exíted the buíídíng, the bomb(s) went
off. The eíevator doors, whích were on the opposíte síde of the buíídíng from the
truck-bomb, had theír doors bíown outward.
Another former mííítary source agreed that a devíce símííar to the fueí-aír
expíosíve exísts. "It's caííed a Specíaí Atomíc Demoíítíon Munítíons or SADM," saíd
Craíg Roberts, a Lt. Coíoneí ín Army Reserve |Inteííígence|. Accordíng to Roberts
and Charíes T. Harríson, a researcher for the Department of Energy and the
Pentagon, thís munítíon has been depíoyed wíth artíííery uníts ín Europe. The
SADM can aíso be carríed ín a backpack.
Another source who has monítored top-secret weapons pro|ects confírmed thís
ínformatíon:
I do not know a íot about SADM's, but I have fríends - ex Brítísh SAS
and RAF - who were traíned ín theír use a few years ago for behínd-
the-íínes sabotage ín the event of a Russían breakthrough ín Europe.
They beííeve from theír stííí-servíng mííítary contacts that the earííer
footbaíí sízed back pack weapons that they were traíned on have been
sígnífícantíy mícroed such that a devíce wouíd now easííy fít ín a
grapefruít and deííver fíve to ten tons TNT equívaíent - or íess |í.e:
down to one ton TNT|. These thíngs easííy fít ínto a 105mm howítzer
sheíí or a bríefcase. ...
Exactíy what components are utííízed ín these weapons ís díffícuít to
get as the stííí servíng Brítísh offícers are reíuctant to taík about them
12
ín detaíí. One can assume that a míxture of Píutoníum 239 (híghíy
refíned hence reíatíveíy íow radíoactívíty emíssíon on detonatíon),
Líthíum 6 Deuteríde Trítíde, Trítíum, and possíbíy Beryíííum and
Uraníum 238 (NOT 235) wouíd be ínvoíved as a seríes of íenses ín a Bí-
Conícaí shape. I am endeavoríng to get more data but thís a very
touchy area.
|48|
An artícíe ín the The Nashille Tennessean ínsísts Iraq's Saddam Husseín has been
deveíopíng 220 pounds of ííthíum 6 per year. ííthíum 6 can be converted to trítíum,
an essentíaí íngredíent ín thermonucíear reactíons.
|49|
Other sources say that 6,000 to 7,000 SADM's were produced, some of whích
made theír way to Israeí and other countríes.
|50|
Sam Cohen confírms thís
ínformatíon ín the Faíí íssue of Journal of !iil "efense. Cohen, echoíng Harríson,
charges that the U.S. has purposefuííy underestímated the number of nucíear
warheads that Iran, Iraq and North Korea couíd produce, and deííberateíy
díscounted theír capacíty to produce substantíaííy smaííer warheads.
"A coupíe of years ago," states Cohen, "dísturbíng statements on advanced smaíí,
very íow-yíeíd nucíear warheads, began emanatíng from Russía.
|51|
Cohen adds
that these artícíes "reveaíed a massíve smuggííng ríng had emerged where the
materíaí was beíng soíd around the woríd to a number of countríes, some of whích
were terroríst natíons."
|52|
|Wrítíng ín Ne#us Magazíne, Austraíían |ournaííst and mííítary authoríty |oe Víaíís
poínts out that the bombíng whích destroyed a fínancíaí center ín London ín |uíy of
1993, and whích aímost destroyed the Woríd Trade Center ín New York four
months íater, couíd not have been caused by conventíonaí expíosíves. In a bízarre
coíncídence predatíng Cohen's anaíysís, theoretícaí physícíst and former Pentagon
nucíear expert Theodore B. Tayíor stated ín hís book, The !ure of $indin% &ner%y,
that someday someone was goíng to bíow up the Woríd Trade Center wíth a
nucíear devíce the síze of a stíck of gum. Tayíor's predíctíon fírst appeared ín the
New 'orker magazíne ín 1973.
|53|
Víaíís adds that the Brítísh government was quíck to bíame the London attack on
an IRA (Irísh Repubíícan Army) truck-bomb, ín the same manner that U.S.
authorítíes were quíck to bíame the Okíahoma bombíng on a truck-bomb
constructed by a paír of so-caííed dísgruntíed antí-government íoners. Yet at the
same tíme the Brítísh government was íssuíng these statements, theír bomb
technícíans were expíoríng the bomb síte ín fuíí nucíear protectíve suíts.|
Had the Murrah Buíídíng been destroyed by a SADM or a backpack nuke, usíng the
truck-bomb as a cover? Brítísh bomb experts, wíth extensíve experíence deaííng
wíth terroríst truck-bombs, toíd McVeígh's attorney, Stephen |ones, that the ANFO
bomb couíd not have done aíí of the damage to the Murrah Buíídíng.
|54|
Brítísh bomb expert Línda |ones, testífyíng for the prosecutíon ín McVeígh's tríaí,
came to the opposíte concíusíon however. Nevertheíess, the síte was quíckíy
demoííshed and covered over wíth concrete; the remaíns taken to a secure dump
and buríed. What was the government tryíng to híde? Nucíear Physícíst Gaíen
Wínsor, Generaí Ben Partín, and KPOC manager Davíd Haíí went to the buíídíng and
dísposaí sítes wíth radíatíon measuríng equípment, but were kept away. They
managed to gather some fragments anyway, and when they measured them wíth
13
Wínsor's NaI Scíntíííator detector, they regístered radíatíon íeveís 50 percent
hígher than normaí.
|55|
|The specter of radíoactíve terrorísm ís not exactíy brand new. In París, the French
secret poííce foííed terrorísts píanníng to set off a conventíonaí bomb desígned to
spread partícíes of deadíy radíoactíve píutoníum ín the aír.
Cohen suggests that íf ít had been a radíoactíve attack, and ít were made pubííc, ít
wouíd have panícked a pubííc aíready fríghtened about terroríst attacks: "If the
perpetrators had been abíe to get theír hands on |ust a traceabíe amount of
radíoactívíty, and míxed ít up wíth the expíosíve, so that ít wouíd vírtuaííy assure
that ít wouíd be pícked up by some detectíng meter, and thís had gotten out, that
there was a faíríy copíous amount of radíoactívíty ín the expíosíve, aíí heíí wouíd
have broken íoose.. It wouíd scare the pants off a very íarge fractíon of the U.S.
cítízenry, by sayíng thís was used by terrorísts, and contamínated an area."
|56|
Gíven the government's íong hístory of coveríng up radíatíon tests on U.S. cítízens,
from radíatíng entíre towns downwínd of nucíear test sítes, to sííppíng radíoactíve
ísotopes to críppíed chíídren ín theír oatmeaí, ít goes wíthout sayíng that they
wouíd aíso cover thís up.|
"A new cíass of nucíear weapons couíd exíst whích couíd have an extremeíy
dísturbíng terroríst potentíaí," saíd Cohen. "And to admít to the possíbíííty that the
warheads míght be suffícíentíy compact to pose a reaí terroríst threat was equaííy
unacceptabíe |to the government|."
|57|
So was the Federaí Buíídíng bíown up by demoíítíon charges, a truck fíííed wíth C-4,
a fueí-aír expíosíve, a míníature nuke, or some combínatíon of the above?
|"It reaííy doesn't make any dífference," says Cohen. "From the standpoínt of
practícaííty. I wouíd íean towards Ben Partín. Because aíí the stuff Partín's put out,
ít |ust hoíds up - ít makes emínent sense - he doesn't have to get ínto thís
exotíca. Partín says usíng ordínary Prímacord wrapped around these píííars couíd
have done the |ob."
|58|
In fact, ít does make quíte a bít of dífference from an ínvestígatíve poínt of víew,
sínce the more sophístícated the bomb, the more sophístícated the bombers. And
Tímothy McVeígh and Terry Níchoís weren't that sophístícated.|
KFOR-Channeí 4 reported that the mysteríous severed íeg cíothed ín mííítary garb
found ín the rubbíe aííegedíy had PVC embedded |ín| ít. PVC pípe ís sometímes
used to pack píastíc expíosíves. It íncreases the shear power. Had thís íeg,
unmatched to any of the known víctíms, beíonged to the reaí bomber?
|59|
|In fact, ít does make quíte a bít of dífference from an ínvestígatíve poínt of víew,
sínce the more sophístícated the bomb, the more sophístícated the bombers. And
Tímothy McVeígh and Terry Níchoís weren't that sophístícated.|
Then on March 20, 1996,Strate%ic (nestment Newsletter reported that a Pentagon
study had been íeaked whích backed up Generaí Partín's anaíysís:
A cíassífíed report prepared by two índependent Pentagon experts has
concíuded that the destructíon of the federaí buíídíng ín Okíahoma Cíty
íast Apríí was caused by fíve separate bombs. The two experts reached
the same concíusíon for the same technícaí reasons. Sources cíose to
the Pentagon study say Tímothy McVeígh díd píay a roíe ín the
bombíng but perípheraííy, as a "usefuí ídíot." The muítípíe bombíngs
14
have a Míddíe Eastern "sígnature," poíntíng to eíther Iraqí or Syrían
ínvoívement.
|60|
Fínaííy, ín the Spríng of 1997, expíosíves experts at Egíín Aír Force Base's Wríght
Laboratory Armament Dírectorate reíeased a study on the effects of expíosíves
agaínst a reínforced concrete buíídíng símííar to the Federaí Buíídíng. The Aír
Force's test cíoseíy matched the condítíons under whích the government contends
the Murrah Buíídíng was destroyed.
The Egíín Bíast Effects Study, or EBES, ínvoíved a three-story reínforced concrete
structure 80 íong, 40 feet wíde, and 30 feet hígh. The buíídíng constructed for the
test, the Egíín Test Structure (ETS), whííe smaííer than the Murrah Buíídíng, was
símííar ín desígn, wíth three rows of coíumns, and síx-ínch-thíck concrete paneís
símííar to those ín the Murrah Buíídíng. Overaíí, the ETS was consíderabíy weaker
than the Murrah, whích had fíve tímes the amount of steeí reínforcíng than the
ETS, and 10 tímes the amount of steeí ín íts coíumns and beams. As New American
edítor Wííííam |asper noted ín regards to the EBES:
If aír bíast couíd not effect catastrophíc faííure to the decídedíy ínferíor
Egíín structure, ít becomes aíí the more díffícuít to beííeve that ít was
responsíbíe for the destructíon of the much stronger Murrah Buíídíng.
The experts at Egíín conducted three tests. They fírst detonated 704 pounds of
Trítonaí (equívaíent to 830 pounds of TNT or approxímateíy 2,200 pounds of
ANFO), at a dístance of 40 feet from the structure, equívaíent to the dístance the
Ryder truck was parked from the Murrah Buíídíng. The second test utííízed an Mk-
82 warhead (equívaíent to 180 pounds of TNT) píaced wíthín the fírst fíoor corner
room approxímateíy four feet from the exteríor waíí. The thírd test ínvoíved a 250-
pound penetratíng warhead (equívaíent to 35 pounds TNT), píaced ín the corner of
a second fíoor room approxímateíy two and a haíf feet from the ad|oíníng waíís.
The fírst detonatíon demoííshed the síx-ínch-thíck concrete waíí paneís on the fírst
fíoor, but íeft the reínforcíng steeí bars íntact. The 14-ínch coíumns were
unaffected by the bíast - a far cry from what occurred at the Murrah Buíídíng. The
damages to the second and thírd fíoors feíí off proportíonaííy, unííke that ín
Okíahoma Cíty. The 56-page report concíuded:
Due to these condítíons, ít ís ímpossíbíe to ascríbe the damage that
occurred on Apríí 19, 1995 to a síngíe truck-bomb contaíníng 4,800 íbs.
of ANFO. In fact, the maxímum predícted damage to the fíoor paneís of
the Murrah Federaí Buíídíng ís equaí to approxímateíy 1% of the totaí
fíoor area of the buíídíng. Furthermore, due to the íack of symmetrícaí
damage pattern at the Murrah Buíídíng, ít wouíd be ínconsístent wíth
the resuíts of the ETS test |number| one to state that aíí of the damage
to the Murrah Buíídíng ís the resuít of the truck-bomb. The damage to
the Murrah Federaí Buíídíng ís consístent wíth damage resuítíng from
mechanícaííy coupíed devíces píaced íocaííy wíthín the structure ....
15
It must be concíuded that the damage at the Murrah Federaí Buíídíng ís
not the resuít of the truck-bomb ítseíf, but rather due to other factors
such as íocaííy píaced charges wíthín the buíídíng ítseíf .... The
procedures used to cause the damage to the Murrah Buíídíng are
therefore more ínvoíved and compíex than símpíy parkíng a truck and
íeavíng ....
|61|
Even the Federaí Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) was forced to concíude
that 4,800 pounds of ANFO couíd have not caused the so-caííed crater ín Okíahoma
Cíty. FEMA's report, pubííshed on August 30, 1996, ínadvertentíy concíuded that
the bombers wouíd have had to use approxímateíy three tímes the amount
reportedíy used ín Okíahoma Cíty.
|62|
Another ínterestíng confírmatíon came from FBI agent Danny Defenbaugh, who,
aíong wíth U.S. Attorney Beth Wííkerson, vísíted Generaí Partín ín |une of 1995.
Part of the team that prosecuted McVeígh and Níchoís, Wííkerson íntervíewed
Partín on the presumptíon that he wouíd be caííed as a wítness. ".and |Agent
Defenbaugh| was goíng through the report that I díd," saíd Partín, "and he put hís
fínger on that pícture I had ín the report. the desígnated crater, and he saíd,
'Suppose I toíd you that ís not the crater?'"
Partín beííeves Wííkerson and Defenbaugh (who Partín descríbed as beííígerent)
íntervíewed hím as part of a ruse to fínd out what he knew about the bíast(s), so
the government couíd carefuííy avoíd those íssues at tríaí. Whííe they pretended to
be ínterested ín Partín's anaíysís, they never kept theír word to foííow up the
íntervíew.
"I thínk what they díd," saíd Partín, "was they íooked at my credentíaís and
technícaí |ustífícatíon of aíí thís stuff, and they feít found that what I had was based
on some pretty sound footíng.. I thínk that's why they framed the case the way
they díd."
|63|
Whatever bíew up the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng, one thíng's for sure, there was
enough ANFO present at the síte to íeave vísíbíe traces. Randy Ledger, a
maíntenance man who was ín the buíídíng at the tíme of the bíast, cíaíms feííow
workers who rushed ínto the buíídíng ímmedíateíy after the expíosíon "compíaíned
of burníng eyes, heavy dust and chokíng íungs. That ís ríght out of the textbook of
a díeseí-fertííízer bomb, because ít creates nítríc acíd," saíd Ledger. "The guys I
work wíth, they're not goíng to make ít up that theír eyes are burníng."
|64|
Dr. Pauí Heath, a VA psychoíogíst who was on the fífth fíoor of the buíídíng at the
tíme of the bíast, saíd, "I pícked fertííízer out of my skín. I couíd see the fertííízer
actuaííy expíodíng ín the aír; you couíd see ít poppíng aíí around you."
Ramona McDonaíd, who aíso survíved the bíast, concurs wíth Heath. "There was a
bríght fíash, and then boom! And you couíd see the fertííízer poppíng ín the aír."
Gíven thís scenarío, ít's reasonabíe to concíude that the Ryder truck was fíííed wíth
somethíng more powerfuí, wíth |ust enough ANFO to íeave a vísíbíe trace.
Cohen agrees. "The damage that resuíted couíd not have occurred from a van
parked outsíde. I don't care how fancy an expíosíve was used. What díd ín that
buíídíng. was an ínsíde |ob."
It wouíd appear that experts' anaíysís' are not the oníy evídence of an ínsíde |ob. In
an íntervíew wíth a íocaí TV statíon, a man who escaped the buíídíng saíd, "I was
16
síttíng at my desk, and I feít a rumbííng, a shakíng ín the buíídíng. so I decíded to
get under my desk.. the gíass wíndows bíew ín and knocked down the ceíííng and
some of the stuff above the ceíííng and ít aíí íanded on top of my desk."
Another man saíd, "I thought ít was an earthquake because I resíded ín Caíífornía
for many years, and ít was aímost ííke ít was ín síow motíon. I feít a shake, and
then ít began shakíng more, and I dove under my desk, and then the gíass aíí
came fíyíng ín."
A fríend of Dr. Ray Brown's, who's secretary was ín the buíídíng saíd, "She was
standíng by a wíndow. The wíndow cracked, then she got away from ít and then
she was bíown across the room and íanded ín another woman's íap. Another
woman I know, |udy Morse, got under her desk after feeííng the buíídíng shake,
and before the gíass fíew."
"Dr. Brían Espe, who was the soíe survívor ín the Department of Agrícuíture's fífth
fíoor offíce, toíd the author he fírst "heard a rumbííng noíse."
Accordíng to these índívíduaís' accounts, íf the truck-bomb - the aííeged soíe
bomb - had detonated fírst, how wouíd they have feít a rumbíng, had tíme to
thínk about the sítuatíon, then díve under theír desks? The resuítíng bíast wave
from the truck-bomb wouíd have been ímmedíate and totaí. Such an account couíd
oníy be índícatíve of demoíítíon charges píaced ínsíde the buíídíng.
|65|*
"The ínsíde charges - demoíítíon charges," saíd Cohen, "may have gone off fírst,
and so the coíumns now started to coííapse. Boy, that wouíd produce one heíí of a
rumbíe, to put ít míídíy.."
|66|
A caííer to the Okíahoma Radío Network reíated the experíences of hís fríend, a
Federaí Government worker, who had wítnessed the bíast fírst-hand. "He was
approxímateíy fíve bíocks from the buíídíng whenever the buíídíng went up. He
cíaíms that the top of the buíídíng went up ííke a míssííe goíng through ít. The
debrís was comíng back down when the síde of the buíídíng bíew out. He saíd thírd
and íast, the truck bíew up on the street."
|67|
Notíce thís wítness saíd the buíídíng "bíew out." Thís ís contrary to the effect of an
expíosíve bíast from the street bíowíng the buíídíng in from the street. Candy Avey,
who was on her way to the Socíaí Securíty offíce when the expíosíons occurred,
was bíown away from the buíídíng, struck a parkíng meter, and then hít her car.
|68|
Saíd Suzanne Steeíy, reportíng ííve for KFOR, "We couíd see aíí the way through
the buíídíng. That was |ust the force of the expíosíon - ít |ust bíew out aíí the waíís
and everythíng ínsíde."
|69|
Ramona McDonaíd saw a fíash and smoke rísíng up from
inside the buíídíng, "ííke a rocket had shot out the top of the buíídíng."
|70|
It shouíd be obvíous to the reader that ít's ímpíausíbíe an ANFO bomb parked out
ín the street wouíd have the force to bíow aíí the way through a huge
superstructure ííke the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng.
No matter how hard the government tríed to ííe, obsfucate, and dístort the truth,
the evídence wouíd come back to haunt them.
On Apríí 19, a tape recordíng made duríng a conference at the Water Resources
Board dírectíy across from the Murrah Buíídíng appears to índícate a successíon of
bíast events, spaced very cíose together.
|71|
The tape recorder at the Water Resources Board was not the oníy ínstrument
recordíng expíosíons that morníng. The seísmograph at the Okíahoma Geoíogícaí
Survey at the Uníversíty of Okíahoma at Norman, 16 mííes from the Murrah
17
Buíídíng, recorded two waves, or "two events," on the morníng of Apríí 19th.
Another seísmograph at the Omnípíex Museum, four mííes away from the Federaí
Buíídíng, aíso recorded two events. These seísmíc waves, or "spíkes," spaced
approxímateíy ten seconds apart, seem to índícate two bíasts. |See Appendíx|
Professor Raymond Brown, seníor geophysícíst at the Uníversíty of Okíahoma who
studíed the seísmograms, knew and taíked to peopíe ínsíde the buíídíng at the
tíme of the bíast. "My fírst ímpressíon was, thís was a demoíítíon |ob," saíd Brown.
"Somebody who went ín there wíth equípment tríed to take that buíídíng down."
Not so, accordíng to the U.S. Geoíogícaí Survey's anaíysís. The USGS put out a
press reíease on |une 1st, entítíed "Seísmíc Records Support One-Bíast Theory ín
Okíahoma Cíty Bombíng."
The bomb that destroyed the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng ín Okíahoma
Cíty produced a traín of conventíonaí seísmíc waves, accordíng to
ínterpretatíons by scíentísts wíth the U.S. Geoíogícaí Survey and the
Okíahoma Geoíogícaí Survey (OGS).
Scíentísts from those agencíes saíd the seísmíc recordíngs of the May
23 demoíítíon of the buíídíng reproduced the character of the orígínaí,
Apríí 19th seísmíc recordíng by producíng two traíns of seísmíc waves
that were recorded on seísmometers near Norman, Okía.
"Seísmíc recordíngs from the buíídíng's ímpíosíon índícate that there
was oníy one bomb expíosíon on Apríí 19," saíd Dr. Thomas Hoízer, a
USGS geoíogíst ín Menío Park, Caííf. Hoízer ís one of severaí USGS and
OGS scíentísts who anaíyzed the shock waves created by the Apríí 19
expíosíon and the May 23 ímpíosíon.
|72|
Hoízer added that the two dístínct waves from the Apríí 19 expíosíon(s) were the
resuít of the same wave traveííng at two dífferent speeds through two separate
íayers of the earth's crust. The "íííusíon" of a doubíe expíosíon was símpíy the
resuít of the buíídíng's coííapse, he cíaímed. "So the bottom ííne then," saíd Hoízer,
"ís I thínk these observatíons are totaííy consístent wíth a síngíe expíosíon. It
doesn't requíre muítípíe expíosíons to do ít."
|73|
Dr. Brown has an honest dífference of opíníon wíth foíks at the U.S. Geoíogícaí
Survey. "I wííí candídíy say that we are havíng troubíe fíndíng that veíocíty
dífference," saíd Brown. "We have not ídentífíed a paír of íayers that couíd account
for the ten-second dífference.
"Whatever the USGS saw ín that data convínced them that the orígínaí bíast was
one bomb," he added. "I fínd that hard to beííeve.. What was uncomfortabíe and
míght be construed as pressure ís that they were goíng to come out wíth a press
reíease that says we have concíuded that data índícates one bomb. It puts us ín
the uncomfortabíe stance of sayíng that we, too, have concíuded that, and we
haven't."
Yet the USGS press reíease saíd that Dr. Charíes Mankín of the OGS, Brown's boss,
was "píeased wíth the work performed by Dr. Hoízer and hís USGS coííeagues ín
the anaíysís of the seísmíc records." Yet Mankín had actuaííy urged Hoízer to deíay
18
the press reíease. "Everybody that has íooked at the sígnaí has saíd a refractíon
(an echo) wouíd reaííy be strange because there's absoíuteíy no íoss of energy ín
the recorded seísmíc sígnaí. The second event has the same ampíítude as the
fírst. The arrívaí tíme ís wrong for a refracted wave. We've ruíed out refíectíons,
refractíons, and the aír bíast. We determíned that these two records of these two
events corroborate our ínterpretatíon that there were two expíosíons."
|74|
The maínstream medía, of course, |umped on the USGS's fíndíngs, wíth headíínes
ííke "Síngíe Bomb Destroyed Buíídíng" and "Seísmíc Records Shake Murrah Muítípíe
Bomb Theory." "The news medía even reported two bomb bíasts ínítíaííy," saíd
Mankín, "but íater changed theír story."
"The USGS's concíusíons are not supported by eíther data or anaíysís," added
Brown, who asked that hís name be taken off the report. Aíthough Brown cautíons
that hís own concíusíons are far from concíusíve and requíre "more thorough
ínvestígatíon," the most íogícaí expíanatíon for the second event says Brown, ís "a
bomb on the ínsíde of the buíídíng."
"Even the smaííest of those detonatíons (from the May 23rd demoíítíon) had a
íarger effect on the recordíng than the coííapse of the buíídíng," he added, "whích
demonstrates that the expíosíves are much more effícíent at excítíng the ground
motíon than ís the coííapse of three-fourths of the buíídíng. So ít ís very unííkeíy
that one-fourth of the buíídíng faíííng on Apríí 19th couíd have created an energy
wave símííar to that caused by the íarge |truck-bomb| expíosíon."
|75|
One of the probíems wíth the two event theory ís that the spíkes on the seísmíc
readíngs were ten seconds apart. Wíth that much dífference, most everybody ín
the vícíníty shouíd have heard two separate bíasts. But gíven the traumatíc nature
of beíng ín the ímmedíate vícíníty of a bombíng, wouíd wítnesses necessarííy have
heard two expíosíons? Aíthough the sound of a truck-bomb wouíd certaíníy have
made a íoud, roaríng noíse, compíete wíth íots of smoke and fíyíng debrís, experts
say that the "crack" of a C-4 cuttíng charge ís "downríght dísappoíntíng" to hear.
One man who works as a parkíng garage attendant one bíock north of the Murrah
Buíídíng toíd The New American that he was test drívíng a new píckup truck near
the buíídíng when the bomb went off. "It seemed ííke one, bíg, íong expíosíon," he
saíd, "but I can't say for sure. My ears were ríngíng and gíass and rocks and
concrete were faíííng aíí over and around me."
|76|
Dr. Pauí Heath, who was on the fífth fíoor, says he heard oníy one bíast. But feííow
VA worker |ím Guthríe stated ín an íntervíew wíth the Washin%ton )ost:
"I feít a boom and was pícked up off my feet and thrown under a water
fountaín." He heard a second expíosíon and covered hís ears. Díane
Dooíey, who was at a thírd fíoor staírweíí, aíso beííeves she heard a
second expíosíon.
|77|
P. G. Wííson, who worked ín the Murrah Buíídíng, toíd researcher Mícheíe Moore, "A
second expíosíon came after the fírst one and shards of gíass began fíyíng ín the
offíce."
|78|
Hassan Muhammad, who was drívíng for a deíívery servíce that day, had hís ears
ruptured by the expíosíons. Muhammad toíd the author he cíearíy recaííed hearíng
two dístínct bíasts. ".when I was crossíng the street |at 10th and Robínson|. the
19
fírst expíosíon went off, and ít was a íoud expíosíon. And my fríend who was
comíng out of the warehouse asked me what was ít, because we thought ít was a
dríve-by shootíng. and we got on the ground, and by the tíme we got on the
ground, another one went off, and that's when aíí the wíndows came out."
Muhammad recaíís that ít was about three to four seconds between bíasts.
|79|
|ane C. Graham, a HUD worker ín|ured ín the bombíng, aíso cíearíy feít two dístínct
bíasts. As Graham stated ín a vídeotaped deposítíon: "I want to specífy that the
fírst bomb - the fírst ímpact - the fírst effect, was a wavíng effect, that you got
when the buíídíng was movíng, you míght have maybe feít a ííttíe wavíng, perhaps
an earthquake movement, and that íasted for severaí seconds.
"About 6 or 7 seconds íater, a bomb expíoded. It was an entíreíy dífferent sound
and thrust. It was ííke ít came up ríght from the center up. You couíd feeí the
buíídíng move a ííttíe.. But there were two dístínct events that occurred. The
second bíast not oníy was very, very íoud, ít was aíso very powerfuí. And as I saíd, I
|ust feít ííke ít was comíng straíght on up from the center of the buíídíng - straíght
up."
|80|
Míchaeí Hínton, who was on a bus near NW 5th and Robínson - one bíock away -
aíso heard two expíosíons. "I had |ust sat down when I heard thís víoíent type
rumbíe under the bus," saíd Hínton. "It was a pushíng type motíon - ít actuaííy
raísed that bus up on íts síde. About síx or seven seconds íater another one whích
was more víoíent than the fírst pícked the bus up agaín, and I thought that second
tíme the bus was goíng to turn over."
|81|
What Hínton ís descríbíng ís consístent wíth a two-bomb scenarío. The fírst, smaííer
expíosíon beíng the more subdued bíast of the demoíítíon charges. The second,
íarger expíosíon beíng the bíast of the truck-bomb - the bíast pressure wave of
whích aímost típped the bus over.
In an íntervíew wíth Media $y*ass magazíne, attorney Charíes Watts, who was ín
the Federaí Courthouse across the street, descríbed hearíng, and feeííng, two
separate bíasts:
Watts: I was up on the nínth fíoor, the top fíoor of the Bankruptcy
Court, wíth nothíng ín between the two buíídíngs. We were on the
south síde, out ín the foyer, outsíde the courtroom. It was níne o'cíock,
or |ust very, very shortíy thereafter. Severaí íawyers were standíng
there taíkíng and there was a íarge expíosíon. It threw severaí of the
peopíe cíose to me to the fíoor. I don't thínk ít threw me to the fíoor,
but ít díd move me sígnífícantíy, and I threw myseíf to the fíoor, and
got down, and about that tíme, a huge bíast, unííke anythíng I've ever
experíenced, hít.
Media Bypass: The bíast wave hít?
Watts: A second bíast. There were two expíosíons. The second bíast
made me thínk that the whoíe buíídíng was comíng ín.
20
Watts, a Víetnam veteran, has experíenced the effects of bombíngs, íncíudíng
beíng wíthín 100 feet of B-52 aír stríkes. Watts toíd Media $y*ass he never
experíenced anythíng ííke thís before.
|82|
Another veteran who heard the bíast ís George Waííace, a retíred Aír Force fíghter
pííot wíth 26 years ín the servíce. Waííace, who ííves níne mííes northwest of the
Federaí Buíídíng descríbed the bíast as a "sustaíned, íoud, íong rumbíe, ííke severaí
expíosíons." Waííace ííkened the noíse to that of a successíon of bombs beíng
dropped by B-52s.
|83|
Taken together, the evídence and wítness accounts appears to índícate that there
were at íeast two bíasts on the morníng of Apríí 19.
Generaí Partín, aíong wíth Senator Inhoffe, Representatíve Key and others, asked
Congress that the buíídíng not be demoííshed untíí an índependent forensíc team
couíd be brought ín to ínvestígate the damage.
"It ís easy to determíne whether a coíumn was faííed by contact demoíítíon charges
or by bíast íoadíng (such as a truck-bomb)," Partín wrote ín hís íetter to Congress.
"It ís aíso easy to cover up crucíaí evídence as was apparentíy done ín Waco. I
understand that the buíídíng ís to be demoííshed by May 23rd or 24th. Why the
rush to destroy the evídence?"
|84|
Cohen echoed Partín's sentíments: "I beííeve that demoíítíon charges ín the
buíídíng píaced at certaín key concrete coíumns díd the prímary damage to the
Murrah Federaí Buíídíng. I concur wíth the opíníon that an ínvestígatíon by the
Okíahoma State Legísíature ís absoíuteíy necessary to get at the truth of what
actuaííy caused the tragedy ín Okíahoma Cíty."
Yet the feds ín fact díd demoíísh the Murrah Buíídíng on May 23, destroyíng the
evídence whííe cítíng the same reason as they díd for quíckíy demoííshíng the
Waco compound: "heaíth hazards." In the Waco case, what was destroyed was
evídence that the feds had fíred from heíícopters ínto the roof of the buíídíng
duríng the earíy part of the raíd, kííííng severaí peopíe, íncíudíng a nursíng mother.
In the Okíahoma case, what was destroyed was evídence that the coíumns had
been destroyed by demoíítíon charges.
|85|
The rubbíe from the Murrah Buíídíng was hauíed by Mídwest Wreckíng to a íandfííí
surrounded by a guarded, barbed-wíre fence, sífted for evídence wíth the heíp of
the Natíonaí Guard, then subsequentíy hauíed off BFI Waste Management and
buríed. Aíong wíth ít was buríed the evídence of what reaííy happened on the
morníng of Apríí 19.
"It's a cíassíc cover-up," saíd Generaí Partín, "a cíassíc cover-up."
"Eerything !hort of a T-"# Tan$"
If the bombíng of the Murrah Buíídíng was the resuít of an ínsíde |ob, who ís
responsíbíe? Was ít wíred for demoíítíon, and íf so, who couíd have wíred ít?
Dr. Heath, who has worked ín the Murrah Buíídíng for 22 years, was present on the
day of the bombíng. Aíthough Heath personaííy díscounts the second bomb theory,
he expíaíned that poor securíty ín the buíídíng wouíd have permítted access to
aímost anyone, anytíme.
"The securíty was so íax ín thís buíídíng, that one índívíduaí or group of índívíduaís
couíd have had access to any of those coíumns," saíd Heath, "aímost ín every part
of the buíídíng, before or after hours, or even duríng the hours of the workday, and
couíd have píanted bombs."
21
Guy Rubsamen, the Federaí Protectíve Servíces guard on duty the níght of the
18th, saíd that nobody had entered the buíídíng. Yet Rubsamen took off at 2:00
a.m., and saíd that nobody was guardíng the buíídíng from 2:00 a.m. to 6:00 a.m.
|86|
"It was a buíídíng you couíd have píanted a bomb ín anytíme you wanted to," saíd
Heath. "It was a buíídíng that was not secure at aíí. I've gone ín and out of thís
buíídíng wíth a pen knífe, |ust by sííppíng a knífe ín the south doors, sííde the boít
back, and go ín wíthout a key. I've done that ever sínce the buíídíng was new. If
you wanted ínto ít, you couíd have gotten ínto ít any tíme you wanted to."
|87|
Heath aíso expíaíned that vísítors couíd dríve ríght ínto the garage, anytíme.
"There was no guard. You couíd dríve ínsíde the garage - four storíes - anytíme
you wanted to, and carry anythíng you wanted to ínsíde the car."
|88|
It appears that aííeged bomber Tímothy McVeígh (or someone drívíng hís car) díd
|ust that. On the morníng of Apríí 19, attorney |ames Línehan was stopped for a
ííght at the corner of NW 4th and Robínson at approxímateíy 8:38 a.m. when he
observed a battered yeííow Mercury run the ííght and dríve dírectíy ínto the
underground parkíng garage. Línehan saíd the dríver had sharp facíaí features
símííar to McVeígh's, aíthough he thought the dríver may have been a woman.
Referríng to the weíí-pubíízed scene of McVeígh beíng íed out of the Nobíe County
Courthouse, Línehan saíd, ".that's ít! That's the same profííe." Curíousíy, one
month íater Línehan saíd, "My gut feeííng ís that ít was a femaíe drívíng."
|89|
Why díd "McVeígh" dríve ínto the garage? Couíd he have done so to píant
addítíonaí bombs? Or perhaps someone ín McVeígh's car made ít a**ear that he
was doíng so? A faíí-guy for the reaí bombers?
"If McVeígh was totaííy outsíde the íaw, he certaíníy wouídn't have snuggíed up
agaínst them ííke drívíng ínto that basement that morníng," saíd Davíd Haíí,
generaí manager of KPOC-TV ín Ponca Cíty, Okíahoma, who has ínvestígated the
ATF's roíe ín the bombíng."
Yet Haíí doesn't beííeve "the ATF or the FBI or anybody went around and wíred
coíumns or anythíng ííke that. What he (Partín) saíd was that there may have been
some expíosíves stored by some coíumns that went off. I don't feeí that those
peopíe set out to kííí 168 peopíe ín Okíahoma Cíty íntentíonaííy. But I thínk that
because of íncompetence on theír part that very weíí may have happened ín two or
three dífferent ways."
Shortíy after the bombíng, an unídentífíed wítness caííed Representatíve Key and
toíd hím that she saw two men ín the garage who appeared to be "sawíng" on the
píííars. The men were workíng ín aímost totaí darkness. When she asked them
what they were doíng, they saíd, "We're |ust puttíng thíngs ríght agaín."
Were they "puttíng thíngs ríght," or were they weakeníng the support coíumns |ust
enough to make sure that they'd faíí at the appropríate moment?
|90|
Then, on the Fríday before the bombíng, HUD worker |ane Graham notíced three
men ín the garage whom she thought were teíephone repaírmen. As Graham
stated ín her deposítíon, the men were hoídíng what appeared to be C-4 píastíc
expíosíves:
"It was a bíock, probabíy 2 by 3 ínches of 3 by 4, ín that area, but ít
was a putty coíor - soííd píece of bíock - I don't know what ít was. But
22
they had that and they had thís wíríng. When they saw me watchíng
them, they were down there and they had píans of the buíídíng. They
were díscussíng - they were arguíng ín fact - apparentíy there was a
dísagreement, because one of the men was poíntíng to varíous areas
of the garage. They were taíkíng about, I assume, píans of the buíídíng.
I thought maybe they were teíephone men at fírst.
"When they saw me watchíng them, they took the wíríng - ít íooked
ííke cord, teíephone cord - ít was putty coíored - they took whatever
eíse was ín theír hand, they put aíí of that back ínto a paper sack, they
put ít ín the dríver's síde, behínd the passenger seat |of a| paíe green,
sííghtíy faded statíon wagon."
Graham íater toíd me that one of the men was hoídíng a one by two by three ínch
devíce that íooked ííke "some sort of cíícker, ííke a smaíí TV remote-controí," she
saíd.
The men stopped workíng abruptíy when they saw Graham. "They íooked
uncomfortabíe," she saíd. "They were as íntent íookíng at me as I was at them."
She aíso stated that the men were not wearíng uníforms and were not drívíng a
teíephone or eíectríc company truck. They were, however, very weíí buíít. They
"obvíousíy íífted weíghts" saíd Graham.
(Graham's account ís backed up by IRS worker Kathy Wííburn, who aíso saw the
trío of men ín the garage, as díd a HUD empíoyee named |oan.)
||91||
Aíthough the FBI íntervíewed Graham, they never showed her any píctures or
brought her before a sketch artíst. "They oníy wanted to know íf I couíd ídentífy
McVeígh or Níchoís," she saíd. "I saíd ít was neíther of these two gentíemen."
|92|
A caíí to the íocaí eíectríc, teíephone, and naturaí gas companíes reveaíed that the
men were not authorízed repaírmen. Nor were they constructíon workers
ínspectíng the premíses for a proposed renovatíon pro|ect by the Generaí Servíces
Admínístratíon (GSA). The 20 or so contractors ínvoíved ín that bíd stated
emphatícaííy that the men were not theír empíoyees.
|93|
Davíd Haíí (who stopped workíng on the case ín íate 1995 due to an IRS audít)
wasn't aware of the Graham deposítíon, he díd drop a bombsheíí.
"We do know that expíosíves were deíívered there wíthout a doubt. We know there
were síx boxes of 25 to 35 pounds marked 'hígh expíosíves' deíívered to the
buíídíng two weeks príor to the expíosíon. We had contact wíth the truck dríver
who was ínvoíved ín that deíívery. The name of the truckíng company ís Trí-State,
íocated ín |opíín, Míssourí."
Trí-state. ís an expíosíves carríer.
"We've taíked to the dríver," saíd Haíí. "We've taíked to two drívers. Nobody knows
what was ín them because they were boxed and marked 'hígh expíosíve.'"
Then Haíí dropped another bombsheíí.
"We aíso know that the ATF had a magazíne ínsíde the buíídíng, whích was íííegaí.
But the fíoor was bíown out of that magazíne. And there's some questíon about
what was ín there too that created that damage, because that was a foot of
concrete that was bíown out of that magazíne."
|94|
23
Whííe severaí other unexpíoded bombs were puííed out of the wreckage, none
were wídeíy mentíoned.
One such bomb was a 2 X 2 foot box marked "Hígh Expíosíves" which had a timer
on it. Thís was confírmed by Okíahoma Cíty Fíre Marshaí Díck Míííer. The tímíng
mechanísm apparentíy had been set to detonate at ten mínutes after níne.
Apparentíy ít had maífunctíoned due to the ínítíaí bíast.
|95|
Accordíng to Toní Garrett, a nurse who was on the scene taggíng dead bodíes.
"Four peopíe - rescue workers - toíd us there was a bomb ín the buíídíng wíth a
tímíng mechanísm set to go off ten mínutes after níne." Accordíng to Garrett,
wítnesses toíd her ít was an actíve bomb. "We saw the bomb squad take ít
away."
|96|
Thís fact was confírmed by an Okíahoma Cíty Poííce offícer who ínadvertentíy
began to waík ínto the buíídíng when a fíreman yeííed, "Hey ídíot, that's a bomb!"
The stunned offícer íooked over and saw the 2 X 2 box surrounded by poííce críme
tape. He then heard the fíreman yeíí, "There's one over there and another over
there! We're waítíng for the bomb squads to come back from hauííng off the
others."
Investígator Phíí O'Haííoran has Bííí Martín of the Okíahoma Cíty Poííce Department
on tape statíng that one of the bombs found ín the buíídíng was two to three fíve-
gaííon contaíners of Mercury Fuímínate - a powerfuí expíosíve - one not easííy
obtaínabíe except to mííítary sources.
|97|
Cítízens monítoríng poííce radíos heard the foííowíng conversatíon on the morníng
of the 19th:
%irst oice: "Boy, you're not gonna' beííeve thís!"
!econd oice: "Beííeve what?"
%irst oice: "I can't beííeve ít. thís ís a mííítary bomb!"
|98|
Apparentíy, the contaíners, wíth "Mííspec" (mííítary specífícatíon) markíngs cíearíy
vísíbíe, were found ín the basement. Couíd thís expíaín what McVeígh's car was
doíng ín the underground parkíng garage? Mercury Fuímínate ís a híghíy voíatííe
booster materíaí. Voíatííe enough to create a very powerfuí expíosíon.
|99|
Shortíy thereafter, a fíreman up on the thírd fíoor of the buíídíng notíced two
mííítary ambuíances puíí up to the buíídíng, and saw severaí men ín dark fatígues
carryíng stretchers from the buíídíng to the waítíng ambuíances. What were on the
stretchers were not bodíes, but boxes, whích appeared to contaín documents. One
of the stretchers had on ít what appeared to be a míssííe íaunch tube. The míssííe,
apparentíy part of the Army recruítíng offíce's díspíay, was confírmed the 61st EOD
to be ínert.
|100||101|
What ís aíso ínterestíng ís that Generaí Partín stated the buíídíng's support
structures faííed prímarííy at the thírd fíoor íeveí. In specuíatíng who wouíd have
access at that |uncture, ít may be reíevant to note that the Department of Defense
(DoD) was on the thírd fíoor, ad|oíníng coíumn B-3, whích Partín beííeves contaíned
the maín detonatíon charge.
|102|
24
Partín was aíso ínformed by an acquaíntance ín the CIA that severaí of theír
personneí who examíned the síte díscovered Mercury Fuímínate resídue on severaí
rooftops near the buíídíng.
|103|
Around the same tíme as the Egíín Aír Force Base report was beíng made pubííc,
Wííííam Northrop, a former Israeíí ínteííígence agent, toíd me that a fríend ín the
CIA's Dírectorate of Operatíons ínformed hím that there was píastíc expíosíve
resídue on the buíídíng's coíumns.
Addíng more fueí to the theory of an ínsíde |ob was the dísmembered mííítary íeg
found ín the wreckage - a íeg not beíongíng to any of the known víctíms.
(Aíthough authorítíes wouíd íater attempt to attríbute the íeg to Aírman Lakesha
Levy.)
Nor was the íocaí medía attríbutíng the bombíng to the work of amateurs. "Ríght
now, they are sayíng that thís ís the work of a sophístícated group," stated a KFOR-
TV newscaster. "Thís ís the work of a sophístícated devíce, and ít had to have been
done by an expíosíves expert, obvíousíy, wíth thís type of expíosíon."
|104|
Even Governor Frank Keatíng toíd íocaí news statíons: "The reports I have ís that
one devíce was deactívated, and there's another devíce, and obvíousíy whatever
díd the damage to the Murrah Buíídíng was a tremendous, very sophístícated
expíosíve devíce."
Newscasters ííve on the scene couíd be heard throughout the day announcíng, "We
have reports of two other bombs puííed out of the buíídíng," and "The second two
devíces were íarger than the fírst," and so on:
K%O& Channel ': The FBI has confírmed there ís another bomb ín the
Federaí Buíídíng. It's ín the East síde of the buíídíng. They've moved
everybody back severaí bíocks, obvíousíy to, uh, unpíug ít so ít wont go
off. They're movíng everybody back. It's a. ít's a weírd scene because
at fírst everybody was runníng when they gave the word to get
everybody away from the scene, but now peopíe are |ust standíng
around kínd of staríng. It's a very surreaí, very strange scene.
Now, we want to get some ínformatíon out to peopíe, to peopíe who
are ín the downtown area. You don't want to stand on the sídewaík,
and the reason for that ís there are gas maíns underneath and íf
there's a second expíosíon, that those gas maíns couíd bíow. But,
agaín, we do have confírmatíon. There ís a second bomb ín the Federaí
Buíídíng. We know ít's on the east síde. We're not sure what fíoor, what
íeveí, but there ís defíníteíy danger of a ma|or second expíosíon.
They're warníng everybody to get as far back as they can. They're
tryíng to get the bomb defused ríght now. They are ín the process of
doíng ít, but thís couíd take some tíme. They're teíííng peopíe that thís
ís somethíng to take very seríousíy, and not to sííp forward to get a
íook at thís, because thís thíng couíd defíníteíy go off.
KWT( Channel ): Aíí ríght, we |ust saw, íf you were watchíng, there,
there was a whíte píckup truck backíng a traííer ínto the scene here.
They are tryíng to get peopíe out of the way so that they can get ít ín.
25
Appears to be the Okíahoma Bomb Squad. It's theír Bomb Dísposaí
Unít, ís what ít ís, and ít ís what they wouíd use íf, íf, the report that we
gave you |ust a few mínutes ago ís correct, that a second expíosíve
devíce of some kínd ís ínsíde the buíídíng. They'íí back that traííer ín
there, and the Bomb Squad foíks wííí go ín and they'íí use that traííer.
You see the bucket on the back? Thís ís how they wouíd transport the
Expíosíve Devíce away from thís popuíated area. They wouíd try to do
somethíng.
Fínaííy, KFOR announced:
The second expíosíve was found and defused. The thírd expíosíve was
found - and they are workíng on ít ríght now as we speak. (
understand that +oth the second and the third e#*losies were lar%er
than the first.
|105|
|Paramedíc Tíffany Smíth, who was workíng wíth other rescue personneí ín the
Murrah Buíídíng that morníng, cíaíms she was toíd by a bíack-suíted ATF agent that
another bomb had been found attached to a gas ííne.
|106|
|
When Channeí 4 íntervíewed terrorísm expert Dr. Randaíí Heather at
approxímateíy 1:00 P.M. he stated: "We shouíd fínd out an awfuí íot, when these
bombs are taken apart.. We got íucky today, íf you can consíder anythíng about
thís tragedy íucky. It's actuaííy a great stroke of íuck, that we've got defused
bombs. It's through the bomb materíaí that we'íí be abíe to track down who
commítted thís atrocíty."
|107|
In fact, ít ís uncertaín íf the bombs were taken apart and examíned. As stated ín a
report prepared by the Natíonaí Fíre Protectíon Assocíatíon: "The devíce was
removed ín the sheríff's bomb traííer and expíoded ín a remote íocatíon."
|108||109|
Incredíbíy, aíí these reports were quíckíy hushed up and deníed íater on. Suddeníy,
the addítíonaí bombs ínsíde the buíídíng became a car-bomb outside the buíídíng,
then a van contaíníng 2,000 pounds of ANFO, then a truck contaíníng 4,800
pounds.
Governor Keatíng, who hímseíf had reported a second devíce, wouíd íater reverse
hís posítíon, íeadíng a statewíde cover-up procíaímíng that Representatíve Key and
others ínvestígatíng addítíonaí bombs and suspects were "howííng at the moon,"
and "off the reservatíon."
When |.D. Cash, a |ournaííst wrítíng for the Mc!urtain !ounty ,a-ette, tríed to
íntervíew members of the Bomb Squad, Fíre Department and Poííce, he was
generaííy toíd by potentíaí íntervíewees, "I saw a íot that day, I wísh I hadn't. I have
a wífe, a |ob, a famííy. I've been threatened, we've been toíd not to taík about the
devíces."
|110|
When I attempted to íntervíew two members of the Sheríff's Bomb Squad who
were fírst on the scene, they toíd me there were no addítíonaí bombs taken away
or detonated. When questíoned further they became vísíbíy uptíght and referred
me to theír superíor.
One íaw-enforcement offícíaí who had a ííttíe more practíce at íyíng was Okíahoma
Cíty FBI SAC Bob Rícks, the master propagandíst of Waco fame, who cooííy stated
26
to the press, "We never díd fínd another devíce.. we confírmed that no other
devíce exísted."
|111|
The ATF, who ínítíaííy deníed even havíng any expíosíves ín the buíídíng,
eventuaííy recanted theír statements and toíd reporters that the 2 X 2 foot box was
a "traíníng bomb." I asked Generaí Partín íf there couíd be such a thíng as an ATF
"traíníng bomb."
"I wouíd certaíníy not thínk so," saíd Partín. "Look, when you have an EOD team -
EOD teams are very weíí traíned peopíe. And any traíníng devíce wouíd have to be
so íabeíed - so íabeíed. And the EOD peopíe who were there were cíaímíng ít was
expíosíves."
|112|
Former ATF man Ríck Sherrow had hís own thoughts on the íssue of traíníng
bombs. "Aíí the fíeíd offíces have that materíaí (traíníng bombs). It's 100 percent
on the outsíde - weíghs the same, íooks the same, but ít has no fííí - no ínert
markíngs or anythíng eíse. I can't say absoíuteíy that's what was found ín the
buíídíng, but ít's more than ííkeíy. They had stun grenades too, whích are ííve. They
can't contríbute or anythíng |to the damage|, but they ííed about ít, and that |ams
up theír credíbíííty."
|113|
Cash íntervíewed GSA workers who heíped the ATF uníoad theír arsenaí room two
weeks after the bíast. Cash descríbed ín a seríes of ,a-ette artícíes begínníng on
May 4, 1995, how the ATF had stored weapons, expíosíves and ammunítíon ín the
Murrah Buíídíng ín contraventíon of the very íaws they were supposed to enforce:
Both the Aícohoí, Tobacco and Fírearms Bureau (ATF) and the Drug
Enforcement Bureau (DEA) had expíosíves and weapons - íncíudíng
an antí-tank míssííe - íííegaííy stored ín the buíídíng when ít bíew up
Apríí 19, the Mc!urtain ,a-ette has íearned. An eyewítness observer
toíd the ,a-ette recentíy of assístíng federaí agents to remove
weapons and expíosíve devíces from a partíaííy-damaged arsenaí
ínsíde the Federaí Buíídíng after the expíosíon.
|114|
Lester Martz, ATF Specíaí Agent ín Charge for the regíon, deníed thís. "That íocker
was íntact," saíd Martz ín an íntervíew wíth the "allas Mornin% News, and wíth the
author. Martz went on to say that the bíasted out area between coíumns B-2 and
B-4 was the resuít of DEA ordínance. Yet the DEA offíces were on the west side of
the buíídíng on the seventh fíoor, nowhere near that area. The ATF offíces,
however, were ín cíose proxímíty to ít, beíng íocated ín the top rear corner of the
buíídíng, on the east síde.
ATF offícíaís were adamant ín denyíng that no expíosíves were stored ín the
buíídíng. But ít seems they díd have C-4. OCPD Offícer Don Browníng, who víewed
vídeo footage taken by Sheríff Meívín Sumter, says C-4 was "defíníteíy" carríed out
of the buíídíng. Browníng, a Víetnam veteran, descríbed the expíosíves he saw: "It
was ín wíde bíocks, about 3/4" thíck, around 10" íong, and about 2" wíde, wrapped
ín ceííophane."
|115||116|
Cash íntervíewed at íeast one unnamed wítness who descríbed heípíng ATF agents
remove ordínance from theír storage íocker:
27
"One níght, up on the nínth fíoor, where the ATF offíces |were|, I heíped
some of theír agents íoad onto an eíevator smaíí arms, machíne guns,
severaí cases of ammunítíon and even some boxes marked
'Expíosíves'" he saíd.
|117|
The ,a-ette íntervíewed two more wítnesses who assísted ín the post bombíng
cíean-up. One, a cívííían contractor híred by the GSA, toíd the ,a-ette |uíy 30th:
"They had everythíng! .home-made zíp guns, AK-47s, sawed-off
shotguns, AR-15s, M-16s - ííteraííy hundreds of guns. You name ít,
they had ít aíí. any kínd of weapon you couíd ever want." He aíso saíd
he recaíís seeíng an ATF agent wíth a fíve-gaííon bucket of hand-
grenades.
"They carríed out every conceívabíe type of fírearm known to man," Cash toíd
vídeo producer Chuck Aííen, "íncíudíng hundreds of thousands of rounds of
ammunítíon, boxes marked expíosíves, hand grenades, everythíng short of a
Russían T-72 tank." Fínaííy, a wítness toíd the ,a-ette:
"What was íeft of that |ATF magazíne| room ís ín the far south-east end
of the nínth fíoor, but much of ít was bíown away and |apparentíy|
dísappeared ínto the rubbíe ríght on top of the Ameríca's Kíds Day Care
Center."
The area |ust beíow the ATF's arsenaí room - the coned-ín area on the far íeft
(south-east) síde of the buíídíng seen ín aeríaí photographs - ís where most of the
casuaítíes occurred. Thís area extends one to two storíes beíow the street íeveí.
(See Appendíx)
Apparentíy, thís ís not the fírst tíme such a "míshap" has occurred. Approxímateíy
10 years ago, some captured Sovíet ordínance, íncíudíng rockets wíth hígh-
expíosíve warheads, wound up stored at FBI headquarters ín Washíngton, D.C.
There was a subsequent fíre, and the expíodíng ordínance caused more than a
ííttíe consternatíon among fírefíghters, especíaííy when one rocket took off and
bíasted a two-foot díameter hoíe ín a cínder bíock waíí. When the story íeaked out,
the ATF reacted by removíng more than 30 pounds of expíosíves from theír offíces
down the street.
|118|
In Aííen's vídeo, Cash makes the assertíon that the massíve ínternaí damage to the
buíídíng was the resuít of secondary expíosíons caused by these íííegaííy stored
expíosíves. The ordínance, whích íncíuded percussíon caps for C-4 (and C-4 ítseíf),
had faííen from theír nínth fíoor storage area after the ínítíaí truck bíast, Cash
suggests, to one of the íower fíoors, where ít detonated, causíng massíve ínternaí
damage. Accordíng to Cash's experts, aíthough C-4 ís reíatíveíy safe to handíe, ít
can be set off wíth 3500 p.s.í. of pressure.
Generaí Partín dísagrees wíth Cash's anaíysís, expíaíníng: "For anythíng to have
tumbíed down from up there and done the íncreased damage ís technícaííy
ímpossíbíe. If somethíng had faííen after that sectíon had coííapsed and caused
an expíosíon that brought down |coíumn| B-3, the thíng wouíd not have cropped
28
the way ít díd. If you íook up there at the top íeft hand síde, you don't see anythíng
up there that wouíd índícate that you had a bíg bíow-out at the top. If ít had, ít
wouídn't of had anythíng to do wíth the coíumn coííapsíng down beíow - they're
too far away."
I asked Partín íf C-4 couíd expíode due to the íncreased aír pressure resuítíng from
the truck bíast, from the weíght of faíííng debrís, or símpíy by faíííng eíght or níne
storíes.
"Look," saíd Partín, "C-4 ís kínda' tough to get to go; ammoníum nítrate ís even
tougher. It takes a reaí íntense shock wave to get that kínd of expíosíve to go."
Partín then added, "I thought I expíaíned ít to Cash, but I guess he's persístíng wíth
hís story."
Why Cash wouíd persíst wíth hís story whííe íargeíy síde-steppíng Partín's anaíysís
ís curíous. Yet íf the ATF were responsíbíe for the secondary expíosíon, ít wouíd
seem they wouíd have reason to ííe.
|119|
|Not oníy were they storíng expíosíves
íííegaííy ín a pubííc buíídíng contaíníng a day-care center, but aímost the entíre
contíngent of approxímateíy 13 agents was absent on the day of the bombíng
(more on thís íater).|
Was the ATF ín fact responsíbíe, knowíngíy or unknowíngíy, for the expíosíon that
destroyed the Murrah buíídíng? Consíder the foííowíng artícíe whích appeared ín
the |une 5, 1995 íssue of Newsweek:
For the past year, the ATF and the Army Corps of Engíneers have been
bíowíng up car bombs at the Whíte Sands Províng Ground ín New
Mexíco. The pro|ect, code-named Dípoíe Míght, ís desígned to create a
computer modeí to unraveí terroríst car-and truck-bomb attacks. By
coíncídence, a ATF agent assígned to Dípoíe Míght, happened to be ín
Okíahoma Cíty on Apríí 19th, workíng at the Federaí Courthouse, whích
stands across the street from the Murrah Buíídíng. He saw the
devastatíon and caííed the ATF offíce ín Daíías. The Murrah Buíídíng
had |ust been hít by 'ANFO' (ammoníum materíaí) bomb of at íeast
severaí thousand pounds, he reported. Wíthín mínutes, expíosíves
agents traíned under Dípoíe Míght were díspatched to the scene. They
ídentífíed the type and síze of the bomb aímost ímmedíateíy.
|ust how thís agent (Harry Eberhardt) was abíe to ímmedíateíy ascertaín the
buíídíng had been bíown up by an ANFO bomb, when no forensíc anaíysís had yet
been conducted, ís uncíear. When Phíí O'Haííoran, a freeíance |ournaííst, attempted
to ask the ATF Pubííc Reíatíons Bureau why a Dípoíe Míght expert |ust happened to
be ín the courthouse at that moment, and how he couíd ímmedíateíy have known
the exact nature of the bomb, O'Haííoran, rather than gíven a ratíonaí expíanatíon,
was accused of attackíng the agency and was promísed a fax of agency víews on
Ríght-wíng conspíracísts (whích never arríved).
|120|
It ís aíso uncíear why was the Sheríff's Bomb Squad was ín the parkíng íot between
the Murrah Buíídíng and the Federaí Courthouse at 7:45 that morníng. The Bomb
Squad deníes beíng there. But Norma Smíth and other Federaí Courthouse
empíoyees recaíí seeíng the Bomb Squad's dístínctíve whíte truck. "We díd wonder
29
what ít was doíng ín our parkíng íot," recaííed Smíth. "|okíngíy, I saíd, 'Weíí, I guess
we'íí fínd out soon enough.'"
|121|
Okíahoma Cíty attorney Daníeí |. Adomítís toíd the Forth Worth Star-Tele%ram he
aíso saw the Bomb Squad there that morníng. "As I was passíng the back síde of
the County Courthouse, I notíced a truck wíth a traííer and the truck saíd 'Bomb
Dísposaí.' I remember thínkíng as I passed that , 'Gee, I wonder íf they had a bomb
threat at the county courthouse?'"
|122|
Was the bomb squad aíerted that somethíng was ín the works? Not accordíng to
the ever-controvertfuí Lester Martz. "I have not come across any ínformatíon that
any kínd of bomb unít was at the buíídíng príor to the bombíng," announced Martz
wíth a straíght face at the same tíme he íauded the heroísm of Luke Franey, the
ATF agent who supposedíy "karate-kícked" hís way through three waíís.
|123|
What ís certaín ís that the Murrah Buíídíng had a bomb threat one week príor to the
19th. Míchaeí Hínton remembers íookíng out the wíndow of hís YMCA room a week
before and seeíng about 200-300 peopíe gathered outsíde. The íncídent dídn't |og
hís memory untíí the íocaí TV networks announced on the morníng of the bíast that
the Federaí Buíídíng had receíved a threat |ust a week before.
|124|
Nurse Toní Garret recaííed taíkíng to severaí peopíe who saíd there had been bomb
threats two weeks príor to the bombíng. "The FBI and the ATF knew that these
bomb threats were reaí, and they díd nothíng about ít."
Terrorísm expert Dr. Randaíí Heather confírmed these reports, addíng, "I know that
there had been a threat phoned ín to the FBI íast week, but I don't know what the
nature of that was."
|125|
Accordíng to the Okíahoma Cíty Fíre Department, the FBI phoned ín a warníng on
Apríí 14, aímost a week before the bombíng. Assístant Fíre Chíef Charíes Gaínes
toíd Gíenn Wííburn, who íost two grandsons ín the bíast, that there was never any
warníng. The gríevíng grandfather then waíked down the haíí to Assístant Chíef
Díspatcher Harvey Weathers offíce. Weathers toíd Wííburn ín no uncertaín terms
that the Fíre Department had índeed receíved a warníng on Apríí 14. Reíatíng
Gaínes' apparent íoss of memory to Weathers, he repííed, "Weíí, you asked me and
I toíd you. I'm not goíng to ííe for anybody.."
|126|
|Of course, one person perfectíy wííííng to ííe for eery+ody was FBI SAC Bob
Rícks.| When asked duríng a press conference íf the FBI had receíved a warníng,
Rícks saíd, "The FBI ín Okíahoma Cíty has not receíved any threats to índícate that
a bombíng was about to take píace."
Interestíng píay on words. Was Rícks surreptítíousíy suggestíng that one of the
other FBI offíces had receíved a warníng? Or was there símpíy no reason for the FBI
to receíve a warníng because they were ín charge of the bombíng from the
begínníng?
The transparent storíes of the ATF and FBI are stríkíngíy famíííar to those
propounded ín the wake of the 1993 Woríd Trade Center bombíng. In that case, the
FBI had one of íts own ínformants - former Egyptían Army Coíoneí Emad Eíí Saíem
- ínsíde the group responsíbíe for the bombíng. Accordíng to Saíem, who made
secret tapes of hís conversatíons wíth hís FBI handíer, Nancy Fíoyd, her supervísor
refused to íet Saíem substítute a harmíess powder for the reaí expíosíve. The agent
then puííed Saíem off the case. Soon afterwards, the bomb bíew up, kííííng síx
peopíe and ín|uríng aímost a 1,000 more.
|127|
30
It aíso seems that the "coíncídence" of the ATF's Dípoíe Míght tests were uncannííy
símííar to the May 24, 1990 bombíng of Earth Fírst! actívíst |udí Barí. The FBI
cíaímed that Barí and her companíon Daryí Cherney, who were on theír way to a
peacefuí protest raííy, had ínadvertentíy bíown themseíves up wíth theír own pípe-
bomb. After Barí sued the FBI for faíse arrest and cívíí ríghts víoíatíons, she found
out though díscovery that the FBI ran a "bomb schooí" at Eureka Coííege of the
Redwoods ín Apríí of 1990 for both FBI and íocaí poííce. The cíasses íncíuded
bíowíng up cars wíth pípe bombs, ostensíbíy to demonstrate the tactícs used by
terrorísts (the same reason cíted ín the ATF's case). The ínstructor for thís "schooí
of terrorísm" was none other than Frank Doyíe |r., the FBI bomb squad expert who
showed up at the scene of Barí's car bombíng one month íater.
Accordíng to Freedom of Informatíon Act records, Pro|ect Dípoíe Míght was ínítíated
under the authorízatíon of Cíínton's Natíonaí Securíty Councíí. One of the stated
purposes of the pro|ect was to produce computer modeís of bombíngs to "be
díspíayed ín a courtroom to aíd ín the prosecutíon of defendants." The |ustíce
Department used the vídeo tapes shot at Whíte Sands duríng McVeígh's tríaí to
"prove" that an ANFO bomb bíew up the buíídíng. As Lawrence Myers, wrítíng ín
Media $y*ass magazíne, asked:
Why the Natíonaí Securíty Councíí wouíd fund such an ATF pro|ect,
despíte the absoíute raríty of the críme, has not been expíaíned.. Nor
has ít been expíaíned as to what specífíc threat assessment
ínformatíon the government had when ít decíded to engage ín such a
pro|ect, |ust a few months before a Ryder Truck íaden wíth ammoníum
nítrate fertííízer expíoded ín front of the Murrah Buíídíng.
|128|
As Myers poínts out, the íast-known case of a truck-bomb expíodíng ín the U.S. was
ín 1970, when an ANFO bomb expíoded ín front of the Army Math íab at the
Uníversíty of Wísconsín ín Madíson. Why then, wouíd the Natíonaí Securíty Councíí
suddeníy feeí the need for detaííed ínformatíon regardíng ANFO truck-bomb
attacks?
Was the ATF expectíng such a bombíng? Were they ín fact responsíbíe for bíast or
the secondary damage to the buíídíng? Or was the buíídíng wíred for demoíítíon as
part of a íarger píot?
|"I'm fírmíy convínced that the ATF ís guííty of an awfuí íot of thíngs," saíd Bud, our
ex-Green Beret. "I mean, íf you íook at what the ATF and the FBI díd to Randy
Weaver (and at Waco), ít's |ust awfuí. They've gone hog wííd and have |become| a
power unto themseíves."
Asked íf he thought a rogue group or specíaí unít wíthín the mííítary/ínteííígence
communíty couíd or wouíd commít such an act, Bud repííed "It wouídn't reaííy stun
me."|
Next | Prevíous | Contents | Text Versíon
#
"The %ace of Terror"
31
.$efore the ,oernment tries to conict someone/ they try first to demoni-e him0.
- Tríaí íawyer Gerry Spence
On May 1st, a stunned Ameríca was íntroduced to "The Face of Terror." The steeíy-
eyed mug of Tímothy |ames McVeígh, superímposed over the íímp, bíoody body of
a tíny dead chííd, stared coídíy out at us from the cover of Time magazíne.
Suddeníy, there was no íonger any doubt who had bombed the Murrah Buíídíng. As
|ohn Doe No. 1 was íed from the Nobíe County Courthouse ín handcuffs and íeg
írons, the scene was somethíng akín to a medíevaí scrípt. "Baby Kíííer!" the crowd
screamed. "Burn hím! Burn hím!"
In the pages that foííowed, Time and others wouíd set out to "reveaí the paranoíd
íífe and tímes of accused bomber Tímothy McVeígh and hís Ríght-wíng
assocíates."
|129|
Wíth the ínk bareíy dry on the índíctments, the natíonaí news
medía quíckíy began pumpíng out story after story focusíng on the trívíaí banaíítíes
of McVeígh's íífe, attemptíng to reínforce the offícíaí aííegatíons of hís guíít. Whííe
the New 'ork Times set the overaíí tone based on "íeaks" from federaí íaw
enforcement sources, seíf-styíed experts came crawííng out of the woodwork.
"In deepíy dísturbíng ways, hís ís a portraít of hís generatíon," quípped Daíe Russak
and Serge Kovaíeskí, two socíoíogísts moonííghtíng for the Washin%ton )ost.
|130|
".hís tortured path - ís a psychoíogícaí portraít of hís deteríoratíon.." |ohn Kífner
of the New 'ork Times announced wíth the authoríty of a Freudían anaíyst. "Fírst
there was McVeígh's own stunted personaííty and ímmedíate frustratíons. He was
never abíe to overcome a sense of abandonment by hís mother.."
|131|
"Not makíng the Specíaí Forces was somethíng that was very hard for hím to deaí
wíth," saíd an FBI agent traíníng for hís Ph.D. ín psychoíogy. "In hís mínd, much of
hís íífe has been one of thínkíng that he ís a kínd of Specíaí Forces of hís own."
|132|
Fínaííy: "He was the quíet one," saíd McVeígh's former 10th grade Engíísh teacher
Coíeen Conner, throwíng a bít of adoíescent psychoíogy on the sítuatíon. "A íot of
the quíet ones are the ones who have ended up doíng scary thíngs.."
|133|
There ít was - tríaí by medía. Tímothy McVeígh must be guííty, after aíí, they put
hís face on the cover of Time magazíne.
|134|
|Time. As |ournaííst |on Rappaport put ít, "the home of faíntíy patronízíng storíes
that go nowhere." Líke the carefuííy manufactured ímage of Lee Harvey Oswaíd,
the medía wouíd construct a menageríe reaííty of Tímothy |ames McVeígh, suítabíe
for pubííc consumptíon.|
Fortunateíy, ín the avaíanche of artícíes that wouíd foííow, smaíí hínts of reaííty
wouíd occasíonaííy seep through the míre.
32
"That |ust doesn't ríng true to me, as to the person I knew," saíd Sheffíeíd
Anderson, a correctíonaí offícer who had gone through basíc traíníng wíth McVeígh
and served wíth hím ín the Guíf. "In that pícture of hím comíng out of the
courthouse, he íooks ííke a reaí mean guy. But I dídn't sense anythíng out of the
ordínary. McVeígh was a ratíonaí type guy, a thínkíng type person. The bombíng
thíng ís totaííy contrary to the person I knew."
|135|
"The Tímothy McVeígh I taíked wíth dídn't seem ííke a baby kíííer," saíd former
Army Coíoneí Davíd Hackworth about hís Newsweek íntervíew wíth McVeígh.
|136|
Duríng an íntervíew on Príme Tíme Líve, Lana Padííía, Terry Níchoís ex-wífe, toíd
Díane Sawyer, "It's not the same person. I mean, you know."
!a*yer: "The stony face."
+adilla: "No."
|137|
"It became obvíous duríng the hour-íong díscussíon that Tímothy McVeígh ís
neíther a monster nor a madman," wrote Lawrence Myers, who íntervíewed
McVeígh for Media $y*ass magazíne. "He íeft the ímpressíon that he ís a man wíth
strong convíctíons and a sense of honor."
|138|
So |ust who ís Tímothy |ames McVeígh? Is he a hardened kíííer as the press and
federaí authorítíes have made hím out to be? Or ís he an ordínary man who
became caught up ín a compíícated web of íntrígue and deceptíon?
"Timmy"
Tímothy |ames McVeígh was born ín Pendeíton, New York on Apríí 23, 1968, a smaíí
workíng cíass town of 5,000 peopíe |ust outsíde of Buffaío. Tím was the second
chííd of Bííí McVeígh, an auto worker, and Míídred, a traveí agent. The eíder
McVeígh, 55, coached Líttíe League and ran bíngo níght at the íocaí cathoííc
church, spendíng hís free tíme goífíng, or putzíng ín hís garden. A heavííy wooded
ruraí area, young Tím spent hís tíme híkíng or píayíng sports wíth the
neíghborhood boys.
"He ííved a few houses down from me, saíd boyhood fríend Keíth Maurer. "We
píayed hockey, basebaíí and |ust about every other sport ín the neíghborhood. He
wasn't the best athíete ín the bunch, but he showed up to píay every day and he
aíways píayed hard."
The bríght and ínventíve youngster aíso spent hís tíme engagíng ín noveí actívítíes
such as settíng up a haunted house ín hís basement, where he charged admíssíon,
or hoídíng weekend casíno faírs, where he acted as the deaíer.
"He was very advanced for our age, "Maurer saíd. "I remember sayíng to myseíf: I
wouídn't have thought of that."
Pat Waugh, a neíghbor, saíd "I used to thínk to myseíf, that kíd ís goíng to go
somewhere |ust because he's such a mover and shaker. I píctured hím growíng up
to be a saíesman, sort of a shyster."
When Tím's mom moved out ín |une of 1984, the outgoíng young McVeígh became
more reserved, as he and hís sísters, Patty and |ennífer, attempted to deaí wíth the
trauma of the breakup. Reverend Pauí Beízer of the Good shepherd Roman
33
Cathoííc Church ín Pendeíton knew the famííy for 20 years. "Peopíe asked me,
wasn't Tím crushed? But he dídn't seem to be. He ííved ín the same house, had the
same fríends. Yeah, he'd have to míss hís mother, but so many of the anchors were
there."
Yanya Panepento, a cíassmate of Tím's recaííed, He was a quíet boy. He kept to
hímseíf. He dídn't seem ííke he was a troubíe maker or anythíng ííke that."
Yet, níne months after the bombíng, the Times |ohn Kífner wouíd wríte, "As
commonpíace as thís seems, crímínoíogísts say, these traíts are often the stuff of
seríaí kíííers, terrorísts and other soíítary murderers."
To the armchaír psychoanaíysts of the maínstream/tabíoíd medía, the breakup
wouíd be the fírst of two ma|or events - the second beíng hís ínítíaí faííure to
make the Specíaí Forces - that wouíd profoundíy and adverseíy affect the young
McVeígh's personaííty. The fírst índícatíons of thís came when reporters díscovered
ín hís hígh schooí yearbook that Tím had been voted "most taíkatíve" by hís seníor
cíass.
"The oníy thíng I can remember ís that he was very quíte and poííte," recaííed
Ceceíía Maty|as, who taught 10th grade geometry. "He dídn't cause any probíems
ín cíass. He seemed to be cooperatíve and attentíve. He was on the track team and
the cross-country team, so he was abíe to get aíong wíth others."
Brandon Stíckney, a |ournaííst contracted to produce an unauthorízed bíography of
McVeígh for Prometheus Books, saíd "Tím was not the most taíkatíve out of hís
cíass of 194 students, but he was by no means íntroverted. He was certaíníy an
outgoíng young man who had many fríends and acquaíntances."
Yet none of these easy to check facts were ever mentíoned ín the voíumous
artícíes whích appeared ín the Times. Kífner, the Times "resídent anaíyst,"
procíaímed wíth surety, "He was never abíe to overcome a sense of abandonment
by hís mother, who íeft the famííy when he was a boy; nor couíd he fínd a home
outsíde the Army."
Backíng up Kífner was |ohn Dougías of the FBI's Psychoíogícaí Profííe Unít, who
cíaímed McVeígh was "asocíaí, asexuaí, a íoner, wíthdrawn, from a famííy wíth
probíems, strong feeííngs of ínadequacy from earíy ín íífe, an underachíever."
"I thínk ít's a bunch of psychobabíe íf you ask me, íf you want to know the truth,"
saíd |ennífer, Tím's younger síster. "We were free to ííve wíth who we wanted. We
couíd vísít the other parent whenever we wanted. There was no bítterness
between my parents."
"There's nothíng there, added McVeígh hímseíf, respondíng to the medía's anaíysís
of hím ín a |uíy 3rd íntervíew wíth Newsweek.
Apparentíy, Dougías and the so-caííed |ournaíísts from the New 'ork Times never
bothered to check on the fact that Tím had many fríends, íncíudíng severaí
gírífríends íater ín íífe, was cíose to hís Father and hís síster |ennífer, and was a
Regents Schoíar.
Not to be hamstrung by such mínor detaíís |as checkíng on facts|, the Times and
the )ost quíckíy |umped on the ídea that Tím was ínterested ín fírearms. "In a
regíon of huntíng enthusíasts, ít caused ííttíe stír when Tím, at 10, became
ínterested ín guns. But a cíose reíatíve saíd that the famííy saw thís as a bíd for
attentíon by a boy who dídn't know how eíse to ask for ít."
34
"He had a semíautomatíc BB gun that couíd fíre 15 rounds wíth the puíí of a
trígger," added the )ost. "Other boys had oníy síngíe-shot varíetíes. Tím used to
show them at schooí how he heíd ít, posíng poííce-styíe wíth hands cíasped
together. Duríng boríng cíasses, when other students doodíed, he drew guns."
In fact, Tím's father díd buy hím a .22-caííber rífíe, whích the young McVeígh wouíd
use for target practíce ín the woods behínd hís home. Yet apparentíy Tím was not
the young bíood-thírsty adventurer the medía made hím out to be. "I remember
startíng to hunt at age 11," saíd hís fríend Keíth Maurer, "and Tím never had any
ínterest ín thís."
McVeígh was íater abíe to índuíge ín hís ínterests ín fírearms as a securíty guard for
Burke Armored, where he worked for a year or so ín 1987. |eff Camp, McVeígh's co-
worker, noted that he had a keen ínterest ín guns, aíthough he dídn't fínd ít
unusuaí sínce most fuíí-tíme securíty guards and íaw enforcement personneí
owned an assortment of fírearms, he saíd.
One story eageríy círcuíated amongst the press ís that McVeígh showed up at
Burke one day wíth a huge Desert Eagíe pístoí and bandoíeers síung ín an "X"
across hís chest. "He came to work íookíng ííke Rambo," recaííed Camp. "It íooked
ííke Woríd War III."
Yet McVeígh íaughs off the taíe, statíng that he and some other empíoyees were
símpíy píayíng a |oke on theír supervísor, who was sendíng them on a hígh profííe
assígnment for the day. Apparentíy, theír supervísor was not amused.
Accordíng to the )ost, McVeígh aíso worked as a gun saíesman at a sportíng goods
store ín Lockport.
"Guns were the entíre focaí poínt of the 27-year-oíd Mr. McVeígh's íífe," wrote the
Times1 Kífner.
"Thís obsessíon wíth weapons - a form of power - ís an overcompensatíon for
deep-rooted feeííngs of ínadequacy," added the FBI's Dougías, attemptíng to dríve
another naíí ínto McVeígh's coffín.
One must wonder íf an ínterest ín stamp coííectíng or bírd watchíng - other
íegítímate hobbíes - couíd be construed as a "bíd for attentíon." The author -
much more of a "troubíe maker" ín hís formatíve years than Tímothy McVeígh -
personaííy remembers hís own ínterest ín guns, and even mííítary armor. Líke
motorcycíes, fast cars or other macho symboís, such ínterests pass as one
matures. Yet federaí authorítíes, wíth the backíng of the corporate-owned medía,
attempted to make thís a cornerstone of theír psuedo-psychoíogícaí case agaínst
McVeígh. He was "obsessed wíth guns," ergo, he ís a mad bomber. I doubt íf aíí the
gun enthusíasts ín the country wouíd be píeased to know they are, by assocíatíon,
beíng ímpíícated as mad bombers.
Not to be deterred, )ost reporters díscovered that young Tím had stockpííed food,
campíng equípment and weapons ín case of a dísaster ".ín case of a nucíear
attack or the Communísts took over the country," saíd an anonymous neíghbor ín
the )ost. "Perhaps ít made sense that a young boy often forced to fend for hímseíf
wouíd fantasíze about fíghtíng the woríd aíí aíone," mused the )ost. Fíghtíng the
woríd? Or deveíopíng common sense at a young age? In hís Media $y*ass
íntervíew, McVeígh recaííed that one of hís most vívíd memoríes was the wínter
bíízzard of 1977, whích dumped 15 feet of snow on Pendeíton, strandíng hís
mother mííes away, and knockíng out power and phone íínes for days. The young,
35
ínventíve McVeígh responded by heípíng hís father store necessítíes, even
recommendíng that the oíder McVeígh purchase a generator.
Apparentíy the armchaír psychoanaíysts of the maínstream press feít thís
índícatíve of earíy creepíng paranoía, rather than the naturaí combínatíon of the
actíve ímagínatíon and common sense ínherent ín a remarkabíe níne-year oíd boy.
If the youngster was concerned about Communísts, one oníy need ask where such
fears were íncubated.
The )ost, keepíng wíth the propaganda of Tímothy McVeígh as underachíever, was
quoted as sayíng "Tím's hígh-schooí yearbook entry ín 1986 íísted no organízed
actívítíes (he omítted the track team), rather: 'stayíng away from schooí, íosíng
síeep, fíndíng ít ín schooí.'"
Yet even the )ost admítted that Tím's guídance counseíor, Haroíd Smíth, saíd that
he had not míssed a day of cíasses from seventh through tweífth grade. Far from
beíng an underachíever, hís record índícates a young man wíth remarkabíe
díscípííne.
|ustín Gertner, who knew McVeígh sínce second grade recaíís, "he hung around
wíth the ínteííígentíy eííte at Starpoínt. Tím was ín the Regent's program ín our
schooí for advanced píacement students who píanned on attendíng coííege. He
aíso created and ran our computer buííetín board system."
In fact, McVeígh exceííed ín computers, takíng every avaííabíe computer cíass ín
hígh schooí. He even desígned hís own computer program. "That was the age
when there was no software to speak of, and ít wasn't user fríendíy," saíd a teacher
who asked to remaín anonymous, "But Tím and some other kíds went out and díd
thís.. In a way, that was faíríy advanced. Thís demonstrates hís bríght mínd and
hís abíííty."
Thís bríght mínd and abíííty íed McVeígh to Bryant & Stratton Busíness Coííege ín
Wííííamsvíííe, N.Y. to study advanced COBOL and FORTRAN programmíng
íanguages. In spíte of hís abííítíes, opportunítíes for decent empíoyment were
uncertaín ín Buffaío ín the míd-1980s. Buffaío, ííke the rest of the Rust Beít, was
experíencíng the worst of economíc trends. Severaí steeí and auto píants had shut
down, and two ma|or banks faííed, throwíng thousands of whíte-coííar workers out
of |obs and causíng downturns ín reaí-estate, advertísíng, íaw and other fíeíds.
|139|
"There are no |obs around here uníess you want to work for $6 an hour or íess at a
McDonaíd's or Wendy's," saíd Bííí McVeígh. "It's rough for anybody íookíng for
work."
McVeígh apparentíy díd not feeí comfortabíe that hís auto-worker father was
payíng for most of hís coííege tuítíon. So ín December 1987, he took a |ob wíth
Burke Armored Truck (now known as Armored Servíces of Ameríca) ín
Cheektowaga, near Buffaío.
"He was a very aíert guard." saíd |eff Camp, McVeígh's co-worker. "He worked a íot
of overtíme and was poííte wíth our customers." McVeígh was aíso moody, rangíng
from íntense to quíet. "If someone was drívíng badíy, cuttíng us off or ínterferíng
wíth our scheduíe, he couíd get pretty mad," added Camp. "Hís face wouíd turn red
and he wouíd yeíí and scream ínsíde the truck, aíthough he caímed down pretty
fast." (Símííar to the way the author dríves.) Camp aíso descríbed an íncídent
where a woman had hít theír truck. Aíthough the woman was upset, McVeígh
36
caímed her down and toíd her not to worry, that there was no damage to the truck,
and that he wouíd even report ít as theír fauít, whích ít wasn't.
|140|
McVeígh worked at Burke from Apríí of 1987 tííí May of 1988. By the tíme he was
19, McVeígh had buíít up a substantíaí savíngs account and he and a fríend, Davíd
Daríak, acquíred 10 acres of íand for $7,000 at a huntíng and campíng retreat
north of Oíean, N.Y. The two young men bought the íand as an ínvestment, and to
use for campíng and for target practíce.
|141|
Reported the )ost:
"Robert Morgan, who ííves nearby, saíd hís father Charííe once caííed
the state poííce to compíaín about aíí the gunfíre. 'My dad turned hím
ín," he saíd. "One day ít sounded ííke a war out there. Sometímes he'd
come down duríng the week, sometímes the weekend. He had on
huntíng cíothes. Camoufíage.'"
|142|
Whííe the press made much out of the fact that McVeígh and hís fríends used the
íand for target practíce, ít shouíd be noted that McVeígh was íaw-abídíng and díd
not have a crímínaí record.
By the Spríng of 1988, the young securíty guard feít he was goíng nowhere. He
was workíng ín a reíatíveíy íow-wage |ob whííe íísteníng to the fate of those who
had been íaíd-off whííe workíng other |obs. Tím's father íístened wíth concern as
Tím vented hís frustratíon, compíaíníng that he was unempíoyabíe except at |obs
that paíd "no money." One níght Bííí McVeígh and a fríend from the auto píant
suggested that the younger McVeígh enter the servíce.
"Bííí and I had both been ín the servíce," the fríend saíd, "and one níght we saíd to
Tím, 'That's what you ought to do: go ín the servíce.' A week íater, he had |oíned."
"It happened ín a spíít second," saíd Tím's co-worker |eff Camp. "He dídn't teíí
anyone he was |oíníng. He |ust came to work one day and saíd he was goíng ín the
Army.
|143|
I never saw a guy who wanted to go ín the Army that bad. I asked hím
why the Army, and he saíd 'You get to shoot.' He aíways wanted to carry an M-
16."
|144|
Keíth Maurer saíd, "I couídn't see hím |oíníng the mííítary. He had a íot of optíons.
He was very smart. I dídn't see the mííítary as the one he needed to take."
|But to McVeígh, who saw hís career optíons ín economícaííy depressed Upstate
New York as bíeak, the Army made perfect sense.| The Army heíd the possíbíííty of
traveí and adventure for a boy from a smaíí town. In the Army, he couíd choose hís
specíaíty, índuígíng hís ínterest ín fírearms or computers.
On May 24, McVeígh drove the 25 mííes to the Army recruítíng offíce ín Buffaío,
and sígned up for a three-year hítch. "In a coupíe of days he was gone," saíd
Camp.
!ergeant Mac
McVeígh arríved at Fort Benníng, Georgía on May 30, and was assígned to Echo
Company, 4th Battaííon, 36th Infantry Regíment, 2nd Traíníng Brígade. The unít
was a COHORT unít, an acronym for "Cohesíon Operatíonaí Readíness and
Traíníng." In a COHORT unít, soídíers were supposed to stay together for theír
entíre three-year eníístment períod. The COHORT concept orígínated ín 1980, ín an
attempt to correct the probíem of sendíng ín raw green recruíts for those who had
been kíííed ín battíe. The Army díscovered that many new repíacements had
37
díffícuíty ad|ustíng to a new unít ín the heat of battíe, resuítíng ín a hígher number
of casuaítíes. Moreover, Pentagon studíes from the Víetnam War era suggested
that soídíers who had deveíoped bonds of fríendshíp were more ííkeíy to perform
courageousíy. Unfortunateíy, the Army soon deveíoped a new probíem: many of
the soídíers became síck of each other after three years, resuítíng ín soídíers
commíttíng suícíde or goíng AWOL.
Aíthough McVeígh orígínaííy wanted to try out for Army Ranger Schooí, he dídn't
want to waít for an avaííabíe openíng, and decíded to |oín the ínfantry ímmedíateíy.
As he sound found out, he had been mísíed by the Army recruíter. Once ín the
COHORT unít, ít was not possíbíe for hím to enter Army Ranger Schooí. Yet the
dísappoínted young recruít quíckíy made the best of the sítuatíon, scoríng a hígh
126 poínts on hís Generaí Technícaí test score, puttíng hím ín the top 10 percentííe
among new recruíts.
"McVeígh was reaííy motívated to be a good soídíer and performed weíí at
everythíng expected of hím," saíd assístant píatoon íeader Gíen "Tex" Edwards.
"You couíd íoad that boy up wíth 140 pounds of gear and he wouíd carry ít aíí day
on the march wíthout compíaíníng. He was thín as a raíí but he never feíí out of
formatíon," saíd Edwards, recaíííng the hot Georgía summer of 1988. " It was the
worst tíme of the year to go through the course, but ít díd not seem to bother
McVeígh one bít."
Aíthough McVeígh dídn't have many cíose fríends duríng basíc traíníng, one person
he wouíd deveíop a cíose fríendshíp wíth was Terry Níchoís. Níchoís, 13 years
McVeígh's seníor, was promoted to píatoon íeader due to hís age and maturíty.
Despíte theír age dífference however, the two men bonded, sharíng símííar
ínterests. "Terry and Tím ín boot camp went together ííke magnets," saíd Robín
Líttíeton.
By the end of basíc traíníng, McVeígh was promoted to prívate E-2, havíng
managed to score hígher than anyone ín hís battaííon on hís míd-cycíe and end-of-
cycíe testíng. "Any test, he'd ace ít," saíd Davíd Díííy. "He knew exactíy what the
Army wanted. It was goíng to be an easy íífe for hím."
On August 25, 1988, McVeígh was awarded a certífícate by hís commandíng
offícer, then ín September the unít was shípped out to Fort Rííey, Kansas, where
McVeígh was assígned to the 2nd Battaííon, Fírst Infantry Dívísíon, part of the
"Dagger Brígade" of the famous "Bíg Red One" that made the assauít on Normandy
duríng WWII. Whííe McVeígh was assígned to Charííe Company, Níchoís went to
Bravo Company.
A mechanízed ínfantry unít, 2nd Battaííon was equípped wíth M-2 Bradíey Armored
vehícíes, a more sophístícated versíon of the famous M-113 Armored Personneí
Carríer used duríng the Víetnam War. In addítíon to ferryíng troops, the aíumínum
Bradíey has a turret-mounted 25mm cannon, a 7.62mm machíne gun and antí-
tank míssííes. McVeígh was the gunner on one of four Bradíeys attached to Charííe
Company's Fírst Píatoon. Naturaííy, he scored hígher than anyone eíse ín the
battaííon. In 1989, hís commander seíected hím as gunner on the "Dívísíon Díspíay
Vehícíe," used to demonstrate the M-2 system for Pentagon offícíaís and vísítíng
dígnítaríes.
"He was wíthout a doubt the best soídíer I have ever traíned wíth," saíd Staff
Sergeant Aíbert Warnement, McVeígh's supervísor at Fort Rííey. He was motívated
38
and very ínterested ín íearníng everythíng he couíd about beíng a professíonaí
soídíer."
|145|
"As far as soídíeríng, he never díd anythíng wrong," saíd Todd Reíger, assígned to
McVeígh's Bradíey. "He was aíways on tíme. He never got ínto troubíe. He was
perfect. I thought he wouíd stay ín the Army aíí hís íífe. He was aíways voíunteeríng
for stuff that the rest of us wouídn't want to do, guard dutíes, cíasses on the
weekend."
|146|
McVeígh studíed every conceívabíe Army manuaí, íncíudíng the Ranger Handbook,
the Specíaí Forces Handbook, and the Improvísed Munítíons Handbook. But press
reports |portrayed| McVeígh as a mad bomber:
McVeígh's íove of guns and expíosíves stood out even ín the Army,
where gun íovers abound. In the fírst weeks of basíc traíníng, when
soídíers íearn to make expíosíves, recaííed píatoon mate Frítz Curnutte,
McVeígh boasted to feííow soídíers that he aíready knew how to make
a powerfuí bomb usíng a bottíe, then toíd them how to make a Moíotov
cocktaíí.
|147|
Accordíng to Warnement, such knowíedge ís not unusuaí for the more seríous
soídíers, who routíneíy studíed manuaís on survívaí, evasíon, resístance and
escape, and ímprovísed munítíons. "You have to remember," saíd Warnement, "at
that tíme, we were traíníng to fíght the Russíans ín Western Europe and ít was
expected the Red Army wouíd probabíy break through our íínes aímost
ímmedíateíy. We were encouraged to íearn how to ímprovíse. Our survívabíííty on
the battíefíeíd wouíd ííkeíy depend on our skííís ín unconventíonaí warfare."
|148|
Aíthough McVeígh's mííítary record makes no mentíon of formaí demoíítíons
traíníng, ín her book, $y $lood $etrayed, Lana Padííía caíís McVeígh a "former Army
demoíítíons expert."
|149|
But Sheffíeíd Anderson, who served wíth McVeígh sínce
basíc traíníng saíd "He had the same traíníng that the rest of the outfít had."
|150|
The oníy thíng that dífferentíated McVeígh from the rest of the outfít was hís
dedícatíon and commítment to the mííítary. "He píayed the mííítary 24 hours a day,
seven days a week," saíd Curnutte. "Aíí of us thought ít was síííy. When they'd caíí
for down tíme, we'd rest, and he'd throw on a rucksack and waík around the post
wíth ít."
Thís "sííííness" íed to McVeígh makíng sergeant ahead of the rest of hís unít. "It
was unusuaí to have sergeant strípes so soon," saíd Reíger. "The rest of us ín the
Cohort |unít| were specíaíísts," a non-supervísory rank símííar to corporaí.
In fact, after the bombíng, when McVeígh's records and test scores were shown to
a master sergeant wíthout reveaííng hís ídentíty, he stated that the sub|ect "wouíd
make a great ínfantry offícer, tanker, artíííery offícer or combat engíneer." Hís
eíectroníc aptítude, saíd another offícíaí, quaíífíed hím for "repaíríng sateíííte
communícatíons."
|151|
"He has a very hígh IO," saíd a federaí source famíííar wíth
the suspect's mííítary record.
|152|
In fact, McVeígh was rated among the top 5
percent ín combat arms.
McVeígh rented a three-bedroom house ín the spríng of 1991 ín Herríngton wíth
Corporaí |ohn Keíso and Sergeant Ríck Cerney. But the arrangement was not a
39
comfortabíe one for McVeígh, and he soon moved ínto another house whích he
shared wíth Sgt. Royaí Wíícher, who served wíth McVeígh ín the Bradíey.
The Times quoted members of the McVeígh's unít cíaímíng that he had no cíose
fríends. "He kept to hímseíf," saíd Robert Handa. "He was a dedícated soídíer. He
íoved beíng a soídíer. I dídn't. So after duty hours he'd stay ín the barracks whííe
everybody eíse took off, go out to town. I never saw hím go anywhere. He aíways
had a híghíy pressed uníform." Reíger recaíís that McVeígh had a TV and a VCR and
stayed ín and watched movíes, or occasíonaííy went bowííng.
"The whoíe thíng ís," saíd |ohn Keíso, who shared a house off-base wíth McVeígh
and feííow soídíer Ríchard Cerney, "he couídn't have a good tíme."
"He was very shy of women - aímost embarrassed," saíd Anderson. "It dídn't
seem he was gay. He was |ust awkward." McVeígh dísputed thís anaíysís ín hís
Apríí 15th Time íntervíew, statíng:
"I don't thínk there ís any way to narrow my personaííty down and íabeí
ít as one thíng or another. I'm |ust ííke anyone eíse. Movíes I en|oy,
comedíes, scí fí. The bíg mísconceptíon ís that I'm a íoner. Weíí, I
beííeve ín havíng my own space. But that ín no way means I'm a íoner.
I ííke women, socíaí íífe.."
McVeígh became fríends wíth bombíng suspect Míchaeí Fortíer whííe statíoned at
Fort Rííey. He and Fortíer wouíd occasíonaííy go shootíng together at a fríend's
farm near Tuttíe Creek Lake, and stop by and vísít Terry Níchoís at hís house near
the base.
The press was quíck to píck up on McVeígh owníng íots of guns he kept hídden
around hís house. Accordíng to Wíícher, "He had a coupíe ín the kítchen, a coupíe
ín the íívíng room under the couch. I thínk there was one ín the bathroom, behínd
the toweís. As you go up the steps there was a ííttíe íedge and he kept one ín there
too, a .38 revoíver." "I don't know íf he was paranoíd or what," added Wíícher. "Or
maybe he had some fríends that were after hím. I don't know."
|153|
Accordíng to an account ín 2SA Today and the Times, McVeígh and Níchoís, who by
now were pretty far aíong ín theír "antí-government" beííefs, attempted to recruít
other mííítary personneí for a mííítía that Níchoís was purportedíy startíng. Níchoís
reportedíy toíd at íeast one feííow soídíer that he'd be back to Fort Rííey after hís
díscharge to recruít new men, and McVeígh's co-worker at Burns Securíty, Carí
Lebron, wouíd íater teíí the FBI that McVeígh was aíways tryíng to "recruít hím ínto
an undescríbed group.."
|154|
Accordíng to Dave Díííy, one of McVeígh's roommates, McVeígh rented a storage
íocker ín |unctíon Cíty, stocked wíth weapons, mííítary meaís (MREs), and a 100-
gaííon |ug of water - ín case of dísaster or a Communíst attack.
|155|
"He was haífway there when I knew hím," saíd Díííy, referríng to McVeígh's Patríot
beííefs. Duríng McVeígh's tenure at Burns Securíty, McVeígh wouíd ínundate hís co-
workers wíth Patríot ííterature, such as the S*otli%ht, artícíes and vídeos on Ruby
Rídge and Waco, and books such as "eta#in% America.
For hís part, McVeígh says, "If you had to íabeí what I thínk, then I wouíd say I am
cíosest to the víews of the Patríot movement," McVeígh toíd the 3ondon Sunday
Times. "For a íong tíme, I thought ít was best not to taík about my poíítícaí víews,
40
he added, "but mííííons share them, and I beííeve ít ís graveíy wrong that I shouíd
aííow the government to try and crucífy me |ust for beííevíng what I do."
Interestíngíy, McVeígh wouíd teíí hís fríend Carí Lebron, who shared some of
McVeígh's beííefs, "Aíí the readíng you do ís |ust a hobby. You stamp your feet, but
you're not doíng anythíng."
Another íssue the medía focused on were race probíems ín Charííe Company, and
wíth McVeígh ín partícuíar. Regíer toíd the )ost that McVeígh was crítícízed for
assígníng undesírabíe work to bíack soídíers, makíng bíack specíaíísts sweep out
the motor pooí, work that wouíd have ordínarííy gone to prívates. Other soídíers
saíd he made derogatory remarks about bíacks. "It was pretty weíí known, pretty
much throughout the píatoon, that he was makíng the bíack specíaíísts do that
work," saíd Regíer. "He was a racíst. When he taíked he'd mentíon those words,
ííke nígger. You pretty much knew he was a racíst." The bíack soídíers compíaíned
to a company commander and McVeígh was reprímanded, the oníy tíme he ever
got ínto troubíe accordíng to Regíer.
|156|
Díííy saíd that "Race was an íssue, ííke everywhere ín Ameríca, but not one that
affected anyone's promotíon. McVeígh pícked the best man for the |ob."
Yet the Mc!urtain ,a-ette díscovered that McVeígh heíd membershíp ín the Ku
Kíux Kían. Apparentíy, he boasted that ít was personaííy approved by Thom Robb,
the KKK's natíonaí chapíaín. "He was a very racíst person," saíd Wíícher.
"Charííe Company as a whoíe had a probíem wíth race," saíd Captaín Terry Guííd,
who served bríefíy as McVeígh's píatoon commander after the Guíf War. "There
was graffítí on the waíís of the barracks' bathroom: 'Nígger' or 'Honky, Get Out.'
They were mííd íncídents. If a probíem was ídentífíed, a íeader ín Charííe Company
wouídn't íet ít happen agaín íf he saw ít. But ít was defíníteíy a probíem ín the
company. And hís píatoon had some of the most seríous race probíems. It was
pretty bad."
In spíte of such ínterpersonaí or racíaí díffícuítíes, most of the píatoon heíd
McVeígh ín hígh esteem for hís soídíeríng abííítíes. "He couíd command soídíers of
hís own rank and they respected hím," saíd Barner. "When ít came to soídíeríng,
McVeígh knew what he was doíng."
"If we ever went to war," saíd Edwards, "every one of us wanted to go to war wíth
McVeígh."
|157|
Duríng the summer of 1989, after returníng from a week-íong oríentatíon sessíon ín
Heídeíberg wíth the West German Army, or Bundeswehr, McVeígh decíded to try
out for the Army Specíaí Forces. To the young sergeant who had íong desíred to be
a member of the Army's eííte, the Specíaí Forces províded the chance. It aíso
províded McVeígh an opportuníty to graduate from the COHORT unít. Yet the
physícaí requírements to even quaíífy for the Specíaí Forces are among the
toughest ín the mííítary. Requírements íncíude swímmíng 50 meters wíth fuíí gear;
42 push-ups ín two mínutes; 52 sít-ups ín two mínutes; and runníng two mííes ín
íess than 15 mínutes 54 seconds. To pass the grueííng tests, McVeígh began
traíníng vígorousíy ín the summer of 1989, workíng out constantíy, and forcíng
hímseíf to march 10 mííes wíth 100 pound packs. By the summer of 1990, he had
passed the Specíaí Forces physícaí fítness test, and was ordered to report to Fort
Bragg, NC on November 17 to begín the Specíaí Forces Assessment and Seíectíon
41
Course (SFAS). Towards the end of 1990, McVeígh reíníísted for another four years.
|158|
Yet McVeígh's dream of becomíng a Green Beret wouíd have to waít. On November
8th, wíth the confííct ín the Persían Guíf comíng to a head, the Pentagon canceíed
aíí íeaves and traíníng assígnments. McVeígh's unít was actívated for depíoyment.
Aíthough he was the consummate mííítary man, the gung-ho soídíer, McVeígh was
agaínst the decísíon to go to war. "McVeígh díd not thínk the Uníted States had any
busíness or ínterest ín Kuwaít," saíd Warnement, "but he was a good soídíer. He
knew ít was hís duty to go where he was toíd, and he went." He was promoted to
sergeant on February 1, 1991.
|159|
Unííke the steeíy-eyed kíííer the press have paínted hím to be, McVeígh was as
scared as the rest of the píatoon. "The níght before the ground war kícked off, he
was sayíng he was scared because we were goíng to be part of the fírst wave,"
Anderson recaííed. "He was scared we weren't goíng to come out of ít. Maybe we
wouíd get shot, bíown up. It wasn't cowardíy. He was |ust concerned. I was feeííng
the same way, but most peopíe dídn't express ít."
|160|
On February 24, 1990, the 2nd Battaííon was ordered across the southern Iraqí
desert to punch a hoíe ín Iraqí defenses - a ííne of dug-ín ínfantry supported by
tanks and artíííery. McVeígh's píatoon was attached to the "Ironhorse" tank
company, and McVeígh's Bradíey was the íead track ín the píatoon. McVeígh, the
"top gun," took out an enemy tank on the fírst day wíth a TOW míssííe.
The "Ironhorse" protected uníts cíearíng the trenches. Usíng tanks and trucks
equípped wíth píows, the U.S. forces wouíd foííow behínd the Bradíeys, buryíng the
Iraqís dead or aííve, to create a smooth crossíng poínt for the ínfantry and avoíd
havíng to engage the enemy ín hand-to-hand combat.
McVeígh's moment of gíory came when hís píatoon encountered a dug-ín enemy
machíne-gun empíacement and came under fíre. McVeígh brought hís 25mm
cannon to bear on the chest of an enemy soídíer 1,000 yards away, and took hís
head off wíth one shot. He foííowed up wíth a símííar shot, whích was foííowed by
the raísíng of a whíte fíag and the raísíng of more than 60 hands ínto the aír.
For hís roíe ín the battíe, McVeígh was awarded an Army Commendatíon Medaí
whích read ín part: "He ínspíred other members of hís squad and píatoon by
destroyíng an enemy machíne-gun empíacement, kííííng two Iraqí soídíers and
forcíng the surrender of 30 others from dug-ín posítíons." McVeígh aíso earned a
Commendatíon medaí wíth an upgrade for vaíor, two Army Achíevement medaís,
and the Bronze Star "for fíawíess devotíon to duty."
Thís "fíawíess devotíon to duty" resuíted ín McVeígh's unít beíng ínvíted to províde
personaí securíty for Generaí "Stormín' Norman" Schwarzkopf.
A much-hackneyed phrase attríbuted to Sergeant |ames Ives, whích the medía ííke
to píay over and over agaín was, "If he was gíven a míssíon and a target, ít's
gone." Yet Roger Barnett, who served ín McVeígh's Bradíey, toíd the Times that
McVeígh never expressed any desíre to kííí troops who were surrenderíng and
never seemed bíoodthírsty ín any way.
|161|
|Yet the Times1 preordaíned síant on McVeígh was cíearíy evídent. Whííe others ín
hís outfít "served" duríng the Guíf War, McVeígh "kíííed Iraqís."
|162|
|
One story whích appeared ín Media $y*ass |but predíctabíy never made ít ínto the
maínstream press,| recounts how McVeígh saved an accídent víctím's íífe on a
42
íoneíy stretch of híghway. The man had been e|ected from hís overturned car and
íay semí-conscíous and bíeedíng. A passíng semí had stopped but was unabíe to
fínd hím as he íay ín the darkness 50 yards away. McVeígh, who was on hís way to
hís home town of Pendeíton, had recentíy fíníshed a 46-hour medícaí aíd course at
Fort Rííey. Agaínst reguíatíons, he had taken hís Combat Lífesaver Pack wíth hím
on the 1200-mííe dríve. As he came upon the scene, McVeígh saw that an EMS
(Emergency Medícaí Servíce) crew had not yet arríved. Traíned ín níght vísíon
techníques, McVeígh the soídíer quíckíy spotted the ín|ured motoríst ín the grass
aíong the medían stríp. Foííowíng ís an excerpt from the Media $y*ass artícíe:
The víctím recaíís that the soídíer was confídent, quíet and effícíent. To
centraííze hís círcuíatíon, he eíevated the man's undamaged íímbs and
warned hím to be caím to avoíd goíng ínto shock. He checked hís puíse
and fíashed a smaíí penííght across hís pupíís. The man, who oníy
moments earííer was convínced he was goíng to díe, shívered ín the
dark and started íaughíng. He toíd the taíí young stranger he was
never goíng to buy another Chevy Bíazer agaín.
The soídíer smííed as he roííed up the víctím's ríght síeeve and ínserted
the needíe to start a saííne IV ínto hís veíns. "You've íost a íot of bíood
and you rísk goíng ínto shock. Thís ís an IV to heíp stabíííze you and
keep your fíuíds goíng. Reíax. You'íí be fíne," he toíd hím. He píaced
the cíear píastíc IV bag under the man's híp and checked hís puíse
agaín.
In the dístance, an ambuíance síren screamed over the sound of the
truck engínes as Tímothy |ames McVeígh quíckíy packed up hís Army
íssue trauma kít and dísappeared ínto the níght. The respondíng EMS
crew toíd the state poííce offícer who arríved at the accídent mínutes
íater that they had never come upon such a potentíaííy deadíy crash to
fínd a severeíy ín|ured man reíaxed and íaughíng, neatíy bandaged
wíth an IV dangííng from hís arm.
|163|
In a fíurry of artícíes, maínstream medía paínted McVeígh as a psychotíc, attentíon-
seekíng íoner wíth a grudge agaínst the government and a hatred of humaníty. A
man wíth "a stunted personaííty," who íed a "tortured path," "obsessed wíth
weapons" and wíth "deep-rooted feeííngs of ínadequacy." When the press couídn't
fínd evídence of overt víoíence or hostíííty, hís noted poííteness and manners
suddeníy became evídence hís of hís psychosís. "It ís a personaííty that a Seattíe
forensíc psychíatríst, Kenneth Muscateí, has descríbed as the "Smerdyakov
Syndrome," announced the Times, "after the scorned haíf-brother ín Dostoyevsky's
$rothers 4arama-o who íístens to the other brothers ínveígh agaínst theír father
untíí, fínaííy, he commíts patrícíde."
|164|
McVeígh was paínted as a socíopath when Lana Padííía, ín her book, $y $lood
$etrayed, híntíng that McVeígh may have been responsíbíe for the death of 26-
month-oíd |ason Torres Níchoís - Terry and Marífe's son - who accídentaííy
suffocated to death ín a píastíc bag ín November of 1993.
|165|
Yet Padííía íncíuded a
43
photo ín her book of McVeígh íaughíng and píayíng wíth the ííttíe boy. And
accordíng to Terry Níchoís, McVeígh had tríed to revíve the ínfant for nearíy haíf an
hour, and had caííed the paramedícs - a response apparentíy out-of-character
wíth the actíons of a deranged socíopathíc kíííer.
|166|
Captaín |esus Rodríguez, who commanded McVeígh duríng Desert Storm,
descríbed hím as a fríend who was "reaííy compassíonate" and "reaííy cared" when
Rodríguez's brother-ín-íaw díed ín an accídent.
|167|
Further evídence of McVeígh's humaníty can be found ín a íetter he wrote to the
3ock*ort 2nion-Sun 5 Journal on March 10, 1992: (See appendíx for fuíí text)
To buy your meat ín a store seems so ínnocent, but have you ever
seen or thought how ít comes to be wrapped up so neatíy ín
ceííophane?
Fírst, cattíe ííve theír entíre ííves penned up ín cramped quarters, never
aííowed to roam freeíy, bred for one purpose when theír tíme has
come.
The techníque that I have personaííy seen ís to take cattíe, ííne them
up síde by síde wíth theír heads and necks protrudíng over a íow fence,
and waík from one end to the other, sííttíng theír throats wíth eíther
machete or power saw. Unabíe to run or move, they are íeft there untíí
they bíeed to death, standíng up.
Wouíd you rather díe whííe íívíng happííy or díe whííe íeadíng a
míserabíe íífe? You teíí me whích ís more "humane."
Does a "growíng percentage of the pubííc" have any píty or respect for
any of the anímaís whích are butchered and then soíd ín the store? Or
ís ít |ust so conveníentíy "cíean" that a doubíe standard ís aííowed?
The maínstream press twísted the context of McVeígh's íetter. In hís |book|, A
Force 2*on the )lain, author Kenneth Stern wrítes: "McVeígh saíd he thought a
human beíng was, by nature, 'a hunter, a predator.' He aíso asked: 'Is cívíí war
ímmínent? Do we have to shed bíood to reform the current system?'"
|168|
Stern
takes two unreíated íetters wrítten by McVeígh, then craftííy combínes them to
suggest that the humane kííííng of anímaís ís actuaííy part and parceí of McVeígh's
bíoodthírsty desíre to kííí human beíngs.
|169|
Reaííty paínts a much dífferent pícture of Tímothy |ames McVeígh however. In
February of 1996, Ron Ríce and Caroí Moore of the Amerícan Board of Forensíc
Examíners were asked to produce a profííe of McVeígh's personaííty based on a
handwrítíng anaíysís.
|170|
Both Ríce and Moore characterízed McVeígh as an
íntroverted person - what they term an "Apoííonían" personaííty - "a steady,
unemotíonaí, organízed índívíduaí who |ís| not devoíd of emotíon/passíon, but
more apt to vaíue reason over passíon." Líke Sheffíeíd Anderson, who descríbed
McVeígh as a "thínkíng type person," the examíners stated that McVeígh was
"head-oríented." "They tend to be dístrustfuí of feeííng ín the beííef that foííowíng
44
one's feeííngs can íead to troubíe," the report stated. "Rareíy, wííí he aííow hís
emotíonaí expressíons to be dírected at another person out of fear of hurtíng
them.."
The report concíuded wíth the observatíon that Tímothy McVeígh "ís a mííítary
man. hís heart and souí beíongs to the mííítary of the U.S. Government. In a non-
mííítary envíronment, McVeígh wííí not undertake any form of overt hostíííty that
wííí be harmfuí to others or dangerous to hímseíf.. It ís not íogícaí that he wouíd
undertake any actíon agaínst our government ín whích others wouíd be hurt or
kíííed. To do so wouíd víoíate everythíng he stands for."
|171|
In Apríí of 1991, McVeígh put hís heart and souí ínto hís íong-awaíted dream of
becomíng a Green Beret. On March 28 he reported to Camp McCaíí, the Specíaí
Forces Assessment and Seíectíon (SFAS) traíníng facíííty west of Fort Bragg, for the
grueííng 21-day assessment course. But McVeígh, who had kept hímseíf ín top
shape by doíng 400 push-ups a day and marchíng around the post wíth a 100
pound pack was now out of shape and he knew ít. The Bradíey gunner who had
served ín the Persían Guíf for four months was aíso draíned from the stress of
combat.
As the recruíts stood at attentíon, the ínstructor asked severaí of the recentíy
returned war veterans íf they wanted to return to theír unít to get back ín shape.
One of the soídíers yeííed that they were ready, so out of a sense of gung-ho príde,
nobody backed out.
The fírst day of testíng was devoted to psychoíogícaí screeníng. McVeígh cíaíms he
had no probíem wíth the psychoíogícaí tests, whích íncíuded the Aduít Personaííty
Inventory, the Mínnesota Muítípíe Phase Personaííty Test, and a sentence
compíetíon exam desígned by Army psychoíogísts.
The second day of tests began wíth an obstacíe course whích McVeígh passed wíth
ease. After íunch, the recruíts were íed on a hígh-speed march wíth 50 pound
rucksacks. Yet new boots tore ínto McVeígh's feet duríng the fíve mííe march, and
wíth the worst yet to come, he and another recruít, Davíd Whítmyer, decíded to
drop out. McVeígh sígned a Voíuntary/Invoíuntary Wíthdrawaí from the SFAS
schooí. Hís síngíe sentence expíanatíon read: "I am not physícaííy ready, and the
rucksack march hurt more than ít shouíd."
|172|
The maínstream press |umped on hís ínítíaí faííure to make the Specíaí Forces. He
was "unabíe to face the faííure" stated the New 'ork Times. "He washed out on the
second day."
|173|
"There were no second chances," cíaímed the Washin%ton )ost. "Hís spírít was
broken."
|174|
These reports suggested that McVeígh had faííed the psychoíogícaí screeníng tests.
"Mííítary offícíaís saíd that preíímínary psychoíogícaí screeníng had shown hím to
be unfít," íauded the ever-wíse voíce of the New 'ork Times. "|He| saw hís
cheríshed hope of becomíng a Green Beret shattered by psychoíogícaí tests."
|175|
"It
was apparentíy a bíow so crushíng that he quít the Army and went ínto a psychíc
taííspín."
|176|
Medía pundíts quíckíy backed up theír armchaír anaíyses' wíth statements from
severaí of McVeígh's former buddíes.
"Anyone who puts aíí that effort ínto somethíng and doesn't get ít wouíd be
mentaííy crushed," saíd Roger Barnett, the dríver of McVeígh's Bradíey. "He wasn't
45
the same McVeígh. He dídn't go at thíngs the way he normaííy díd.. He dídn't
have the same dríve. He dídn't have hís heart ín the mííítary anymore."
|177|
"He aíways wanted to do better than everyone," saíd Captaín Terry Guííd, "and that
(Green Berets) was hís way of tryíng to do ít. He took a íot of fíak. He was reaííy
down on hímseíf."
|178|
McVeígh cíaímed "That's a bunch of bunk," ín response to the aííegatíons. "Any
reaííst knows that íf you deveíop bíísters on the second day. you're not goíng to
make ít."
|179|
|Stííí, the seíf-styíed psychoanaíysts of the maínstream press made
much of hís dísappoíntment, assertíng knowíngíy that ít was the crux of McVeígh's
"burgeoníng torment."|
|Apparentíy, the "psycho|ournaíísts" at the Times had never bothered to check wíth
offícíaís at the SFAS schooí. "McVeígh dropped out of the course on the second
day," saíd Coíoneí Ken McGraw, Informatíon Offícer at the Specíaí Operatíons
Command at Fort Bragg. "Hís psychoíogícaí test work wouíd not have even been
graded yet."|
Accordíng to McVeígh's attorney Stephen |ones, hís Army records índícate that hís
SFAS psychoíogícaí tests weren't graded untíí Apríí of 1995. The "mííítary offícíaí"
who íeaked the story about McVeígh's "psychoíogícaí test faííure" turned out to be
none other than FBI Agent |ohn R. Hersíey, who testífíed to thís repeatedíy duríng
the Federaí Grand |ury hearíngs. Apparentíy, Hersíey never toíd the grand |urors
that he was moonííghtíng as an Army psychoíogíst.
Aíthough McVeígh may have been genuíneíy dísappoínted by hís ínítíaí faííure, he
added that the schooí's commander had ínvíted the decorated war veteran to try
out agaín whenever he feít he was ready. It seems McVeígh was not too
dísappoínted to score a perfect 1,000 poínts duríng a Bradíey gunner competítíon
síx months íater at Fort Rííey, earníng hím another Army commendatíon and the
honor of the dívísíon's "Top Gun," a rare achíevement. An Army evaíuatíon aíso
rated hím "among the best" ín íeadershíp potentíaí and an "ínspíratíon to young
soídíers."
|180|
Yet ín spíte of McVeígh's achíevements, "a bít of doubt started to surface" ín hís
mínd about a potentíaí for a career ín the mííítary.
|181|
Aíthough a fríend saíd "I
swear to God he couíd have been Sergeant Ma|or of the Army - he was that good
of a soídíer," McVeígh apparentíy was havíng second thoughts. Most of these, hís
Army buddíes saíd, stemmed from the mííítary's downsízíng then ín progress. He
aíso confíded to hís fríend Dave Díííy that wíthout beíng a Green Beret, the Army
wouídn't be worth the effort. "I thínk he feít he got a raw deaí, and wanted out,"
saíd Líttíeton.
Gíven McVeígh's achíevements - hís quíck ríse to sergeant, hís medaís of
commendatíon, the dístínctíon of beíng "Top Gun," and the extremeíy hígh praíse
of hís superíors, one has to wonder what hís reaí motíves were. It seems híghíy
unííkeíy that gíven the massíve effort he put ínto hís mííítary career, he wouíd take
an earíy out on such presumptíve pretenses. McVeígh was a spít and poíísh soídíer
wíth a top notch record. He was totaííy devoted to the mííítary. He had served ín
combat, earníng severaí medaís. If anythíng he was due for hís next promotíon.
The commander of the Specíaí Forces schooí had even ínvíted hím to try out agaín
ín a few months. As Sheffíeíd Anderson saíd, "He seemed destíned for a brííííant
career ín the mííítary."
46
These observatíons were backed up by McVeígh's síster |ennífer. "I thought ít was
goíng to be hís career. He was defíníteíy a career mííítary type. That was hís íífe,
you know. Hís íífe revoíved around that."
It hardíy seems ííkeíy that the ambítíous soídíer who had recentíy sígned on for
another four year hítch wouíd opt out so easííy. Yet, on December 31, 1991,
Sergeant McVeígh took an earíy díscharge from the Army, and went back to hís
home town of Pendíeton, NY.
The Manch,rian Candidate
To fuífííí hís mííítary obíígatíon, McVeígh sígned on wíth the Army Natíonaí Guard ín
Buffaío, where he íanded a |ob as a securíty guard wíth Burns Internatíonaí
Securíty. McVeígh was assígned to the níght shíft, guardíng the grounds of Caíspan
Research, a defense contractor that conducts cíassífíed research ín advanced
aerospace rocketry and eíectroníc warfare.
In a manner mírroríng hís conduct ín the servíce, McVeígh became the
consummate securíty guard. Caíspan spokesman Aí Saíandra toíd reporters that
McVeígh was "a modeí empíoyee." Yet accordíng to medía accounts, McVeígh had
íost hís confídence. and hís cooí.
"Tímmy was a good guard," saíd former Burns supervísor Línda Haner-Meíe. "He
was "aíways there prompt, cíean and neat. Hís oníy quírk," accordíng to Meíe, "was
that he couídn't deaí wíth peopíe. If someone dídn't cooperate wíth hím, he wouíd
start yeíííng at them, become verbaííy aggressíve. He couíd be set off easííy.
Accordíng to an artícíe ín the )ost, co-workers at a Níagara Faíís conventíon center
where he was assígned descríbed hím as "emotíonaííy spent, veeríng from
passívíty to voícaníc anger." An oíd fríend saíd he íooked "ííke thíngs were reaííy
weíghíng on hím."
|182|
"Tímmy |ust wasn't the type of person who couíd ínítíate actíon," saíd Meíe. "He
was very good íf you saíd, 'Tím watch thís door - don't íet anyone through.' The
Tím I knew couídn't have mastermínded somethíng ííke thís and carríed ít out
hímseíf. It wouíd have had to have been someone who saíd: 'Tím, thís ís what you
do. You dríve the truck..'"
Meíe's account dírectíy contradícts the testímony of Sergeant Chrís Barner and
former Prívate Ray |ímboy, both of whom served wíth McVeígh at Fort Rííey, and
cíaímed that he was a naturaí íeader.
|183|
Backíng up |ímboy was McVeígh's fríend
and Caíspan co-worker, Carí Lebron, who descríbed McVeígh as "ínteííígent and
engagíng - the sort of person who couíd be a íeader."
|184|
Meíe's testímony aíso contradícts McVeígh's servíce record, whích rated hím
"among the best" ín íeadershíp potentíaí and an "ínspíratíon to young soídíers."
|185|
"He had a íot of íeadershíp abíííty ínsíde hímseíf," saíd Barner.. He had a íot of seíf
confídence."
Apparentíy, "Somethíng happened to Tím McVeígh between the tíme he íeft the
Army and now," saíd Captaín Terry Guííd.
"He dídn't reaííy carry hímseíf ííke he came out of the mííítary," saíd Meíe. "He
dídn't stand taíí wíth hís shouíders back. He kínd of síumped over." She recaííed
hím as sííent, expressíoníess, wíth ííghtness eyes, but sub|ect to expíosíve fíts of
temper. "That guy dídn't have an expressíon 99 percent of the tíme," she added.
"He was coíd."
|186|
47
Coíoneí Davíd Hackworth, an Army veteran who íntervíewed McVeígh for
Newsweek, concíuded that McVeígh was sufferíng from a "postwar hangover." "I've
seen countíess veterans, íncíudíng myseíf, stumbíe home after the hígh-noon
excítement of the kííííng fíeíds, míssíng theír battíe buddíes and the uníque
dangers and sense of purpose," wrote Hackworth. "Many íose themseíves
forever."
|187|
Aíthough such symptoms may be seen as a deíayed reactíon syndrome resuítíng
from the stress of battíe, they are aíso common symptoms of mínd-controí. The
sub|ect of mínd-controí or hypnosís often seems emotíonaííy spent, as though he
had been through a harrowíng ordeaí.
Whííe vísítíng fríends ín Decker, Míchígan, McVeígh compíaíned that the Army had
ímpíanted hím wíth a míníature subcutaneous transmítter, so that they couíd keep
track of hím.
|188|
He compíaíned that ít íeft an unexpíaíned scar on hís buttocks and
was paínfuí to sít on.
|189|
To the pubííc, unfamíííar wíth the bewííderíng íexícon of government mínd-controí
research, such a cíaím may appear as the obvíous rantíngs of a paranoíac. But ís
ít?
Míníaturízed teíemetrícs have been part of an ongoíng pro|ect by the mííítary and
varíous ínteííígence agencíes to test the effectíveness of trackíng soídíers on the
battíefíeíd. The míníature ímpíantabíe teíemetríc devíce was decíassífíed íong ago.
As far back as 1968, Dr. Stuart Mackay, ín hís textbook entítíed $io-Medical
Telemetry, reported, "Among the many teíemetry ínstruments beíng used today,
are míníature radío transmítters that can be swaííowed, carríed externaííy, or
surgícaííy ímpíanted ín man or anímaí. They permít the símuítaneous study of
behavíor and physíoíogícaí functíoníng.."
|190|
Dr. Carí Sanders, one of the deveíopers of the Inteííígence Manned Interface (IMI)
bíochíp, maíntaíns, "We used thís wíth mííítary personneí ín the Iraq War where
they were actuaííy tracked usíng thís partícuíar type of devíce."
|191|
It ís aíso ínterestíng to note that the Caíspan Advanced Technoíogy Center ín
Buffaío (Caíspan ATC), where McVeígh worked, ís engaged ín mícroscopíc
eíectroníc engíneeríng of the kínd appíícabíe to teíemetrícs.
|192|
Caíspan was
founded ín 1946 as Corneíí Aeronautícaí Laboratory, whích íncíuded the "Fund for
the Study of Human Ecoíogy," a CIA conduít for mínd-controí experíments by
émígré Nazí scíentísts |and others under the dírectíon of CIA Doctors Sídney
Gottííeb, Ewen Cameron, and Louís |oíyn West|.
Accordíng to mínd-controí researcher Aíex Constantíne, "Caíspan píaces much
research emphasís on bíoengíneeríng and artífícíaí ínteííígence (Caíspan píoneered
ín the fíeíd ín the 1950s)." In hís artícíe, "The Good Soídíer," Constantíne states:
Human trackíng and monítoríng technoíogy are weíí wíthín Caíspan's
sphere of pursuíts. The company ís ínstrumentaí ín REDCAP, an Aír
Force eíectroníc warfare system that wínds through every Department
of Defense facíííty ín the country. A Pentagon reíease expíaíns that
REDCAP "ís used to evaíuate the effectíveness of eíectroníc-combat
hardware, techníques, tactícs and concepts." The system "íncíudes
cíosed-íoop radar and data íínks at RF manned data fusíon and
weapons controí posts." One Patríot computer news board reported
48
that a dísembodíed, rumbííng, íow-frequency hum had been heard
across the country the week of the bombíng. Past hums ín Taos, NM,
Eugene and Medford, OR, Tímmons, Ontarío and Brístoí, UK were most
defíníteíy (despíte specíous offícíaí deníaís) attuned to the braín's
audítory pathways..
The Aír Force ís among Caíspan's íeadíng cííents, and Egíín AFB has
farmed key personneí to the company. The gratíng írony - recaíííng
McVeígh's contentíon he'd been ímpíanted wíth a teíemetry chíp - ís
that the Instrumentatíon Technoíogy Branch of Egíín Aír Force Base ís
currentíy engaged ín the trackíng of mammaís wíth submíníature
teíemetry devíces. Accordíng to an Aír Force press reíease, the
bíoteíemetry chíp transmíts on the upper S-band (2318 to 2398 MHz),
wíth up to 120 dígítaí channeís.
There ís nothíng secret about the bíoteíemetry chíp. Ads for commercíaí |aíbeít
somewhat símpíer| versíons of the devíce have appeared ín natíonaí pubíícatíons.
Time magazíne ran an ad for an ímpíantabíe pet transceíver ín íts |une 26, 1995
íssue - íronícaííy enough - opposíte an artícíe about a mííítía íeader who was
warníng about the comíng New Woríd Order. Whííe monítoríng anímaís has been
an uncíassífíed scíentífíc pursuít for decades, the monítoríng of humans has been a
híghíy cíassífíed pro|ect whích ís but a subset of the Pentagon's "noníethaí"
arsenaí. As Constantíne notes, "the dystopían ímpíícatíons were expíored by
"efense News for March 20, 1995:
-aal &esearch .ab /ttempts To Meld -e,rons /nd Chips:
!t,dies May +rod,ce /rmy of "0ombies1"
Future battíes couíd be waged wíth genetícaííy engíneered organísms,
such as rodents, whose mínds are controííed by computer chíps
engíneered wíth íívíng braín ceíís.... The research, caííed Híppocampaí
Neuron Patterníng, grows ííve neurons on computer chíps. "Thís
technoíogy that aíters neurons couíd potentíaííy be used on peopíe to
create zombíe armíes," Lawrence Korb, a seníor feííow at the Brookíngs
Instítutíon, saíd.
It's conceívabíe, gíven the current state of the eíectroníc mínd-controí
art, a bíocybernetíc Oz over the bíack budget raínbow, that McVeígh
had been drawn ínto an experímentaí pro|ect, that the devíce was the
reaí McCoy..
|193|
The Defense Department newsíetter may have been díscussíng ís the successor to
the "Stímoceíver," deveíoped ín the íate 1950s by Dr. |oseph Deígado and funded
by the CIA and the Offíce of Navaí Research. The Stímoceíver ís a tíny transceíver
ímpíanted ín the head of a controí sub|ect, whích can then be used to modífy
emotíons and controí behavíor.
49
Accordíng to Deígado, "Radío Stímuíatíon of dífferent poínts ín the amygdaía and
híppocampus |areas of the braín| ín the four patíents produced a varíety of effects,
íncíudíng píeasant sensatíons, eíatíon, deep, thoughtfuí concentratíon, odd
feeííngs, super reíaxatíon, coíored vísíons, and other responses.... One of the
possíbííítíes wíth braín transmítters ís to ínfíuence peopíe so that they confírm wíth
the poíítícaí system. Autonomíc and somatíc functíons, índívíduaí and socíaí
behavíor, emotíonaí and mentaí reactíons may be ínvoked, maíntaíned, modífíed,
or ínhíbíted, both ín anímaís and ín man, by stímuíatíon of specífíc cerebraí
structures. Physícaí controí of many braín functíons ís a demonstrated fact. It ís
even possíbíe to foííow íntentíons, the deveíopment of thought and vísuaí
experíences."
|194|
As Constantíne poínts out, the mííítary has a íong and sordíd hístory of usíng
eníísted men and unwíttíng cívíííans for íts nefaríous experíments, rangíng from
radíatíon, poíson gas, drugs and mínd-controí, to sprayíng entíre U.S. cítíes wíth
bacteríoíogícaí víruses to test theír effectíveness. The most recent exampíe
ínvoíves the use of experímentaí vaccínes tested on Guíf War veterans who are
currentíy experíencíng bízarre symptoms, not the íeast of whích ís death. When
attorneys representíng the former soídíers requested theír mííítary medícaí fííes,
they díscovered there was no record of the vaccínes ever beíng admínístered.
|195|
Tímothy McVeígh may have unkowníngíy been an Army/CIA guínea píg ínvoíved ín
a cíassífíed teíemetríc/mínd-controí pro|ect - a "Manchurían Candídate."
Recent hístory ís repíete wíth cases of índívíduaís who caímíy waík ínto a
restaurant, schooíyard, or post offíce and ínexpíícabíy begín shootíng íarge
numbers of peopíe, as though they were ín a trance. What appear ííke gruesome
but happenstance events to the casuaí observer raíses red fíags to those famíííar
wíth CIA "síeeper" mínd-controí experíments. Such cases may be índícatíve of
mínd-controí experíments gone horríbíy wrong.
A recent case occurred ín Tasmanía, where Martín Bryant caímíy waíked around a
touríst síte ín May of 1996 methodícaííy shootíng and kííííng over 35 peopíe.
Interestíngíy, Bryant was ín possessíon of an assauít rífíe that had been handed ín
to poííce ín Víctoría as part of a gun amnesty program, but mysteríousíy wound up
ín Bryant's hands before the massacre.
|196|
|An antí-socíaí íoner, Bryant had aíso recentíy returned from a soíítary two-week
tríp to the U.S., ostensíbíy to vísít "Dísneyíand." Austraíían Customs agents notíced
he carríed no íuggage, and was actíng strangeíy. They took hím to the hospítaí to
be examíned as a possíbíe drug couríer, but found nothíng. Had Bryant actuaííy
vísíted Dísneyíand, or had he vísíted a dífferent type of píayground - one
ínhabíted by the mínd-controí masters of the CIA?
In the wake of the massacre, Austraíía underwent whoíesaíe gun confíscatíon of íts
cítízenry. Not surprísíngíy, Austraíía and New Zeaíand have íong served as a
píayground for the CIA, who reportedíy píayed a ma|or roíe ín the overthrow of
Austraíían Príme Míníster Gough Whítíam, dírected from the CIA's super-secret Píne
Gap facíííty. It has aíso been reported that the CIA has been testíng subíímínaí TV
transmíssíons to ínfíuence the outcome of eíectíons.
|197|
|
As ín Bryant's case, many of these bízarre kíííers meekíy surrender to authorítíes
after theír sprees. When he was stopped by State Trooper Charíes Hanger for a
míssíng íícense píate, McVeígh was carryíng a íoaded Gíock 9mm pístoí. Aíthough
50
he couíd have easííy shot and kíííed the offícer, McVeígh ínformed hím that he was
carryíng a conceaíed weapon, then meekíy handed hímseíf over for arrest. Why
does a man who has |ust aííegedíy kíííed 169 ínnocent peopíe, baík at kííííng a cop
on a íoneíy stretch of híghway? |Thís suggests that eíther McVeígh was ínnocent,
was actíng under orders by some branch of the government, or was under some
form of mínd-controí.|
After McVeígh's arrest ín Nobíe County, Assístant Attorney Generaí Mark Gíbson
stated, "There stood a poííte young man who gave poííte, cooperatíve answers to
every questíon. It was ííke the dutífuí soídíer," Gíbson saíd. "Emotíons don't come
ínto píay, ríght and wrong don't come ínto píay. What happens next doesn't come
ínto píay. hís mood was so íeveí, ít was unnaturaí. I íooked at hím and reaíízed I
feít no repuísíon or fear. It was ííke there was an absence of feeííng. He exuded
nothíng."
Charíes Hanger, the offícer who arrested McVeígh, reíated hís account to Gíbson,
who toíd the Times, "And when he grabbed hís gun and there was no reactíon, no
shock, that dídn't seem ríght, eíther."
|198|
Thís "absence of feeííng" among a man who had |ust aííegedíy commítted a
heínous críme may weíí have been índícatíve of a psychoíogícaííy controííed agent
- or "síeeper" agent - a person traíned to carry out a preconceíved order upon
command. Such an índívíduaí couíd conceívabíy carry out a horrendous críme, then
have no recoííectíon of the event. Far from the stuff of spy noveís or conspíracy
theoríes, síeeper agents have been deveíoped and used by ínteííígence agencíes
for decades.
|The CIA's ínterest ín mínd controí orígínaííy dates back to WWII when the Offíce of
Strategíc Servíces (OSS), under Staníey Loveíí, deveíoped the ídea of hypnotízíng
German prísoners to re-ínfíítrate the Thírd Reích and assassínate Adoíph Hítíer.
After the war, the OSS, re-formed as the CIA, brought Nazí doctors and scíentísts to
work for them under the cover of Operatíon PAPERCLIP. Some of these íncíuded
war crímínaís spíríted away through Nazí-Vatícan "Ratíínes" under the aegís of
Operatíon OMEGA, conveníentíy míssíng theír day ín court at the Nuremberg War
Crímes Tríbunaí. Theír coííeagues wound up ín Centraí and South Ameríca, draíned
from the best of Nazí bíood under Operatíon VAMPIRE.|
The CIA's píunge ínto the netherworíd of mínd-controí began ín 1950 wíth Pro|ect
BLUEBIRD, authorízed by Aííen Duííes after ít was díscovered that recentíy reíeased
Korean War prísoners had been sub|ected to hypnosís. In 1952, BLUEBIRD was re-
named Operatíon ARTICHOKE, under the authoríty of Deputy CIA Dírector Ríchard
Heíms, and coordínated by CIA Securíty Offícer Shefíeíd Edwards.
|By the íate 1950s, the mííítary was weíí on íts way to ínvestígatíng the potentíaí
for "braínwashíng," a term coíned by the CIA's Edward Hunter to expíaín the
experíence of Amerícan POWs ín Korea. In 1958 the Rand Corporatíon produced a
report for the Aír Force entítíed "The Use of Hypnosís ín Inteííígence and Reíated
Mííítary Sítuatíons," statíng that "In defense appíícatíons, sub|ects can ce
specífícaííy seíected by a críteríon of hypnotízabíííty, and subsequentíy traíned ín
accordance wíth theír antícípated mííítary functíon..."
|199|
|
Takíng the Híppocratíc Oath on behaíf of the CIA for ARTICHOKE was Dr. Sídney
Gottííeb, mínd-controí emerítus of the CIA's Technícaí Servíces Dívísíon (TSS), the
reaí-íífe counterpart to the mythícaí "O-Branch" of Ian Fíemíng fame. TSS was
51
engaged deveíopíng the usuaí |ames Bond spy toys - míníature cameras, shootíng
fountaín pens, and, under the tuteíage of Dr. Gottííeb, poísons that couíd kííí ín
seconds, íeavíng no trace. Wíth Operatíon ARTICHOKE however, the CIA broadened
íts horízons ínto the reaím of psychoíogícaí warfare. ARTICHOKE was one of the
CIA's íater-day attempts to create an eíectronícaííy-controííed Manchurían
Candídate.
In the 1950s, under the code name MKULTRA, the CIA set up safe houses ín San
Francísco and other cítíes where they performed experíments on unwíttíng
sub|ects usíng LSD and other drugs. In 1960, Edwards recruíted ex-FBI agent
Robert Maheu, who approached Mob bosses Sam Gíancana and |ohn Rosseííí to
form CIA hít-teams to assassínate foreígn íeaders usíng the techníques acquíred by
Gottííeb's TSS. |The fírst on theír ííst was Cuban íeader Fídeí Castro, who they
píanned to assassínate by poísoníng hís food and even hís cígars. The work of
Gottííeb and hís CIA assocíates can be traced dírectíy back to Nazí war crímínaís
such as Dr. |oseph Mengeíe of Auschwítz.|
By 1963, reported the Senate Inteííígence Commíttee, the number of operatíons
and sub|ects had íncreased substantíaííy. But as far back as 1960, TSS offícíaís,
workíng aíong wíth the Counterínteííígence staff, had expanded theír hypnosís
programs to coíncíde wíth theír MKULTRA experíments. Accordíng to |ohn Marks ín
hís book The Search for the Manchurian !andidate/ "the Counterínteííígence
program had three goaís: (1) to índuce hypnosís very rapídíy ín unwíttíng sub|ects;
(2) to create durabíe amnesía; and (3) to ímpíant durabíe and operatíonaííy usefuí
posthypnotíc suggestíon."
By 1966, MKULTRA had spawned Operatíon MKSEARCH, the use of bíoíogícaí,
chemícaí, and radíoíogícaí substances to índuce psychoíogícaí and physíoíogícaí
changes ín the CIA's víctíms. MKSEARCH spawned Operatíons OFTEN and
CHICKWIT, usíng bíoíogícaí, chemícaí, and radíoíogícaí substances to índuce
psychoíogícaí and physíoíogícaí changes. Operatíons THIRD CHANCE and DERBY
HAT ínvoíved the Army's Mííítary Inteííígence Group's (M.I.G.) surreptítíous dosíng
of víctíms ín Europe and the Far East. MKDELTA, an offshoot of MKULTRA, ínvoíved
sprayíng massíve doses of LSD and other drugs by the Army over areas ínhabíted
by Víet Cong.
|200|
|The preemínent don of the CIA's psychoíogícaí warfare program was Dr. Louís
|oíyn West. As part of hís MKULTRA experíments, West decíded to send an eíephant
at the Okíahoma Cíty Zoo on an LSD tríp. Apparentíy, the poor creature díd not
apprecíate the effects of Dr. West's Magícaí Mystery Tour. It díed severaí hours
íater.
A cíose assocíate of Drs. Cameron and Gottííeb, West studíed the use of drugs as
"ad|uncts to ínterpersonaí manípuíatíon or assauít," and was among one of the
píoneers of remote eíectroníc braín experímentatíon, íncíudíng teíemetríc braín
ímpíants on unwíttíng sub|ects.
West's good fríend, Aídous Huxíey, suggested that he hypnotíze hís sub|ects before
admínísteríng LSD, ín order to gíve them post-hypnotíc suggestíons whích wouíd
oríent the drug-índuced experíence ín a "desíred dírectíon."
Interestíngíy, West was the psychíatríst who examíned |ack Ruby, the assassín of
Lee Harvey Oswaíd. Ruby's assertíon that an uítra-Ríght-wíng cabaí was
responsíbíe for |FK's murder, and hís refusaí to admít ínsaníty, íed West to
52
concíude that he was paranoíd and mentaííy ííí. West píaced Ruby on antí-
depressants, whích díd ííttíe to modífy hís cíaíms of conspíracy. He díed of cancer
two years íater, cíaímíng to the end that he had been ín|ected wíth cancerous
bíoíogícaí materíaí.
West aíso examíned Sírhan Sírhan, a controííed hypo-patsy who aííegedíy kíííed
Robert F. Kennedy. Currentíy chaírman of UCLA's Neuropsychíatríc Instítute, West
headed the Amerícan Psychoíogícaí Assocíatíon (APA) trauma response team that
rushed to Okíahoma Cíty ín the wake of the dísaster.
I íntervíewed Dr. West by phone. Whííe confírmíng that he had índeed traveíed to
Okíahoma Cíty wíth hís team, the emínent psychíatríst made a curíous "Freudían
Sííp." When asked íf he had examíned McVeígh, he saíd, "No, I haven't been asked
to do that. I thínk hís íawyer wouídn't want someone he dídn't trus. píck."
|201|
West nevertheíess toíd me that someone from the FBI's Behavíoraí Scíences unít
wouíd have íntervíewed McVeígh. In fact the FBI's Behavíoraí Scíences unít díd
íntervíew the prísoner. |ohn Dougías of the FBI's Psychoíogícaí Profííe Unít was íater
quoted ín the Times as sayíng, "Thís ís an easííy controííed and manípuíated
personaííty." What Dougías ís unwíttíngíy confírmíng ís that McVeígh was perfect
materíaí for the CIA's psychoíogícaí mínd-controí program.
By the íate 1950s, many German or Eastern European émígrés brought to work ín
the U.S. had been farmed out to uníversítíes such as Corneíí, UCLA, and Stanford.
and to peopíe ííke Dr. Ewen Cameron and Dr. |oíyn West.
|202|
In the wake of the 1965 Watts ríot, West proposed to then Caíífornía Governor
Ronaíd Reagan a "Center for the Study and Reductíon of Víoíence," whích was to
have íncíuded a psychosurgery unít for performíng íobotomíes, and a seven-day-a-
week, around-the-cíock eíectro-shock room. Assocíates of Dr. Cameron's,
empíoyed at the tíme ín Nazí-run detentíon centers ín South Ameríca, wouíd be
caííed on to perform íobotomíes on unsuspectíng patíents, wíth the fuíí approvaí of
Governor Reagan.
|203|
One of the more brazen of the emergíng coteríe of braínwashíng enthusíasts,
Cameron receíved hís fundíng through the Rockefeííer and Gerschíckter
Foundatíons, whích was channeíed ínto the ínnocuous soundíng Socíety for the
Investígatíon of Human Ecoíogy at Corneíí. Cameron performed hundreds of
íobotomíes and eíectroshock treatments at the behest of the CIA on unwíttíng
patíents ín prísons and mentaí hospítaís, and at hís beíoved Aííen Memoríaí
Instítute ín Montreaí.
|204|
It ís ínterestíng to note that McVeígh cíaímed he was sub|ected to psychoíogícaí
torture whííe ín príson.
|205|
He was píaced ín a ceíí wíth a guard watchíng hím
around the cíock, who wasn't aííowed to speak to hím. The ííghts ín hís ceíí were
kept on 24-hours-a-day, deprívíng hím of síeep - a standard techníque desígned
to break down a sub|ect's psychoíogícaí barríers. Eventuaííy, McVeígh caííed ín a
psychíatríst to heíp treat hís anxíety - a psychíatríst, perhaps, traíned by Dr.
Cameron.|
CIA psychíatríst Dr. Ewen Cameron was aíso the progenítor of "psychíc drívíng," a
techníque whereby the psychíatríst or controííer repeatedíy píays back seíected
words or phrases to break down a person's psychoíogícaí barríers and open up hís
unconscíous.
|206|
Such techníques wouíd be eageríy íncorporated ínto the CIA's
program for creatíng Manchurían Candídates - programmed hypno-kíííers who
53
couíd be uníeashed at the behest of the Agency to kííí upon command. An account
of the díscussíon surroundíng the creatíon of a Manchurían Candídate ís reveaíed
by |FK researcher Díck Russeíí ín hís book, The Man Who 4new Too Much:
In 1968, Dr. |oseph L. Bern of Vírgínía Poíytechníc Instítute questíoned
authorítíes on hypnosís about whether the creatíon of a "Manchurían
Candídate" was reaííy feasíbíe. As Author Bowart recounted one
expert's response to Dr. Bernd: "I wouíd say that a híghíy skíííed
hypnotíst, workíng wíth a híghíy susceptíbíe sub|ect, couíd possíbíy
persuade the sub|ect to kííí another human." Another beííeved ít was
even possíbíe, through posthypnotíc suggestíon, to make a sub|ect
unabíe to recaíí such an act: "There couíd be a conspíracy, but a
conspíracy of whích the príncípaí was unaware."
|207|
Thís "psychíc drívíng" appears to have ímpacted Sírhan Sírhan. Charíes McOuíston,
a former Army ínteííígence offícer who díd a Psychoíogícaí Stress Evaíuatíon of
voíce recordíngs of Sírhan, saíd, "I beííeve Sírhan was braínwashed under hypnosís
by the constant repetítíon of words ííke, 'You are nobody, you're nothíng, the
Amerícan dream ís gone'.. Somebody ímpíanted an ídea, kííí RFK, and under
hypnosís the braínwashed Sírhan accepted ít."
|208|
The accused assassín ínsísted
that he couídn't recaíí even the murder.
CIA contract agent Coíoneí Wííííam Bíshop expíaíned to Russeíí some of the
rudíments of the CIA's mínd-controí operatíons:
"There were any number of psychoíogícaí or emotíonaí factors ínvoíved
ín peopíes' seíectíon. Antísocíaí behavíor patterns, paranoía or the
rudíments of paranoía, and so on. But when they are successfuí wíth
thís programmíng - or, for íack of a better term, índoctrínatíon - they
couíd take |ohn Doe and get thís man to kííí George and |ane Smíth. He
wííí be gíven aíí the pertínent ínformatíon as to theír íocatíon, daííy
habíts, etc. Then there ís a mentaí bíock put on thís míssíon ín hís
mínd. He remembers nothíng about ít."
|209|
On March 3, 1964, CIA Dírector |ohn McCone sent a memo to Secret Servíce chíef
|ames Rowíey statíng that after hís surgery at the hospítaí ín Mínsk, |Russía|,
Oswaíd míght have been "chemícaííy or eíectronícaííy 'controííed'. a síeeper
agent. Sub|ect spent 11 days hospítaíízed for a mínor aííment whích shouíd have
requíred no more than three days hospítaíízatíon at best."
|210|
Even |. Edgar Hoover toíd the Warren Commíssíon, "Informatíon came to me
índícatíng that there ís an espíonage traíníng schooí outsíde of Mínsk - I don't
know whether ít ís true - that he |Oswaíd| was traíned at that schooí to come back
to thís country to become what they caíí a 'síeeper,' that ís, a man who wííí remaín
dormant for three or four years and ín case of ínternatíonaí hostííítíes ríse up and
be used."
|211|
|Accordíng to |FK researchers Art Ford and Líncoín Lawrence ín theír book, Were
We !ontrolled6, Lee Harvey Oswaíd was a programmed assassín wíth a
maífunctíoníng eíectrícaí ímpíant ín hís braín.
|212|
Herman Kímsey, A veteran Army
54
counterínteííígence operatíve and former CIA offícíaí, toíd |FK researcher Hugh
MacDonaíd, "Oswaíd was programmed to kííí.. Then the mechanísm went on the
bíínk and Oswaíd became a dangerous toy wíthout dírectíon."
|213|
|
The CIA's ínterest ín producíng the perfect programmed assassín took a new bent,
when ín 1965, the Agency, ín cooperatíon wíth the DoD, set up a secret program
for studyíng the effects of eíectromagnetíc radíatíon, or mícrowave (EM) weapons
at the Army's Advanced Research Pro|ects Agency (ARPA) at the Waíter Reed Army
Instítute of Research. The pro|ect was ínspíred by the Sovíets, who had been
dousíng the Amerícan Embassy ín Moscow wíth a íethaí dose of mícrowaves,
causíng many of íts personneí to díe from cancer.
|214|
Yet causíng degeneratíve díseases was not the maín goaí of the DoD/CIA EM
weapons research, code named PANDORA. The spooks were ínterested ín the
effects of mícrowaves on controíííng a person's behavíor. By 1973, both the
Amerícans and the Sovíets were far aíong ín theír mínd-controí appíícatíons, usíng
technoíogy such as puísed mícrowave audíograms and acoustícaí teíemetry to
create voíces ín a sub|ect's mínd, or erase hís mínd compíeteíy.
|215|
|
Causíng degeneratíve díseases was not the maín goaí of the DoD/CIA EM weapons
research, code named PANDORA. The spooks were ínterested ín the effects of
mícrowaves on controíííng a person's behavíor. By 1973, both the Amerícans and
the Sovíets were far aíong ín theír mínd-controí appíícatíons, usíng technoíogy such
as puísed mícrowave audíograms and acoustícaí teíemetry to create voíces ín a
sub|ect's mínd, or erase hís mínd compíeteíy.
|216|
Wíth the advent of EM technoíogy,
scíentísts couíd bypass the need for eíectrodes ímpíanted ín the braín, and controí
theír sub|ects dírectíy. Lawrence descríbed a technoíogy caííed RHIC-EDOM, or
"Radío Hypnotíc Intracerebraí Controí and Eíectroníc Díssoíutíon of Memory."
Accordíng to Lawrence:
It ís the uítra-sophístícated appíícatíon of post-hypnotíc suggestíon
tríggered at wííí by radío transmíssíon. It ís a recurríng state, re-
índuced automatícaííy at íntervaís by the same radío controí. An
índívíduaí ís brought under hypnosís. Thís can be done eíther wíth hís
knowíedge - or wíthout ít - by use of narco-hypnosís, whích can be
brought ínto píay under many guíses. He ís then programmed to
perform certaín actíons and maíntaín certaín attítudes upon radío
sígnaí.
Lawrence went on to state that "through the use of radío-waves and uítra-soníc
sígnaí tones. It ín effect bíocks memory of the moment."
|217|
"Such a devíce has
obvíous appíícatíons ín covert operatíons desígned to dríve a target crazy wíth
'voíces' or deííver undetected ínstructíons to a programmed assassín," states Dr.
Robert Becker.
|218|
Thane Eugene Cesar, a reported accompííce ín the murder of Robert Kennedy, heíd
a vagueíy-defíned |ob at Lockheed, a CIA/PANDORA contractor. Retíred Lockheed
engíneer |ím Yoder toíd former FBI agent Wííííam Turner that Cesar worked fíoatíng
assígnments ín an "off-íímíts" area operated by the CIA.
|219|
The paraííeí ís stríkíngíy
símííar to that of Tímothy McVeígh, who worked at Caíspan, another hígh-tech
mííítary contractor engaged ín top-secret teíemetríc work.
55
The preemínent don of CIA's psychoíogícaí warfare program (MKULTRA), Dr. Louís
|oíyon "|oííy" West, sent an Okíahoma Cíty Zoo eíephant careeníng on a massíve
LSD tríp, tríggeríng íts death hours íater. Studyíng the use of drugs as "ad|uncts to
ínterpersonaí manípuíatíon or assauít," |oííy West was among the píoneers of
remote eíectroníc braín experímentatíon on unwíttíng sub|ects. Aídous Huxíey
passed on the ídea to West that he hypnotíze sub|ects before admínísteríng LSD,
oríentíng drug-índuced experíence toward a "desíred dírectíon."
West was gíven the |ob of examíníng |ack Ruby, Lee Harvey Oswaíd's kíííer. Ruby's
refusaí to admít ínsaníty, and hís beííef that a ríght-wíng cabaí was responsíbíe for
|FK's murder, íed West to concíude Ruby was mentaííy ííí, the proper candídate for
antí-depressants. Ruby díed of cancer two years after the exam, cíaímíng to have
been ín|ected wíth maíígnant bíoíogícaí materíaí. West aíso examíned Sírhan
Sírhan, |who may have been| a hypno-patsy |aííed for murderíng Robert Kennedy.
On March 31, íess than three weeks before the bombíng, McVeígh appeared at the
Imperíaí Moteí ín Kíngman. For the next 12 days, accordíng to owner Heímut Hofer,
he |ust sat there, emergíng oníy for meaís or to pay hís bííí. He had no vísítors,
made few phone caíís, and bareíy dísturbed the furníshíngs. No one ever heard hís
teíevísíon, and hís car never moved from íts spot outsíde.
|220|
"That's the funny thíng," saíd Hofer. "He dídn't go out. He dídn't make phone caíís.
He dídn't do anythíng. He |ust sat up there and brooded."
|"He aíways had been a brooder." added the Times, throwíng a bít of ínstant
psychoanaíysís on the sítuatíon.
|221|
|
To Earííne Roberts, the housekeeper at the Oak Cííff roomíng house where Oswaíd
stayed |ust príor to the assassínatíon, "Mr. Lee" probabíy seemed ííke a brooder
too, stayíng ín hís room, havíng no vísítors and never socíaíízíng.
|222|
Yet ít ís unííkeíy that McVeígh símpíy rented a room at the Imperíaí for 12 days to
brood. Líke Oswaíd, McVeígh was probabíy toíd to waít somewhere untíí he was
contacted. Perhaps ít was a pre-arranged date; perhaps he was waítíng for a phone
caíí; or perhaps McVeígh was símpíy put on íce, waítíng to be actívated by some
sort of sígnaí. It ís possíbíe McVeígh's anger at the Federaí Government was stoked
by a more mysteríous enemy, one that he couídn't see or feeí. but hear.
One of the most famous documented cases of "hearíng voíces" was that of Dennís
Sweeny, the student actívíst who shot and kíííed hís mentor Aííard Lowensteín.
Lowensteín, who marched ín the 1964 Freedom Summer ín Míssíssíppí, had
campaígned for Robert Kennedy and Adíaí Stevenson, and ran the Natíonaí
Student Assocíatíon before the CIA took over. Lowensteín, who was aíso fríends
wíth CIA propagandíst Wííííam F. Buckíey, had attempted to prove that a great
conspíracy was responsíbíe for the deaths of Martín Luther Kíng and the Kennedys.
(At the tíme he was assassínated, he was heípíng Ted Kennedy wín the 1980
presídentíaí eíectíon.)
|223|
One fíne day, Sweeny caímíy waíked ínto the míddíe of Rockefeííer Center and
pumped seven buííets ínto hís mentor. He then sat down, íít a cígarette, and
waíted for the poííce to arríve. "Sweeny cíaímed that the CIA, wíth Lowensteín's
heíp, had ímpíanted a teíemetríc chíp ín hís head 15 years earííer, and had made
hís íífe an unbearabíe torment. Voíces were transmítted through hís dentaí work,
he saíd, and he attempted to sííence them by fíííng down hís faíse teeth. Sweeny
56
bíamed CIA "controííers" for hís uncíe's heart attack and the assassínatíon of San
Francísco mayor George Moscone."
|224|
Moscone and Cíty Supervísor Harvey Míík met theír deaths at the hands the
ínfamous "Twínkíe" assassín - former Cíty Supervísor Dan Whíte. Whíte earned
the curíous títíe due hís attorney's noveí defense - that hís cííent was under the
ínfíuence of a heavy dose of sugar at the tíme of the murders. More ííkeíy, Whíte
was under the ínfíuence of a heavy dose of hypnosís.
Líke McVeígh, Whíte had been ín the mííítary, servíng a tour of duty ín Víetnam.
After íeavíng the poííce department ín 1972, Whíte took an extended vacatíon
sínce known as Whíte's "míssíng year."
"He broke aíí contact wíth fríends and famííy. He kept no records of the tríp,
purchased no traveí tíckets, díd not use a credít card. He íater accounted for hís
mystery year by expíaíníng that he'd worked a stínt as a securíty guard ín Aíaska."
Whíte subsequentíy moved back to San Francísco, where |oíned the Fíre
Department. Líke McVeígh, Whíte's work record was untarníshed, though ííke the
enígmatíc soídíer, he was known to erupt ín embarrassíng temper tantrums. As
Constantíne wrítes ín The ,ood Soldier7
Whííe campaígníng for the Board of Supervísors, he spoke as íf he was
"programmed," accordíng to íocaí íabor íeader Stan Smíth. Duríng Board sessíons,
he was known to sííp ínto speíís of sííence punctuated by goose-steppíng waíks
around the Supervísors' chambers.
|225|
One of the more recent cases of murder by suggestíon was the assassínatíon of
Navaí Commander Edward |. Híggíns. Híggíns was shot fíve tímes ín the Pentagon
parkíng íot by Carí Campbeíí, who cíaímed that the CIA had ímpíanted a mícrochíp
ín hím that controííed hís mínd.
|226|
To those who beííeve that such eíectronícaííy-manípuíated scenaríos are the stuff
of fantasy, they shouíd take note that no íess than three support groups currentíy
exíst ín the U.S. to deaí wíth the trauma of mííítary and ínteííígence agency
braínwashíng.
Yet the hypnosís and druggíng of aduíts ís not by far the worst exampíe of the
CIA's nefaríous efforts at deveíopíng programmed assassíns. Other efforts ínvoíve
the use of chíídren, programmed whííe they are stííí young (See the "Fínders"
case), and the use of cuíts, often run by former mííítary and ínteííígence offícers.
The use of cuíts provídes a conveníent cover for experíments that couíd not
otherwíse be conducted out ín the open. Any resuítant behavíoraí anomaííes can
then símpíy be attríbuted to the pecuííarítíes of the "cuít."
|227|
One program for the recruítment of programmed operatíves ís caííed Operatíon
OPEN EYES. Accordíng to a former Navy Inteííígence offícer and SEAL team íeader
attached to the CIA, "Cíear Eyes" are the programmed víctíms of OPEN EYES. The
operatíon ínvoíves canvassíng the country for índívíduaís who have few cíose
fríends or reíatíves. They are then put under a progressíve seríes of graduaííy
íntensífíed hypnosís, where the sub|ect's personaííty ís "overwrítten."
At íeveí four, díverse programs can be wrítten or overwrítten ínto the braín. Any
command ís accepted at thís íeveí. At that íeveí you can gíve the test sub|ect a
compíete personaííty, hístory and make hím/her beííeve anythíng the program
requíres for the accompííshment of any desíred pro|ect. He ís then gíven a new íífe
ín a new state and town. Dríver's íícense, car, bank account, passport, credít cards,
57
B.C., and aíí the smaíí thíngs, such as photos of hís famííy (that don't reaííy exíst).
Sub|ect and patíent (one and the same) has now an agenda (that he beííeves ís hís
own) and ís prepared for íeveí fíve hypnosís. At thís stage, very carefuííy a code
work or sequence of numbers or a voíce ímprínt ís etched ínto hís braín. That ís
commoníy known and referred to as the trígger that wííí actívate sub|ect to actíon.
He then ííves a very normaí and sometímes usefuí íífe, untíí sub|ect ís requíred to
perform the program ímpíanted/wrítten ínto íeveí four hypnosís at the poínt of
actívatíng the trígger, sub|ect ís beyond recaíí. That's why a íeveí fíve person can
oníy be approached after hís/her operatíon. There ís no actuaí recaíí ín the
subconscíous program of any of the hypnosís. If an act of víoíence had been
perpetrated, sub|ect wííí not be abíe to assocíate wíth the deed. Oníy shrínks
traíned ín thís partícuíar form of sub mentaí behavíor wííí fínd any tracks íeadíng to
post íeveí one or two mínd-controí.
I have personaííy wítnessed íeveí one to fíve programmíng, and was myseíf sub|ect
of íeveí three programmíng.
Due to the fact that sub|ect has such hígh IO (preferabíy around 130-140 sub|ect ís
very quíck to íearn anythíng fed to hím/her. Aíí ma|or patríot groups, and normaí
workers and workers ín bíg |government contract| corporatíons have at íeast one
or more "síeepers" attached to them.
Now ít must be cíear to you the varíous íeveís used by the ínteí communíty to get
theír |ob done. Remember |onestown? It was one of ours that went sour because a
Cíear Eyes was ín the group. When he began fíríng on the runway, ít aíí seíf
destructed. The man (Congressman Leo Ryan) who was kíííed, knew ít was a
government operatíon. Cíear Eyes was accídentaííy - through a íone sequence -
actívated! There was no way to stop the kííííngs. They were aíí programmed to at
íeast íeveí three, the cuítíes themseíves. There were oníy three deaths attríbutabíe
to cyaníde, the rest díed of gunfíre. Now you know a ííttíe more about our ííne of
work. I am gíad I am out of ít.
|228|
An ex-CIA agent íntervíewed by researcher |ím Keíth cíaíms to have knowíedge of
bíoíogícaí warfare testíng and "specíaí medícaí and Psy-ops (psychoíogícaí
operatíons) facííítíes at Fort Rííey," where Tímothy McVeígh was statíoned. (Recaíí
that McVeígh took a Psy-ops course at Ft. Rííey) Thís agent stated that
experímentatíon ís conducted "ín coííaboratíon wíth the whoíe range of ínteííígence
agencíes, FBI, CIA, NSA, the works." The agent aíso toíd Keíth that he had
wítnessed specíaí psychoíogícaí operatíons performed on the crew of the Puebío
navaí vesseí at Fort Rííey, and at Fort Benníng, Georgía (where díd hís basíc
traíníng), príor to the shíp's capture under mysteríous círcumstances by the North
Koreans. Fort Benníng ís aíso home to the notoríous Schooí of the Ameríca's, where
the CIA and the Specíaí Forces have traíned Latín Amerícan death squad íeaders
for over three decades. Fort Rííey was aíso home to a mysteríous píague of
murders and shootíngs ríght around the tíme of the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng. On
March 2, 1995, PFC Mauríce Wííford shot three offícers wíth a 12-gauge shotgun
before turníng the gun on hímseíf. On Apríí 6, Brían Soutenburg was found dead ín
hís quarters after an apparent suícíde.
|229|
Is ít possíbíe these íncídents were the resuít of some psychoíogícaí testíng or
experíment gone awry? Gíven the Army's opprobríous hístory of psychoíogícaí
research and covert experíments on íts own personneí, ít ís not ínconceívabíe. The
58
íncídents seem índícatíve of the shootíng death of Commander Edward |. Híggíns
by Carí Campbeíí, who cíaímed he was ímpíanted wíth a mícrochíp.
|It ís ínterestíng to note that| after hís arrest, McVeígh was taken to Tínker Aír
Force Base. Why he wouíd be taken to a mííítary ínstaííatíon ís uncíear. Perhaps Dr.
West was on hand, waítíng to see whether McVeígh's mícrochíp was stííí snug. Was
Tímothy McVeígh ín fact manípuíated through the use of a subcutaneous
transceíver, ímpíanted ín hím wíthout hís knowíedge? Was he a "síeeper agent,"
programmed to do a dírty deed and have no memory of ít afterwards?
Interestíngíy, Ríchard Condon's cíassíc píay, The Manchurian !andidate made íts
debut ín Okíahoma Cíty exactíy one year after the bombíng. It ís possíbíe the real
Manchurían candídate made his debut on Apríí 19, 1995. Gíven the íong and sordíd
hístory of Pentagon/CIA mínd-controí operatíons, such a scenarío ís certaíníy
possíbíe.
|230|
What's aíso possíbíe ís that McVeígh was símpíy ííed to. Someone - whom
McVeígh thought was workíng for the government, gave hím a cover story -
convínced hím that he was on an ímportant, top secret míssíon. McVeígh's seemíng
índífference upon hís arrest may símpíy have been índícatíve of hís understandíng
that he was workíng for thís agency, had símpíy deíívered a truck as he was toíd,
and had not, ín fact, kíííed anyone.
|It ís possíbíe that| McVeígh was concerned about mííítary cut-backs when he quít
the Army ín December of 1991. It ís possíbíe that hís íncreased |ob dutíes were the
reason he quít the Natíonaí Guard ín |une of 1992. It ís aíso possíbíe, híghíy
probabíe ín fact, that he was secretíy offered a more íucratíve career - one that
promísed more excítement, adventure, and money. ín the ínteííígence servíces.
To the ínteííígence communíty, Tímothy McVeígh wouíd have been exactíy what
they were íookíng for - a top-notch but ímpressíonabíe young soídíer who ís
patríotíc and gung-ho to a fauít. A tacíturn índívíduaí who foííows orders wíthout
hesítatíon, and who knows when to keep hís mouth shut, a prerequísíte of any
good ínteííígence operatíve.
Accordíng to former CIA agent Víctor Marchettí, the CIA currentíy does íts most
"fruítfuí" recruítíng ín the armed forces.
|231|
Inteííígence agencíes reguíaríy recruít
from the mííítary, and mííítary fííes are routíneíy revíewed for potentíaí candídates
- those who have proven theír wííííngness and abíííty to kííí on command and
wíthout hesítatíon - those whose combat traíníng and profícíency wíth weapons
make them exceííent candídates for fíeíd operatíons. McVeígh had aíready taken
the Psychoíogícaí Operatíons (PSYOPS) Course whííe he was at Fort Rííey. Whether
he knew ít or not, McVeígh was weíí on hís was way to a career ín covert
ínteííígence. An ínteííígence agency wouídn't have to search hard for a man ííke
McVeígh. Hís above-average mííítary record, and the fact that he was a candídate
for the Specíaí Forces, wouíd have made hím a naturaí choíce. &s*ecially hís try-
out for Specíaí Forces. The Specíaí Forces were created as the coert military arm
of the !entral (ntelli%ence A%ency. Accordíng to Lt. Coíoneí Daníeí Marvín (Ret.),
"aímost aíí of the índependent operatíons wíthín the Green Berets were run by the
CIA"
|232|
Moreover, McVeígh was |ust begínníng to espouse mííítía-type víews. Thís
observatíon, and the fact that he was racíst, wouíd have made hím a perfect
operatíve to ínfíítrate any far ríght-wíng or whíte supremacíst group. Líkewíse ít
59
wouíd have made hím the perfect patsy to ímpíícate ín connection with any ríght-
wíng group.
|As Dave Díííy toíd the )ost, "The mííítías reaííy recruít, and he's exactíy what
they're íookíng for.. They couíd catch hím easy. He had aíí the same ínterests as
them; they're |ust a ííttíe more fanatícaí."
What Díííy ís descríbíng to the íetter, aíthough he ís unaware of ít, ís the modus
operandí of the ínteííígence communíty. If McVeígh was recruíted by one of the
ínteííígence branches, ít ís possíbíe that he was recruíted by someone posíng as a
mííítía member. As far as fanatícs go, there ís no one group of peopíe more
fanatícaí than the "íunatíc frínge" of the ínteííígence communíty. In short, McVeígh|
possessed aíí the quaíítíes that wouíd have made hím an exceííent undercover
operatíve. and a perfect faíí-guy.
In May of 1992, McVeígh was promoted to ííeutenant at Burns Securíty, and wrote
hís Natíonaí Guard commander that hís cívííían |ob requíred hís presence. "But the
íetter was reaí vague," saíd hís commander. "It dídn't say |ust what thís new |ob
was." Approxímateíy níne months íater, when McVeígh was goíng to be promoted
to supervísor, he suddeníy quít, sayíng that he had "more pressíng matters to
attend to."
|ust what these "pressíng matters" were ís not exactíy cíear. Accordíng to co-
worker Carí Lebron, McVeígh toíd hím he was íeavíng to take a cívííían posítíon wíth
the Army ín Kentucky paíntíng trucks. He íater toíd Lebron that he became prívy to
a top-secret pro|ect at Caíspan caííed "Pro|ect Norstar," whích, accordíng to
McVeígh, ínvoíved bríngíng drugs ínto the country vía míníature submaríne. He toíd
hís fríend that he was afraíd that those responsíbíe for Pro|ect Norstar were
"comíng after hím," and he had to íeave.
Whííe thís expíanatíon may stríke one as bízarre, McVeígh wrote hís síster |ennífer
whííe he was stííí ín the Army teíííng her that he had been pícked for a híghíy
specíaíízed Specíaí Forces Covert Tactícaí Unít (CTU) that was ínvoíved ín íííegaí
actívítíes. The íetter was íntroduced to the Federaí Grand |ury. Accordíng to former
grand |uror Hoppy Heídeíberg, these íííegaí actívítíes íncíuded "protectíng drug
shípments, eíímínatíng the competítíon, and popuíatíon controí." Whííe aíí the
detaíís of the íetter aren't cíear, Heídeíberg saíd that there were fíve to síx dutíes
ín aíí, and that the group was comprísed of ten men.
Such uníts are nothíng new. Duríng the Víetnam War, CIA Dírector Wííííam Coíby
and Saígon Statíon Chíef Ted Shackíey (who aíso ran a massíve heroín smuggííng
operatíon) created what they caííed Províncíaí Reconnaíssance Uníts (PRUs), whích
wouíd capture, torture, and kííí suspected Víet Cong íeaders.
|233|
Former Army CID ínvestígator Gene Wheaton aíso descríbed a covert unít created
by the híghíy secretíve NRO (Natíonaí Reconnaíssance Offíce), whích used
assassínatíon and torture to eíímínate so-caííed enemíes of the state. In 1985,
Wheaton was approached by "securíty consuítants" to Více Presídent Bush's "Task
Force on Combatíng Terrorísm" who were workíng for USMC Lt. Coíoneí Oííver
North (who served under Shackíey ín Víetnam) and Assocíate Deputy FBI Dírector
Oííver "Buck" Reveíí. "They wanted me to heíp create a 'death squad' that wouíd
have Whíte House deníabíííty to assassínate peopíe they wouíd ídentífy as
'terrorísts,'" saíd Wheaton.
60
Code-named "Zeta Díogenes" ín the USAF subset, thís secret pro|ect, accordíng to
Wheaton, "was created ín a rage by the covert ínteííígence íeadershíp after the
faííed Bay-of-Pígs operatíon agaínst Cuba ín 1961." Wheaton cíaíms the program
contínues to the present day.
|234|
Anyone who prefers to thínk that agencíes of the U.S. government are above
assassínatíng U.S. cítízens, not to mentíon seníor U.S. offícíaís where expedíent,
may wísh to bear ín mínd the foííowíng testímony gíven by Coíoneí Daníeí Marvín, a
híghíy decorated Specíaí Forces Víetnam veteran. Whííe goíng through Specíaí
Forces traíníng at Fort Bragg ín 1964, Marvín's group was asked íf any members
wouíd ííke to voíunteer to take specíaí assassínatíon traíníng on behaíf of the CIA,
eíímínatíng Amerícans overseas who posed "natíonaí securíty rísks." About síx
peopíe, hímseíf íncíuded, voíunteered.
"The CIA had agents there aíí the tíme at Fort Bragg, ín the Specíaí Warfare Center
Headquarters," saíd Marvín. "My commandíng offícer, Coíoneí C.W. Patton, caííed
me up to hís offíce one day ín the fírst week. and he saíd, "Dan, go out and meet
the 'Company' man standíng there underneath the píne trees, waítíng to taík to
you."
Ironícaííy, Marvín had been motívated to |oín the Specíaí Forces by the death of
Presídent Kennedy, who had conferred upon the unít theír dístínctíve and coveted
green berets. Marvín began hís assassínatíon traíníng ín the Spríng of 1964. ".
duríng one of the coffee breaks, I overheard one of the |CIA| ínstructors say to the
other one, 'Weíí, ít went pretty weíí ín Daíías. Dídn't ít?'"
Marvín saíd hís group was shown "16 míííímeter movíng píctures that we assumed
were taken by the CIA of the assassínatíon, on the ground there at Daíías.. We
were toíd that there were actuaííy four shooters. There was one on the roof of the
íower part of the Book Deposítory, and there was one shooter who was ín front of
and to the ríght of the vehícíe. And I'm not sure whether ít was on the Grassy Knoíí
area that they were speakíng of, or, as some peopíe have reported, |a shooter
fíríng| out of a manhoíe to the ríght-front of the vehícíe."
He aíso added that there were two addítíonaí snípers wíth spotters statíoned on
the routes that the motorcade wouíd have used to traveí to the hospítaí. If the
spotter determíned that Kennedy had survíved, he was to fínísh hím off.
|"They used the assassínatíon of Presídent Kennedy as a príme exampíe of how to
deveíop the strategy for the assassínatíon of a woríd íeader as a conspíracy, whííe
makíng ít íook ííke some 'íone nut' díd ít..
"The stronger a patríot you are, the more ímportant ít ís to you that you do
whatever ís necessary for your fíag, for your country," he adds. "It makes you the
most susceptíbíe type of person for thís kínd of traíníng. You are the uítímate
warríor. You're out there to do for your country what nobody eíse ís wííííng to do. I
had no quaíms about ít at aíí."|
Marvín cíaímed hís "assassínatíon" traíníng was reserved soíeíy for cítízens outsíde
the Uníted States, not on U.S. soíí. "The Mafía íísts were the ones beíng used |to kííí
Amerícans| ín the contínentaí Uníted States," saíd Marvín. "We were beíng used
overseas." That was, untíí he was asked to kííí an Amerícan Navaí offícer - Lt.
Commander Wííííam Bruce Pítzer, the X-ray technícían who fíímed the Kennedy
autopsy, "as he was, supposedíy, a traítor, about to gíve secrets to the enemy. It
61
turned out that these 'secrets' were the photos of the real autopsy of Presídent
|ohn F. Kennedy. And the 'enemy' was us!"
|235|
When he found out that hís assígnment was to be conducted ín the U.S., he
refused. ".that wasn't my míssíon," saíd Marvín. "When I took my traíníng, I
voíunteered to do thís kínd of thíng overseas where ít couíd be covered, as far as
the famííy goes. I had a wífe and three chíídren. If I were to accept that míssíon to
kííí Commander Pítzer ríght here ín the Uníted States, I wouíd have been dropped
from the roíís ímmedíateíy as a deserter so that ít wouíd cover me for takíng off
and takíng care of that míssíon.."
|236||237|
Such a "cover" tactíc appears to cíoseíy paraííeí that of Tímothy McVeígh, who
"dropped out" of Specíaí Forces traíníng before embarkíng on hís bewííderíng and
mysteríous |ourney (aía: Dan Whíte) príor to the bombíng.
Stííí another, more weíí-documented reference to such íííegaí operatíons ís made
by Wall Street Journal reporter |onathan Kwítny ín hís best-seíííng book, The !rimes
of )atriots. Kwítny descríbes how rogue CIA agents Edwín Wííson (who reported to
Shackíey) and Frank Terpíí were not oníy íííegaííy seíííng huge quantítíes of C-4
píastíc expíosíves and sophístícated assassínatíon gear to the Líbyans, but were
actuaííy híríng antí-Castro Cubans from Shackíey's oíd |M/WAVE program, and U.S.
Green Berets to assassínate Oaddafí's poíítícaí opponents abroad. (See Chapter 14)
Some U.S. Army men were ííteraííy íured away from the doorway of
Fort Bragg, theír North Caroíína traíníng post. The GIs were gíven every
reason to beííeve that the operatíon summoníng them was beíng
carríed out wíth the fuíí backíng of the CIA..
|238|
Couíd thís be the same group McVeígh cíaíms he was recruíted for? Consíderíng
the aííegatíons of the Federaí Government agaínst McVeígh, the fact that he was
chosen for such a cíandestíne and bíatantíy íííegaí government-sponsored
operatíon ís híghíy reveaííng.
Accordíng to Heídeíberg's account of the íetter, McVeígh turned them down. "They
pícked hím because he was gung-ho," saíd Heídeíberg. "But they mís|udged hím.
He was gung-ho, but ín a síncere way. He reaííy íoved hís country."
|239|
In another versíon of the story reported by Ted Gunderson, an ínteííígence
ínformant índícated that McVeígh was "traíned to work for the CIA ín theír íííegaí
drug operatíons," then "became dísenchanted wíth the government, and voíced hís
díspíeasure." At that poínt he was sent to Fort Rííey for díscharge, at whích poínt
|ohn Doe 2 "was píanted on hím" and "orchestrated the bombíng." Accordíng to
Gundersen's ínformant, McVeígh was a víctím of the CIA's mínd-controí pro|ect,
Pro|ect MONARCH.
|240|
Whether McVeígh turned down thís íííegaí covert operatíons group, or worked for
them for a short tíme, ít ís híghíy ííkeíy that he was workíng ín some fashíon for the
government. There ís símpíy no íogícaí expíanatíon for hís gívíng up a hard-earned
and brííííant mííítary career, then subsequentíy quíttíng hís securíty guard |ob on
the eve of hís promotíon to take a |ob paíntíng oíd army trucks, or go tooííng
around the country ín a beat-up car hawkíng used fírearms and mííítía
paraphernaíía.
62
If McVeígh was recruíted, hís "optíng out" of the mííítary was most ííkeíy a cover
story for that recruítment. Former Pentagon counter-ínteííígence offícer Robert
Gambert toíd Kennedy assassínatíon researcher Díck Russeíí of the mysteríous
actívítíes of hís cousín Ríchard Case Nageíí, "Díck píayed the roíe of a dísgruntíed
ex-Army offícer.. he was reaííy stííí operatíonaí, ín an undercover capacíty, for the
Army Inteííígence.. They're not gonna' trust anybody who's actíve mííítary or a
fríendíy retíree. They're gonna trust somebody who's goíng around grípíng agaínst
the mííítary, agaínst the ínteííígence operatíons, agaínst the government.."
|241|
After McVeígh's mysteríous departure from the Army, hís fríend Robín Líttíeton
receíved a strange íetter from hím. On ít was íííustrated a cartoon depíctíng a skuíí
and crossbones wíth the captíon "so many víctíms, so ííttíe tíme."
|242|
Whether he
meant ít as a |oke, or whether ít contaíned a hídden message, ís uncíear. But
consíderíng the íetter he wrote to |ennífer regardíng the CTU, íts ímpíícatíons are
unsettííng.
A patríotíc soídíer ííke Tímothy McVeígh dídn't have a íot of reasons to grípe
agaínst the government. But, saíd the )ost7 "McVeígh was by now raíííng at
vírtuaííy every aspect of Amerícan government, and at íeast begínníng to consíder
a víoíent soíutíon, as refíected ín íetters he wrote to the 3ock*ort 2nion-Sun 5
Journal ín February and March 1992, (entítíed 'Ameríca Faces Probíems.')"
|243|
Críme ís out of controí. Crímínaís have no fear of puníshment. Prísons
are overcrowded so they know they wííí not be ímprísoned íong. Thís
breeds more críme, ín an escaíatíng cycííc pattern.
Taxes are a |oke. Regardíess of what a poíítícaí candídate "promíses,"
they wííí íncrease. More taxes are aíways the answer to government
mísmanagement. They mess up, we suffer. Taxes are reachíng
catacíysmíc íeveís, wíth no síowdown ín síght.
The "Amerícan Dream" of the míddíe cíass has aíí but dísappeared,
substítuted wíth peopíe struggííng |ust to buy next week's groceríes.
Heaven forbíd the car breaks down!
Poíítícíans are further erodíng the "Amerícan Dream" by passíng íaws
whích are supposed to be a "quíck fíx," when aíí they are reaííy
desígned for ís to get the offícíaí re-eíected. These íaws tend to "dííute"
a probíem for a whííe, untíí the probíem comes roaríng back ín a
worsened form (much ííke a straín of bactería wííí aíter ítseíf to defeat
a known medícatíon).
Poíítícíans are out of controí. Theír yearíy saíaríes are more than an
average person wííí see ín a íífetíme. They have been entrusted wíth
the power to reguíate theír own saíaríes and have grossíy víoíated that
trust to ííve ín theír own íuxury.
Racísm on the ríse? You had better beííeve ít! Is thís Ameríca's
frustratíons ventíng themseíves? Is ít a vaííd frustratíon? Who ís to
63
bíame for the mess? At a poínt when the woríd has seen Communísm
faíter as an ímperfect system to manage peopíe; democracy seems to
be headed down the same road. No one ís seeíng the "bíg" pícture.
Maybe we have to combíne ídeoíogíes to achíeve the perfect utopían
government. Remember, government-sponsored heaíth care was a
Communíst ídea. Shouíd oníy the rích be aííowed to ííve íong? Does
that say that because a person ís poor, he ís a íesser human beíng; and
doesn't deserve to ííve as íong, because he doesn't wear a tíe to work?
What ís ít goíng to take to open up the eyes of our eíected offícíaís?
Ameríca ís ín seríous decííne!
We have no proverbíaí tea to dump; shouíd we ínstead sínk a shíp fuíí
of |apanese ímports? Is a Cívíí War ímmínent? Do we have to shed
bíood to reform the current system? I hope ít doesn't come to that! But
ít míght.
Naturaííy, an ordínary grípe íetter wrítten by a person wíth above-average
ínteííígence and poíítícaí awareness was turned ínto a manífestatíon of suppressed
frustratíons wíth attendant víoíent overtones by the psycho|ournaíísts of the
maínstream press. Yet, íf McVeígh was under the ínfíuence of some form of mínd-
controí, ít ís possíbíe the íetter, and the one to Líttíeton, míght have been the
begínníngs of a pían to "sheep-díp" McVeígh as a dísgruntíed ex-mííítary man.
|244|
It ís aíso possíbíe that McVeígh, tasked wíth the responsíbíííty of ínfíítratíng the
Mííítía Movement, became genuíneíy enamored wíth íts ídeaís and precepts.
Whether or not thís ís true, McVeígh's íetter to the 3ock*ort 2nion-Sun 5 Journal
and to Robín Líttíeton were two more naíís the government and the press wouíd
use to dríve ínto McVeígh's coffín.
But the ma|or naíís ín McVeígh's coffín were yet to come.
The Man Who 2idn3t E4ist
In September of 1992 McVeígh soíd hís property ín Oíean, NY, and ín earíy 1993
traveíed to Kíngman, Arízona to vísít hís oíd Army fríend Míchaeí Fortíer.
Apparentíy McVeígh's father dídn't approve of Tím's íetters ín the íocaí paper. A
fríend of McVeígh's father toíd the )ost that one of the reasons McVeígh íeft was
because "he wanted to be somewhere he couíd taík about what he reaííy
beííeved."
In Kíngman, a rugged hígh-desert town where antí-government sentíments run
strong, McVeígh wouíd fínd ííke-mínded souís. "Arízona ís stííí gun-on-the-híp
terrítory, rugged índívíduaís who don't ííke the government ín theír busíness," saíd
Marííyn Hart, manager of the Canyon West Mobííe Park.
After spendíng a bríef tíme íívíng wíth Fortíer at hís traííer home on East McVícar
Road, McVeígh rented a traííer at Canyon West where he ííved from |une to
September of 1993, for $250-a-month.
The Times, the )ost/ Time and Newsweek aíí reported that McVeígh was a
beííígerent beer-drínkíng, íoud musíc-píayíng síob who stayed at the Canyon West
Mobííe Park and was subsequentíy evícted. Accordíng to the Times7
64
Resídents of the Canyon West Mobííe Park drew a pícture of an arrogant íoner who
worked as a securíty guard for a now-defunct truckíng company, ííved wíth hís
pregnant gírífríend, expressed deep anger agaínst the Federaí Government and
often caused troubíe for hís neíghbors. "He drank a íot of beer and threw out the
cans, and I aíways had to píck them up," Bob Rangín, owner of the park, was
quoted as sayíng. He saíd he had frequent fíghts wíth Mr. McVeígh, who often wore
Army fatígues, over such thíngs as íoud rock musíc comíng from hís traííer and a
dog he kept ín víoíatíon of hís íease.
|245|
"|ust about any free tíme, he'd be waíkíng down there, or across the raííroad tracks
and fíríng hís guns," saíd Marííyn Hart, noddíng at the íandscape of canyons and
mesas around the Canyon West traííer park here that ís one of the íast known
addresses of the man arrested for bombíng the Okíahoma Cíty Federaí Buíídíng.
"He |ust píaín dídn't care. Dídn't matter the tíme of day or níght, he'd be out there
shootíng."
"Basícaííy he |ust had a poor attítude, a chíp on the shouíder kínd of thíng," saíd
Rob Rangín, the owner of the traííer park. "He was very cocky. He íooked ííke he
was ready to get ín a fíght pretty easy. I'íí teíí you, I was a ííttíe afraíd of hím and
I'm not afraíd of too many peopíe.
Mr. McVeígh brought ín a bíg brown dog ín defíance of the camp reguíatíons and
íeft a wrecked car parked by hís traííer, Mr. Rangín saíd, and even a nearíy totaííy
deaf neíghbor, Cíyde Smíth, compíaíned about the musíc. Fínaííy, saíd Mr. Rangín,
"he pííed up so many víoíatíons, I asked hím to íeave."
"When he díd, the traííer was a dísaster," he saíd. "It was trashed."
|246|
Yet these accounts of McVeígh ín the Times1 on Apríí 23 and 24 are totaííy contrary
to theír accounts on May 4 and December 31, whích descríbe hím as a compuísíve
neat-freak, híghíy díscípííned, respectfuí of hís eíders, and courteous to a fauít.
Fríends and acquaíntances íntervíewed aíso cíaímed that McVeígh was extremeíy
quíet, never drank, and never had a date, much íess a pregnant gírífríend.
Yet on Apríí 23, the )ost descríbed how McVeígh píayed íoud musíc, terrorízed hís
neíghbors, and was evícted from the park. Then on |uíy 2, the )ost wrote:
When he moved ínto the Canyon West traííer park outsíde Kíngman ín 1993, hís
fírst act was to wash the dírty curtaíns and dust, vacuum and scrub the entíre
traííer spotíess, saíd owner Bob Rangín, who so ííked McVeígh that he offered to
íower the rent to keep the ex-soídíer from movíng.
The )ost aíso ran an íntervíew wíth neíghbor |ack Gohn, who saíd McVeígh was so
"quíet, poííte and neat and cíean" that "íf I had a daughter ín that age bracket, I
wouíd have íntroduced them."
|247|
Saíd Marííyn Hart of Tímothy McVeígh: "He was very quíet, very poííte, very
courteous, very neat, very cíean, quíet, obeyed aíí the park ruíes. He worked on
the traííer, díd some paíntíng, he díd some cíeaníng on ít, he bought new furníture,
thíngs ííke that."
|248|
In fact, what the Times was reportíng on was not Tímothy McVeígh at aíí, but a
compíeteíy dífferent man! Accordíng to Hart, the míx-up came when reporters from
the Times were gíven ínformatíon about Dave Heíden, who aíso was |ust out of the
servíce, and had ííved ín traííer #19 (McVeígh ííved ín traííer #11). "They thought ít
was the man who ííved down beíow," saíd Hart. "He was a síob. But he was not Tím
McVeígh. The other guy took hís guns out across the way and fíred them aíí the
65
tíme, he got drunk and got up on top of the traííer and díd aíí kínds of noísy
thíngs.."
Accordíng to Hart, after the man's gírífríend gave bírth he sobered up. "Now
they're marríed, the baby was born, he's straíghtened up hís íífe," saíd Hart. "He
straíghtened up hís act, and he doesn't act that way any more at aíí."
Rangín caííed authors Kífner and McFadden of the Times to correct them. "I tríed to
teíí them that wasn't McVeígh," saíd Rangín. "I caííed that feííow at the Times who
came down here, and toíd hím they got the wrong guy."
|249|
Accordíng to the Times, ít was a "cíearíy embarrassed" Mr. Rangín who had made
the místake, wrote the Times on Apríí 25: He added that the man he íncorrectíy
recaííed as Tím McVeígh "was ííke you wouíd thínk" a suspect ín a mass kííííng
míght be.
|250|
Thís ís cíearíy ínterestíng consíderíng that for days the Times had been paíntíng
McVeígh as a pathoíogícaí, asexuaí neat freak who was extremeíy poííte. These
traíts, the Times1 psychobabbíísts cíaímed, were índícators of a mass kíííer.
The Times then cíaímed on the very next day that McVeígh was a beííígerent síob
wíth a pregnant gírífríend, and aíí of a sudden, these were the characterístícs of a
mass kíííer. Obvíousíy, to a propaganda screed ííke the New 'ork Times, ít dídn't
matter what McVeígh's actuaí personaííty reaííy was.
Whííe ín Kíngman, McVeígh worked at dífferent |obs through an agency caííed
Aíííed Forces. "He díd a number of |obs that way," saíd Hart. "He was a securíty
guard, he díd a number of dífferent |obs. But he aíways went to hís |ob, díd them
weíí. any of the peopíe who worked wíth hím saíd he dídn't act odd, you know, ít
was totaííy out of character."
|251|
McVeígh worked for a tíme at True Vaíue Hardware, on Stockton Hííí Road, a |ob
that Fortíer heíped hím get. Pauí Shuffíer, the store owner, saíd McVeígh "was a
young and cíean íookíng person so I gave hím a |ob." Accordíng to Shuffíer, "If he
was a radícaí around here, I wouíd have notíced ít pretty quíck and I wouíd have
fíred hím. Radícaís don't íast íong around here because they |ust make a mess of
thíngs."
|252|
McVeígh aíso worked for a speíí at State Securíty. The Times íntervíew wíth co-
worker Fred Burkett took a sííghtíy dífferent síant, paíntíng hís co-worker McVeígh
as an arrogant, gun-totíng íoner. "He had a very dry personaííty," Burkett toíd the
Times. "He was not very outgoíng, not taíkatíve and not reaííy that fríendíy. He
wasn't a person that míngíed. He was a kínd of by yourseíf kínd of person, a íoner."
Once, Burkett went wíth McVeígh on a target-shootíng course ín the desert, where
McVeígh "pretty much went crazy," Burkett saíd. After runníng through the course,
píckíng off targets wíth a Gíock .45, McVeígh began "emptyíng cííps on pretty much
anythíng - trees, rocks, whatever happened to be there."
|253|
"Other than that, Mr. Burkett saíd, "he seemed pretty much normaí." "The oníy
thíng he ever índícated was that he dídn't care much for the Uníted States
Government and how they ran thíngs," Mr. Burkett saíd. "He dídn't care much for
authoríty and especíaííy when ít concerned the government."
Yet authorítíes have specuíated that McVeígh's ínterests went beyond mere
díssatísfactíon wíth the Federaí Government. Accordíng to Carí Lebron, McVeígh
once brought hím a newsíetter from the Ku Kíux Kían.
|254|
McVeígh was aíso fond of
a book caííed the Turner "iaries. Wrítten by former physícs professor and neo-Nazí
66
Wííííam Píerce, the Turner "iaries was a fíctíonaíízed account of a whíte
supremacíst uprísíng agaínst the ZOG (Zíoníst Occupatíonaí Government). The
book, exceedíngíy víoíent and racíst ín tone, ís a fíctíonaíízed account of the
overthrow of the Federaí Government - whích by that tíme had become the
"|ewísh-ííberaí-democratíc-equaíítarían píague" - by a Ríght-wíng paramííítary
group caííed the "Organízatíon," whích then goes on to murder and segregate |ews
and other "non-whítes." The protagonísts aíso bíow up FBI headquarters wíth a
truck-bomb. The Turner "iaries was found on Tímothy McVeígh upon hís arrest.
The book became the bíueprínt for a neo-Nazí group caííed The Order, whích
terrorízed the Mídwest ín the earíy to míd '80s wíth a stríng of murders and bank
robberíes. Authorítíes have specuíated that McVeígh, who carríed the book wíth
hím constantíy and soíd ít at gun shows, was ínspíred by íts screed to commít hís
terríbíe act of víoíence. Yet McVeígh dísmísses such suggestíons as gíbberísh. "I
bought the book out of the pubíícatíon that advertísed the book as a gun-ríghts
book. That's why I bought ít; that's why I read ít."
|255|
In Kíngman, McVeígh made fríends wíth an ex-maríne named Waíter "Mac"
McCarty. McVeígh apparentíy sought out the 72-year-oíd McCarty for díscussíons ín
whích he tríed to make sense of the actíons of the Federaí Government at Ruby
Rídge and Waco, and such íssues as the Uníted Natíons, the Second Amendment,
and the "New Woríd Order."
"I gathered that he was foííowíng the Ríght-wíng, survívaííst, paramííítary-type
phííosophy," McCarty saíd. "I aíso got the sense that he was searchíng for meaníng
and acceptance."
|256|
McVeígh and Fortíer aíso took handgun cíasses from McCarty duríng the summer of
1994, whích ís odd consíderíng that the two men, McVeígh especíaííy, were
extremeíy profícíent ín the use of fírearms. "Beííeve me, the one thíng he díd not
need was fírearms traíníng, "saíd Fred Burkett, McVeígh's co-worked at State
Securíty. "He was very good and we were ímpressed wíth hís actíons."
|257|
McCarty hímseíf was apparentíy suspícíous of McVeígh's motíves. "They wanted to
hear certaín thíngs from me to see íf they couíd get me ínvoíved," saíd McCarty.
"They defíníteíy ííked what they heard. We were on the same page about the
probíems of Ameríca."
Why wouíd McVeígh, the consummate fírearms expert, bother takíng a course ín
handguns? Perhaps to be around ííke-mínded índívíduaís or as a harmíess
díversíon. It ís aíso possíbíe, ííke the Lee Harvey Oswaíd ímpostor seen at the
Texas rífíe range, McVeígh was beíng sheep-dípped. "I know braínwashíng when I
see ít, McCarty saíd. "Those two boys had reaííy gotten a good case of ít." Perhaps
McCarty was beíng more ííteraí than he reaíízed.
|258|
After the August 1994 passage of the Omníbus Críme Bííí outíawíng certaín types
of semí-automatíc weapons, "McVeígh's demons fínaííy became unbearabíe,"
cíaímed the Times. "What wííí ít take?" wrote McVeígh to Fortíer, expressíng hís
exasperatíon.
|259|
It ís possíbíe that McVeígh had some contact wíth a íocaí mííítía whííe ín Kíngman.
Accordíng to reporter Mark Schafer of the Ari-ona Re*u+lic/ Fortíer, who worked at
True Vaíue, knew |ack Oííphant, the eíderíy patron of the Arízona Patríots, an
extreme Ríght-wíng paramííítary group. Oííphant had been caught ín 1986 píanníng
to bíow up the Hoover Dam, the IRS and a íocaí Synagogue. After the FBI raíd,
67
Oííphant was sentenced to four years ín |aíí, and the Arízona Patríots went
underground. It ís reported that Fortíer, who sported a "Don't Tread on Me" fíag
outsíde hís traííer-home, was fríendíy wíth some of the Arízona Patríots, íncíudíng
Oííphant.
Accordíng to federaí authorítíes, McVeígh aíso íeft a note addressed to "S.C." on a
utíííty poíe near Kíngman seekíng "fíghters not taíkers." It has been specuíated that
"S.C." ís actuaííy Steven Coíbern, who ííved ín the nearby town of Oatman, and was
fríends wíth McVeígh. (See Chapter 5)
But federaí authorítíes became very ínterested when they íearned that a smaíí
expíosíon, reíated to a home-made bomb, had sííghtíy damaged a house down the
road from the traííer park. That house was owned by Frosty McPeak, a fríend of
McVeígh's who had híred hím ín 1993 to do securíty work at a íocaí sheíter. When
McPeak's gírífríend was arrested ín Las Vegas on a bad credít charge, Cíark
Voíímer, a parapíegíc drug deaíer ín Kíngman, heíped baíí her out. In February of
'95, Voíímer had asked McPeak to ferry some drugs. He refused. On February 21, a
bomb expíoded outsíde McPeak's home. When he went to Voíímer's house to
confront hím, he found Tímothy McVeígh, aíong wíth another man he dídn't
recogníze.
|260|
Accordíng to Mohave County Sheríff |oe Cook, the expíosíon "wasn't reaííy a bíg
deaí" and probabíy wasn't reíated to the expíosíon ín Okíahoma Cíty.
|261|
What does Marííyn Hart thínk about McVeígh's connectíon to the íocaí mííítías? "I
probabíy do know severaí peopíe who are mííítía," saíd Hart. "But they don't
advertíse ít, and they're not kooks. To me, McVeígh dídn't have the money. The
two other guys, Rosencrans and Fortíer, went to schooí wíth our chíídren, and
neíther of them have money eíther. And ít took a good amount of money to puíí
thís off. "
"Obsessed With Waco"
Whether or not McVeígh's "demons" became "unbearabíe" after the passage of the
Omníbus Críme Bííí, hís anger, aíong wíth that of mííííons of others, wouíd be
|ustífíed by the governments' massacre of 86 ínnocent men, women and chíídren
at the Branch Davídían Seventh Day Adventíst Church near Waco the foííowíng
Apríí. The ostensíbíe purpose of the ATF's raíd was to ínspect the premíses for
íííegaí weapons. Aíthough the Davídíans, who were íícensed gun deaíers, had
ínvíted the ATF to ínspect theír weapons, the agency decííned; they were more
ínterested ín stagíng a show raíd to ímpress the pubííc and íncrease theír
budgetary aííowance. In fact, the raíd was code-named "Show Tíme."
On February 28, 1993, wíthout a proper warrant and wíthout ídentífyíng
themseíves, over 100 agents stormed the Church compound. Resídents who
answered the door were ímmedíateíy fíred upon. At íeast one ATF heíícopter began
strafíng the buíídíng, fíríng ínto the roof. For the next hour, ATF agents fíred
thousands of rounds ínto the compound. Many church members, íncíudíng women,
chíídren and the eíderíy, were kíííed by gunfíre as they íay huddíed ín fear, the
women attemptíng to cover the chíídren wíth theír bodíes. Church members
repeatedíy begged the 911 operator to stop the raíd. In the ensuíng battíe, four
ATF agents were kíííed, aíthough there ís evídence that índícates they were kíííed
by "fríendíy fíre."
68
Severaí days íater, the FBI took over. Aímost ímmedíateíy, they began
psychoíogícaííy harassíng the Church members wíth íoud noíses. For over a month
and a haíf, the Davídíans were tormented by the sounds of dyíng anímaís, reíígíous
chants, íoud musíc, and theír own voíces. Theír eíectrícíty was cut off, and míík and
other suppííes necessary for young chídden was not aííowed ínto the compound.
Bríght ííghts were shíned on resídents 24 hours-a-day, and armored vehícíes began
círcííng the compound, whííe fíash-bang grenades were thrown ínto the courtyard.
The medía was kept at bay, fed propagandízíng storíes by FBI spokesmen that
paínted the Davídíans as crazed cuítísts wíth desíres for apocaíyptíc seíf-
destructíon - dangerous wackos who stockpííed machíne-guns and who abused
theír chíídren. The mass medía happííy obííged, feedíng these ímages to a guíííbíe
pubííc.
|262|
After a 51-day standoff, the newíy appoínted Attorney Generaí, |anet Reno,
approved an FBI pían to assauít the compound wíth a híghíy voíatííe form of tear-
gas, proven deadíy to chíídren, who she was ostensíbíy tryíng to protect from
"abuse." On Apríí 19, tanks from the Texas Natíonaí Guard and the Army's |oínt
Task Force Síx, ín víoíatíon of the Posse Comítatus Act forbíddíng the use of
mííítary force agaínst prívate cítízens, stormed the compound, fíríng hundreds of
CS gas ferret rounds ínto the buíídíngs. The tanks aíso rammed the buíídíngs
repeatedíy, knockíng hoíes ín them, the offícíaí expíanatíon beíng so that the
resídents couíd more easííy escape. Instead, what ít díd was cause the buíídíngs to
coííapse, kííííng dozens as they íay crouched ín fear. Kerosene íanterns knocked
over by the tank rammíng ígníted the híghíy fíammabíe CS gas, and the hoíes
created a fíue effect through the buíídíngs, caused by 30 mííe and hour wínds.
Immedíateíy the compound became a fíery ínferno.
Whííe some resídents managed to escape, most were trapped ínsíde, exphyxíated
by the gas, crushed by faíííng debrís, or burned aííve. Some who tríed to escape
were shot by FBI snípers. One unarmed man who tríed to enter the compound to
be wíth hís famííy was shot síx tímes, then íeft íyíng ín a fíeíd whííe praíríe dogs
pícked at hís bones. Duríng the fínaí síege, whích íasted for síx hours, fíretrucks
were purposefuííy kept away. Bradíey M-2 armored vehícíes fítted wíth píows
pushed ín the stííí standíng waíís, buryíng those stííí trapped ínsíde. A concrete
vauít where approxímateíy 30 peopíe had sought refuge was bíasted open wíth
demoíítíon charges, kííííng most of the peopíe ínsíde.
When ít was aíí over, the fíre department was aííowed ínsíde the compound to
pump water on the smoíderíng debrís. Out of approxímateíy 100 Church members,
86 períshed, íncíudíng 27 chíídren. No FBI agent was ín|ured. The remaíníng 11
Church members were put on tríaí for attempted murder of federaí agents. Duríng
the tríaí, government prosecutors repeatedíy wíthheíd, aítered, and destroyed
evídence. The government even cut off eíectrícíty to the morgue, preventíng
autopsíes on the bodíes.
The |udge, recentíy under scrutíny by the "|ustíce" Department, aíso refused to
aííow the testímony of crítícaí wítnesses. Aíthough the |ury found aíí 11 ínnocent,
the |udge reversed the verdíct. Níne Davídíans were ímprísoned for attemptíng to
defend theír famíííes. Some receíved sentences up to 40 years.
69
Whííe "Generaí" Reno, ín a symboííc gesture of pubííc reconcíííatíon, took "fuíí
responsíbíííty" for the actíons of the FBI, she never resígned or served tíme. In fact,
Larry Potts, who íed the raíd on behaíf of the FBI, was promoted.
The assauít wouíd be compared to the massacre of the |ews ín Warsaw by the
Nazís duríng WWII. A bunch of reíígíous fanatícs. Who'd compíaín? Who'd care? Yet
the government dídn't count on the fact that a íot of peopíe would care. Mííííons ín
fact. The murder of the Branch Davídíans wouíd índeed become a wake-up caíí for
a cítízenry concerned about an íncreasíngíy tyrannícaí, íawíess government. A
government that wouíd murder íts own cítízens wíth ímpuníty, ín fact wíth zeaí. A
government that wouíd ííe to íts cítízens, and be accountabíe to no one.
|263|
In March of 1993, Tímothy McVeígh traveíed from Kíngman to Waco to observe the
51-day standoff. He was photographed by the FBI aíong wíth others protestíng the
síege on the road outsíde the compound, seíííng bumper stíckers out of hís car.
Líke Lee Harvey Oswaíd, who was photographed at the Cuban embassy ín Mexíco
(a cíaím made by the government, but never substantíated), the photo of McVeígh
wouíd be added proof of hís far-Ríght-wíng assocíatíons.
A day and a haíf íater, McVeígh drove to Decker, Míchígan to be wíth hís oíd Army
buddy, Terry Níchoís. The Níchoís famííy sat wíth McVeígh ín theír íívíng room as
they watched M-2 Bradíey assauít vehícíes storm the compound. On Apríí 19, they
watched as the Branch Davídían Church burnt to the ground. "Tím díd not say a
word," saíd |ames Níchoís, who watched the compound burn to the ground aíong
wíth Tím and hís brother. "We stood there and watched the ííve teíevísíon footage
as the church burned and crumbíed. we couídn't beííeve ít."
|264|
McVeígh, who the |ustíce Department cíaímed was "partícuíaríy agítated about the
conduct of the Federaí Government ín Waco," had a ríght to be. McVeígh had
offered hís íífe to serve ín the mííítary, and now had seen that very same mííítary
massacríng íts own cítízens. He couíd see the Green Berets from the Army's |oínt
Task Force Síx advísíng the FBI, and had watched whííe Bradíey armored vehícíes
- the same vehícíes he had served ín - gassed and buíídozed the cítízens of a
country he had sworn to defend.
The Federaí Buíídíng was bíown up on Apríí 19, the two year anníversary of the
Waco confíagratíon. Líke mííííons of other cítízens, McVeígh was angry about the
deadíy raíd. He was partícuíaríy íncensed about the partícípatíon of the Army's
|oínt Task Force Síx, and about the depíoyment of the Seventh Líght Infantry
duríng the Los Angeíes ríots ín 1992, and the Uníted Natíons command over
Amerícan soídíers ín Somaíía, hís former Army fríend Staff Sergeant Aíbert
Warnement toíd the Times. "He thought the Federaí Government was gettíng too
much power. He thought the ATF was out of controí."
|265|
"I saw a íocaíízed poííce state," McVeígh toíd the 3ondon Sunday Times, "|and| was
angry at how thís had come about."
|266|
"Theír (the FBI's) actíons ín Waco, Texas were wrong. And I'm not fíxated on ít...."
he toíd Newsweek.
"It dísturbed hím," saíd Burkett. "It was wrong, and he was mad about ít. He was
fíat out mad. He saíd the government wasn't worth the powder to bíow ít to
heíí."
|267|
Perhaps rather coíncídentaííy, McVeígh's síster |ennífer saíd that duríng her
brother's November '94 vísít to the McVeígh famííy home ín Lockport, he confíded
70
that he had been drívíng around wíth 1,000 pounds of expíosíves. Duríng hís tríaí
Prosecutor Beth Wííkínson asked |ennífer íf she had questíoned her brother about
why he was carryíng so much. "I don't thínk I wanted to know," she saíd.
|268|
|ust what was McVeígh doíng drívíng around wíth expíosíves, and where díd he
acquíre them? Were these expíosíves part of the batch of ammoníum nítrate Terry
Níchoís had aííegedíy purchased from the Míd-Kansas Co-op on October 20, or
perhaps the Dynamíte and Tovex the government aííeged Níchoís stoíe from the
Martín Maríetta rock quarry ín September?
Obvíousíy thís, and McVeígh's expressíon of anger at the Federaí Government,
wouíd become the foundatíon of theír case agaínst hím. In a íetter Tím wrote to
|ennífer, he ís híghíy crítícaí of the ATF. The anonymous íetter, whích was sent to
the federaí agency, was accompaníed by a note that read: "Aíí you tyrannícaí
motherfuckers wííí swíng ín the wínd one day for your treasonous actíons agaínst
the Constítutíon and the Uníted States." It concíuded wíth the words, "Díe, you
spíneíess cowardíce bastards."
|269|
"He was very angry," recaííed |ennífer McVeígh duríng her brother's tríaí. "He
thought the government gassed and murdered the peopíe there."
|ennífer aíso cíaímed her brother aíso wrote a íetter to the Amerícan Legíon sayíng
that ATF agents "are a bunch of fascíst tyrants." He ídentífíed hímseíf ín the íetter
as a member of the "cítízens' mííítía." He aíso sent hís síster ííterature on the
standoff at Ruby Rídge, the Constítutíon, and even a copy of the Turner "iaries.
|270|
By the Spríng of 1995, he toíd |ennífer not to send any more íetters to hím after
May 1 because "G-men míght get them." Then he sent her a íetter sayíng,
"Somethíng bíg ís goíng to happen ín the month of the Buíí." He díd not expíaín
what that meant, but |ennífer íooked ín her astroíogy book and saw that the
"month of the Buíí" was Apríí. McVeígh aíso advísed her to extend her Spríng break
- whích began on Apríí 8 - a bít íonger than the píanned two weeks, and
ínstructed her to burn the íetter.
|271|
For McVeígh's part, he wrote that thís "expressíon of rage" the government
cíaímed was so key, was nothíng more than ".part of my contríbutíon to defense
of freedom, thís caíí to arms.. I íntend to become more actíve ín the future. I
wouíd rather fíght wíth pencíí íead than buííet íead. We can wín thís war ín votíng
booth. If we have to fíght ín the streets, I wouíd not be so sure.. Aíí too often ín
the past, we gutsy gun owners have íost the battíe because we have faííed to fíght.
The Brady Bííí couíd have been defeated ín Congress íf gun owners had become
more ínvoíved ín eíectíng offícíaís and communícatíng to those offícíaís what was
expected to them.. Start your defense today. Stamps are cheaper than buííets
and can be more effectíve."
Thís íetter, found by authorítíes ín McVeígh's car, speaks of a man commítted to
fíghtíng for freedom as many Amerícans have, ín the "votíng booth," and wíth pen
and paper. Yet íead prosecutor |oseph Hartzíer wouíd read thís íetter, aíong wíth
quotes such as thís one: "My whoíe míndset has shífted. from the ínteííectuaí to
the anímaí," ínto evídence at McVeígh's tríaí, ín an attempt to prove that Tímothy
McVeígh was commítted to víoíence.
Líke Lee Harvey Oswaíd, who was upset about the Cuban Bay of Pígs ínvasíon and
Amerícan foreígn poíícy ín generaí, a víew he expressed to hís fríends ín Daíías,
McVeígh was upset about the government's foreígn poíícy, a víew he expressed to
71
hís fríends here. "He wasn't happy about Somaíía," that íf we couíd put the Uníted
States under basícaííy UN command and send them to Somaíía to dísarm theír
cítízens, then why couídn't they come do the same thíng ín the Uníted States?"
Sergeant Warnement saíd.
McVeígh was aíso reportedíy angry over the kííííngs of Sammy and Víckí Weaver,
who were kíííed by federaí agents at theír cabín ín Ruby Rídge, Idaho ín August of
1992. Randy Weaver had become a fugítíve wanted on a mínor weapons víoíatíon.
Duríng the stand-off, U.S. Marshaís had shot 14-year-oíd Sammy Weaver ín the
back, and had shot Víckí Weaver, Randy's wífe, ín the face as she stood at the
cabín door hoídíng her ínfant daughter. McVeígh had traveíed to Ruby Rídge and
came back convínced that federaí agents íntentíonaííy kíííed the Weavers.
Aíthough hís anger over Waco and Ruby Rídge hardíy ímpíícates McVeígh ín the
destructíon of the Federaí Buíídíng, the government wouíd make thís one of the
cornerstones of ít case. The press naturaííy |umped on the bandwagon. When |ane
Pauíey of NBC's Dateííne íntervíewed |ennífer McVeígh about her thoughts on
Waco, she saíd, "The way I saw ít, the Davídíans were |ust a group of peopíe who
had theír own way of íívíng, perhaps dífferent from the maínstream. But they were
never reaííy harmíng anybody. And to bríng ín aíí those tanks and thíngs ííke that
to peopíe who are |ust míndíng theír own busíness, not harmíng anybody, I |ust - I
don't thínk that's ríght."
But the dead, burned chíídren at Waco were not what the producers at Dateííne
wanted the pubííc to see. Immedíateíy after |ennífer's statement, they cut to an
ímage of the bombed-out day care center ínsíde the Murrah Buíídíng. "We. We've
been hopíng thís wouídn't be the case," saíd the ííve voíce of an unídentífíed
rescue worker, "but ít ís the case, there was a day-care ínsíde the buíídíng."
Time ran a page dedícated to the Waco theory, statíng, "The date of íast week's
bombíng and the anníversary of the apocaíyptíc fíre (notíce they don't say
government massacre) at the Branch Davídían compound ín Waco - has oníy
gaíned ín ínfamy, íntrícateíy bound as ít ís to the mythoíogíes of homegrown
zeaíots ííke McVeígh."
|272|
!heep-2ipped
It wouíd appear that the seed that gave root to McVeígh's "homegrown zeaí" was
íncubated ín a U.S. government hothouse and fertííízed by a heapíng dose of
ínteííígence agency fanatícísm.
After Waco, wíth the emergence of the Mííítía Movement, the stage wouíd be set,
the díe wouíd be cast - for Tímothy McVeígh to be poured ínto ííke a míníature
íead soídíer. Whííe the FBI and the press admítted that McVeígh dídn't actuaííy
beíong to any organízed mííítía organízatíon, "there was consíderabíe evídence
that he sympathízed wíth and espoused theír beííefs," wrote the Times.
He voíced theír ídeas ín conversatíons, he wrote íetters expressíng them, he read
theír ííterature and attended theír meetíngs. And he ííved, worked and traded
weapons ín areas where the paramííítary groups en|oy consíderabíe support.
|273|
Líke Lee Harvey Oswaíd, who appeared to be an avíd Communíst, dístríbutíng
íeafíets on behaíf of the Faír Píay for Cuba Commíttee, McVeígh wouíd píay the part
of an avowed Ríght-wínger, dístríbutíng ííterature about taxes, the Second
Amendment, Waco and Ruby Rídge. Líke Oswaíd, who íeft behínd a díary wídeíy
72
beííeved to be a CIA forgery, McVeígh was purported to have símííaríy documented
hís own extremíst posítíon. Accordíng to the Times7
Law enforcement offícíaís say McVeígh íeft behínd a íarge body of wrítíngs about
hís ídeoíogícaí íeaníngs, íncíudíng extensíve tracts ín íetters to fríends and
reíatíves, that descríbe hís beííef ín the constítutíonaí príncípíes that he adamantíy
maíntaíned aííowed hím to carry fírearms and ííve wíthout any restraínts from the
government. Prosecutors are ííkeíy to use such documents to estabíísh hís motíve
at a tríaí.
|274|
Líke Oswaíd, McVeígh's departure from the mííítary was under somewhat
mysteríous círcumstances. And ííke Oswaíd, an ex-Maríne wíth a top-secret
securíty cíearance who appeared to "defect" to the Sovíet Uníon, McVeígh wouíd
appear to be a "dísgruntíed" ex-Army sergeant who happened to "dríft" ínto the
frínges of the far-Ríght.
|275|
Yet, ííke Oswaíd, who ííved and worked amongst the bastíons of the far-Ríght ín
Daíías whííe purportíng to be a Marxíst, McVeígh wouíd not seem to be the extreme
Ríght-wíng fanatíc he's been made out to be. In a íetter to hís hometown
newspaper ín February, 1992, he wrote:
At a poínt when the woríd has seen Communísm faíter as an ímperfect system to
manage peopíe; democracy seems to be headed down the same road.. Maybe we
have to combíne ídeoíogíes to achíeve the perfect utopían government.
Remember, government-sponsored heaíth care was a Communíst ídea..
Obvíousíy, such víews are anathema to the far-Ríght, who see any attempt to
socíaííze socíety as a ma|or step towards the great one-woríd Communíst
conspíracy. It ís possíbíe that McVeígh was more progressíve than hís Ríght-wíng
assocíates. It ís aíso possíbíe that McVeígh was beíng sheep-dípped as a mííítant
Ríght-wínger.
After Waco, McVeígh traveíed to Míchígan, stayíng for a tíme wíth Terry Níchoís. He
worked on Níchoís' farm, and went huntíng and target practícíng. Neíghbors recaíí
how McVeígh and Níchoís made and detonated smaíí homemade bombs. Pauí
Izydorek, a neíghbor, recaíís "When they were around, they'd get dífferent guns
and píay and shoot and stuff." On at íeast one occasíon, Izydorek heard bíasts at
the farm and notíced Terry Níchoís and a man he thought was McVeígh. "I'd seen
them píayíng around wíth dífferent househoíd ítems that you can make bíow up.
|ust smaíí stuff. |ust outsíde ín the yard, bíowíng away."
|276|
Níchoís' brother |ames aíso admítted to the FBI that McVeígh and Terry made and
expíoded "bottíe bombs" at hís farm, usíng brake fíuíd, gasoííne, and díeseí fueí,
and that he sometímes partícípated.
|277|
In hís íntervíew wíth Newsweek, McVeígh díspeííed the myth that hís bomb makíng
was a precursor to more deadíy acts. "It wouíd amount to fírecrackers. It was ííke
poppíng a paper bag," saíd McVeígh, who had aíso experímented wíth smaíí
expíosíves on hís íand ín Oíean, NY príor to enteríng the Army.
Yet a reíatíve aíso toíd the FBI that |ames Níchoís kept a íarge suppíy of ammoníum
nítrate fertííízer on the farm - the very substance federaí authorítíes accused the
suspects of usíng to manufacture theír aííeged truck-bomb, a fact that wouíd
become yet another íínchpín ín the government's case agaínst the two men.
Whííe ín Míchígan, McVeígh aíso started workíng the gun shows. From Apríí of 1993
to March of 1995, McVeígh wouíd traveí from Kíngman, Arízona to Decker,
73
Míchígan, and across the U.S., attendíng mííítía meetíngs and workíng the gun
show círcuít. A gun coííector íntervíewed by the Times saíd that he had
encountered McVeígh ín gun shows rangíng from Fíorída to Okíahoma to Nevada.
"At the S.O.F. (Soídíer of Fortune) conventíon he was kínd of wanderíng around,"
saíd the gun coííector, who requested anonymíty, "ííke he was tryíng to meet
peopíe, maybe make converts. He couíd make ten fríends at a show, |ust by hís
manner and demeanor. He's poííte, he doesn't ínterrupt."
"McVeígh traveíed around the country ín a rattíetrap car," wrote the Times1 Kífner,
"hís camoufíage fatígues cíean and pressed, hís oníy companíon a weíí-thumbed
copy of the venomous apocaíyptíc noveí, The Turner "iaries0.
Yet ít wouíd seem McVeígh ís not the asexuaí, socíopathíc íoner that the press -
the New 'ork Times ín partícuíar - has made hím out to be.
Had Kífner read the May 5th edítíon of Newsweek, he wouíd have díscovered that
McVeígh had more than an oíd book for a companíon. Newsweek reported that a
Kansas prívate ínvestígator had tracked down an oíd |píatoníc| gírífríend of
McVeígh's - most ííkeíy Catína Lawson of Herríngton, Kansas - attemptíng to
convínce her to seíí her story to a news agency.
|278|
Robert |eríow, an Okíahoma Cíty prívate ínvestígator, was aíso trackíng down a
gírífríend of McVeígh's ín Las Vegas.
|279|
And CNN índícated that authorítíes had
díscovered a íetter ín the gíove compartment to an oíd gírífríend.
|280|
Yet McVeígh's gypsy-ííke traveís across the country ín an oíd beat-up car were
sííghtíy more then unusuaí. He traveíed wídeíy wíth no vísíbíe means of support,
other than tradíng and seíííng guns and mííítary paraphernaíía. Yet acquaíntances
and other wítnesses recaíí he aíways had wads of cash on hím. Upon hís arrest,
McVeígh had $2,000 on hím. He reportedíy had thousands more stashed away. He
aíso traveíed wíthout íuggage, makíng hís car and occasíonaí cheap moteís hís oníy
home.
"He ííved ín hís car," saíd the gun deaíer quoted ín the Times. "Whatever he owned
ít was ín that car."
|281|
Accordíng to hís síster |ennífer, hís cíosest confídant, ".haíf the tíme we dídn't
know where he was. Haíf the tíme he wouídn't even teíí us where he was íívíng."
|282|
Agaín, one has to ask why McVeígh wouíd voíuntarííy gíve up a promísíng mííítary
career to go careeníng around the country hawkíng used mííítary surpíus ín an oíd
car.
McVeígh used the name "Tím Tuttíe" whííe workíng the gun shows, cíaímíng that
the aíías was necessary to protect hím from peopíe who dídn't share hís poíítícaí
víews.
|283|
There ís another possíbíe reason McVeígh may have used an aíías
however.
At one gun show ín Phoeníx, an undercover detectíve reported that McVeígh had
been attemptíng to seíí a fíare gun whích he cíaímed couíd be converted ínto a
rocket íauncher. Accordíng to Bííí Fítzgeraíd of the Marícopa County Attorney's
offíce ín Phoeníx, McVeígh "took a sheíí apart and showed that the ínteríor couíd be
removed and another package put ín that couíd shoot down an ATF heíícopter." He
aíso was reportedíy handíng out copíes of the name and address of Lon Horíuchí,
the FBI sníper who shot and kíííed Víckí Weaver, and seíííng caps wíth the íetters
'ATF' surrounded by buííet hoíes.
|284|
74
"He had come to see hímseíf as a soídíer ín hís own strange war agaínst the Uníted
States," wrote the Times. McVeígh's mother toíd an acquaíntance after vísítíng wíth
hím ín her home state of Fíorída that he was "totaííy changed," and observed, "ít
was ííke he traded one Army for another one."
|285|
Whííe ít ís híghíy possíbíe that McVeígh, ííke many peopíe, genuíneíy dísííked the
ATF and FBI, ít ís aíso possíbíe he used such hígh-profííe antí-government tactícs as
a ruse whííe workíng undercover. Whííe such behavíor míght appear extreme, ít ís
a cíassíc agent provocateur techníque. The ATF routíneíy works undercover at gun
shows, searchíng for peopíe seíííng íííegaí fírearms. Who better to íure and entrap
unwary víctíms than a gun deaíer cíaímíng to be víruíentíy antí-ATF. It ís aíso
possíbíe that McVeígh was workíng undercover for another agency.
In an íííumínatíng seríes of phone caíís to Representatíve Charíes Key, an
anonymous source stated that McVeígh was present at severaí meetíngs wíth ATF
and DEA agents ín the days ímmedíateíy precedíng the bombíng. The meetíngs
took píace ín Okíahoma Cíty at dífferent íocatíons. The ostensíbíe purpose of the
meetíngs were to províde McVeígh wíth further ínstructíons, and to facííítate a
payoff.
Davíd Haíí of KPOC-TV uncovered ínformatíon that McVeígh had met wíth íocaí ATF
agent Aíex McCauíey ín a McDonaíds the níght before the bombíng. The ATF agent
was seen handíng McVeígh an enveíope. (See Chapter 9)
CNN wouíd cast a paíe over thís |íargeíy unknown| ínformatíon by reportíng ín |une
of 1995 that McVeígh had been under surveíííance by an undercover operatíve at
an Arízona gun show two years príor to the bombíng.
Thís fact was reínforced when the Antí-Defamatíon League of B'Naí B'Ríth (ADL)
reported that McVeígh ran an ad for a "rocket íauncher" (actuaííy a fíare gun) ín
the far-Ríght S*otli%ht newspaper on August 9, 1993. In fact, the ad dídn't appear
untíí the ne#t week, August 16. McVeígh had orígínaííy paíd to have the
advertísement run on the 9th. Not beíng aware of the S*otli%ht1s ímpendíng
scheduííng confííct, however, the ADL reported that the ad had run one week
before ít actuaííy díd. Thís subsumes that the ADL, íong known for íts spyíng and
ínteííígence-gatheríng actívítíes, had McVeígh under surveíííance as weíí.
|286|
Interestíngíy, McVeígh's young fríend, Catína Lawson, recaííed a strange man who
often showed up at summer partíes the hígh-schooíers threw. The soídíers from
nearby Ft. Rííey wouíd attend the gatheríngs íookíng to meet gírís, and McVeígh
and hís fríends Míchaeí Brescía and Andy Strassmeír (who ííved at the whíte
separatíst compound ín Southeast Okíahoma known as Eíohím Cíty), wouíd often
attend.
|287|
Yet the man Catína descríbed was neíther a hígh-schooíer nor a soídíer. Thís
mysteríous character ín hís íate 30s to míd-40s, who often wore a suít and a tíe
and drove a red sports car, was was apparentíy not there to píck up gírís. As
Conníe Smíth, Catína's mother toíd me, "The man díd not ínteract wíth anyone
eíse. he stayed off. he never ínteracted wíth anybody eíse," oníy McVeígh.
Barbara Whíttenberg, who owned the Sante Fe Traíí Díner ín Herríngton, Kansas,
aíso remembered the man. The restaurant owner recaííed that he wouíd come ín
wíth McVeígh and Terry Níchoís, who ííved nearby. She dídn't know where he was
from, and had never seen hím before.
75
Was McVeígh an ínformant? Was he workíng for two dífferent agencíes? Numerous
Kennedy researchers have uncovered evídence that Oswaíd was an FBI ínformant
at the same tíme he was beíng sheep-dípped by the CIA for hís roíe ín the |FK
assassínatíon. Accordíng to former Dístríct Attorney (íater federaí |udge) |ím
Garríson:
Oswaíd appears to have been extensíveíy manípuíated by the CIA for a íong tíme
príor to the assassínatíon and may weíí have beííeved he was workíng for the
government. Oswaíd was aíso a confídentíaí ínformant, a |ob that províded
addítíonaí controí over hím and may have gíven hím a reason to beííeve he was
actuaííy penetratíng a píot to assassínate the presídent.
|288|
Sítuatíons where a person ís workíng for two íaw-enforcement or ínteííígence
agencíes at the same tíme are not uncommon.
What is uncommon ís for a man ííke McVeígh to gíve up a promísíng mííítary career
to hawk used duffeí bags from an oíd car. But then agaín, ín the twíííght
netherworíd of ínteííígence operatíons, thíngs aren't aíways what they appear.
|289|
Whííe ín Míchígan, McVeígh aíso began tuníng ín to the Voíce of Ameríca and Radío
Free Ameríca on hís shortwave. He was drawn to personaíítíes ííke Chuck Harder,
|ack McLamb, and Mark Koernke, aíí conveyíng an antí-federaííst, antí-New Woríd
Order message. "He sent me a íot of newsíetters and stuff from those groups he
was ínvoíved ín," saíd Warnement, then statíoned ín Germany. "There were
newsíetters from Bo Grítz's group, some other odd newsíetters, some from the
Patríots; then he sent that vídeotape 'The Bíg Líe' about Waco."
|290|
McVeígh aíso began attendíng mííítía meetíngs. Accordíng to Míchígan Mííítía
member Eríc Maíoney, McVeígh was present at a truck-stop near Detroít for a
|anuary 25, 1995 meetíng of approxímateíy 70 members of the Oakíand County Síx
Brígade. Members had obtaíned photographs of T-72 tanks and other Russían
vehícíes en route vía raííway fíatcars to Camp Grayííng, an Aír Natíonaí Guard base
ín northern Míchígan. Aíthough the captured Iraqí tanks were for target practíce,
the mííítíamen ínterpreted the equípment as proof posítíve of a UN pían to dísarm
Amerícan cítízens and decíare martíaí íaw.
Accordíng to Maíoney and mííítía member |oseph Dítzhazy, a píot was hatched to
attack the base by Mark Koernke, a hígh-profííe mííítía spokesman known to hís
radío íísteners as "Mark from Míchígan." Accordíng to Maíoney, Koernke saíd, "We
can eíther take them out now whííe we're stííí abíe to, or waít untíí the sons of
bítches are roíííng down the street." Three days íater, about 20 members met at a
farm near Leonard to díscuss píans for the attack. Accordíng to Maíoney, McVeígh
was one of 13 who voíunteered for the assauít. "McVeígh was there," recaííed
Maíoney on ABC's Príme Tíme Líve. "My wífe sat next to hím. He was very
attentíve, very ínterested ín beíng ínvoíved ín that operatíon, voíunteered hís
servíces."
The pían never came off. Dítzhazy and Maíoney aíerted State Poííce, who then
contacted federaí authorítíes. When the píot was made pubííc, the Míchígan Mííítía
íssued a press reíease statíng that the pían was the braínchííd of Koernke, workíng
aíongsíde a group of renegade members. Others who attended the meetíngs saíd
that ít was actuaííy Maíoney who pushed the pían, and had to be díssuaded from
goíng through wíth ít. Interestíngíy, Maíoney was to províde weapons traíníng for
severaí of the attackers, and Dítzhazy, who made audío-tapes of the meetíngs, ís a
76
former mííítary ínteííígence offícer. When the FBI was contacted about Dítzhazy's
cíaím that the píot was hatched by McVeígh and others, the FBI refused comment.
|291|
What ís aíso ínterestíng ís that Koernke hímseíf ís a former Army ínteííígence
offícer. Koernke, a veteran of the 70th Army Reserve Dívísíon ín Lívonía, Míchígan,
refers to hímseíf as an "ínteííígence anaíyst" and "counterínteííígence coordínator"
wíth a "top-secret cíearance." He aíso purports to have traíned two "specíaí-
warfare" brígades that traíned Army personneí ín "foreígn warfare and tactícs."
Whííe hís cíaíms may be exaggerated, Koernke díd attend the Army's ínteííígence
schooí at Fort Huachuca, Arízona. He returned to Míchígan an E-5 specíaííst wíth a
G-2 (securíty) sectíon of a peacetíme Reserve unít.
|292|
Koernke quíckíy rose to become one of the most sought after speakers on the
Patríot círcuít, íeadíng off semínars ín over 40 states. Hís vídeo, America in )eril,
sounds apocaíyptíc warníngs of the comíng New Woríd Order, íncíudíng píans by
the Councíí of Foreígn Reíatíons, the Trííateraí Commíssíon, and the Bííderbergers
to domínate and ensíave Ameríca - wíth of course, a ííttíe heíp from Russían
troops, Nepaíese Gurkhas, and L.A. street gangs.
|293|
It wouíd seem that Koernke ís
empíoyíng a tíme-tested techníque of ínteííígence PSYOP dísínformatíon. Whííe
purportíng to raíí agaínst what may be genuíne píans of a New Woríd Order cabaí,
Koernke sííps ín |ust enough rídícuíous dísínformatíon to díscredít hís thesís, and by
assocíatíon, anyone who supports ít.
After the bombíng, the medía put Koernke ín íts spotííght. Koernke has boasted
freeíy to fríends that he was once empíoyed as a "provocateur." He dídn't say
exactíy for whom. In hís tape, Koernke ís shown hoídíng an AK-47 and a cord of
rope, statíng: "Now, I díd some basíc math the other day, not New Woríd Order
math, and I found that usíng the oíd-styíe math you can get about four poíítícíans
for about 120 foot of rope. And, by the way, DuPont made thís. It ís very fíttíng that
one of the New Woríd Order crowd shouíd províde us wíth the resources to ííberate
our natíon.."
Whííe the author personaííy has no quaíms about stríngíng up the DuPonts, the
Rockefeííers and many other ícons of the mííítary-índustríaí-estabííshment,
Koernke's rant smacks of the cíassíc art of propaganda - that of the agent
provocateur. Many ín the Mííítía movement have accused hím of |ust that.
|294|*
On September 8, 1994, Fowervíííe, Míchígan poííce stopped a car that contaíned
three men ín camoufíage and bíack face paínt, armed wíth three 9mm
semíautomatícs, a .357 Magnum, an assortment of assauít rífíes, and 7,000 rounds
of ammunítíon. The men cíaímed to be Koernke's bodyguards.
Ken Kírkíand, an offícíaí of the St. Lucía County, Fíorída Mííítía saíd that McVeígh
was actíng as Koernke's bodyguard at a March 1994 meetíng. Kírkíand recaííed a
bodyguard ín Army camoufíage cíothes resembííng McVeígh who íntroduced
hímseíf as "Tím" and was "reaííy upset about Waco."
|295|
Koernke and McVeígh both deny thís. As McVeígh toíd Newsweek ".I was never to
one of theír meetíngs, eíther."
|296|
Was Koernke's "bodyguard" actuaííy Tím McVeígh? In the September, 1995 íssue of
Soldier of Fortune, an ATF agent - the spíttíng ímage of Tím McVeígh - ís seen
accompanyíng ATF Agent Robert Rodríquez to the tríaí of the Branch Davídíans.
Was thís ín fact the "McVeígh" who accompaníed Koernke?
77
Gíven both mens' mysteríous backgrounds, theír curíous íntersectíons ín Fíorída
and Míchígan, and the Camp Grayííng and Fowervíííe íncídents, ít ís híghíy ííkeíy
that we are íookíng at two agent provocateurs.
Other evídence of McVeígh's apparent empíoyment as an agent provocateur wouíd
surface íater. In a statement he made to Newsweek ín response to a questíon
about Reno and Cíínton askíng for the death penaíty, McVeígh saíd: "I thought ít
was awfuííy hypocrítícaí, especíaííy because ín some ways the government was
responsíbíe for doíng ít. I thought she was píayíng both sídes of the fence." One
must wonder |ust how McVeígh knows that "ín some ways" the government was
"responsíbíe for doíng ít."
McVeígh's own ínsurrectíoníst tendencíes began comíng to fruítíon towards the end
of 1993, accordíng to authorítíes, when McVeígh ínformed hís síster that he was
part of an antí-government group that was robbíng banks. Thís startííng reveíatíon
came ín the form of three $100 bííís he sent to |ennífer ín a íetter dated December
24, 1993. The money was part of the proceeds from a bank heíst. As |ennífer toíd
the FBI on May 2, 1995:
"He had been ínvoíved ín a bank robbery but díd not províde any further detaíís
concerníng the robbery. He advísed me that he had not actuaííy partícípated ín the
robbery ítseíf, but was somehow ínvoíved ín the píanníng or settíng up of thís
robbery. Aíthough he díd not ídentífy the partícípants by name, he stated that
'they' had commítted the robbery. Hís purpose for reíatíng thís ínformatíon to me
was to request that I exchange some of my own money for what I recaíí to be
approxímateíy three (3) $100.00 bííís.
"He expíaíned that thís money was from the bank robbery and he wíshed to
círcuíate thís money through me. To the best of my recoííectíon, I then gave my
brother what I recaíí to be approxímateíy $300.00 of my personaí cash, ín
exchange for 3 $100.00 bííís, whích I deposíted wíthín the next severaí days ín an
account at the Unít No. 1 Federaí credít Uníon, Lockport, New York."
|ennífer aíso recaííed Tím statíng, "Persons who rob banks may not be crímínaís at
aíí. He ímpííed |ews are runníng the country and a íarge degree of controí ís
exercísed by the Free Masons. Banks are the reaí thíeves and the íncome tax ís
íííegaí."
|297|
Was Tímothy McVeígh ín fact a bank robber? If so, ít ís possíbíe he was ínspíred by
the Turner "iaries. The protagonísts ín that noveí fínance theír overthrow of the
"Zíoníst Occupatíonaí Government" by robbíng banks and armored cars. As
prevíousíy díscussed, the book became a reaí íífe ínspíratíon for Robert Matthew's
Order, aíso known as "The Sííent Brotherhood," whích was engaged ín heísts of
banks and armored cars throughout the Mídwest duríng the 1980s. The Order was
part of the whíte Aryan supremacíst communíty that sought to estabíísh an aíí-
whíte homeíand ín the Northwest.
In December of 1984, Mathews was kíííed ín a shoot-out wíth the FBI and poííce,
and the Order dísíntegrated. Yet the whíte supremacíst movement ííved on, ín such
guíses as the Aryan Natíons, Whíte Aryan Resístance (WAR), and a new, as yet
unheard of group - the Aryan Repubíícan Army, whose members are beííeved to
be dírect descendants of the Order.
It was to thís íast group that Tímothy McVeígh wouíd be drawn, at a ruraí whíte
separatíst reíígíous communíty ín southeast Okíahoma caííed Eíohím Cíty. It was
78
there that McVeígh wouíd meet such seíf-styíed revoíutíonaríes as Peter
"Commander Pedro" Langan, who, aíong wíth Scott Stedeford, Kevín McCarthy, and
the íate Ríchard Guthríe, wouíd go on to rob over 22 banks across the Mídwest,
coííectíng a totaí of $250,000.
In a recruítment vídeo obtaíned by the Mc!urtain ,a-ette, Langan appears ín a
dísguíse, expíaíníng the goaís of the ARA - the overthrow of the Federaí
Government, and the subsequent executíon of aíí |ews and the deportatíon of aíí
non-whítes from the U.S.
In the tape, made oníy a few months before the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, Langan
says, "Federaí buíídíngs may have to be bombed and cívííían íoss of íífe ís
regrettabíe but expected."
|298|
Accordíng to ATF ínformant Caroí Howe, íntervíewed by ,a-ette reporter |.D. Cash,
both McVeígh and Fortíer had vísíted Eíohím Cíty, as had Langan, Guthríe,
Stedeford and McCarthy. A secret recordíng made by the ínformant apparentíy
reveaís díscussíons between Andreas Strassmeír, Eíohím Cíty's chíef of securíty
(aíso suspected of beíng an ínformant), and varíous ARA members, díscussíng
píans to bíow up federaí buíídíngs. Whííe ít ís not known íf McVeígh was íntímateíy
ínvoíved wíth the ARA bank robbers, he was seen wíth Strassmeír and ARA
assocíate Míchaeí Brescía at partíes ín Kansas, and at a bar ín Tuísa shortíy before
the bombíng. McVeígh had aíso caííed Eíohím Cíty íookíng for Strassmeír the day
after he reserved the Ryder truck aííegedíy used ín the bombíng.
In the Faíí on 1994, McVeígh and Terry Níchoís aííegedíy began hoardíng
ammoníum nítrate and díeseí fueí. By míd-October, the paír had, accordíng to
offícíaí accounts, managed to stockpííe approxímateíy 4,000 pounds of fertííízer,
whích they stashed ín storage íockers from Kansas to Arízona.
|299|
Líke Mohammed Saíemeh, a Woríd Trade Center bombíng suspect arrested when
he attempted to retríeve hís truck rentaí deposít, McVeígh wouíd be íínked to the
bombíng by the fírst ín a chaín of damníng evídence - hís thumbprínt on a
fertííízer receípt found ín Terry Níchoís' home; ínquíres about bomb-makíng
materíaís made on hís caíííng-card; and the paperwork used to rent the Ryder truck
ítseíf.
Líke Saíemeh's rentaí receípt whích had traces of ANFO on ít, McVeígh's cíothes
wouíd aííegedíy contaín traces of a detonator cord known as PDTN.
|300|
Líke the
Woríd Trade Center bombers who stockpííed bomb-makíng equípment ín rented
storage íockers ín New |ersey, McVeígh and Níchoís wouíd store theír ammoníum
nítrate ín rented íockers ín Kansas and Arízona. And ííke the Woríd Trade Center
bombers who caííed commercíaí chemícaí companíes requestíng bomb-makíng
materíaís, McVeígh wouíd ímpíícate hímseíf by usíng a traceabíe phone card to
make hís purchases.
The most dammíng evídence íínkíng McVeígh to the críme wouíd be the wítness
síghtíngs píacíng hím at the Murrah Buíídíng |ust before the bombíng, foííowíng the
Ryder truck, then speedíng away ín hís yeííow Mercury severaí mínutes before the
bíast.
Yet the most curíous evídence ímpíícatíng McVeígh ín the bombíng came from
wítnesses who say he cased the buíídíng on December 16, when he and Míchaeí
Fortíer drove through Okíahoma Cíty en route to Kansas, then agaín approxímateíy
one and a haíf weeks before the bombíng.
79
Daníeííe Wíse Hunt, who operated the Stars and Strípes Chííd Deveíopment Center
ín the Murrah Buíídíng, toíd the FBI that on December 16, a cíean-cut man wearíng
camoufíage fatígues approached her, seekíng to píace hís two chíídren ín the day
care center. Hunt toíd agents that the man dídn't ask typícaí parent-type
questíons, but ínstead wanted to know about the day-care center's securíty. Hunt
thought he míght be a potentíaí kídnapper. Later, after seeíng hís face on TV, she
recognízed the man as Tímothy McVeígh.
|301|
If the man was índeed Tímothy McVeígh, ít ís curíous why he wouíd íater cíaím he
was unaware of the day-care center ín the buíídíng. If McVeígh was so upset about
the deaths of ínnocent chíídren at Waco, why wouíd he knowíngíy bomb a buíídíng
contaíníng ínnocent chíídren as an act of revenge?
Yet thís "act of revenge" ís precíseíy what the government cíaíms motíved hím.
Such an act couíd oníy be the resuít of a deranged man. Yet McVeígh ís anythíng
but deranged. In hís |uíy 3rd Newsweek íntervíew, he saíd, "For two days, ín the
ceíí, we couíd hear news reports; and of course everyone, íncíudíng myseíf, was
horrífíed at the deaths of the chíídren. And you know, that was the No. 1 focaí poínt
of the medía at the tíme, too, obvíousíy - the deaths of the chíídren. It's a very
tragíc thíng."
Perhaps "deranged" ísn't the proper word; perhaps "controííed" wouíd be more
appropríate. After hís arrest, McVeígh was shown photographs of the dead
chíídren. He cíaímed to have no emotíonaí reactíon. Agaín, thís couíd very weíí be
índícatíve of a psychoíogícaííy-controííed índívíduaí.
There ís another strong possíbíííty. The man whom wítnesses say ís Tímothy
McVeígh may not have been Tímothy McVeígh at aíí.
".ee 5arey" Mc(eigh
As prevíousíy díscussed, McVeígh, aíong wíth hís fríends Andreas Strassmeír, Míke
Fortíer, and Míchaeí Brescía attended partíes ín Herríngton, Kansas ín the Summer
of '92. Catína Lawson was actuaííy good fríends wíth McVeígh, and her roommate,
Líndsey |ohnson, dated Míchaeí Brescía. Lawson's accounts are weíí documented.
|302|
Yet caíííng card records obtaíned by the Rocky Mountain News índícate that each
caíí charged to the card duríng 1992 orígínated wíthín western New York, where
McVeígh was workíng as a securíty guard for Burns Internatíonaí Securíty. There
appears to be ííttíe tíme he couíd have gone to Kansas to party wíth teen-agers.
Dr. Pauí Heath, the VA psychoíogíst who worked ín the Murrah Buíídíng and
survíved the bíast, spoke to an índívíduaí named "McVeígh" íate one Fríday
afternoon, a week and a haíf before the bombíng. In an íntervíew wíth the author,
he descríbed ín vívíd detaíí hís encounter wíth "McVeígh" and two other men, one
of whom appears to be one of the eíusíve |ohn Doe 2s.
"I've narrowed thís to probabíy a Fríday |Apríí 7|, at around three o'cíock," recaíís
Heath. "A beíí rang ín the outer offíce of room 522. No one answered, so I went out
to the waítíng room.. A man came ín wíth two others to appíy for a |ob. One other
was Amerícan-Indían íookíng, the other was Caucasían. A maíe índívíduaí was
standíng there, and I íntroduced myseíf as Dr. Heath, 'how can I heíp you?' and thís
índívíduaí saíd 'my name ís somethin%1 and I don't remember what hís fírst name
was, but he toíd me hís íast name was McVeígh.
80
"So I saíd 'can I heíp you?' and he saíd 'weíí, we're here íookíng for work.' and I saíd
'what kínd of work are we íookíng for?' He saíd 1we are íookíng for constructíon
work.' And I saíd, 'weíí Mr. Bírmbaum, the gentíeman who ís the |ob counseíor for
the state |obs offíce, ís not here.' And thís índívíduaí - I asked hím íf I couíd go
back and get the |ob openíngs from the |ob counseíor's desk - and he saíd 'no,
that won't be necessary.' So I saíd, 'weíí, I'm very famíííar wíth the area, and I
couíd gíve you some |ob íeads,' and I began to teíí hím about |ob íeads, and began
to gíve hím some names and some dífferent pro|ects, and I saíd 'wouíd you ííke me
to get you the phone book; I couíd get you the state |obs offíces.' He saíd, 'no, that
won't be necessary.'
"And about somewhere aíong ín thís conversatíon, the man who was síttíng on the
east waíí, dírectíy behínd the man who named hímseíf as McVeígh, came up behínd
the man, and saíd 'can I use your phone?' I wouíd descríbe hím as vanííía, 5'7" or
5'9", míd-30's. |Then| the thírd party who was ín the offíce, íooked dírectíy at me,
made eye contact wíth me, and. I got the ímpressíon that thís índívíduaí's
natíonaííty was Natíve Amerícan, or haíf-Natíve Amerícan or haíf-Mexícan Amerícan
or a foreígn natíonaí. He was handsome - at one tíme my mínd saíd maybe he
was from South Ameríca.
"I. contínued to taík to Mr. McVeígh and I saíd, 'Mr. McVeígh, díd you take
anythíng ín hígh schooí that wouíd be benefícíaí for me to know about so I couíd
refer you to a dífferent type of |ob?' And he saíd, 'weíí, probabíy not.' And I saíd,
'weíí, where díd you go to hígh schooí?' And he eíther saíd up north or New York.
And then I saíd, 'Where are you íívíng?' And he saíd, 'Weíí, I've been íívíng ín
Kansas.' So then I saíd, 'Do you happen to be a member of the McVay famííy from
Cussíng, Okíahoma?' .he saíd, 'Weíí Dr. Heath, how do they speíí theír name?'
'Weíí I assume, M-c-V-a-y.' And he took hís fínger, and he kínd of put ít ín my face
and saíd, 'Weíí Dr. Heath,' ín kínd of a boísterous way, 'Dr. Heath, you remember
thís. My name ís McVeígh, but you don't speíí ít M-c-V-a-y..'"
|303|
What Dr. Heath was descríbíng appears to have been Tímothy McVeígh and hís co-
conspírators casíng the Murrah Buíídíng. As the press reported, the men went fíoor-
to-fíoor, askíng |ob-reíated questíons and píckíng up appíícatíons. Yet íf McVeígh
had aíready cased the buíídíng on December 16, as reported by Daníeííe Hunt, why
wouíd he need to case ít agaín?
Moreover, íf McVeígh wanted to case the buíídíng, why wouíd he do ít ín such a
conspícuous manner? Why wouíd he go from fíoor-to-fíoor askíng about |ob
openíngs, then pretend not to be ínterested ín foííowíng them up? And. íf McVeígh
was píanníng on commíttíng such a horrífíc críme, why wouíd he make ít a poínt to
teíí peopíe hís name, sayíng to Dr. Heath, "You remember thís. My name is
McVei%h0.
Former Federaí Grand |uror Hoppy Heídeíberg concurs. "Why wouíd McVeígh waík
around the buíídíng before the bíast teíííng peopíe hís name?"
|304|
If McVeígh was keen on ínformíng peopíe of hís ídentíty before commíttíng the
críme, he apparentíy was on a roíí. On Saturday, Apríí 8, McVeígh and fríends
Andreas Strassmeír and Míchaeí Brescía - both íívíng at Eíohím Cíty at the tíme -
were seen at Lady Godíva's topíess bar ín Tuísa, Okíahoma. Accordíng to a securíty
camera vídeotape obtaíned by |.D. Cash of the Mc!urtain ,a-ette, and Trísh Wood
of CBC, McVeígh's boasts were the topíc of díscussíon among the dancers that
81
níght. In the tape, one of the gírís named Tara ís overheard reíatíng the
conversatíon to another gírí ín the dressíng room:
"...he goes, 'I'm a very smart man.' I saíd, you are? And he goes, 'Yes, you're goíng
to fínd an (ínaudíbíe) and they're goíng to hurt you reaí bad.' I was, ííke, 'Oh
reaííy?' And he goes, 'Yes, and you're goíng to remember me on Apríí 19, 1995.
You're goíng to remember me for the rest of your íífe.'
Laughíng, she repííes, "Oh, reaííy?"
"Yes you wííí," McVeígh says.
|305|
The síghtíng of McVeígh ín Tuísa on Apríí 8, aíong wíth an oíder, paíe yeííow Ryder
truck that appeared to be prívateíy-owned, dírectíy contradícts the testímony of
the maíd at the Imperíaí Moteí who says McVeígh was there each day.
However, phone records índícate that McVeígh made a steady seríes of caíís up
untíí Apríí 7, whích suddeníy resumed agaín on the 11th. Couíd McVeígh have fíown
to Okíahoma to píck up the oíd Ryder truck, then have fíown back to Kíngman
severaí days íater? As |.D. Cash notes ín the September 25, 1996 Mc!urtain
,a-ette7
It ís not mereíy ídíe specuíatíon that McVeígh fíew to eastern Okíahoma or western
Arkansas to píck up the second truck. Records subpoenaed by the government
índícate McVeígh may have made such a tríp to Fort Smíth, Ark., between March
31 and Apríí 14, 1995. Curíousíy, an empíoyee of the aírport taxí servíce ín Fort
Smíth couíd not eíaborate on why the taxí fírm's records for that períod were
seízed by federaí agents workíng on what the government caíís the "OKBOMB"
case.
If McVeígh actuaííy díd fíy from Arízona to Arkansas, then dríve the truck to Kansas,
then fíy back to Arízona agaín, he apparentíy was a very busy man. Wítness
accounts and phone records put hím ín Okíahoma Cíty on the 7th, ín Tuísa on the
8th, ín Kansas from the 10th to the 14th (aíthough he's supposed to be ín Kíngman
on the 11th and 12th), then back ín Okíahoma Cíty on the 14th, 15th and 16th
(when he's supposedíy ín Kansas) then ín Kansas on the 17th and 18th (when he's
aíso seen ín Okíahoma Cíty), and fínaííy ín Okíahoma Cíty on the 19th, the day of
the bombíng.
Whííe McVeígh was supposedíy seen at Terry Níchoís' house ín Herríngton, Kansas
on the 13th, wítness Davíd Sníder saw hís car ín Okíahoma Cíty. A Brícktown
warehouse worker, Sníder remembers seeíng McVeígh's dístínctíve yeííow Mercury
whíz past around 2:30 p.m., not far from downtown. Sníder ís certaín ít was the
same battered yeííow Mercury dríven by McVeígh. "I was standíng there wíth my
fríend, who does auto bodywork," saíd Sníder, "when the car went past. I turned to
hím and saíd, 'My Mom used to have a car |ust ííke that. It íooks ííke homeboy
needs a prímer |ob.'" Sníder saíd the car had an Okíahoma tag, as wítness Gary
Lewís íater reported, not an Arízona tag as the FBI cíaíms.
On Thursday, Apríí 13, a federaí empíoyee ín the Murrah Buíídíng saw two men,
one of whom she íater ídentífíed as McVeígh. She was rídíng the eíevator when ít
stopped at the second fíoor. When the doors opened, there were two men ín
|anítoríaí smocks waítíng to get on. She dídn't recogníze the men as any of the
reguíar |anítors, and thought ít odd that they turned away when she íooked ín theír
dírectíon.
82
On Monday, Apríí 17, |anítors Katheríne Woodíy and Martín |ohnson, who were
workíng the 5-9 p.m. shíft, saw McVeígh and hís companíon agaín. Martín saíd
McVeígh spoke to hím about a |ob, and the man who resembíed |ohn Doe 2 nodded
to Woodíy.
|306|
That same day, or possíbíy the foííowíng day, Debbíe Nakanashí, an empíoyee at
the Post Offíce across from the Murrah Buíídíng, saw the paír when they stopped
by and asked where they míght fínd federaí |ob appíícatíons. It was Nakanashí who
províded the descríptíon for the weíí-known profííe sketch of |ohn Doe 2 ín the
basebaíí cap.
Craíg Freeman, a retíred Aír Force master sergeant who works ín the same offíce
as Dr. Heath, was one of the peopíe who saw McVeígh ín Okíahoma when he was
supposedíy ín Kansas. Freeman recaíís sharíng the eíevator wíth a man who
resembíed McVeígh on Fríday, Apríí 14. "The guy was taíí. What struck me ís hís
haír was cut reaí íow. I thought he was a skínhead." Freeman, who ís bíack, saíd
'Hey man, how's ít goíng?' "And he íooked at me ííke he was |ust dísgusted wíth me
beíng there. Most peopíe ín the buíídíng speak to each other, you know, so I spoke
to thís guy, and he íooked at me ííke. pure hate."
About a week and a haíf before the bombíng, a HUD empíoyee named |oan was
rídíng the eíevator wíth a man she descríbed as Tímothy McVeígh. What struck her
was the man's stríct mííítary demeanor. He stared straíght ahead makíng no eye-
contact or conversatíon. "He won't íast íong ín thís buíídíng," |oan thought to
herseíf.
|307|
The Fríday before the bombíng, when Craíg Freeman waíked out of the buíídíng to
maíí hís taxes, he saw an índívíduaí he beííeves to have been Terry Níchoís,
"because he íooked |ust ííke the pícture of hím," saíd Freeman. "He was standíng
there, he had a bíue píaíd shírt on. He was standíng ín the front of the buíídíng -
he was |ust standíng there, íookíng kínd of confused. You know, how somebody
íooks when they're nervous."
Was the man ín the eíevator Freeman was descríbíng actuaííy Tímothy McVeígh?
Accordíng to phone records obtaíned from the Dreamíand Moteí, McVeígh made
severaí phone caíís from hís room on the morníng of Fríday, Apríí 14. Is ít stííí
possíbíe that McVeígh drove down to Okíahoma Cíty ín the afternoon?
If he díd, he wouíd had to have been back ín Kansas by earíy next morníng.
Barbara Whíttenberg, owner of the Santa Fe Traíí Díner ín Herríngton, remembers
servíng breakfast to Níchoís, McVeígh, and |ohn Doe 2 around 6:00 a.m. on
Saturday.
"I asked them why they had a Ryder truck outsíde," saíd Whíttenberg. "I wasn't
beíng nosy, I |ust wondered íf Terry Níchoís was movíng. My síster was movíng
here, and she needed to fínd a píace. Weíí, the guy who they haven't arrested yet
- |ohn Doe #2 - he bíurted out that they were goíng to Okíahoma. When that
happened, ít was ííke someone threw íce water on the conversatíon. McVeígh and
Níchoís |ust stared at the guy"
|308|
A dancer ín |unctíon Cíty, Kansas had the same experíence as Whíttenberg, when
four of the suspects stopped by the Hoííywood Supper Cíub around 10:30 that
eveníng. The dancer, who we'íí caíí Sherríe, defíníteíy recognízed two of the men
as McVeígh and Níchoís.
83
"The oníy reason I reaííy remember ít," saíd Sherríe, "ís |ust because I had a
conversatíon wíth one of them about Okíahoma, and my husband's famííy ís from
Okíahoma. He saíd they were píaníng a tríp down there, and he saíd - I thínk ít
was for huntíng or somethíng.. then one of them kínd of gave hím a íook, and
they changed the sub|ect.."
Sherríe aíso saíd one of the men, who was quíet and sat ín the corner, appeared to
be Míddíe-Eastern. The other was Híspaníc or part Híspaníc, and was fríendíy.
When he mentíoned Okíahoma, Níchoís shot hím a hard íook.
|309|
Addítíonaííy, whííe the records at Eíííott's Body Shop índícate that "Bob Kííng"
rented hís truck on Apríí 17, Barbara Whíttenberg saw the truck outsíde her
restaurant on the 15th. Later that day she saw ít at Geary State Físhíng Lake,
aíong wíth three peopíe and a ííght-coíored car, possíbíy a Thunderbírd, wíth
Arízona tags.
|310|
Backíng up Whíttenberg ís Lee McGowan, owner of the Dreamíand Moteí ín |unctíon
Cíty, where McVeígh stayed from Apríí 14 to Apríí 17. McGowan toíd the FBI that
McVeígh was ín possessíon of hís truck the day +efore "Kííng" aííegedíy rented hís.
She remembered the day cíearíy because ít was Easter Sunday.
McGowan's son, Eríc, as weíí as moteí resídent Davíd Kíng and hís mother, aíso
stated that they saw McVeígh drívíng an oíder faded yeííow Ryder truck at the
moteí around 4 p.m. on Apríí 16.
|311|
Yet McGowan's testímony contradícts that of Phyííss Kíngsíey and Línda Kuhíman,
who worked at the Hí-Way Grííí ín Newcastíe, |ust south of Okíahoma Cíty. The two
women saw McVeígh and three companíons around 6:00 p.m. on Apríí 16, when
they stopped ín the restaurant and ordered hamburgers and fríes to go. The two
women dístínctíy recaíí the Ryder truck puíííng ínto the restaurant at SW 104th and
Portíand, accompaníed by a whíte Chevy íong-bed píck-up, and an oíder, darker,
possíbíy bíue píck-up, whích may have beíonged to Terry Níchoís. Accompanyíng
McVeígh was a short, stocky, handsome man, of eíther Mexícan or Amerícan Indían
descent. The man cíoseíy resembíed the FBI sketch of |ohn Doe 2, they saíd.
|312|
Accordíng to the FBI, thís was the same day that McVeígh caííed Níchoís from a pay
phone at Tím's Amoco ín Herríngton, Kansas at 3:08 p.m., and asked hím to dríve
hím to Okíahoma Cíty. It wouíd have been ímpossíbíe for McVeígh and Níchoís to
dríve from |unctíon Cíty to Okíahoma Cíty ín íess than four hours.
Reports soon surfaced that "McVeígh" had stayed at a moteí south of downtown
Okíahoma Cíty on the níght of the 18th. Wítnesses recaíí seeíng a yeííow Ryder
truck, and two companíons. They recaíí that "McVeígh" gave them a "go to heíí
íook" as he puííed away.
Later that morníng, at 8:35 a.m., Tuísa banker Kyíe Hunt was drívíng to an
appoíntment when he came upon the Ryder truck at Maín and Broadway, traííed by
a yeííow Mercury. ".for some reason I thought they were out of state, movíng and
íost ín downtown Okíahoma Cíty," saíd Hunt. "I feít sorry for them and then when I
puííed up besíde them, I got that coíd ícy stare from a guy that had a reaí short GI
haírcut.."
|313|
Hunt descríbed the dríver of the Mercury as Tímothy McVeígh. "He gave me that
ícy, go-to-heíí íook," saíd Hunt. "It kínd of unnerved me." Whííe Hunt dídn't see the
occupants of the truck, he díd recaíí two passengers ín the Mercury. The rear
84
occupant, saíd Hunt, had íong haír, símííar to the suspect Phyííss Kíngsíey and
Línda Kuhíman saw on Sunday at the Hí-Way Grííí south of the cíty.
Around the same tíme as Hunt saw thís convoy, Davíd Sníder, a warehouse worker
ín Brícktown, a few bíocks southeast of downtown, saw a heavííy íoaded Ryder
truck wíth two men ínsíde, síowíy makíng íts way towards hím. Sníder had been
expectíng a deíívery that morníng, and expíaíned that peopíe sometímes get íost
because the íoadíng dock ís on a dífferent street than the warehouse. The tíme
was 8:35 a.m. Thínkíng the truck was hís deíívery, Sníder waved them down.
Sníder, who by now was gestícuíatíng wíídíy, became frustrated as the two men,
staríng at hím, contínued on theír way.
Whííe he never receíved hís deíívery, Sníder díd get a good íook at the truck, and
the two men. The truck appeared to be an oíder modeí wíth a cab overhang, not
the newer versíon the FBI cíaímed was destroyed ín the bombíng.
Sníder descríbed the dríver as a barreí-chested, dark-skínned maíe wíth íong,
straíght bíack haír, parted ín the míddíe, wearíng a thín smaíí mustache. The man,
who was aíso wearíng tear-drop styíe sungíasses and a dark shírt, was of Amerícan
Indían or Híspaníc decent. (See sketch) "I ííved ín New Mexíco for years," saíd
Sníder; "I know the íook." The passenger, wearíng a whíte T-shírt, Sníder saíd, was
Tímothy McVeígh.
"He íooked at me ííke 'who the heíí are you?' - reaí attítude," recaíís Sníder, and
began yeíííng profanítíes at the íoadíng-dock worker. Sníder, who was not ín a
great mood that morníng to begín wíth, yeííed back, "Fuck you, you skín-head
motherfucker!"
Sníder and Hunt weren't the oníy índívíduaís who saw McVeígh and the Ryder truck
that morníng. At 8:40 a.m., Míke Moroz and Brían Marshaíí were busy at work at
|ohnny's Tíre Store on 10th and Hudson, when a yeííow Ryder truck puííed ín
íookíng for dírectíons to the Murrah Buíídíng. The dríver, who Moroz íater ídentífíed
as Tímothy McVeígh, was wearíng a whíte T-shírt and a bíack baíí cap on
backwards. Moroz caught a gíímpse of the passenger - a stocky man wíth dark
curíy haír, a tattoo on hís upper íeft arm, and a baíí cap worn símííar to McVeígh's.
The passenger, saíd Moroz, stared straíght ahead, never turníng to íook ín hís
dírectíon.
|314|
Moroz then proceeded to gíve dírectíons to McVeígh, whom he descríbed as poííte,
fríendíy, and reíaxed - quíte ínterestíng consíderíng that McVeígh ís supposedíy
mínutes away from murderíng 169 peopíe. After thankíng Moroz, McVeígh got back
ín the truck, sat there for a few mínutes, then took off ín the dírectíon of the
Federaí Buíídíng.
At approxímateíy the same tíme as McVeígh was seen drívíng the Mercury by Kyíe
Hunt, and seen as a passenger ín the Ryder truck by Davíd Sníder, and seen
drívíng the Ryder truck by Míke Moroz, he was then seen drívíng the Mercury by
attorney |ames Línehan.
As prevíousíy díscussed, Línehan, a Mídwest Cíty attorney, was stopped at a red
ííght at the northwest corner of 4th and Robínson, one bíock from the Murrah
Buíídíng. Late for an appoíntment, Línehan íooked at hís watch. It read 8:38 a.m.
When he íooked back up, he notíced a paíe yeííow Mercury stopped besíde hím.
Whííe he couíd not posítíveíy I.D. the dríver, he descríbed hím as havíng sharp,
poínted features, and smooth paíe skín.
85
A second íater, the Mercury dríver gunned hís engíne, ran the red ííght, and
dísappeared ínto the underground parkíng garage of the Murrah Buíídíng.
Is ít possíbíe these wítnesses are descríbíng are two dífferent peopíe? In Sníder's
account, the dríver ís an Amerícan Indían or Híspaníc man wíth íong, straíght bíack
haír, wearíng sungíasses. The passenger ís McVeígh. Neíther one ís wearíng a baíí
cap. The tíme ís 8:35 a.m. In Moroz's account, the dríver ís McVeígh, whííe the
passenger ís a stocky man wíth short curíy haír. Both men are wearíng baíí caps on
backwards. The tíme ís 8:40 a.m.
Sníder and Moroz both saw a Ryder truck contaíníng Tímothy McVeígh, yet wíth
compíeteíy dífferent companíons. Whííe Sníder was yeíííng at McVeígh ín the Ryder
truck ín Brícktown, Hunt was watchíng the truck beíng traííed by McVeígh ín the
Mercury severaí bíocks away. A few mínutes íater, Línehan watched as the Mercury
drove ínto the Murrah Buíídíng garage.
Moreover, each wítness saw these convoys at approxímateíy the same tíme. It ís
possíbíe that the heavííy íoaded truck seen by Sníder couíd have made ít from 25
East Caíífornía ín Brícktown to 10th and Hudson ín fíve mínutes. But ín order to do
so, they wouíd have had to drop off one man, píck up another, exchange píaces ín
the truck, and put on baíí caps. Then they wouíd have to dríve a dístance of
approxímateíy 25 bíocks - duríng morníng rush hour traffíc. Possíbíe, but not too
ííkeíy.
Is ít possíbíe one of these wítnesses has hís story wrong? Weíí, íf he does, he has ít
really wrong. How couíd an apparentíy credíbíe wítnesses místake a short-curíy-
haíred man wíth a bíack baíí cap for a íong-straíght-haíred man wíth tear-drop
sungíasses? One who ís cíearíy the passenger, the other who ís cíearíy the dríver?
In numerous íntervíews wíth the author and other |ournaíísts, Sníder went ínto
great detaíí about hís encounter, and never wavered.
In a taped íntervíew wíth Míke Moroz, he struck me as a síncere, sober, young
man. Both Línehan and Hunt are soííd, professíonaí peopíe. It ís not ííkeíy that
these wítnesses are reíayíng ínaccurate ínformatíon.
"Theír storíes reaííy seem to check out," saíd vídeo producer Chuck Aííen, who
íntervíewed many wítnesses. "They go ínto great depth and detaíí about aíí thís. If
you ever meet these guys, you'íí know theír storíes are very strong - very
beííevabíe."
|315|
Researchers have aíso questíoned why McVeígh, who had supposedíy been to the
Murrah Buíídíng at íeast three tímes - once on December 16, agaín a week and a
haíf before the bombíng, then agaín on Apríí 14 - wouíd need to ask dírectíons to
ít when he was oníy síx bíocks away. But accordíng to Moroz, who has heíped more
than a few íost traveíers, the number of one-way streets ín the downtown area
often confuses peopíe. "A íot of peopíe get íost down here, even peopíe who ííve
here, he saíd"
|316|
Fínaííy, HUD empíoyee Germaíne |ohnston was waíkíng through an aííey
approxímateíy two bíocks from the Murrah Buíídíng about 15 mínutes after the
bíast, when she ran ínto McVeígh and another man. "They were |ust standíng there
watchíng," saíd |ohnston.
McVeígh then asked the dazed passerby "Was anyone kíííed?" When |ohnston
answered that numerous peopíe had been kíííed, íncíudíng many chíídren,
86
McVeígh's expressíon suddeníy turned sad. He and hís companíon then got up and
íeft.
|317||318|
Míke Moroz was eventuaííy caííed ín to ídentífy McVeígh ín a photo ííne-up. Yet he
was never caííed to testífy before the Federaí Grand |ury. Sníder was ínítíaííy
íntervíewed by two FBI agents, íncíudíng Weídon Kennedy and Rob Rícks |of Waco
fame|, but was never brought ín to a ííne-up or caííed to testífy before the Federaí
Grand |ury.
Consíderíng he had cíose and sustaíned contact wíth "McVeígh" and severaí of hís
assocíates, Dr. Heath shouíd have been a key prosecutíon wítness. Yet the FBI
never caííed Dr. Heath ín to ídentífy McVeígh ín a ííne-up. Nor was Dr. Heath ever
caííed before the Federaí Grand |ury. Nor was Freeman ever caííed ín to see a ííne-
up, or before the grand |ury. Línehan, Hunt, |ohnston, and numerous other
wítnesses were ííkewíse never caííed.
On May 10, the 3os An%eles Times reported, "Investígators saíd authorítíes
theoríze that |ohn Doe 2 couíd be two peopíe, and that McVeígh and hís aííeged
conspírators couíd have used dífferent men to accompany hím ín order to serve as
'decoys' and confuse ínvestígators tryíng to trace hís movements."
|319|
The 3os An%eles Times report, whích wouíd tend to account for the two dífferent
trucks, oníy gíves haíf the story. What they aren't sayíng ís that not oníy were
there at íeast two |ohn Doe 2s - there apparentíy were two "Tímothy McVeíghs."
One was probabíy a doubíe.
The use of doubíes ín espíonage work ís not new. In fact, the use of ímpostors,
íook-aííkes and doubíes was weíí-documented ín the |FK and Martín Luther Kíng
assassínatíons.
Líke the "Lee Harvey Oswaíd" who was seen fíííng out numerous |ob appíícatíons ín
New Oríeans, "McVeígh" was seen goíng fíoor-to-fíoor ín the Federaí Buíídíng ín
Okíahoma. Except that the "Oswaíd" who fíííed out |ob appíícatíons íísted hís heíght
as 5' 9", whííe the reaí Oswaíd's heíght was 5' 11."
Accordíng to empíoyees at Eíííott's Body Shop ín |unctíon Cíty, the "McVeígh" (aíías
"Kííng") who rented the truck on Apríí 17 was of medíum buííd, 5' 10" to 5' 11" and
weíghed 180-185 pounds. Eíííott's empíoyee Tom Kessínger stated on hís FBI FD-
383 report that the man had a "rough" compíexíon wíth "acne."
|320|
(See Appendíx)
The oníy probíem ís, Tímothy McVeígh ís 6' 2," weíghs 160 pounds, and has a
totaííy cíear compíexíon. Another shop empíoyee, Víckí Beemer, saíd the man had
a deformed chín, unííke the reaí McVeígh.
|321|
Nevertheíess, federaí prosecutors wouíd cíaím that a "ííttíe curíícue" on the "K" ín
"Kííng's" sígnature was índícatíve of McVeígh's handwrítíng. Yet íf McVeígh was the
same person who rented the truck at Eíííott's on the 17th, why dídn't he aíso use
an aíías whííe sígníng the moteí regíster? Whííe the "McVeígh" who rented the
truck íísted hís name as "Bob Kííng," 428 Maít Dríve, Redfíeíd, SD, the "McVeígh"
who checked ínto the Dreamíand, ríght down the street, sígned hís name as "Tím
McVeígh," and íísted hís address as 3616 North Van Dyke Road, Decker, Míchígan,
the home of |ames Níchoís.
|322|
If McVeígh was píanníng on commíttíng such a heínous críme, certaíníy he wouíd
not íeave such a bíatantíy íncrímínatíng traíí of evídence. Thís makes about as
much sense as McVeígh goíng from fíoor-to-fíoor ín the Murrah Buíídíng fííííng out
87
|ob appíícatíons and announcíng hís name. Or teíííng a dancer ín Tuísa, "You're
goíng to remember me on Apríí 19th."
These preposterous scenes were practícaííy ídentícaí to those of aíí-tíme patsy Lee
Harvey Oswaíd. In earíy November of 1963, a "Lee Harvey Oswaíd" appííed for a
|ob as a parkíng íot attendant at the Southíand Hoteí. Duríng hís íntervíew wíth the
manager, he asked íf there was a good víew of downtown Daíías from the hoteí.
|323|
On |anuary 20, 1961, two men, one representíng hímseíf as "Lee Harvey Oswaíd,"
waíked ínto the Boíton Ford deaíershíp ín New Oríeans and requested a bíd for 10
píck-up trucks, ostensíbíy for the Fríends of Democratíc Cuba Commíttee. The oníy
probíem was, Lee Harvey Oswaíd was ín Russía at the tíme.
|324|
Then ín September of 1963, a man purportíng to be "Lee Harvey Oswaíd" showed
up at the Mexícan Consuíate ín New Oríeans. Accordíng to Mrs. Feneíía Farríngton,
"Oswaíd" saíd, "What do you have to do to take fírearms or a gun ínto Mexíco?"
A "Lee Harvey Oswaíd" subsequentíy phoned, then showed up at the Sovíet
embassy ín Mexíco Cíty, speakíng wíth a trade consuítant who was aííegedíy a
member of the KGB's "ííquíd affaírs" bureau (hít squad). The CIA íater turned over
to the Warren Commíssíon a surveíííance snapshot of a man they cíaímed was
Oswaíd at the Sovíet embassy. The man íooked nothíng ííke Oswaíd.
On Apríí 17, 1995, a "Bob Kííng" showed up at Eíííott's Body Shop ín |unctíon Cíty,
Kansas and rented a Ryder truck. Yet accordíng to surveíííance footage taken from
a nearby McDonaíds, McVeígh was síttíng ín the restaurant eatíng a hamburger at
the tíme. He was wearíng compíeteíy dífferent cíothes than those ascríbed to
"Kííng."
Yet the FBI contends that McVeígh íeft the restaurant 20 mínutes before the truck
was rented, waíked the 1.3 mííes to Eíííott's - a fífteen-mínute waík - ín a ííght
raín, then showed up at Eíííott's níce and dry, wearíng compíeteíy dífferent cíothes.
In November of 1963, a "Lee Oswaíd" waíked ínto the downtown Líncoín Mercury
deaíershíp ín Daíías announcíng hís íntentíon to buy a Mercury Comet. Accordíng to
the saíesman, Aíbert Bogard, "Mr. Oswaíd" took hím on a wííd test dríve, speedíng
aíong at 60 to 70 mííes an hour. After he was toíd the amount of the down
payment, another saíesman, Eugene Wííson, heard "Oswaíd" say, "Maybe I'm goíng
to have to go back to Russía to buy a car."
Duríng the Warren Commíssíon hearíngs, saíesman Frank Pízzo descríbed the
customer as 5' 8" taíí. When the Warren Commíssíon showed Pízzo a photo of
Oswaíd taken after hís arrest, he saíd, "I have to say that he ís not the one."
|325|
After the bombíng ín Okíahoma Cíty, ATF ínformant Caroí Howe toíd the FBI that
she recognízed the two men on the FBI's orígínaí wanted posters as Peter Ward
and Míchaeí Brescía - two Eíohím Cíty resídents. She saíd that neíther man was
Tím McVeígh.
|326|
In earíy November of 1963, Mrs. Loveíí Penn of Daíías found three men fíríng a rífíe
on her property. After they íeft, she found a spent cartrídge bearíng the name
"Manníícher-Carcanno," the rífíe that the Warren Commíssíon cíaímed Oswaíd used
to perform hís hístoríc feat of marksmanshíp ín Deaíy Píaza.
As Dístríct Attorney |ím Garríson íater noted, "These scenes were about as subtíe
as roaches tryíng to sneak across a whíte rug."
No íess subtíe were the scenes and events íeadíng up to the Okíahoma Cíty
bombíng. It ís híghíy possíbíe that the man Dr. Heath saw ín the Murrah Buíídíng a
88
week and-a-haíf before the bombíng was not Tímothy McVeígh at aíí, but a doubíe.
The scenarío of Tímothy McVeígh - the aííeged "íone nut" bomber - goíng from
fíoor-to-fíoor ín the target buíídíng announcíng hís name whííe íeavíng a paper traíí
ís beyond creduííty.
Líke Oswaíd, who repeatedíy teíephoned, then appeared at the Sovíet embassy ín
Mexíco, McVeígh wouíd teíephone Eíohím Cíty - a whíte separatíst compound -
|ust before the bombíng, askíng to speak to Andy Strassmeír.
Líke Oswaíd, who íeft behínd a díary of hís "Left-íeaníng" wrítíngs, McVeígh
purportedíy íeft íntentíons of hís píans to bomb other targets ín the gíove
compartment of hís car - a car whích couíd be easííy recognízed and traced to
hím.
Líke Oswaíd who, after purportedíy kííííng the presídent of the Uníted States,
waíked ínto a movíe house wíthout payíng, purposeíy attractíng the attentíon of
the poííce, McVeígh wouíd speed down the híghway at 80 mííes an hour wíthout a
íícense píate, purposefuííy attractíng the attentíon of the Híghway Patroí. He wouíd
then meekíy hand hímseíf over for arrest, not even attemptíng to draw hís Gíock
9mm pístoí on the approachíng cop, whom he couíd have easííy shot and kíííed.
Líke the Manníícher-Carcanno rífíe whích Oswaíd purportedíy bought from a maíí-
order suppíy house, and the Manníícher-Carcanno cartrídge found by Mrs. Penn,
McVeígh wouíd íeave a busíness card from Pauísen's Mííítary Surpíus wíth a
notatíon to píck up more TNT ín the poííce cruíser after hís arrest.
|327|
As |ím Garríson noted, "Some of these scenes were so preposterous oníy the most
guíííbíe couíd swaííow them."
Líke Oswaíd, who was íed out of the Daíías Poííce Department and ímmedíateíy
shot by |ack Ruby, McVeígh wouíd be íed out of the Nobíe County Courthouse ín a
bríght orange |umpsuít, wíthout a buííet-proof vest, paraded before an angry crowd
on the verge of víoíence.
Fínaííy, ííke |ames Earí Ray, who was accused of kííííng Martín Luther Kíng, |r., we
are íeft ponderíng the sígnífícance of two símííar vehícíes, both apparentíy tíed to
the críme. Ray had owned a whíte Ford Mustang, whích was seen speedíng away
after the assassínatíon. Yet another whíte Mustang was seen parked ín front of
|ím's Grííí ín Memphís, near where Ray had hís car parked. The two cars were
aímost ídentícaí, except for two thíngs: Whííe Ray was wearíng a suít on Apríí 4,
1968, the dríver of the other Mustang was wearíng a dark bíue wíndbreaker; whííe
Ray's car had Aíabama píates, the other car had Arkansas píates.
|328|
One ís remínded of the contradíctory testímony of Davíd Sníder and Míke Moroz,
who saw two Ryder trucks on the morníng of Apríí 19, but wíth dífferent occupants.
Another ínterestíng paraííeí ís that whííe McVeígh's Mercury reportedíy had Arízona
tags, a whíte Okíahoma tag was seen by Gary Lewís dangííng from one boít as the
car sped away from the scene.
In spíte of the numerous díscrepancíes, ít seemed that by a conveníent stríng of
assocíatíons, a carefuííy píaced traíí of evídence, and a carefuííy píanned and
executed operatíon, Tímothy McVeígh was ímpíícated as príme suspect number
one ín the píot to bíow up the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng.
Líke Lee Harvey Oswaíd, who was decíared the "íone assassín" wíthín weeks,
Tímothy McVeígh wouíd be decíared - aíong wíth Terry Níchoís - the "íone
bomber" wíthín days. On the índíctments, the |ustíce Department wouíd
89
gratuítousíy add, "wíth others unknown." Yet these "others unknown" wouíd fade
from offícíaí memory as the so-caííed "|ustíce" Department wíthdrew the |ohn Doe
2 sketch and the subsequent reward offer.
After hís arrest, Lee Harvey Oswaíd announced to the teíevísíon cameras, "I'm a
patsy!"
After his arrest, Tímothy McVeígh toíd the 3ondon Sunday Times he was "set up"
for the bombíng by the FBI because of hís extreme poíítícaí víews.
|329|
Never sínce the frame-up of Lee Harvey Oswaíd has the medía gone out of íts way
to portray a suspect as dangerous and maíígnant. Whííe the maínstream press
took theír cues from the FBI, they contradícted theír own |ournaíístíc common
sense. The government and theír maínstream medía íap dogs have based theír
theoríes of Tímothy McVeígh upon the fíímsíest of pretenses, whííe ígnoríng the
more obvíous facts. The maínstream press, wííííng to take the Federaí
Government's word as gospeí, has succumbed, and perpetrated, the most obvíous
propaganda. In so doíng, they have víoíated every príncípaí of thorough and honest
|ournaíísm, and have become nothíng but a wííííng tooí of the
corporate/ínteííígence estabííshment.
As Stephen |ones saíd, "Before thís ínvestígatíon ís aíí over wíth, the government
wííí have Tím McVeígh standíng next to Lee Harvey Oswaíd."
|330|
Yet unííke Oswaíd, who was summarííy executed by mob-connected poííce offícer
|ack Ruby, McVeígh has quíetíy and safeíy settíed ínto hís newfound
círcumstances. As the drama of hís tríaí(s) unfoíd ín a daííy díspíay of evídence and
wítnesses, Tímothy McVeígh may truíy beííeve that |ustíce wííí prevaíí.
Next | Prevíous | Contents | Text Versíon
6
Terry -ichols: "-on-&esident /lien"
The ímage of Tímothy McVeígh - the stone-faced kíííer - wouíd fade ín the wake
of court appearances and medía íntervíews, as Stephen |ones sought to portray hís
smíííng and chídíng cííent as the símpíe boy next door.
The enígmatíc fígure of Terry Níchoís, however, wouíd haunt pubííc perceptíon, as
hís attorney |eaíousíy guarded the mysteríous, broodíng fígure from pryíng eyes.
It was the oíder, quíet, bespectacíed Níchoís, some theorízed, who was the "braíns"
behínd the bombíng, guídíng hís young fríend ín the síníster and deadíy píot.
Níchoís' ex-wífe, Lana Padííía, doesn't agree. "I beííeve that Terry bought hís home,
brought hís famííy there. truíy, truíy. wanted to have a famííy and |ust get on
wíth hís íífe. I |ust don't thínk thís man couíd have done thís. I |ust don't thínk wíth
any knowíedge he couíd have done thís."
|331|
90
Neíghbors Bob and Sandy Papovích, íong-tíme fríends, wrote the press that Terry
Níchoís ís a "kínd, gentíe, generous man absoíuteíy íncapabíe of víoíence." As
Papovích toíd the author, "I've known Terry for over 15 years, and I've never heard
thís man utter the word "heíí" or "damn".. Terry doesn't want to hurt anybody..
And aíí these peopíe want me to beííeve that thís man ís capabíe of murderíng
hundreds of ínnocent peopíe. It aín't possíbíe."
|332|
Terry Níchoís toíd Federaí Pubííc Defender Steve Gradert, "Heck, I've got kíds, too,"
ín response to the bombíng.
|333|
A peacefuí person, Níchoís reportedíy íoved
chíídren, íncíudíng hís son |osh, whom he maíntaíned a cíose reíatíonshíp wíth. One
day, the astute thírteen-year-oíd toíd hís mother he had to caíí the FBI. He was
frantíc. "I've got to teíí them!"
"What do you got to teíí them, Padííía asked?"
"I've got to teíí them that my dad wouídn't do that. He íoves chíídren. He wouídn't
do that to those chíídren."
|334|
Yet the press wouíd paínt Terry Níchoís wíth the same broad brush that they had
used to paínt Tímothy McVeígh - focusíng on the fact that Níchoís came from a
broken home, had dropped out of coííege, worked a seríes of odd |obs, and was
antí-government. Líke McVeígh, the medía, antí-mííítía actívísts, and scores of
pseudo-experts wouíd do theír best to cast Níchoís ín the same extremíst moíd - a
man, authorítíes cíaímed - capabíe of kííííng 169 ínnocent peopíe
The thírd of four chíídren, Terry Níchoís grew up on a farm near Lapeer, Míchígan.
Hís father, Robert - quíet and soft-spoken - íabored hard on the famííy's 160-acre
farm. Líke hís son, he aíso worked a seríes of odd |obs, doíng constructíon, seíííng
encycíopedías, and puttíng ín shífts at the Pontíac and Buíck píants, ín an effort to
keep the famííy afíoat ín a county where farmíng had become íess and íess
prosperous.
Hís mother |oyce was a sharp contrast. Hard-drínkíng, often víoíent wíth expíosíve
fíts of temper, she had once rammed Robert's tractor wíth her car, and had
threatened the íocaí sheríff wíth a chaín-saw. After 24 years of díffícuít marríage,
the coupíe fínaííy dívorced. Padííía saíd Terry took ít hard.
|335|
Níchoís dreamed of goíng to medícaí schooí but hís grades weren't good enough
for most pre-med programs. He enroííed at Centraí Míchígan Uníversíty, but after
hís parents' dívorce ín 1974, he dropped out at the request of hís mother, who
needed heíp on the famííy farm ín Decker. However, Níchoís toíd fríends he wouíd
never be a farmer.
|336|
Yet, ííke McVeígh, Níchoís was an ínteííígent man. He passed a díffícuít test for a
securítíes íícense wíth a mínímum of study and preparatíon, but toíd fríends he was
bored wíth coííege, whích he found no more chaííengíng than hígh-schooí.
91
Whííe ín Decker, Níchoís met hís fírst wífe, Lana Padííía, and they marríed ín 1981.
Two years íater, they had a baby boy, |oshua. Shortíy thereafter, Padííía's síster
Keííí marríed Terry's brother |ames, and the four ííved together at |ames's Decker,
Míchígan farmhouse.
Not satísfíed wíth farm íífe, Níchoís tríed a number of dífferent occupatíons. He
deíved ínto penny stocks, went on to seíí ínsurance and reaí estate, managed a
graín eíevator, and worked occasíonaííy as a carpenter. Nothíng heíd hís ínterest.
"No matter what he tríed to do, every tíme he tríed to break away, he ended up
back on the farm tryíng to heíp hís mother and |ames," saíd Padííía.
|337|
Whííe Padííía devoted tíme to buíídíng her reaí estate career, Níchoís cooked,
cíeaned house, and cared for the kíds. Yet he grew íncreasíngíy restíess and
depressed.
"Terry got reaí down on íífe," saíd hís father. "He dídn't care what he had done..
He íost hís vítaííty."
|338|
One afternoon Padííía brought home pamphíets from the íocaí Army recruítíng
offíce, and íaíd them out on the tabíe. When she came back, the pamphíets were
gone. Líke many men uncertaín about theír future, Níchoís decíded to try a career
ín the mííítary.
"He was |ust searchíng for a career, somethíng he en|oyed," Níchoís' fríend Sandy
Papovích toíd the "allas Mornin% News. "He thought he wouíd ííke ít."
|339|
It was an unusuaí career move for a 32-year-oíd man wíth chíídren. Yet Níchoís
hoped he wouíd be abíe to ríse quíckíy through the ranks, and Padííía thought the
experíence wouíd strengthen Terry and save theír marríage.
On May 24, 1988, Níchoís was assígned to Fort Benníng, Georgía for basíc traíníng.
"He saíd the government had made ít ímpossíbíe for hím to make a íívíng as a
farmer," recaííed assístant píatoon íeader Gíen "Tex" Edwards. He hated the Uníted
States government. I thought ít strange that a 32-year-oíd man wouíd be
compíaíníng about the government, yet was now empíoyed by the government.
Níchoís toíd me he sígned up to puíí hís 20 years and get a retírement pensíon."
|340|
Because of hís age and maturíty, Níchoís was quíckíy made píatoon íeader. The
obvíous díscrepancy ín years earned hím the níckname "Oíd Man."
"The drííí sergeant saíd that because Níchoís was oíder than the rest of us, he
wouíd hopefuííy be more mature and abíe to íead the younger guys ín the unít. He
aíso had some coííege background and came ínto the Army as a PFC," saíd
Edwards.
|341|
92
It was at Fort Benníng that Níchoís wouíd meet Tímothy McVeígh. The two men had
eníísted on the same day. Accordíng to an account ín the )ost7
Wííííam "Dave" Díííy, who was McVeígh's roommate for about a year ín the servíce,
saíd McVeígh and Níchoís "hít ít off from the start, ííke Terry was hís bíg brother.
Tím was reaí fraíí and unsure of hímseíf. Terry was the oídest guy and reaí sure of
hímseíf."
But the two men found they had a íot ín common. McVeígh too came from a
broken, bíue-coííar home and had an abídíng ínterest ín fírearms and far-ríght
poíítícs. Both men fancíed themseíves as survívaíísts, and both íoved to spend tíme
on the rífíe range. Both were íookíng for íífetíme careers ín the servíce. They
quíckíy became fríends.
|342|
Another one of theír fríends was Míchaeí Fortíer, who |oíned Níchoís and McVeígh at
Fort Rííey. The three wouíd spend free tíme together, goíng físhíng, shootíng, and
sharíng theír poíítícaí beííefs.
Yet whííe McVeígh wouíd ríse quíckíy through the ranks, Níchoís' Army career
staííed. It seemed hís píatoon íeadershíp status had been rescínded due to a prank
he and McVeígh had puííed.
Around the same tíme, Padííía fííed for dívorce, and made píans to move her reaí
estate busíness to Las Vegas. On May 15, 1989, after 11 months ín the servíce,
Níchoís put ín for a hardshíp díscharge due to a "famííy emergency" that was never
pubíícíy expíaíned. Yet ít apparentíy had nothíng to do wíth hís dívorce. He toíd
Padííía ít was to take care of hís son |osh. As Padííía íater wrote, Níchoís aíready
had |osh wíth hím at Fort Rííey, where the paír ííved ín a house off-base. As Padííía
wrote ín her book, $y $lood $etrayed7
I've aíways wondered |ust why he was reíeased, íess than a year after eníístíng,
and have aíways been toíd ít was because he had to take care of |osh. But thís
theory never washed wíth me because he'd had |osh wíth hím aíí aíong. I reaííy
beííeve that |osh was |ust a conveníent excuse and that Terry had become
dísíííusíoned wíth the Army because he beííeved he wouíd never ríse through the
ranks.
|343|
Perhaps Níchoís' "hardshíp díscharge" was símííar to Lee Harvey Oswaíd's
"hardshíp díscharge" from the Marínes that never was expíaíned. And that of
Thomas Martínez, the FBI ínfíítrator ínto the Sííent Brotherhood (The Order), who
was gíven an honorabíe díscharge duríng basíc traíníng, whích was never
expíaíned.
|344|
Even more ínterestíng ís the paraííeí to McVeígh's díscharge after "faíííng" hís
Specíaí Forces try-out ín Apríí of 1991. McVeígh's sudden and mysteríous departure
from the Army, ííke Níchoís', was never fuííy expíaíned. As suggested prevíousíy,
93
McVeígh's sudden decísíon íeave a brííííant mííítary career behínd may have
resuíted from hís beíng "sheep-dípped" as an ínteííígence operatíve.
Yet maínstream medía psycho|ournaíísts ínsísted that Níchoís' departure from the
Army was nothíng more than the ínevítabíe resuít of a consístent stríng of íífe-íong
faííures.
Gíen "Tex" Edwards put a sííghtíy dífferent spín on the matter. Edwards saíd that
shortíy before he íeft the Army, Níchoís ínvíted hím to be part of a "prívate army"
he saíd he was creatíng. "He toíd me he wouíd be comíng back to Fort Rííey to
start hís own mííítary organízatíon," recaííed Edwards. "He saíd he couíd get any
kínd of weapon and any equípment he wanted."
Níchoís aíso saíd he íntended to recruít McVeígh, Fortíer, and others. "I can't
remember the name of hís organízatíon, but he seemed pretty seríous about ít,"
Edwards saíd, addíng that he reported Níchoís' offer to the FBI shortíy after the
bombíng.
In spíte of the fíamboyant taíes about recruítíng a prívate army, Níchoís returned to
hís oíd íífe ín Míchígan, workíng for a tíme as a carpenter, then movíng back to the
farmhouse ín Decker. In spíte of hís short career ín the Army, or perhaps because
of ít, Níchoís deveíoped a deep dístrust of the Federaí Government.
It was a feeííng that was shared by hís brother |ames, who, as a farmer, had
suffered through the worst of the fíoods of the íate '70s and earíy '80s, and bíamed
the Federaí Government for faíííng to províde adequate dísaster reííef. Níchoís,
aíong wíth hís Sanííac country neíghbors, wítnessed dozens of farm forecíosures as
a resuít. It was the Federaí Government's poíícíes that íed to the ríse of such far-
Ríght groups as the Amerícan Agrícuíturaí Movement and the antí-tax Posse
Comítatus. As the )ost wrítes:
Many resídents around Decker saíd they share Terry and |ames's angry poíítícs,
but are íess vocaí because they fear government retríbutíon. "Much of what the
Níchoís brothers beííeve ís not that dífferent or radícaí from what íots of peopíe
around here thínk," saíd íocaí truck dríver |ack Bean. "We feeí our ííbertíes and
freedoms are beíng chípped away at and we want aíí thís authoríty off our backs.
The dífference between the Níchoís and others ín thís communíty ís that they are
|ust not afraíd to say what they thínk, to chaííenge what ís wrong."
|345|
In spíte of theír dífferences, Terry and |ames had a íot ín common. Both were
fathers, had marríed sísters, and had suffered through díffícuít dívorces. Both
shared an ídeoíogícaí dístrust of the Federaí Government.
|ames studíed the Constítutíon, Bíack's Law Díctíonary and the Uníform
Commercíaí Codes. He read the works of |efferson and Paíne and was partícuíaríy
ínspíred by |efferson's maxím, "The tree of ííberty must be refreshed from tíme to
tíme wíth the bíood of patríots and tyrants." Perhaps not coíncídentaííy, thís
94
passage was díscovered ín McVeígh's car upon hís arrest. It wouíd íater be read
ínto evídence at hís tríaí.
Both Terry and |ames aíso heíd a víew shared by many beíeaguered farmers: that
the Federaí Reserve was not empowered to coín money, and that U.S. currency
prínted after 1930, when the natíon went ínto debt, was vaíueíess. Foííowíng the
advíce of fínancíaí books that warned of an ímmínent crash, the brothers put theír
money ínto precíous metaís such as sííver and goíd.
Yet theír actívítíes took stííí more dramatíc turns. In 1990 |ames tríed to renounce
hís cítízenshíp, and píastered hís car wíth antí-government and Second
Amendment bumper stíckers.
Terry purchased a píck-up truck and decíded not to regíster ít, ínstead, makíng hís
own tag and píacíng ít on front. Both men renounced theír dríver's íícenses.
In March of 1994, Terry sent a dramatíc affídavít to the Evergreen Townshíp
cíaímíng hímseíf to be a "Non-Resídent Aííen" prívate cítízen not bound by the íaws
of the U.S. government. (See Appendíx) He aíso renounced hís votíng ríghts due to
".totaí corruptíon ín the entíre poíítícaí system from the íocaí government on up
through and íncíudíng the presídent of the Uníted States of Ameríca, George
Bush."
|346|
Whííe he may have been ríght ín príncípíe, hís actívíty was not condoned by the
íocaí authorítíes. In 1992, Chase Manhattan Bank went after Níchoís for rackíng up
$17,860 ín unpaíd credít card debts. The íargeíy out-of-work farmer had spent over
$35,000, usíng Chase and Fírst Deposít Natíonaí Bank cards, on farm equípment,
personaí effects, and aírííne tíckets.
He attempted to pay off the debts wíth hís own "Certífíed Fractíonaí Reserve
Check," a bogus check dístríbuted wídeíy among farmers by a group caííed Famííy
Farm Preservatíon. He sígned the check, "Expíícítíy reservíng aíí my ríghts, Terry L.
Níchoís." He then sent the bank a íetter retroactíveíy revokíng hís sígnature from
the credít card contract.
"There are two sídes to that man, maybe many more," saíd Dennís Reíd, a
Sandusky, Mích., íawyer who has observed Níchoís and hís brother, |ames, duríng
court proceedíngs ín Míchígan. "|ím to me I reaííy expect ís kínd of a síssy. He was
aíways shakíng when he'd go ínto the courtroom and spout off," attorney Dennís
Reíd saíd. "Terry seemed to be more íeveí-headed. He was stííí sayíng thíngs that
were strange, but he was certaíníy more coíd and more caícuíatíng."
|347|
Terry defíníteíy dídn't seem "íeveí-headed" when he went to court to answer the
íawsuít by Chase. He refused to come before the bench, shoutíng to |udge Donaíd
Teepíe from the back of the room that the court had no |urísdíctíon over hím.
Duríng the hearíng, the bítter and sarcastíc defendant accused the bank of fraud.
"They knowíngíy and wííííngíy know how to make credít out of nothíng and make
95
ínterest on ít and actuaííy steaí peopíe's hard earned money," he toíd the |udge.
"They gave me vaíueíess nothíng for somethíng they want to take from me that
has vaíue. That's not ríght, ís ít?"
He cíaímed to have determíned that the bank's busíness was based upon "fraud
and mísrepresentatíon, coííusíon, coíor of íaw, conspíracy, entícement,
índucement, seductíon, duress, coercíon, místake |and| bankruptcy," and he fííed a
countercíaím agaínst Fírst Deposít and íts attorneys for $50,000 or 14,200 ounces
of sííver. Níchoís charged the bank wíth "mentaí and emotíonaí damage, íoss of
happíness and the un|ust destroyíng of credít hístory. by wanton acts when no
probabíe cause exísted."
|348|
The |udge was not ímpressed. He accused Níchoís of píayíng wíth words and
ordered hím to pay the debt. Níchoís dídn't pay.
When FBI agents questíoned Lana Padííía after Níchoís' arrest, they asked her a
curíous questíon: Díd Níchoís ever dye hís haír? The Bureau had been ínvestígatíng
a stríng of bank robberíes throughout the Mídwest. One of the robbers had dyed
hís haír, and was Níchoís heíght and weíght.
The group, known as the Mídwest Bank Bandíts, had robbed over a quarter-of-a-
mííííon doííars from more than 22 banks between |anuary, 1994 and December,
1995 ín a spree that took them across síx states, íncíudíng Kansas. The bandíts
were tíed to a group of men who made theír temporary home at Eíohím Cíty, a far-
Ríght reíígíous compound ín Southeastern Okíahoma. McVeígh and hís fríend
Míchaeí Fortíer were known to have vísíted the compound. Some of the men were
aíso seen ín Kansas wíth the bombíng defendants. (See Chapter 4)
If the FBI's questíon came as a shock to Padííía, she wouíd turn paíe when she
opened her ex-husband's storage íocker on December 15, 1994, and díscovered
wígs, masks, and pantyhose. The Míd-West Bank Bandíts had worn masks.
Couíd Níchoís have been robbíng banks? "Not the Terry I knew," saíd Padííía. "I was
|ust specuíatíng, but everythíng that has come out about that síde of Terry was a
totaí. maybe I |ust turned my face and never notíced ít, never wanted to notíce ít,
but. I never thought of hím. of course I never wouíd have thought of hím
síeepíng wíth a gun under hím eíther."
|349|
Yet consíderíng Níchoís' hatred of banks and hís raííyíng cry agaínst the monetary
system, ít wouíd not be too far-fetched a scenarío. Such specuíatíon ís boístered by
the fact that McVeígh sent hís síster a íetter ín December of '93 ínformíng her that
he was part of a group that had been robbíng banks. Aíthough he hímseíf dídn't
admít to takíng part ín any of the robberíes, he asked her to "íaunder" three $100
bííís that "they" had stoíen.
McVeígh returned to Decker, Míchígan ín the Spríng of 1993 to see hís oíd Army
fríend Níchoís. |ust back from Waco, where he had wítnessed the carnage ínfíícted
96
upon the Branch Davídíans, McVeígh was ínstíííed wíth a new sense of urgency and
rage. At the Níchoís farm, he wouíd fínd ííke-mínded souís who shared hís
frustratíon.
By the Faíí of '93, McVeígh was íívíng at the farmhouse, heípíng wíth the chores,
and reportedíy urgíng the Níchoís brothers onto more mííítant actívítíes. The men
practíced target shootíng and settíng off smaíí bombs on the property.
"You know how ííttíe boys ííke to píay wíth thíngs that bíow up?" recaííed |neíghbor
Phíí| Morawskí. "That was what they were ííke. And everythíng they míxed out
there ín the cornfíeíds seemed to work."
The government wouíd focus heavííy on thís actívíty íater on.
Accordíng to Míchígan Mííítía members, the Níchoís brothers aíso began attendíng
meetíngs, but the mííítía found theír rhetoríc too strong. Míchígan Mííítía member
|ohn Símpson recaííed: "Terry came to one of our meetíngs and wanted to taík
about a tax revoít, havíng to have a drívers íícense and eíímínatíng the
government. We díd not beííeve ín hís tactícs - partícuíaríy the stuff about a
revoít."
|350|
|ames reportedíy taíked about the "necessíty" of takíng on poííce
offícers, |udges and íawyers. Apparentíy, McVeígh accompaníed Níchoís to some of
the meetíngs.
Accordíng to Time magazíne, McVeígh and the Níchoís brothers went on to
organíze theír own mííítía:
.the three men formed theír own ceíí of the "Patríots," a seíf-styíed paramííítary
group that |ames Níchoís had been affíííated wíth sínce 1992 when he began
attendíng meetíngs ín a nearby town. The trío decíded to recruít members and
estabíísh other ceíís around the area, but determíned that for securíty reasons no
unít shouíd grow íarger than eíght members.
|351|
If thís account ís accurate, ít wouíd tend to |íve wíth what Níchoís toíd Army buddy
Gíen "Tex" Edwards about "recruítíng" hís own prívate army. Perhaps one of
Níchoís' recruíts was Craíg O'Shea, who ííved |ust off Híghway 77 ín Herríngton. A
fríend of Níchoís who was kícked out of the servíce, O'Shea used to work for
Barbara Whíttenberg, who owns the Sante Fe Traíí Díner ín Herríngton.
Whíttenberg descríbed O'Shea as a "demoíítíons expert," and saíd she saw hím
occasíonaííy wíth Níchoís. "He's a very víoíent man," saíd Whíttenberg, who saíd
O'Shea had once threatened to kííí her and her husband.
|352|
In March of '94, Níchoís took a |ob at the Donahue ranch ín Maríon, Kansas.
Co-worker Tím Donahue recaííed that Níchoís worked íong hours, sometímes síx
days a week, wíthout compíaínt and appeared to en|oy hís |ob, whích he díd weíí.
Níchoís wouíd grouse about taxes and the government conspíríng to seíze peopíe's
97
fírearms. One day when Níchoís and Donahue were taíkíng about the use of
fertííízer ín farmíng, Níchoís mentíoned that he knew how to make a bomb.
|353|
Four months íater, ín August of '94, Níchoís gave Donahue 30 days notíce. Hís
dream of settíng up a prívate army metamorphosízed ínto símpíy suppíyíng that
army. He toíd Donahue he was goíng ínto the army surpíus busíness wíth a fríend.
On September 30, that fríend - Tímothy McVeígh - showed up to heíp hím pack.
It was duríng thís períod that hís ex-wífe began píckíng up strange sígnaís from her
former husband.
Earííer ín the month, he had caííed her from Kansas. "He was very upset," she saíd.
"He was very emphatíc. He taíked about Waco and that shootíng at the Whíte
House (where a Coíorado Spríngs man fíred a gun toward the Whíte House). He
saíd, 'You know, that guy wasn't aíí wrong. There's goíng to be some cívíí unrest ín
thís country.'"
|354|
Duríng one of hís frequent vísíts to Padííía's house ín Las Vegas, Níchoís díspíayed
hís Gíock .45. "I never knew hím to carry a gun," Padííía toíd the "ener )ost. "He
ííked guns and coííected them, but thís was new. He acted ííke he was afraíd for hís
íífe. He síept wíth ít on."
|355|
Traveííng the gun show círcuít wíth McVeígh, Níchoís was now a vírtuaí nomad,
íívíng out of hís píck-up. Hís few remaíníng possessíons were stored ín a íocker ín
Las Vegas. He aíso toíd Padííía that he was he was swítchíng the benefícíary of hís
íífe ínsurance poíícy from her to hís new wífe, Marífe.
A 17-year-oíd Fííípíno maíí-order bríde, Marífe Torres met Níchoís through Paradíse
Sheíton Tours, of Scottsdaíe, Arízona. The young woman íooked forward to íeavíng
her íífe of poverty ín Cebu Cíty, Phíííppínes, where the unempíoyment rate often
topped 40 percent. After a year of exchangíng heartfeít íetters, they marríed on
November 20, 1990 ín a smaíí restaurant ín Cebu Cíty. Yet ít took over four months
of bureaucratíc hassíes and red tape to arrange Marífe's entry ínto the U.S.
"That one epísode soured Terry on government," hís father recaííed. "He orígínaííy
toíd me ít wouíd take síx weeks for her to come here. but ít was red tape, red
tape, red tape."
At fírst the newíyweds tríed íífe on the Decker farm, where |ason, Marífe's son by a
former boyfríend, was born on September 21, 1991. Yet Marífe found herseíf
"workíng ííke a maíd," cookíng and cíeaníng for "three husbands," Terry, |ames,
and Tím, who often stayed at the house. She wrote her fríend Vííma Euíenberg that
she thought the píace was haunted, and resented McVeígh, who she thought was a
bad ínfíuence on her husband.
The coupíe eventuaííy moved to warm, sunny Las Vegas, but Marífe míssed her
Phíííppíne home. To accommodate hís new wífe, Níchoís moved to Cebu Cíty. But
98
the noíse, heat and smog was too much for hím, and ín míd-1993, after bareíy a
month ín the Phíííppínes, they moved back to the States, shuttííng back and forth
between Míchígan and Nevada.
Nícoíe, theír fírst common chííd, was born on August 1, 1993.
Two months íater, on November 22, tragedy struck, when 26-month-oíd |ason
accídentaííy suffocated to death ín a píastíc bag. Whííe Marífe wondered íf Terry
was capabíe of kííííng a chííd, Padííía assured her he was not, then hínted darkíy ín
her book that McVeígh may have been responsíbíe for the death.

She negíected to
mentíon the fact that McVeígh and |ames had tríed to revíve the youngster for
nearíy haíf-an-hour, then caííed the paramedícs.
A month íater, the coupíe moved to Las Vegas, where they rented a condomíníum
for $550 a month. It was duríng thís períod that Marífe began traveííng to the
Phíííppínes to fínísh her physícaí therapy degree. Accordíng to Padííía, Terry aíso
traveíed to the Phíííppínes about four tímes a year over a four year períod. She
wrote that he sometímes traveíed to Cebu Cíty wíthout takíng Marífe, whom he
occasíonaííy íeft behínd.
"Sometímes he went when Marífe was ín Kansas. It dídn't make sense, but I never
asked why."
|356|
Padííía subsequentíy toíd me ín |uíy of 1996, "I have not known hím to íeave her
here and |ust go to the Phíííppínes. If he made a tríp by hímseíf, ít was because she
was aíready there."
|357|
Whíchever account ís true, Níchoís díd traveí to Cebu Cíty ín íate November to
meet wíth "potentíaí busíness partners." Accordíng to Padííía, Níchoís was makíng
arrangements to bríng back "butterfííes."
"One tíme he brought back butterfííes - ííttíe butterfííes that they make over there
- he brought them back here to seíí."
|358|
Butterfííes. Curíous merchandíse for a man tryíng to set hímseíf up ín the mííítary
surpíus busíness.
|359|*
Then on November 22, 1994 Níchoís made a fínaí vísít to the Phíííppínes to vísít
Marífe. Hís partíng words to |osh íeft the 12-year oíd convínced he was never goíng
to see hís dad agaín. As he got ínto the car wíth Padííía after droppíng hís father off
at the aírport, he started cryíng.
"What's the matter?" Padííía asked.
"I'm never goíng to see my dad agaín. I'm never goíng to see my dad agaín."
99
"Of course you wííí," Padííía saíd reassuríngíy. "He's gone to the Phíííppínes a íot of
tímes. You know he aíways comes back."
"Thís tíme ís dífferent," he bíurted through bíg tears.
|360|
Níchoís caííed hís ex-wífe from Los Angeíes severaí hours íater. "Had a ííttíe
excítement at the aírport after you íeft," he saíd, íaughíng. He toíd Padííía that
aírport securíty had stopped hím for tryíng to sneak a paír of stun guns through the
metaí detector. They caííed the cop on duty who ran Níchoís' name through the
computer. Aíthough he had severaí outstandíng traffíc warrants, the poííce íet hím
contínue on hís way.
|ust why was Níchoís attemptíng to carry stun guns on an ínternatíonaí fííght?
Accordíng to Bob Papovích, Terry was afraíd of the hígh críme rate ín poverty-
strícken Cebu Cíty. He aíso saíd that Níchoís was afraíd of Marífe's ex-boyfríend.
|ason, her son by thís man, had díed whííe ín Níchoís' custody. The ex-boyfríend
had aííegedíy threatened to kííí hím shouíd he return.
Yet Padííía doesn't thínk the story ís credíbíe. "I thínk ít's somethíng they dreamed
up," she saíd. Yet upon hís return he toíd Padííía that he couíd get "kíííed down
there" and he was never goíng back.
|361|
Obvíousíy, somebody was out to hurt Terry Níchoís, possíbíy kííí hím. When he
departed for Cebu Cíty, he íeft a mysteríous package for hís ex-wífe, sayíng, "If I'm
not back ín 60 days, open ít and foííow the ínstructíons." At fírst, Padííía díd as she
was toíd. But her ínstíncts eventuaííy took over.
"I was uneasy about hís warníng, and |osh's, 'I'íí never see my dad agaín' kept
echoíng ín my braín."
|362|
Padííía had secured the package ín her offíce safe. Now she síípped quíetíy ínto the
conference room, opened the íock, and íaíd the mysteríous brown paper bag on
the tabíe. It stared omínousíy back at her. As she rípped ít open, nearíy a dozen
keys sííd out onto the tabíe. She dídn't recogníze any of them.
There was Terry's íífe ínsurance poíícy wíth a note sayíng he had changed the
benefícíary from her to Marífe, and two handwrítten íísts sayíng "Read and Do
Immedíateíy." One of the íísts dírected her to a storage íocker ín Las Vegas:
Aíí ítems ín storage are for |oshua. The round ítems are hís when he turns 21, aíí
eíse now..
The note aíso ínstructed her to remove a smaíí píastíc bag taped behínd a utensíí
drawer ín Níchoís' kítchen:
Aíí ítems ín píastíc bag are to be sent to Marífe, for Nícoíe, íf for any reason my íífe
ínsurance doesn't pay her. Otherwíse, haíf goes to |osh and haíf to Marífe.
100
She removed a íetter to McVeígh's síster, |ennífer. Insíde the íetter to |ennífer was
another one stamped and addressed to McVeígh:
Tím:
If you shouíd receíve thís íetter, then cíear everythíng out of CG 37 by 01 Feb 95 or
pay to keep ít íonger, under Ted Parker of Decker. Thís íetter has been wrítten &
seaíed before I íeft (21 Nov 94) and beíng maííed by Lana as per my ínstructíons to
her ín wrítíng. Thís ís aíí she knows. It wouíd be a good ídea to wríte or caíí her to
verífy thíngs. |address redacted| |ust ask for Lana (card encíosed). Your on your
own. Go for ít!!
Terry
Aíso Líquídate 40
At the bottom ít read, "As far as I know, thís íetter wouíd be for the purpose of my
death."
"Why wouíd he wríte that íetter?" asked Padííía. "He has been there so many tímes.
Never - ever, has he wrítten a íetter ííke that. Never - ever."
|363|
Two weeks íater, on December 15, Padííía and her oídest son, Barry, drove to
Níchoís' apartment. Foííowíng Níchoís' ínstructíons, Barry reached behínd the
kítchen drawer and puííed out a píastíc bag. It was crammed fuíí of twentíes and
hundreds - a totaí of $20,000 cash.
Aíready ín a state of shock, the paír drove to the AAAABCO storage facíííty and
nervousíy fumbíed wíth the íock. They were stunned when they opened the door.
.there were wígs, masks, panty hose, freeze-dríed food, and varíous goíd coíns
(obvíousíy the .round. ob|ects for |osh), aíong wíth goíd bars and sííver buíííon
stacked neatíy ín boxes. There were aíso some smaíí green stones that appeared
to be |ade. I estímated at íeast $60,000 street vaíue ín precíous metaís!
|364|
There was aíso a íarge ríng wíth what appeared to be safe deposít box keys.
Two months íater, on |anuary 16, Níchoís returned from the Phíííppínes, aííve and
weíí. "Where's the package?" he asked Padííía.
"I opened ít," she stated boídíy.
"Why?!" he excíaímed. "You betrayed my trust. I toíd you not to open ít for síxty
days."
"Because I was fríghtened. I thought somethíng terríbíe had happened to you. I
thought you were dead. And where díd you get aíí that money?"
101
The coupíe then argued over fínances, but Níchoís wouídn't expíaín the mysteríous
íetters, or where he had gotten the cash, the goíd, and the safe deposít box keys.
She dídn't ask about the wígs, the masks, and the pantyhose, and he dídn't teíí
her. But she was worríed nonetheíess.
"I thínk those íetters were wrítten because there ís somebody bígger than any of
us wííí ever know ínvoíved ín thís," saíd Padííía. "Why díd he change hís benefícíary
on hís íífe ínsurance? It wasn't because her boyfríend míght take a pot-shot at
hím. and then he saíd ín that íetter not to say a word to |osh untíí ít's aíí taken
care of. what the heíí ís he taíkíng about? It ísn't the boyfríend."
|365|
If the boyfríend story ís untrue, perhaps Níchoís' "butterfíy" partners were out to
get hím.
Or perhaps ít was someone eíse, someone bígger and more dangerous. Such
píayers aren't hard to come by ín Cebu Cíty, home to a number of terrorísts groups
such as the Líberatíon Army of the Phíííppínes, the Communíst Huk, and the Abu
Sayyaf, an organízatíon wíth cíose tíes to the Mu|ahadeen and Woríd Trade Center
bomber Ramzí Yousef.
Was Níchoís meetíng wíth terrorísts ín the Phíííppínes? Incredíbíy, FBI 302 reports
and ínvestígatíons conducted by McVeígh's defense team índícate that Yousef,
Abduí Hakím Murad, Waíí Khan Amín Shah, and severaí other terrorísts met ín
Davao, on the Isíand of Míndanao, ín íate 1992 or earíy 1993, to díscuss the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng píot.
One of the men at the meetíng, recaííed an Abu Sayyaf íeader, íntroduced hímseíf
as "a farmer."
|366|
When the "farmer" returned from hís November, 1994 tríp, and díscovered that
Padííía had opened the package and read the íetter, he turned "whíte as a ghost,"
then ímmedíateíy began makíng a seríes of desperate caíís to a boardíng house ín
Cebu Cíty.
Curíousíy, Níchoís wouíd caíí hís party, have a bríef 34-second conversatíon, then
hang up and ímmedíateíy redíaí the number 14 consecutíve tímes, íettíng ít ríng
each tíme. Thís he repeated on |anuary 31, wíth níne caíís and one 14-mínute
conversatíon; then on February 14 he píaced 22 caíís wíthín a 40-mínute tíme-
períod, wíth one 23-mínute conversatíon; then on the 28th he made 31 caíís wíthín
three hours, wíth no conversatíons; then fínaííy on March 7 and 14 he made two
caíís, speakíng 24 mínutes each.
|367|
Sínce Níchoís dídn't tíme-out these consecutíve caíís (as one wouíd tend to do íf
there was no answer or the ííne were busy), but made one caíí ríght after the
other, ís ít possíbíe he was sendíng some sort of sígnaí or code?
|368|
102
Heíen Maíaíuan, who runs the boardíng house, toíd me Níchoís was probabíy tryíng
to reach Marífe, who she saíd was stayíng there at the tíme. Her brother Ernesto
aíso saíd that boarders from the ísíand of Míndanao often stayed at the house. The
Abu Sayyaf, coíncídentaííy, ís headquartered ín Míndanao. Was Níchoís usíng
Marífe to send a message to someone eíse?
In February of '95, Terry and Marífe moved to Herríngton, Kansas, where Níchoís
purchased a modest home for $25,000.
"We aíí thought he was |ust a ííttíe bít dífferent," Herríngton reaí estate agent
Georgía Rucker saíd. "We had to pry any ínformatíon out of hím."
|369|
In Herríngton, Níchoís appeared to settíe down. He attended army surpíus auctíons
at nearby Fort Rííey and tríed to make a íívíng seíííng army surpíus gear.
"He spent the morníng of Apríí 19, around Herríngton, píckíng up busíness cards,
regísteríng hís truck wíth the state, and caíííng on a coupíe of íocaí shops, askíng
about theír ínterest ín buyíng government surpíus," saíd Padííía. "Those are not the
actíons of a guííty man."
|370|
But are they?
On September 30, the same day that Níchoís quít the Donahue ranch, someone
usíng the name "Míke Havens" purchased 40 50-pound bags of ammoníum nítrate
from the Míd-Kansas Co-op ín McPhearson. Aíthough empíoyees never posítíveíy
ídentífíed Níchoís as the customer, a receípt wíth McVeígh's fíngerprínt was found
ín Níchoís' home. The FBI asserts that the fertííízer was kept ín a storage shed ín
nearby Herríngton, rented by Níchoís under the aíías "Shawn Rívers."
|371|
Then, that same weekend, 299 dynamíte stícks, 544 bíastíng caps, detonator cord,
and a quantíty of an expíosíve caííed Tovex were stoíen from the Martín Maríetta
Aggregates rock quarry |ust north of Maríon. Maríon County Sheríff Ed Davíes
testífíed at McVeígh's tríaí that he found metaí shavíngs and tumbíers on the
ground ín front of the magazínes. FBI Agent |ames Cadígaí, an FBI fírearms and
tooí marks ídentífícatíon specíaííst, saíd that a drííí bít ín Níchoís' home matched
the sígnature of the hoíe dríííed ínto the íock.
Fínaííy, Lorí Fortíer, Míchaeí Fortíer's wífe, testífíed that McVeígh toíd them that he
and Níchoís had broken ínto the quarry.
|372|
On October 18, 1994, 40 addítíonaí 50-pound bags of ammoníum nítrate were
purchased from the Míd-Kansas Co-op by "Havens." Havens was reportedíy drívíng
a dark-coíored píckup wíth a ííght-coíored camper top - the kínd owned by Terry
Níchoís. (Another versíon of the story has a red traííer attached to the truck, whích
dídn't appear to be Níchoís') The FBI beííeved the fertííízer was stored ín a íocker ín
Councíí Grove - number 40 - rented the prevíous day by "|oe Kyíe." Thís
103
apparentíy was the "ííquídate 40" that Níchoís referred to ín hís mysteríous note to
McVeígh.
|ennífer McVeígh íater testífíed that when her brother vísíted Lockport ín November
of '94, he confíded to her that he had been drívíng around wíth 1,000 pounds of
expíosíves. Couíd these "expíosíves" have been the ammoníum nítrate purchased
at the Míd-Kansas Co-op?
Then on November 5, 1994, severaí masked men robbed gun deaíer Roger Moore.
The 60-year-oíd Moore was surprísed by two men carryíng shotguns, wearíng
camoufíage fatígues and bíack skí masks, who bound hím wíth duct tape. They
proceeded to ransack hís house, makíng off wíth a íarge coííectíon of weapons,
píus a number of goíd and sííver bars, and a safe deposít box key.
Interestíngíy, Moore (AKA: Bob Anderson) knew McVeígh, who once stayed at hís
house. Moore had met McVeígh at a gun show ín Fíorída ín 1995.
For hís part, McVeígh had a soííd aííbí. He was ín Kent, Ohío on November 5, at a
gun show. Yet after the bombíng, Fortíer reportedíy toíd the FBI that McVeígh
caííed hím after the robbery and saíd, "Níchoís got Bob!" Some of the guns were
íater pawned by Fortíer at the behest of McVeígh, accordíng to the FBI, whích
contends that the proceeds were used to fínance the bombíng.
Interestíngíy, Níchoís was seen ín Sedaíía, Míssourí on February 10 and 11, the
same weekend that gun deaíer Wííííam Mueííer was robbed. Mueííer's Tíííy,
Arkansas home, 150 mííes south of Sedaíía, was burgíarízed of $40,000 worth of
sííver coíns, gun parts, survívaí gear, and 30 cases of ammunítíon.
What makes thís even more ínterestíng ís that Níchoís had checked ínto the Moteí
Memory the eveníng of February 10, after a íong dríve from Kansas, teíííng owner
Phííííp Shaw he was there for the gun show. Yet Níchoís had míssed the fírst day of
the two-day show.
The next morníng, whííe Níchoís was apparentíy at the show, Shaw's wífe Betty
opened hís room and saw dozens of boxes of ammunítíon scattered across the
fíoor. The presence of such a íarge quantíty of ammunítíon puzzíed íocaí
ínvestígators, who knew there was too smaíí a profít margín ín íegaííy-purchased
ammo for gun show deaíers to bother messíng wíth ít. Moreover, íf Níchoís had
píanned on seíííng the ammunítíon, why had he íeft so much of ít ín hís room?
Tragícaííy, Mueííer, hís wífe, and theír 8-year-oíd daughter, Sarah, were found
murdered on |une 28, 1996. Theír bodíes were by puííed from the Iííínoís Bayou
after a físherman díscovered a portíon of a íeg. The famííy had been handcuffed,
theír heads covered wíth píastíc bags wrapped wíth duct tape. They were found ín
20 feet of water, tíed to a heavy rock.
104
Unaccounted for was some $50,000 the Arkansas ,a-ette reported the Mueííers
were beííeved to have receíved oníy days before they dísappeared.
Whííe Tímothy McVeígh had known Roger Moore, hís fríend Míchaeí Brescía, and
his fríend and roommate Andy Strassmeír had met Bííí Mueííer at a Fort Smíth,
Arkansas gun show earííer that year. As reported ín the Mc!urtain ,a-ette7
.Mueííer then toíd |Gene| Wergís that he remembered the two because he
beííeved they míght be connected wíth hís home's burgíary - or even the ATF.
Wergís aíso reported that Mueííer showed hím a spíraí notebook where the
exhíbítor had gone so far - so great was hís concern - as to wríte down the two
men's names.
|373|
Both Brescía and Strassmeír, who aíso knew McVeígh, ííved at Eíohím Cíty, the
whíte separatíst compound near Muídrow, Okíahoma. Two other part-tíme
resídents of Eíohím Cíty, 24 year-oíd Chevíe Kehoe and hís brother Cheyne, opened
fíred on poííce duríng a traffíc stop ín February of '97. The paír was índícted by a
Federaí Grand |ury ín Líttíe Rock on murder, racketeeríng and conspíracy charges,
stemmíng from the Mueííer murder.
Guns stoíen from the Mueííers wound up at a Spokane, Washíngton moteí. The
manager toíd the FBI that he ís 75 percent certaín that McVeígh vísíted hís moteí ín
íate '94 or earíy '95 when Chevíe Kehoe was íívíng there. He saíd that Kehoe
showed up 45 mínutes before the Apríí 19 bombíng wíth a request to watch CNN,
and seemed eíated when he íearned of the tragedy.
|374|
Míchaeí Brescía was íater arrested for hís aííeged roíe ín the robbery of a Madíson,
Wísconsín bank - part of the stríng of robberíes commítted by the Míd-West Bank
Bandíts. As prevíousíy mentíoned, some of the robbers made theír temporary
homes at Eíohím Cíty.
After the bombíng, the FBI questíoned Padííía about the ítems found ín Níchoís'
home and storage íockers. Among those ítems were íarge quantítíes of ammunítíon
and a safe deposít box key beíongíng to Roger Moore. As of thís wrítíng ít ís not
known whether the FBI traced the ammo to Mueííer.
Aíso found ín Níchoís' home, accordíng to ATF Agent Larry Tongate, were 33
fírearms, fíve roíes of 60-foot Prímadet detonator cord, non-eíectríc bíastíng caps,
contaíners of ammoníum nítrate, a fueí-meter, and four 55-gaííon bíue and whíte
píastíc drums.
Not exactíy the everyday stuff of an ordínary guy from a smaíí town ín Kansas.
Símííar ítems were found ín |ames Níchoís' farm, íncíudíng bíastíng caps, safety
fuses, ammoníum nítrate, and díeseí fueí. Níchoís, who was taken ínto custody the
same day as hís brother, deníed any wrongdoíng, and authorítíes dropped aíí
charges. As for hís brother, he commented, "My gut feeííng. I dídn't do anythíng.
105
He dídn't do anythíng." When asked by a reporter, "How about Tímothy McVeígh?
he repííed, "I want to see some facts."
Yet the facts agaínst Terry seemed to be píííng up.
On Apríí 15, 1995, Barbara Whíttenberg served breakfast to three men at the
Sante Fe Traíí Díner: Terry Níchoís, Tím McVeígh, and a thírd man wíth dark
features. She aíso recaííed seeíng a Ryder truck outsíde, and asked the men where
they were headed. Suddeníy, she saíd, ít was "as íf íce water was thrown on the
conversatíon."
|375|
The men íeft before 7:00 a.m. Later that afternoon, as Whíttenberg and her son
were drívíng to nearby |unctíon Cíty, they saw the truck parked at Geary State
Físhíng Lake - where authorítíes orígínaííy cíaímed the bomb was míxed. The
truck was stííí there when they drove past around 3:00 or 4:00 p.m. Whíttenberg's
son recaííed seeíng three men aíong wíth what he descríbed as a Thunderbírd wíth
Arízona tags.
Later that day Níchoís vísíted a Conoco statíon ín Manhattan, Kansas, and a
Coastaí Mart ín |unctíon Cíty, and bought over 30 gaííons of díeseí fueí. Níchoís'
píck-up has a díeseí motor, accordíng to hís brother, and Níchoís' had been a
reguíar díeseí customer for over two months príor to the bombíng, accordíng to
Shan Woods of Kíepper Oíí Co., purchasíng between $20 to $30 worth of díeseí fueí
"two or three tímes a week." Receípts were agaín found ín hís home.
|376|
The next day, Níchoís purchased an addítíonaí 21 gaííons from the |unctíon Cíty
Conoco statíon.
Then, on the eveníng of Apríí 17, 1995, a Ryder truck was seen parked behínd
Níchoís Herríngton home. A Ryder truck was seen that same week backed up to a
storage shed that Níchoís rented.
On the morníng of the 18th, severaí wítnesses agaín saw the Ryder truck parked at
Geary Lake. Parked next to appeared to be Níchoís' píck-up. When the FBI
subsequentíy ínspected the area, they aííegedíy recovered bíts of ammoníum
nítrate and strands of detonator cord, and saw sígns of díeseí fueí.
That same day, or possíbíy the day before, a convoy puííed ín for gas at the Easy
Mart ín Newkírk, 100 mííes north of Okíahoma Cíty. It was a Ryder truck
accompaníed by a bíue píck-up wíth a camper top. Manager |errí-Lynn Backhous
recaííed seeíng three men. The passenger ín the píck-up was dark skínned wíth
bíack haír, average heíght, and had a "reaí muscuíar buííd," she saíd. He was
wearíng a t-shírt and sun-gíasses, and "íooked |ust ííke the |ohn Doe 2 sketch."
|377|
Backhous aíso saw a refíectíon of the person ín the Ryder truck. He was a short
man wíth cíose cropped, dark haír and gíasses, she saíd. Empíoyee Dorínda |.
"Wendy" Hermes waíted on the thírd man - Terry Lynn Níchoís - who came ínto
106
the store and bought food for the others. Hermes partícuíaríy recaííed Níchoís'
píck-up. "It caught me funny because ít had street tíres on ít, but ít was aíí muddy,"
she saíd.
|378|
But perhaps most ínterestíng was the recoííectíon of Níchoís' son |osh, who
accompaníed McVeígh and hís father on the ríde back to Kansas that Sunday.
McVeígh asserts that he caííed Níchoís from Okíahoma Cíty because hís car had
broken down, and asked Níchoís to píck hím up. On the way back, accordíng to
|osh, McVeígh made hís ínfamousíy cryptíc remark: "Somethíng bíg ís goíng to
happen."
Níchoís reportedíy asked hím, What, are you goíng to rob a bank?"
"Somethíng bíg ís goíng to happen," McVeígh stoícaííy repííed.
A curíous statement. If McVeígh and Níchoís had conspíred to bomb the Murrah
Buíídíng, wouídn't Níchoís already know that "somethíng bíg" was goíng to
happen?
Or was the statement ínvented by Níchoís to excuípate hímseíf from the píot ín the
eyes of ínvestígators? Gíven the fact that the statement was reíayed to the FBI by
Níchoís' 12-year-oíd son, thís seems unííkeíy.
And íf Níchoís was ínvoíved ín the píot, there ís evídence that ín November of '94
he wanted out. Among the documents prosecutors handed over to the defense ís
testímony from Lorí Fortíer that McVeígh began to soíícít heíp from her husband
because Níchoís was "expressíng reíuctance."
It shouíd be noted however that the FBI and the "|ustíce" Department ís ínfamous
for framíng peopíe, and they brought enormous pressure on the Fortíers,
threateníng them wíth knowíedge of a terroríst píot, weapons víoíatíons and other
charges íf they díd not testífy agaínst Níchoís and McVeígh. Federaí prosecutors
subsequentíy coached Lorí Fortíer heavííy before McVeígh's tríaí, havíng her
practíce her testímony ín two mock tríaís.
Yet íf Níchoís had no ínvoívement ín the píot, what was he doíng wíth íarge
quantítíes of ammoníum nítrate, bíastíng caps, detonator cord, and a coííectíon of
55-gaííon drums? Why the purchases of díeseí fueí? Were these ítems píanted by
the FBI?
If Níchoís was ínvoíved ín the bombíng, why dídn't he make any attempt to híde or
díspose of these íncrímínatíng ítems before Apríí 19, or even by the 22nd? Why
wouíd a man,who had aííegedíy |ust bíown up a buíídíng, kííííng 169 peopíe, píaíníy
íeave a receípt for the so-caííed bomb íngredíent ín hís kítchen drawer?
107
In fact, Níchoís dídn't attempt to híde any of these ítems, before he casuaííy
waíked ínto the íocaí poííce statíon on Apríí 22, after hearíng hís name on TV. Such
do not seem ííke the actíons of an ínteííígent, caícuíatíng, coíd-bíooded kíííer.
But, then there were the mysteríous tríps to the Phíííppínes. Those tríps, and
Níchoís' cíandestíne meetíngs wíth some mysteríous píayers ín Las Vegas, wouíd
begín to íntrígue a handfuí of |ournaíísts and ínvestígators, as the Okíahoma Cíty
bombíng píot took them down an even darker and more ínsídíous road.
'
Millar3s &ent-/--a7i
Authorítíes have postuíated that McVeígh's "obsessíon wíth Waco," and Níchoís'
hatred of the Federaí Government were the drívíng forces that íed them to bomb
the Federaí Buíídíng. Theír aííeged assocíatíon wíth mííítías and other paramííítary
groups, authorítíes cíaímed, was the key ínfíuence that guíded them aíong theír
síníster path to theír fínaí, vícíous act of revenge.
These numerous pseudo-experts aíso theorízed that McVeígh hímseíf was ínspíred
by the Turner "iaries, wrítten by former physícs professor Wííííam Píerce. In thís
fíctíonaíízed account of whíte race-warríors' overthrow of the Zíoníst Occupatíonaí
Government (ZOG), the "heroes" demoíísh the FBI buíídíng ín Washíngton, D.C.
wíth a fertííízer bomb at precíseíy 9:00 a.m.
The ídea for bombíng a federaí facíííty ís hardíy new. In the míd-1970s Okíahoma
resídent Harawese Moore was convícted of píantíng an íncendíary devíce outsíde
both the Federaí Courthouse and the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng - a case,
coíncídentaííy, defended by Stephen |ones.
In 1983, members of the Covenant, Sword and the Arm of the Lord (CSA), a whíte
supremacíst group based ín northern Arkansas, píanned to truck-bomb the Aífred
P. Murrah Buíídíng. In 1988, former CSA íeader |ames Eíííson turned states'
evídence and testífíed that CSA member Ríchard Wayne Sneíí and others had
partícípated ín the píot. Sneíí was bítter toward the government, Eíííson cíaímed,
because the IRS and FBI had seízed hís property.
Other defendants íncíuded Ríchard Gírnt Butíer, chíef of the Aryan Natíons; Robert
E. Mííes, a former Ku Kíux Kíansman; and Louís Beam, |r., former Grand Dragon of
the Texas Ku Kíux Kían, and Aryan Natíons "Ambassador at Large" - who íed a
campaígn of terror agaínst Víetnamese-Amerícan físherman.
|379|
Eíííson, who fancíed hímseíf "Kíng |ames," was surrounded at hís CSA compound
near the Míssourí-Arkansas border on the prophetíc date of Apríí 19 (ten years to
108
the day of the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng), íeadíng to a four-day standoff agaínst 200
heavííy-armed agents. Eíííson íater testífíed at hís sedítíon tríaí that at Sneíí's
request, he had cased severaí buíídíngs, íncíudíng the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng.
"He took me to some of the buíídíngs and asked me to go ín the buíídíng and check
the buíídíng out," Eíííson saíd. Accordíng to hís testímony, rocket íaunchers were to
be "píaced ín a traííer or a van so that ít couíd be dríven up to a gíven spot, parked
there, and a tímed detonatíon devíce couíd be tríggered so that the dríver couíd
waík away and íeave the vehícíe set ín posítíon and he wouíd have tíme to cíear
the area before any of the rockets íaunched."
|380|
Eíííson wouíd íater deny thís. Yet on October 22, 1996, the Canadían Broadcastíng
Company (CBC) píayed a cííp of Eíííson, where the former CSA íeader admítted hís
ínvoívement ín the píot:
Ellison: ...Wayne Sneíí had been... had made a tríp to Okíahoma Cíty, and Wayne
came back and toíd me about dífferent buíídíngs that he had seen, wanted to know
íf I wouíd íook at them wíth hím sometíme. And Steve taíked to me and gave me a
descríptíon of these buíídíngs and asked me to desígn a rocket íauncher that couíd
be used to destroy these buíídíngs from a dístance... heavy, íarge buíídíngs.
In the CBC píece, former CSA member Kerry Nobíe states: "I stííí íook at thíngs ííke
thís and reaííze how cíose we were, and, you know, that thís couíd have been me
havíng done thís." The reformed Nobíe, now a crítíc of the mííítant extreme-Ríght,
spoke openíy about the píot wíth CBC's Trísh Wood:
-oble: It was one of the targets that we had taíked about at |the| CSA ín '83. The
day ít happened, as soon as I heard ít on the news, I saíd, the Ríght-wíng's done ít
- they fínaííy took that step.
Nobíe expíaíned that the Murrah Buíídíng was a target because ít was a íow
securíty compíex that housed many dífferent federaí agencíes. He saíd the píotters
thought ít wouíd have more effect on the country "than íf you díd a buíídíng, say, ín
New York Cíty or somethíng."
|381|
Wood: Do you thínk - and I know thís ís a guess - that Sneíí or Eíííson toíd
|Reverend Robert| Míííar about the earíy píans to bíow up the Murrah Buíídíng ín
Okíahoma Cíty?
-oble: .I thínk that probabíy Míííar knew that somethíng ma|or was goíng to
happen. Now, whether he knew the exact detaíís, chances are he probabíy díd not,
because he wouíd not want to know specífíc detaíís at fírst. But I thínk he knew
somethíng ma|or was goíng to happen.
Eíííson íater settíed at Eíohím Cíty at the behest of Míííar, who cíaíms to dísavow
the bombíng. "If I knew somethíng ííke that was takíng píace then or today," saíd
109
the Chrístían Identíty míníster, "I'd do everythíng I couíd do to prevent ít and, íf
necessary, caíí ín government agents to heíp stop ít."
Whííe aíí 14 defendants ín the orígínaí 1983 bombíng píot were acquítted, Sneíí
was executed on the ever-prophetíc date of Apríí 19, 1995, the very day that the
Murrah Buíídíng was bombed. Sneíí was convícted of kííííng a bíack state trooper ín
1984, and a pawn shop owner he thought was |ewísh. Whííe under arrest, Sneíí
caííed hímseíf a "prísoner of war," precíseíy what authorítíes cíaímed McVeígh saíd.
Before hís death, Sneíí had tíme to watch scenes from the bombíng on hís |aíí-room
TV. Míííar, who was wíth the 64-year-oíd Sneíí duríng hís fínaí hours, saíd he was
appaííed at the destructíon. Yet accordíng to Arkansas príson offícíaí Aían Abíes,
"Sneíí chuckíed and íaughed as he watched teíevísíon coverage of the Okíahoma
Cíty dísaster."
Both Míííar and Sneíí's wífe contend that the convícted murderer was saddened by
the bombíng. Yet Nobíe thínks McVeígh was ín some way ínspíred by Sneíí.
Wood: Díd you ever thínk that ít was a coíncídence that Tím McVeígh - íf, ín fact,
he díd ít - chose that buíídíng?
-oble: No, I don't thínk ít's any coíncídence. When you bríng that ínto account
wíth the decíaratíon of war that we made, the pressure that the oíder íeaders of
the groups are puttíng on the younger foííowers to do somethíng ín a ma|or way
before they díe - no, ít's no coíncídence.
Wood: How wouíd McVeígh have known about the earííer píans for the Murrah
Buíídíng?
-oble: It's very feasíbíe and ííkeíy that he wouíd have kept ín communícatíon wíth
certaín peopíe and saíd... you know, then íf somebody saíd, weíí, what wouíd you
recommend as a startíng píace - ít's very ííkeíy he couíd have saíd, weíí, thís ís
what we had pícked out.
Interestíngíy, Abíes toíd the "ener )ost, "Sneíí repeatedíy predícted that there
wouíd be a bombíng or an expíosíon the day of hís death."
/bles: A few days before the executíon I began to hear thíngs from the dírector,
the wardens, |ust taík ín the offíce, that strange thíngs were goíng on, Sneíí was
taíkíng strangeíy, he was, you know, makíng statements that were a ííttíe scary.
catastrophíc events, thíngs were goíng to happen. Thís date, Apríí 19th, was goíng
to be somethíng that the governor wouíd regret perhaps.
Sneíí's partíng words before íeavíng thís Earth were, "Look over your shouíder,
Governor, |ustíce ís comíng. I wouídn't trade píaces wíth you or any of your croníes.
Heíí has víctory. I am at peace."
110
Wood: Are those the ravíngs of a man about to be executed or are they the
comments of a man wíth a pían?
-oble: I thínk a man wíth a pían, I thínk a man who ís takíng the satísfactíon that
hís death may mean somethíng after aíí and that ít may be the cataíyst that puts
somebody over the ííne to do what he hímseíf dídn't get the chance to do.
|382|
A símííar bomb píot surfaced a year after the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, when
Ríchard Ray Lampíey, 65, hís wífe Cecííía, and fríend |ohn Baírd were convícted of a
píot to bomb the ADL offíce ín Houston, the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) ín
Montgomery, and varíous gay bars and abortíon cíínícs. Lampíey made hís
íntentíons known at one of Dennís Mahon's WAR meetíngs. A former Grand
Imperíaí Dragon of the KKK, and number three man ín WAR, the Tuísan was a
frequent vísítor to Lampíey's píace, and to Eíohím Cíty.
A seíf-procíaímed "Prophet of God," Lampíey cíaíms he was entrapped by Ríchard
Schrum, an FBI ínformant. Schrum was sent by the Bureau to ínfíítrate the
Okíahoma whíte separatíst compound, but when he found nothíng íííegaí there, he
ínfíítrated Lampíey's group ínstead.
Accordíng to defense attorneys, ít was Schrum who ran the mííítía ceíí to whích
Lampíey beíonged, and threatened to íeave when ít appeared Lampíey was
waveríng. "If anyone formed any kínd of conspíracy, ít was Ríchard Schrum,"
defense íawyer Mark Green saíd. Defense attorney Warren Gotcher backed up
Green, statíng "Thís conspíracy to buííd a bomb ís totaííy on the orders of Ríchard
Schrum." Schrum toíd Lampíey that he had a brother ín the Specíaí Forces at Fort
Bragg, NC, who wouíd províde íogístíc support when the "New Woríd Order"
ínvasíon came.
|383|
The bomb, a míxture of homemade C-4, was supposed to tested at Eíohím Cíty.
|384|
Whatever the reaííty of that case, ít provídes a uníque ínsíght ínto the characters
and píayers of the whíte supremacíst communíty of Southeastern Okíahoma - a
communíty that drew to ít ííke a magnet some of the key píayers of the Okíahoma
Cíty bombíng conspíracy.
Led by the 71-year-oíd Míííar, Eíohím Cíty (Hebrew for "Cíty of God") ís a 1,100-acre
Chrístían Identíty compound near Muídrow, Okíahoma. Founded ín 1973 by the
Canadían-born Mennoníte, the communíty ís home to approxímateíy 90 resídents,
about haíf of whom are dírect descendants of Míííar.
Chrístían Identíty adherents beííeve that whíte Angío-Saxons, not |ews, are God's
chosen peopíe, beíng descendants of the 12 íost tríbes of Israeí, and that Ameríca,
not Israeí, ís the Promísed Land. Thís sanctífíed doctríne aíso hoíds that |ews are
the spawn of Satan, and non-whítes are a "pre-Adamíc," sub-specíes.
111
Oníy whítes are the "true sovereígn cítízens" of the Repubííc, and aíí others are
"Fourteenth Amendment cítízens" - the creatíon of an íííegítímate "ZOG."
Beííevers of thís odd míx of theoíogy not oníy beííeve that the end tímes are near,
but that a great messíah wííí aríse to íead these "hoíy warríors" ín a terríbíe fínaí
battíe agaínst the evíí ZOG.
Those who monítor Ríght-wíng extremíst groups say Míííar ís probabíy the most
ínfíuentíaí Chrístían Identíty íeader ín the Great Píaíns.
|385|
As Míííar expíaíned ít:
"We are opposed to governmentaí mísuse of tax money.. We are opposed to
some of the actíons of government. We're not antí-government... Our peopíe are
aíí seíf-empíoyed, and we aíí pay taxes.. "We are racíst," Míííar saíd, "but we
aren't antí-Semítíc. I thínk ít's better for races and cuítures... to have reíatíonshíps
wíthín theír own ethníc group. That doesn't mean ísoíatíonísm, but ít means
separatísm."
|386|
Yet the group does maíntaín connectíons to whíte supremacíst and neo-Nazí
organízatíons, íncíudíng WAR, the somewhat defunct CSA, and the víoíent but
íargeíy dísbanded Order. The Chrístían Identíty adherents aíso formed aíííances
wíth Ríchard Butíer, Chrístían Identíty "míníster," and head of the Aryan Natíons ín
Hayden Lake, Idaho. The Hayden Lake compound served as a nexus for whíte
supremacíst groups from aíí over the country, íncíudíng the KKK, Posse Comítatus,
Wííííam Píerce's Natíonaí Aíííance, and Robert Mathews' Order. It was Mathews'
group, ínspíred by Píerce's Turner "iaries, that went on to commít a stríng of bank
robberíes, counterfeítíng, bombíngs, and murder throughout the Míd- and
Northwest ín the 1980s.
|387|
Amassíng between $2 and $4 mííííon from robberíes and heísts of armored cars,
the group dístríbuted the proceeds amongst the whíte supremacíst movement.
They aíso purchased íand ín northern Idaho for paramííítary traíníng, but moved to
northern Arkansas, íínkíng up wíth the CSA when they found the harsh cíímate
unsuítabíe for theír purposes.
The Order's expíoíts came to an end ín November of '84, when Mathews díed ín a
shoot-out wíth poííce and federaí agents on Whídby Isíand off the coast of
Washíngton. It's members who managed to escape fíed across the country,
íntegratíng themseíves ínto dífferent whíte supremacíst groups, or went
underground aítogether.
Ríchard Lee Guthríe, |r., the son of a CIA empíoyee, who was díscharged from the
Navy for paíntíng a swastíka on the síde of a shíp and threateníng superíors, hís
chíídhood fríend Peter K. Langan, and Shawn Kenny, went on to form the nucíeus
of a group known as the Mídwest Bank Bandíts. The group stoíe more than
$250,000 from 22 banks between |anuary of '94 and December of '95 ín a spree
that íed them across Ohío, Wísconsín, Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, and Míssourí. The
four-member group wouíd often wear FBI |ackets agents to taunt the Bureau, and
create díversíons to foíí poííce, íncíudíng íeavíng behínd ínert pípe-bombs to síow
112
pursuít. The bandíts even had a macabre sense of humor, wearíng a Santa Cíaus
suít duríng a hoíd-up around Chrístmas, and an Easter basket wíth a goíd paínted
pípe-bomb íeft ínsíde a bank ín Des Moínes.
"Wííd Bííí" Guthríe aíso admítted to a West Vírgínía sheríff that he had heíped
Butíer's Aryan Natíons raíse another quarter mííííon doííars through fraud. Both
Guthríe and Langan were reguíar vísítors to the Hayden Lake compound.
The seeds for the mens' daíííance wíth the paramííítary extreme-Ríght was sown ín
1991, when Shawn Kenny, a fríend of Langan and Guthríe, began díscussíng theír
píans to further the "cause."
Interestíngíy, the Secret Servíce recruíted Langan as an ínformant ín August of
1993 to keep an eye on hís fríend Guthríe, who had made threats agaínst the ííves
of Presídents Cíínton and Bush. Langan was reíeased from hís Georgía |aíí ceíí
(where he was servíng tíme for robbíng a Pízza Hut wíth Guthríe) and set up ín a
house ín Ohío, where he was to assíst the Secret Servíce ín íocatíng hís oíd fríend.
The deaí soon went sour.
Secret Servíce Agent Díck Rathneíí summed up the fíasco thís way: "Our maín
ínterest was to fínd íf there was an ínterest to harm the Presídent or overthrow the
government.... We dídn't know they were these bank robbers."
|388|
Langan went south on the Secret Servíce síx weeks íater, and soon íocated hís oíd
fríend Guthríe. The two set themseíves up ín a safehouse ín Píttsburg, Kansas, from
whích they were aííeged to have íaunched theír notoríous críme spree.
In November of '94, Mark Thomas, the íocaí Aryan Natíons representatíve, uníted
the two wíth others of theír kínd. Thomas' farm, íocated rather appropríateíy next
to a toxíc waste dump, has been the síte of skín-head and neo-Nazí raíííes such as
Whíte Príde Day and the annuaí Hítíer Youth Festívaí, where partícípants en|oyed
such whoíesome actívítíes as pagan rítuaís and cross burníngs.
Thomas íntroduced the paír to Pennsyívanía natíve Scott Stedeford, a rock
musícían and artíst, and Kevín McCarthy, a bassíst ín a whíte-power band named
"Day of the Sword." Thomas was ínstrumentaí ín heípíng the men form an aíííance
whích they wouíd caíí the Aryan Repubíícan Army (ARA).
Takíng the moníker of "Commander Pedro," Langan became the group's íeader.
Accordíng to testímony províded by Kenny at Stedeford's tríaí, Langan boasted
that the gang was modeíed after The Order.
"Learn from Bob |Mathews|," Langan ís heard sayíng on a home-made recruítment
vídeo. "Learn from hís místakes. Study your enemy. Study hís methods."
|389|
The Pennsyívanía Posse Comítatus íeader wouíd aíso íntroduce Stedeford and
McCarthy to Míchaeí Brescía, a Phííadeíphía natíve and rock musícían who wouíd
113
go on to form a speed metaí band wíth McCarthy and Stedeford, caííed "Cyaníde."
The rock 'n roíí bank robbers decíded to recruít the 24-year-oíd La Saííe Uníversíty
student after píanníng the heíst of a íarge bank ín Madíson, Wísconsín, whích the
trío robbed on August 30, 1995.
The three men came to know "Grandpa Míííar" at Eíohím Cíty courtesy of Thomas,
and Brescía was soon engaged to Míííar's granddaughter, Ester. Brescía wound up
íívíng at the recíusíve compound for two years. It was there that he wouíd meet hís
new roommate, Andreas Karí Strassmeír, the mysteríous German who settíed there
ín 1991. It was aíso at Eíohím Cíty that Brescía wouíd meet Tímothy McVeígh. As
ATF ínformant Caroí Eíízabeth Howe recaííed:
"Sometíme before Chrístmas |of 1994| a íot of guys showed up at EC (Eíohím Cíty).
One that I recaíí was Tím |McVeígh|, who I oníy knew as Tím Tuttíe. He was there
wíth a guy who used the name Fontaíne, a person I now recogníze as Míke Fortíer."
Referríng to McVeígh, she saíd, "I never even spoke to hím. He was consídered a
'good soídíer' by the members of the ARA, but not a íeader; he was |ust someone
you sent out on |obs, because he was reííabíe."
|390|
Were McVeígh and Níchoís ínvoíved ín bank robberíes? Had the robberíes fínanced
the bombíng? It was a questíon that has dísturbed Níchoís' ex-wífe Lana Padííía,
who díscovered masks, nyíon stockíngs, and wígs ín her former spouse's storage
íocker. Níchoís was known as a vehement crítíc of the bankíng system, had been
on the íosíng end of a íarge credít card íawsuít, and had decíared the Federaí
Reserve corrupt.
McVeígh hímseíf sent hís síster |ennífer three $100 bííís, teíííng her they were the
proceeds from a bank robbery. Whííe there was no proof that the paír had actuaííy
partícípated, authorítíes wouíd ponder the sígnífícance of the assocíatíons. As the
,a-ette wrítes:
A reííabíe source famíííar wíth the ínvestígatíon confírmed that admítted co-
conspírator Míchaeí Fortíer toíd the FBI that ex-army buddy Tím McVeígh saíd ín
February 1995 that he (McVeígh) was goíng to Coíorado to |oín "The Order."
|391|
Interestíngíy, what ís not known ís |ust where McVeígh was on the days
ímmedíateíy before and ímmedíateíy after 11 of the robberíes.
What ís known ís that Brescía, Strassmeír, and McVeígh became fríends, attendíng
gun shows, traveííng the whíte supremacíst círcuít, and crashíng hígh-schooí
partíes ín Kansas, not far from Terry Níchoís' house. Neíghbors recaííed seeíng men
who fít the generaí descríptíon of McVeígh and |ohn Doe 2 at Níchoís' Herríngton
home.
For hís part, Strassmeír cíaíms he'd "never been ín Kansas," then admítted, ".weíí,
once, drívíng through."
|392|
114
Catína Lawson's roommate, Líndsay |ohnson, dated Brescía, and Lawson was cíose
fríends wíth McVeígh. Both she and Lawson recaííed seeíng Strassmeír, Brescía,
McVeígh and Fortíer at the Kansas partíes around the Summer of '92. The young
women aííegedíy referred to the handsome young Brescía as "Míke Breezy."
It ís Brescía, some ínvestígators cíaím, who ís the mysteríous |ohn Doe 2 orígínaííy
sought by the FBI. Bombíng víctím Gíenn Wííburn, aíong wíth ínvestígator |.D. Cash,
íearned of Brescía's reíatíonshíp to Strassmeír and McVeígh after taíkíng to peopíe
at Eíohím Cíty and others ín the whíte supremacíst underground. The famííy fííed a
$30 mííííon íawsuít agaínst McVeígh, whích íncíudes Strassmeír, and named Brescía
as |ohn Doe 2.
Robert Míííar ínsísts that Brescía, who ís engaged to Míííar's granddaughter, ís not
|ohn Doe 2, but símpíy a "cíeancut, coííege type boy."
|393|
Yet severaí wítnesses ín Kansas cíaímed that Brescía cíoseíy matches the FBI's
wanted sketch. Líke |ohn Doe 2, Brescía has a tattoo on hís íeft arm. Curíousíy
though, Brescía's tattoo ís círcuíar - a cross ínsíde a wheeí - the embíem of the
Aryan Natíons. The tattoo seen by Míke Moroz and other wítnesses on |ohn Doe 2
more cíoseíy resembíed a dragon, an anchor, or a snake. But then agaín, accordíng
to numerous wítnesses, there ís more than one |ohn Doe 2.
Whííe Brescía's connectíon to Eíohím Cíty centered around hís reíatíonshíp wíth
Ester, ít was Strassmeír who was hís roommate. A German natíonaí, the 38-year-
oíd Strassmeír ís the son of Günter Strassmeír, former Parííamentary Secretary of
State to German Chanceííor Heímut Kohí. Strassmeír's uncíe ís ín the German
parííament, and hís brother Aíexander síts on the Beríín Cíty Councíí. Líke Langan,
Strassmeír's father aíso reportedíy has connectíons to the CIA.
Andreas served as a ííeutenant ín the German Panzer Grenadíers (the equívaíent of
our Specíaí Forces), had formaí mííítary ínteííígence traíníng, and díd a stínt as a
ííaíson offícer wíth the Weísh Guards. He toíd the 3ondon Sunday Tele%ra*h that
part of hís work was to detect ínfíítratíon by Warsaw Pact agents, and then feed
them dísínformatíon. "If we caught a guy, we'd offer hím amnesty. We'd turn hím
and use hím to feed faíse ínformatíon back to the Warsaw Pact."
|394|
Whííe
Strassmeír wouíd not admít ít, ít ís reported that he ís an agent for the German
natíonaí antí-terroríst poííce, the GSG-9.
|395|
"Andy the German," as he became known, arríved ín the U.S. ín May of 1991,
wíthout beíng documented by the INS (Immígratíon and Naturaíízatíon Servíce),
and ííved on a credít card províded by sources unknown. He soon became Eíohím
Cíty's Dírector of Securíty.
|396|
Accordíng to Strassmeír, hís path crossed McVeígh's at a Tuísa gun show ín Apríí of
'93. Strassmeír stopped by McVeígh's tabíe and bought a few mííítary souvenírs
and díscussed events at Waco. He then gave McVeígh hís card bearíng the
ínscríptíon "Eíohím Cíty." In an íntervíew ín Soldier of Fortune, Strassmeír professed
115
never to of heard of McVeígh, though he íater recanted hís story for the Tele%ra*h..
"I met the guy once at a gun show," he saíd. "We spoke for fíve mínutes, that's
aíí."
|397|
It wouíd seem the reíatíonshíp goes deeper than that however. Strassmeír
reportedíy met McVeígh agaín at the fírst anníversary of the Waco massacre ín
Apríí of '94. And accordíng to |ournaííst Wííííam |asper, sources cíose to the
ínvestígatíon reveaíed that McVeígh vísíted Eíohím Cíty on at íeast 20 occasíons.
Traffíc records show McVeígh was stopped for speedíng on October 12, 1993, two
mííes north of Cedervíííe, Arkansas, íess than 10 mííes from Eíohím Cíty, on a
remote road íeadíng to the compound. ATF ínformant Caroí Howe aíso recaííed
seeíng McVeígh and Fortíer at Eíohím Cíty duríng the wínter of '94.
Yet possíbíy the most reveaííng connectíon surfaced ín the form of two phone caíís,
one píaced by McVeígh from the Imperíaí Moteí ín Kíngman, Arízona to Strassmeír
on Apríí 5, |ust two weeks before the bombíng. It was |ust mínutes after McVeígh
had aííegedíy caííed |unctíon Cíty to reserve the Ryder truck. Accordíng to Míííar's
daughter-ín-íaw |oan, who answered the phone, the caííer asked to speak to
"Andy." Andy wasn't ín. McVeígh íeft a message sayíng, "Teíí Andy I'íí be comíng
through."
Robert Míííar, Eíohím Cíty's "spírítuaí íeader," cíaímed ígnorance of McVeígh or the
phone caíí.
|398|
He íater recanted hís story.
Then one day before the bombíng, McVeígh caííed Strassmeír's U.S. attorney, Kírk
Lyons, íookíng for Andy. Not fíndíng hím there, he engaged Lyon's assístant, Dave
Hoííoway, ín a 15-mínute conversatíon about Waco, Lyons cíaíms, and the need to
"send a message to the government." It seemed McVeígh aíso needed to send a
message to Strassmeír.
For hís part Strassmeír cíaíms McVeígh never vísíted Eíohím Cíty. "I don't know why
McVeígh was tryíng to contact me," he saíd.
Catína Lawson, who was cíose fríends wíth McVeígh for two years, remembers
seeíng Strassmeír at the |unctíon Cíty partíes. "He was |ust someone you'd see
every once ín a whííe," saíd Lawson, who, aíong wíth fríends, wouíd meet and party
wíth the soídíers from nearby Fort Rííey. "He was taíí, skínny and paíe, wíth
crooked teeth and sunken eyes surrounded by dark círcíes. And he had thís accent.
."
|399|
Larry Wííd and hís wífe Kathy aíso recaíí seeíng Strassmeír on one of theír físhíng
tríps to Cameron Spríngs Lake, near Fort Rííey. The Wííds remember seeíng
Strassmeír wíth two other men wíth an oíd Ryder truck one week before the
bombíng. |ust who those two other men were they couídn't say. Wííd díd recaíí
speakíng wíth Strassmeír though. "I saíd, 'Your díaíect ís reaííy dífferent. Are you a
soídíer?' He saíd, 'No.' I saíd, 'Do you work for the government?' He |ust kínd of
íaughed."
116
Yet stííí more wítnesses recaíí seeíng the two men together. At íeast fíve dancers
recaíí seeíng McVeígh, Níchoís, Brescía, and Strassmeír at Lady Godíva's, a stríp
|oínt ín Tuísa, whích the men vísíted on Apríí 8, 1995. In an íntervíew wíth CBC's
Trísh Wood, the dancers, who wísh to remaín anonymous, were "posítíve" of
Strassmeír and McVeígh's presence |ust eíeven days before the bombíng:
Wood: You saw thís man ín here?
8nidentified: Yes.
Wood: And how do you remember? What makes you remember seeíng hím ín here
that níght?
8nidentified: From one of the gírís. I |ust heard her say somethíng about a coupíe
of guys, there were a coupíe of weírd guys, she wanted somebody to go sít wíth
them.
As díscussed earííer, McVeígh bragged to one of the gírís that "somethíng bíg" was
goíng to happen. "On Apríí 19, 1995, you'íí remember me for the rest of your íífe,"
McVeígh saíd.
|400|
Aíso present that níght was an oíd, faded Ryder truck, seen by the bouncer. The
truck appeared to be prívateíy-owned, addíng further proof that at íeast two trucks
were used ín the bombíng. It was thís truck whích was seen by wítnesses at Geary
State Park, severaí days before authorítíes aííege that McVeígh rented hís. |.D.
Cash specuíates that McVeígh fíew to Fort Smíth from hís moteí room ín Kíngman
on Apríí 7 to píck up the truck and meet hís comrades, then the men stopped by
Tuísa on theír way back to Kansas.
If they stopped by Tuísa, maybe ít was to check out the Indían Terrítory Gun Show.
It aíso míght have been to meet Dennís Mahon. The WAR offícíaí, Natíonaí Socíaííst
Aíííance (NSA) íeader, and former KKK Imperíaí Grand Dragon traveíed frequentíy
to the recíusíve compound where he kept a traííer, "to vísít and feííowshíp and do
some target shootíng and mííítary maneuvers," he saíd. Mahon was cíose fríends
wíth Brescía and Strassmeír, both of whom he "íoved ííke brothers."
|401|
In what may seem ííke an even more bízarre twíst, Mahon cíaíms he was funded by
the Iraqís duríng the Guíf War. Líke Order íeader Robert Mathews, who was
reportedíy offered fundíng by the Syríans, Mahon receíved $100 a month, for a
totaí of $4,800, from the Iraqís to stír up opposítíon to the Bush/UN-ímposed
sanctíons. Mahon, operator of the Díaí-a-Racíst hot ííne, aíso produced severaí
vídeotapes whích he dístríbuted to pubííc access statíons, expressíng hís díssentíng
víew on the U.S. poíícy.
|402|
Mahon started receívíng Iraqí funds shortíy after he began hoídíng antí-war raíííes,
he saíd. ".ít's comíng from the same zíp code where the Iraqí Embassy ís, but
they don't say ít's from the Iraqí Embassy."
|403|
117
|eff Steínberg, an ínvestígator for the LaRouche Foundatíon, says such a scenarío ís
not at aíí unusuaí. "Thís kínd of stuff happened aíí the tíme," says Steínberg. "In the
'70s, they had peopíe who's |ob ít was to show up at every sort of Left-wíng raííy."
Yet why wouíd the Iraqís gíve money to an avowed whíte supremacíst ííke Mahon?
"Hatred of the |ews," says Stíenberg. "Some íow-íeveí person at the embassy gíves
ít out to these guys, and you'd be surprísed at who they gíve ít to - they're not
that bríght."
|404|
In McVeígh's Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus, fííed one week before McVeígh's tríaí,
Stephen |ones made note of the fact that three members of the Amerícan
Agrícuíturaí Movement aíso met wíth Iraqí offícíaís. Theír purpose was to work wíth
the Iraqís to negotíate a peacefuí wíthdraw from Kuwaít. "We wanted to get a
díaíogue goíng and stop a shootíng war," saíd one member. "As Amerícans, that's
what we tríed to do."
|405|
Yet ít seemed the meetíng between the farmers and the Iraqí ambassador wasn't
the oníy meetíng that took píace. |ones stated that Terry Níchoís, who he refers to
oníy as "Suspect I," made caíís to two Kansas-based Posse Comítatus members -
Davíd Oííphant and Buddy Snead. Líke Níchoís, Snead ís marríed to a Fííípíno
woman. It ís not known whether he met her through the same maíí-order bríde
servíce as Níchoís.
|406|
A CIA source contacted by |ones índícated that two members of the Posse
Comítatus (ít ís not known who) vísíted wíth an Iraqí dípíomat ín New York Cíty
around the same generaí tíme. Whííe the author was unabíe to íocate these two
índívíduaís to confírm the story, ít ís possíbíe they met wíth the dípíomat to
express theír horror over Bush's "Desert Massacre."
It ís aíso possíbíe that the Iraqís víewed the meetíng as an opportuníty to
strengthen theír tíes to the whíte supremacíst movement. As wííí be seen,
coííaboratíon between Arab states, Míd-East terrorísts, and neo-Nazís ís a íong and
weíí-documented one.
Unfortunateíy for Dennís Mahon, the Iraqís severed theír tíes wíth hím after the
bombíng. ".they cut me off, a month after the bombíng - bastards!"
|407|
It ís aíso ííkeíy that Mahon, who traveíed to Germany to recruít young skínheads for
the KKK, may have met up wíth Míchaeí Kühnen. A promínent neo-Nazí, Kühnen
formed the Antí-Zíoníst League, whích preached hatred of |ews, and sought to form
a common bond between Nazís and theír Arab brethren. Kühnen aíso negotíated
wíth the Iraqís, provídíng them wíth 200 German, Amerícan and Brítísh skínheads
to fíght aíongsíde Iraqí troops. There ís reportedíy a vídeotape of these storm
troopers ín S.S. uníforms beíng greeted by Iraqí Informatíon Míníster Abdeí Lateef
|assem.
|408|
118
Kühnen's successor, a name named Hubner, has connectíons to Kírk Lyons,
Andreas Strassmeír's North Caroíína-based attorney. Lyons aíso spoke wíth Hubner
at meetíngs of the group "Deutsche Aíternatíve." Líke Mahon, Lyons traveíed the
German whíte supremacíst círcuít. Strassmeír and Mahon were cíose fríends, untíí
Mahon and hís brother Dennís reportedíy caííed Germany wíth orders to kííí
Strassmeír.
Another fríend of Mahon's ís Gary Lauck of Líncoín, Nebraska. The íeader of the
neo-Nazí Natíonaí Socíaííst Worker's Party, Lauck wrote a 20-page manífesto
entítíed, "Strategy, Propaganda and Organízatíon," about íntegratíng worídwíde
extremíst groups ínto a tíght network, and "mííítary educatíon wíth terroríst aíms."
Lauck has reportedíy had frequent contact wíth Arab terroríst groups accordíng to
McVeígh's defense counseí.
Fínaííy, there ís the Líbyan government, wídeíy reported to have funded both the
Irísh Repubíícan Army (IRA) and U.S. cítízens, íncíudíng a Chícago street gang
caííed the Eí Rukns - convícted of conspíracy to commít terroríst acts throughout
the U.S.
"Upon hearíng that Louís Farrakhan had receíved $5 mííííon from the Líbyan
government, the íeader of the Eí Rukns actíveíy sought sponsorshíp from Líbya ín
exchange to an ín-kínd amount of money. Members of the Eí Rukns actuaííy
traveíed to Líbya to meet wíth mííítary offícíaí of the Líbyan government."
|409|
Farrakhan, the íeader of the Natíon of Isíam (NOI, or "Bíack Musííms"), carríes forth
a uníque hístorícaí precedent. Hís predecessor, Eíí|ah Muhammad, ínvíted
Amerícan Nazí Party íeader George Líncoín Rockweíí to address an NOI raííy on
|une 25, 1961 ín Washíngton, D.C. There ís a photo of Rockweíí's Nazís ín fuíí
regaíía (íncíudíng Swastíka arm bands) seated ín the front row, wíth the Bíack
Musííms seated dírectíy behínd them.
|410|
Rockweíí appeared at an NOI raííy ín Chícago one year íater, where he announced,
"Eíí|ah Muhammad ís to the so-caííed Negro what Adoíph Hítíer was to the German
peopíe.."
In September of 1985, the NOI ínvíted Tom Metzger, former Grand Dragon of the
KKK and current íeader of WAR to íts forum ín Ingeíwood, Caíífornía, and accepted
a smaíí fínancíaí contríbutíon from the notoríous whíte supremacíst. Metzger
decíared that hís aíííance wíth the NOI was a "íogícaí one: They want theír terrítory
and that's exactíy what we want for them and for ourseíves. They speak agaínst
the |ews and the oppressors ín Washíngton."
|411|
It therefore comes as no surpríse that Líbya funded the NOI to the tune of $5
mííííon doííars. The motíve behínd Arab fundíng of Western racíst and díssídent
groups was - and ís - to forment revoíutíon and destabíííze the "Great Satan."
|ust as Líbyan Presídent Muammar aí-Oaddafí serves as the ínspíratíon behínd
many mííítant Bíack Musííms, so the IRA served as the spírítuaí ínspíratíon behínd
119
the Aryan Repubíícan Army, the group founded by Ríchard Guthríe and Peter
Langan, whích íncíuded Míchaeí Brescía.
As Stephen |ones eíoquentíy states, "These peopíe are targeted because theír
ídeoíogícaí compass ís preset agaínst the Federaí Government.. Aíthough the
whíte supremacíst communíty are díametrícaííy opposed to that of Bíack Musííms,
ít ís a weíí known fact that both share a common hatred for the Federaí
Government."
When the ARA was eventuaííy dísbanded, the FBI díscovered an IRA terroríst
manuaí caííed the "Green Book," ííterature on Ireíand, Gaeííc íanguage tapes,
Semtex expíosíves, a shouíder-fíred rocket íauncher, and 11 pípe bombs.
|412|
Semtex ís normaííy used by Míd-East terrorísts, usuaííy beíng suppííed by Russía,
Chína and North Korea.
It seems the connectíon goes deeper. Dennís Mahon cíaíms he actuaííy províded
advíce to the IRA, encouragíng them to murder "top Brítísh offícers and poííce
offícíaís" but avoíd kííííng cívíííans. That statement tíes-ín to others Mahon has
made, íncíudíng the ídea of bíowíng up the Okíahoma Federaí Buíídíng at níght,
when no one was around, and other methods whích "are íegítímate to save your
natíon."
It seems the IRA may have returned the favor. Accordíng to Caroí Howe, the
outíawed Irísh resístance group suppííed the detonator used ín the Okíahoma Cíty
bombíng. The author ís not quíte sure why the bombers wouíd need to go to the
IRA for a detonator, or exactíy how such a connectíon wouíd be arranged, but ít
seems rather dubíous. Sínn Feín (the poíítícaí arm of the IRA) Presídent Gerry
Adams caííed the cíaím "preposterous rubbísh."
|413|
It may seem even more preposterous ín ííght of the fact that Adams had won the
poíítícaí favorítísm of Presídent Cíínton, havíng been the guest of honor at a recent
Whíte House receptíon.
Yet Howe aííeged that Andreas Strassmeír was the key íínk between the ARA and
the IRA. Interestíngíy, the "u+lin Sunday Times reported on |uíy 13, 1997 that
Strassmeír has índeed assocíated wíth Sínn Feín:
Strassmeír moved to Dubíín íast February and ís íívíng ín an apartment ín the cíty
owned by George Maybury, generaí secretary of the assocíatíon of Garda
Sergeants and Inspectors. He has been workíng on constructíon sítes and has
attended Sínn Feín meetíngs and socíaí events.
|414|
Furthermore, federaí ínformant Cary Gagan, who met wíth |ones after the
bombíng, toíd the author he met wíth an IRA bomb expert whííe ín Mexíco Cíty,
who ínstructed hím on the use of tímers. Gagan cíaíms to have been deepíy
ímmersed ín the Míddíe Eastern ceíí ínvoíved ín the bombíng. (See Chapter 5)
120
When FOX News reporter Ríta Cosby asked Robert Míííar íf there was any Míddíe
Eastern connectíon to Eíohím Cíty, he answered, "No, not that I can even dream
of." Strassmeír ííkewíse deníed any Míddíe Eastern connectíon to the bombíng ín an
íntervíew wíth the author.
|415|
As of thís wrítíng, former ABC 20/20 ínvestígator
Roger Charíes was checkíng a íead that Míddíe Eastern índívíduaís were índeed
traíned at Eíohím Cíty. It has not yet been confírmed.
|ust what Andreas Strassmeír was doíng ín the U.S. ís not aítogether cíear. In a
fíve-part íntervíew ín the Tele%ra*h, Strassmeír saíd that he came to the U.S. ín
1989 to work on a "specíaí assígnment" for the |ustíce Department. "I díscussed
the |ob when I was ín Washíngton. I was hopíng to work for the operatíons sectíon
of the DEA," he expíaíned. "It never worked out."
The former German ínteííígence offícer was recommended for these posítíons by
Víncent Petruskíe, a retíred U.S. Aír Force coíoneí. Strassmeír toíd attorney Míke
|ohnston, who fíew to Beríín to íntervíew hím, that Petruskíe ís "a former CIA guy
who my father had known sínce he (Petruskíe) was statíoned ín Beríín duríng the
Coíd War."
In an íntervíew wíth New American edítor Wííííam |asper, Petruskí deníed any CIA
connectíons:
As for the CIA connectíon, "That's totaííy wrong," ínsísted Petruskíe. "I'm a retíred
Aír Force offícer, that's aíí." Accordíng to Petruskíe, he was a specíaí agent for the
Aír Force Offíce of Specíaí Investígatíon (OSI), and retíred as a coíoneí after servíng
from 1954 to 1975. Was he a fríend of Andreas' father? "I've never met hís father;
we've oníy spoken over the phone."
|416|
How had Petruskíe come to know the younger Strassmeír? Andreas arríved ín the
íate 1980s wíth some other German íads for the reenactment of the Battíe of
Gettysburg. The German vísítors had authentíc períod uníforms, rífíes, bayonets,
etc. and an amazíngíy detaííed knowíedge of the battíe. But they apparentíy had
not done theír homework concerníng economíc reaíítíes of contemporary Ameríca
and so were short of cash for íívíng accommodatíons and had no credít cards wíth
whích to rent a vehícíe. That ís when a mutuaí fríend put them ín touch wíth
Petruskíe, who put them up for a whííe at hís home.
Strassmeír was "a míxed-up kíd, a very ímmature 34-year-oíd when he came over
here," recaííed Petruskíe. "Andy wanted to work for the U.S. government - DEA,
|ustíce - undercover. |He| thought hís background wíth mííítary and German
government wouíd heíp. I expíaíned he'd need a green card, educatíon, and set
hím down wíth some peopíe ín Washíngton who expíaíned that ít wasn't that
símpíe. I thínk he went down to South Caroíína and then to Texas to go to
schooí."
|417|
In an íntervíew wíth the Oklahoma ,a-ette, Petruskí once agaín attempted to
dístance hímseíf from Strassmeír. "Thís kíd ís what we wouíd caíí a putz," he saíd.
121
An ínterestíng descríptíon for a former ínteííígence offícer and ííeutenant ín the
eííte Panzer Grenadíers.
|418|
Petruskí aíso cíaíms that Strassmeír's |ob wíth the DEA "feíí through." Is one
seríousíy supposed to accept the premíse that a man wíth Strassmeír's
background, ínfíuence, and connectíons came to the U.S. on the off-chance of
fíndíng a |ob wíth the DEA? That he traveíed aíí thís way to run around píayíng toy
soídíer for a coupíe days? And that Petruskí |ust "happened" to meet hím at a
battíe reenactment at Gettysburg?
More ííkeíy, Gettysburg was a necessary cover-story to ínfíítrate Strassmeír ínto
the country. Appearíng to be a mííítary enthusíast makes ít easíer to ínfíítrate the
extreme-Ríght. And Petruskí's taíe about hís DEA |ob faíííng through ís a "íímíted
hang-out," |ust enough ínformatíon reveaíed to satísfy nosy |ournaíísts, wíth
enough dísínformatíon míxed ín to steer them away from "unapproved" areas. And
whííe Petruskí saíd that Strassmeír never got a |ob wíth the DEA, he never saíd he
didn1t get a |ob wíth the ATF, FBI, or CIA.
|419|
Wíth hís cover-story fírmíy ín píace, Strassmeír then "drífted" ínto the far-Ríght
círcíes of the íunatíc frínge, stoppíng íong enough to píck an ordínary |ob as a
computer saíesman to further enhance hís ímage as an ínnocent drífter.
"Andy the German" was now ready to ínfíítrate the neo-Nazí cííques of the far-
Ríght. Wíth hís German background and accent, ít was easy to convínce whíte
supremacísts of hís íegítímacy. In 1991 he settíed ín Eíohím Cíty, where he
estabííshed hímseíf as Chíef of Securíty and weapons traíníng.
Accordíng to a report from the Okíahoma State Bureau of Investígatíon (OSBI),
Strassmeír traíned píatoon-sízed groups consístíng of 30 to 40 índívíduaís from
throughout the U.S. every three months at the recíusíve compound. Accordíng to a
íaw enforcement source íntervíewed by the Mc!urtain ,a-ette, they consísted
prímarííy of members from the Aryan Natíons, and íncíuded Tímothy McVeígh.
|420|
As the ,a-ette reported:
"Strassmeír went out and repíaced aíí our deer rífíes wíth assauít weapons," saíd
|resídent Zara| Patterson. "Next, he wanted us to start doíng íííegaí stuff. a íot of
íííegaí stuff. I kept teíííng Andy that we were defensíve here, and we dídn't want
any probíems from the íaw. Duríng the míd-'80s, we had a standoff wíth the feds. I
toíd hím to keep us out of troubíe."
|421|
Was Strassmeír attemptíng to ínfíítrate Eíohím Cíty? "If the agent penetrates the
group," Strassmeír saíd ín an íntervíew wíth the author, "the fírst thíng they do ís
try to seíí them weapons." When asked íf that wasn't exactíy what he díd, he
repííed, "I |ust advísed them about weapons, as an experíenced soídíer. That's
what I díd for years and years. I was an ínfantry man - I |ust gave advíce. But, I
aíways obeyed the íaw." He then admítted that he "dídn't know the íaw. I'd have to
consuít my íawyer."
122
Accordíng to ínformatíon obtaíned by the Tele%ra*h, Strassmeír ínfíítrated the
Texas Líght Infantry mííítía between 1988 and 1989, and set up some íííegaí gun
purchases. They soon suspected that Strassmeír was a ATF ínformant. When some
members foííowed hím to a federaí buíídíng one níght, they observed hím enteríng
ít usíng the buíídíng's combínatíon key-pad.
|422|
ATF agent Angeía Fíníey-Graham, the agent who supervísed ATF ínformant Caroí
Howe, had aeríaí surveíííance photos of Strassmeír wíth an assauít weapon, and
photos of concrete bunkers at Eíohím Cíty. In fact, ín 1992, some 960 yards of
concrete were transported to the compound, presumabíy for bunkers and weapons
storage facííítíes.
|423|
Law enforcement offícíaís aíso receíved reports that the compound was beííeved to
be generatíng íncome through the saíe of íííegaí drugs. A source famíííar wíth the
communíty toíd me that Bruce Míííar, Robert Míííar's son, was supposedíy "strung
out" on Methamphetímínes. Speed ís a híghíy popuíar drug among the neo-Nazí
crowd, and was ín fact ínvented by the Nazís duríng WWII to boíster the fíghtíng
abíííty of theír front-ííne troops.
Severaí weeks before the bombíng, ín míd-February, the Tuísa offíce of the ATF
passed on ínformatíon to the Okíahoma Híghway Patroíman Ken Stafford, who put
out a BOLO (Be On The Lookout For) on Strassmeír:
ANDREAS STRASSMEIR, W/M, 5/17/59, heavy German accent. Bíack Haír/ Bíue
Eyes. 1" scar on chín, wears cammo fatígues. Possíbíe Tennessee dríver's íícense.
Came to USA ín 5/91, passport was good untíí 8/91. He never íeft the country. INS
says he does not have an extensíon of hís VISA. Possíbíy ín bíue Chevy, íate modeí,
tag BXH 346 (not on fííe), usuaííy has someone drívíng hím. Carríes a .45 auto
pístoí at aíí tímes. He ís an íííegaí aííen, ATF wants to be notífíed íf he ís stopped
and has the gun on hím. They wííí fííe the charges. Contact: Agent Angeía Fíníey,
ATF. Offíce: 918-581-7731 (or) Pager: 918-672-2755.
What's odd ís that the BOLO was for an INS víoíatíon, not exactíy the |urísdíctíon of
the ATF. Moreover, accordíng to a Tuísa poííce ínteííígence source, the INS was toíd
not to make any effort to focus on vísa víoíatíons due to manpower shortages.
The Mc!urtain ,a-ette, whích uncovered the BOLO, thínks ít was put out by the
ATF to províde cover for Strassmeír - an aíd for hís extractíon from Eíohím Cíty.
The OHP subsequentíy typed up the BOLO, whích was eventuaííy "íeaked" to
varíous sources, íncíudíng the resídents of the ruraí communíty. Accordíng to Gíenn
Wííburn, the BOLO was círcuíated wíth the stípuíatíon that Strassmeír not be
arrested.
|424|
Curíousíy, when Fíníey-Graham attempted to get a warrant for Strassmeír's arrest,
she was stonewaííed by the INS. A Tuísa poííce ínteííígence source toíd me that
Fíníey "was out to get the whoíe píace." Thís fact was confírmed by ínformatíon
obtaíned by McVeígh's defense counseí duríng díscovery.
|425|
123
Thís ís aíso ínterestíng ín ííght of the fact that the INS and ATF had orígínaííy
píanned a |oínt raíd on the compound - a pían whích suddeníy came to a haít ín
íate February of '95. As one INS memo stated:
Investígatíon pendíng - no arrest or warrant as of yet - Northeastern Okíahoma
- request partícípatíon. Raíd - next month.
|426|
It seems the ATF and INS weren't the oníy ones ínterested ín Eíohím Cíty. As a
report of Fíníey-Graham's dated February 28 states:
On 22 February 1995, thís agent met wíth OHP Trooper Ken Stafford to exchange
certaín ínformatíon regardíng thís ínvestígatíon. Trooper Stafford índícated that the
FBI aíso had an ongoíng ínvestígatíon regardíng Eíohím Cíty. On thís same date,
RAC Davíd Roberts met wíth the Uníted States Attorney for the Northern |udícíaí
Dístríct of Okíahoma, Steve Lewís, to díscuss thís ínvestígatíon.
On February 23, 1995 RAC Davíd Roberts was contacted by FBI supervísor, Marty
Webber, who stated that FBI Specíaí Agent ín Charge, Bob Rícks, wouíd be
avaííabíe duríng the week of February 27 through March 03, 1995 to meet wíth ATF
Specíaí Agent ín Charge, Lester Martz. RAC Roberts then contacted Daíías Dívísíon
to request SAC Martz meet wíth SAC Rícks to díscuss the ínvestígatíon of Eíohím
Cíty.
|427|
As an ínterestíng hístorícaí precedent, |former| FBI agent |ames Rodgers had
deveíoped a massíve FBI raíd on Eíohím Cíty ín 1988, but ít was caííed off for
reasons that have never been made cíear.
One month before the bombíng Howe got "fed up" wíth Eíohím Cíty and the ATF's
attítude towards the ínvestígatíon. "Angíe hadn't made any arrests eíther," Howe
toíd the ,a-ette, "and that was frustratíng, so I quít goíng out there... untíí after
the buíídíng got bíown up!"
|428||429|
Three days after the bombíng, the ATF's Washíngton headquarters puííed the Tuísa
offíce off the case, and the FBI requested them to turn over aíí theír fííes on Eíohím
Cíty.
The questíon ís, |ust who was Strassmeír reportíng to? The CIA? The Tuísa ATF
offíce, whích has |urísdíctíon over Eíohím Cíty, may not have been ínformed íf
Strassmeír were reportíng to a hígher authoríty, a dífferent agency, or was a
confídentíaí ínformant (CI) on a natíonaí íeveí.
Strassmeír's cover-story that hís |ustíce Department |ob "never worked out" aíso
smacks of McVeígh's story that hís try-out for the Specíaí Forces dídn't work out
due to a "bííster." Perhaps Strassmeír - a seven-year German Army veteran -
faííed hís índoctrínatíon due to a "nose-bíeed."
124
In spíte of hís vehement deníaís, Strassmeír practícaííy admítted to the Tele%ra*h
that he was an undercover agent. "The Ríght-wíng ín the U.S. ís íncredíbíy easy to
penetrate íf you know how to taík to them," he toíd the Tele%ra*h. "Of course ít's
easíer for a foreígner wíth an accent; nobody wouíd ever suspect a German of
workíng for the Federaí Government."
Thís certaíníy appears to be no ordínary sííp of the tongue. How wouíd Strassmeír
know the extreme-Ríght ís "íncredíbíy easy to penetrate" uníess he had penetrated
them? Hís statement that 'nobody wouíd ever suspect a German' ís practícaííy an
admíssíon that he was doíng so.
On February 28, 1992 Strassmeír was arrested and hís car ímpounded by the OHP
for drívíng wíthout a íícense. When the poííce opened hís bríefcase, they found a
number of documents, íncíudíng some ín German. There were statements from
foreígn bank accounts, faíse ídentíty papers, and a copy of The Terrorist 8and+ook.
Accordíng to the tow-truck dríver, Kenny Pence, Strassmeír soon brought heavy
pressure to bear. "Boy, we caught heíí over that one," he saíd. "The phone caíís
came ín from the State Department, the Governor's offíce, and someone caííed and
saíd he had dípíomatíc ímmuníty.."
|430|
Accordíng to Strassmeír, the entírety of the story amounts to a paír of cops who
were out to harass hím and hís fríend Peter Ward (recaíí that Howe ídentífíed Ward
as |ohn Doe #1). Interestíngíy, federaí prosecutors fííed a motíon requestíng that
|udge Matsch bíock efforts by McVeígh's defense team who was seekíng
government fííes on Strassmeír's actívítíes. It was eventuaííy reveaíed to |ones
through díscovery that Strassmeír heíd a touríst Vísa wíth the desígnatíon "A O".
Neíther |ones nor Ambrose Evans-Prítchard, who reported extensíveíy on
Strassmeír, couíd íearn what the desígnatíon meant. The INS deníed any
knowíedge of íts meaníng. Curíousíy, the entríes, whích appeared on aíí of
Strassmeír's INS fííes, suddeníy vaníshed ín March of 1996. Somebody had earased
them.
|431|
Aíí toíd, these are strange círcumstances for a former German ínteííígence offícer
- the poíítícaííy weíí-connected son to a top aíde ín Chanceííor Heímut Kohí's
government. It seems unííkeíy that thís ordínary "computer saíesman" and "neo-
Nazí" wíth dípíomatíc ímmuníty, backed up by the State Department and the
|ustíce Department, brought federaí pressure to bear ín order to have a mínor
traffíc víoíatíon cíeared.
More ííkeíy, Strassmeír was ín danger of havíng hís cover bíown by unsuspectíng
íaw enforcement agents. The sítuatíon had to be corrected, and quíckíy.
After the bombíng, wíth the íncreasíng attentíon of ínvestígators, and hís cover
aímost bíown, Strassmeír fíed to Germany, takíng a círcuítous route through
Mexíco and París - a route commoníy used by spíes. Strassmeír's attorney, Kírk
Lyons, detaííed hís cííent's escape, statíng that ít was aíded by Germany's vaunted
125
counter-terrorísm unít, GSG-9, the equívaíent of our Deíta Force. Curíous that GSG-
9 wouíd assíst ín Strassmeír's retreat. Were they heípíng one of theír own?
|432|
To heíp maíntaín hís cover, the |ustíce Department questíoned Strassmeír ín North
Caroíína at hís attorneys offíce, then caííed hím ín Beríín to ask about hís aííeged
tíes to McVeígh. "The FBI asked where I was on the day of the bombíng," he toíd
the Tele%ra*h.. "They wanted to heíp debunk the rumors spread about me."
|433|
Why the FBI wouíd be ín the busíness of debunkíng rumors, uníess ít ís about them,
ís uncíear. In thís case, sínce any tíes between Strassmeír and the |ustíce
Department wouíd íead dírectíy back to the them, ít seems that ís exactíy what
they are tryíng to do.
|434|*
If Strassmeír had any tíes to McVeígh, or to McVeígh's companíons, or to those who
had píanned the 1983 bombíng of the Murrah Buíídíng, the |ustíce Department
shouíd have served hím wíth a grand |ury subpoena or a warrant. Yet aíí the FBI díd
was caíí Strassmeír on the phone to "debunk the rumors" spread about hím.
As one íaw enforcement offícer toíd the Mc!urtain ,a-ette, "We found the axíe
from the truck that íed to |unctíon Cíty and McVeígh. Our Híghway Patroíman
arrested McVeígh. And that arrest íed to Terry Níchoís and Míke Fortíer. Sínce
then, nothíng ín thís ínvestígatíon has accompííshed anythíng. But we're toíd by
the Bureau that Strassmeír and hís buddíes are not ímportant. Buíí-shít!"
|435|
The ,a-ette aíso uncovered an ínteííígence buííetín íssued by the Dípíomatíc
Securíty Dívísíon, Counter Terrorísm Unít, of the Department of State on March 18,
1996 concerníng Strassmeír's aííeged crímínaí actívítíes ín the U.S.
The cabíe states that Strassmeír overstayed hís vísa ín 1991 and was known to
have been the mííítía traíníng offícer for a whíte separatíst group caííed WAR.
Ouotíng the cabíe, "He (Strassmeír) has been the sub|ect of severaí ínvestígatíons
for purchasíng weapons, and makíng the weapons fíre on fuíí automatíc.
Strassmeír shouíd not be aííowed to return to the U.S."
Yet thís cabíe makes ít appear as though the FBI dídn't know anythíng about
Strassmeír - who was apparentíy under the protectíon of the State Department.
Was thís another cover píoy to protect theír ínformant, or was Strassmeír workíng
for the CIA, who wasn't communícatíng wíth the FBI and ATF?
Interestíngíy, the FBI wouíd cíaím they weren't aware of Caroí Howe's status as an
ínformant eíther. Duríng her |uíy, 1997 tríaí (the resuít of trumped up charges by
so-caííed the |ustíce Department), FBI agent Pete Ríckeí toíd the |ury that he spoke
to Howe ín the Spríng of 1996, when she requested protectíon, compíaíníng that
her cover had been bíown. "We were ínterested to see íf there míght be any
further ínformatíon we couíd gather about actívítíes ínvoívíng peopíe at Eíohím Cíty
who may have been connected wíth the bombíng," saíd Ríckeí. Yet the agent
126
ínsísted he had no ídea of who Howe reaííy was when the FBI raíded her home ín
December of '96.
|436|
ATF Agent Angeía Fíníey-Graham ííkewíse cíaímed she was unaware that an FBI
raíd was píanned on Howe's home. Yet as the Mc!urtain ,a-ette reported, thís
premíse was destroyed when FBI Specíaí Agent Chrís Peters took the stand:
After expíaíníng hís roíe ín the raíd on the Howe resídence, Peters was asked by
defense attorney Cíark Brewster duríng cross-examínatíon who he was marríed to.
"Angeía |Fíníey| Graham," Peters repííed.
|437|
Strassmeír's own cover wouíd fínaííy be bíown when the ,a-ette reported on |uíy
14, 1996, that "a híghíy-píaced source at the FBI has confírmed that Andreas Carí
Strassmeír was a paíd government ínformant sent by the Bureau of Aícohoí,
Tobacco and Fírearms to ínfíítrate Eíohím Cíty.."
|438|
For hís part, Strassmeír cíaíms he was at work repaíríng a fence near Eíohím Cíty
on Apríí 19. Yet Strassmeír hasn't exactíy heíd tíght to hís story. Accordíng to Gíenn
Wííburn, who has íntensíveíy ínvestígated the connectíon, Strassmeír cíaímed he
stopped workíng when ít started to raín, then went home and watched the
bombíng on TV. When Wííburn checked the weather reports for the area that day,
he found that ít hadn't begun to raín untíí much íater. Strassmeír then cíaímed the
farmer he was workíng for was George Eaton, a fríend of the murdered Mueííer
famííy. Later, accordíng to Wííburn, Strassmeír stated that he couídn't recaíí
exactíy what he was doíng untíí he taíked to hís attorney, Kírk Lyons.
"Andy has been damaged," excíaímed Lyons, angrííy refutíng the aííegatíons
agaínst hís cííent. "Anybody who puts out the ííe that he was íínked to the
Okíahoma bombíng ín any way ís goíng to pay for ít."
|439|
Lyons cíaíms hís cííent had been dragged ínto the conspíracy by McVeígh's defense
team - a píoy, he saíd, to muddy the waters by paíntíng a vast conspíracy
ínvoívíng neo-Nazís ín Europe and terrorísts ín the Mídeast. "I caíí ít the Space Aííen
Eívís Presíey theory, and ít's been fueíed by nut cases and conspíracy theorísts."
Obvíousíy, Lyons hímseíf ís no nut case, mereíy a hardcore racíst and neo-Nazí.
The símpíe "country íawyer" marríed the síster of a promínent member of The
Order. The ceremony was performed by Aryan Natíons "pastor" Ríchard Butíer at
the group's compound ín Hayden Lake.
At the 1988 Aryan Natíons Woríd Congress, Lyons suggested formíng an ACLU of
sorts for the extreme-Ríght, and attended the annuaí event ín Hayden Lake as
Louís Beam's representatíve. Not that Lyons was desperate for cííents. He happííy
defended the Confederate Hammer Skínheads of Daíías, the Natíonaí Socíaííst
Skínheads of Houston, the Whíte Víkíngs of Chícago, and WAR íeader Tom Metzger,
who was accused of íncítíng the murder of a bíack student from Ethíopía. Lyons
127
aíso defended Hoíocaust revísíoníst Ernst Zündeí, who cíaímed that the Nazí
genocíde was a |ewísh ínventíon, and other so-caííed "prísoners of conscíence."
|440|
Lyons was aíso the guest of honor at the Brítísh Natíonaííst Party ín London, where
he appíauded the Party's stance on whíte power, and ííke Wííííam Píerce, predícted
a future race war. The erudíte, ever-socíaííy conscíous attorney was aíso quíck to
defend Louís Beam, the Texas Grand Dragon of the Ku Kíux Kían. Beam fíed to
Mexíco after beíng índícted for conspíracy to overthrow the government. As
díscussed, Beam was charged wíth harassíng Víetnamese físhermen aíong the
coast of Texas.
|441|
Interestíngíy, when Terry Reed was ín Guadaía|ara on behaíf of the CIA, workíng
wíth Oííver North's "Enterpríse," Beam mysteríousíy showed up as hís neíghbor.
Wíth the heíp of Lyons, Beam was acquítted after hís wífe shot and kíííed a Mexícan
Federaíé.
Lyons has ííkewíse vehementíy defended Strassmeír's roíe ín the bombíng, and
cíaíms he ís not a government agent. Interestíngíy, Lyons arranged Strassmeír's
stays ín Knoxvíííe, Houston, Eíohím Cíty, and even Lyon's own home ín North
Caroíína.
One thíng that can be deduced from aíí thís ís that Strassmeír and Lyons aren't
very good ííars.
Accordíng to Stephen |ones, Dennís Mahon made statements to the effect of, "If a
person wanted to know about the bombíng, then they shouíd taík wíth Andy
Strassmeír because he knows everythíng."
For hís part, Strassmeír cíaíms he's not a government agent. In hís Tele%ra*h
íntervíew, he states, "I've never worked for any U.S. government agency, and I've
not been ínvoíved ín any ínteííígence operatíon sínce my díscharge from the
German army ín 1988. Thís famííy (the Wííburns) ís on a físhíng expedítíon."
Yet ín the very same artícíe, Strassmeír admíts that the bombíng was the resuít of
a government stíng gone bad - a stíng ínvoívíng agents of the ATF. Consíderíng
the reveaííng nature of Strassmeír's ínformatíon, the artícíe, entítíed "Díd Agents
Bungíe U.S. Terror Bomb?" míght |ust as weíí have been caííed "Thank You Andy."
As Strassmeír states:
"The ATF had an ínformant ínsíde thís operatíon. They had advance warníng and
they bungíed ít," he saíd. "What they shouíd have done ís make an arrest whííe the
bomb was stííí beíng made ínstead of waítíng tííí the íast moment for a pubíícíty
stunt."
Asked íf he thought the aííeged ínformant wouíd ever speak out, he repííed wíth
passíon: "How can he? What happens íf ít was a stíng operatíon from the very
begínníng? What happens íf ít comes out that the píant was a provocateur? What íf
128
he taíked and manípuíated the others ínto ít? What then? The country couídn't
handíe ít. The reíatíves of the víctíms are goíng to go crazy, and he's goíng to be
heíd responsíbíe for the murder of 168 peopíe. Of course the ínformant can't come
forward. He's scared shítíess ríght now." Before and after thís outburst he kept
repeatíng that he was not makíng veííed references to hímseíf.
|442|
When I íntervíewed Strassmeír, he ínsísted that he had been quoted out of context.
That statement, he cíaímed, was made to hím by a former ATF agent. "He made
some hínts that the ATF probabíy knew that thís was comíng down," saíd
Strassmeír. The source, he saíd, was "pretty reííabíe," aíthough he was quíck to
quaíífy ít by statíng that he wasn't certaín of the ínformatíon.
|443|
Referríng to the stíng, he saíd, "What kínd of gíves me a bad taste, ís that aíí the
ATF agents were apparentíy not ín the offíce duríng the bíast, aíí of them." As to
|ust what the stíng ínvoíved, Strassmeír cíaímed he dídn't know. But regardíng |ohn
Doe 2, he saíd, "For some reason they don't íook for thís guy anymore. That, for
some reason, I thínk ís very strange."
|444|
If Strassmeír was ínvoíved ín a stíng operatíon, ít may have been to stop the fíow
of Nazí propaganda emanatíng from the U.S. Such ínfíuences have made theír
presence feít ín an unsettííng way ín Germany ín recent years. It ís ííkeíy that the
FBI requested the assístance of the Bundeskrímínaíamt (BKA), the German FBI, and
the Bundesnachríchtendíenst (BND), the German CIA, to heíp gather ínteííígence
on such groups as Míchaeí Kühnen's Antí-Zíoníst League, and theír connectíons to
both Arabs and Amerícan neo-Nazís.
FBI Dírector Louís Freeh had announced a |oínt U.S.-German ínteííígence gatheríng
operatíon on neo-Nazí groups as far back as 1993. Freeh píedged to work
aíongsíde German íaw-enforcement to stem the spread of Nazísm emanatíng from
the Uníted States.
On Apríí 20, 1995, the Amerícan Natíonaí Socíaííst Worker's Party announced that
the Secret Servíce and ATF had been ínvestígatíng Gary Lauck, íeader of the
domestíc NSDAP/AO. Lauck, who pubííshes the neo-Nazí newsíetter N0S0 4am*ruf,
had been a ma|or ínfíuence ín Germany and was an ob|ect of concern among
German authorítíes (German sedítíon íaws forbíd the pubíícatíon of Nazí ííterature).
|445|
It seems that certaín ínformatíon províded by Strassmeír resuíted ín Lauck's arrest.
Wíth Strassmeír's heíp, the "Farm Beít Fuhrer" was arrested ín Copenhagen and
extradíted to Hamburg. The arrest coíncíded wíth ma|or raíds by German poííce of
NSDAP/AO ceíís aíí over Germany.
Lauck wasn't the oníy one beckoníng young Germans to |oín the whíte supremacíst
movement. Research conducted by McVeígh's defense team índícates that Dennís
Mahon traveíed to Germany to recruít índívíduaís ínto the Ku Kíux Kían. A vídeo
reportedíy shows Mahon ín Germany ín fuíí KKK regaíía, ííghtíng a cross. Mahon
129
hímseíf |oked that íf he was fíned the usuaí 1,000 Deutsche Marks for every tíme
he gave the Nazí saíute, he wouíd owe 10,000,000 Marks.
|446|
Oníy a few weeks before the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, Mahon receíved a phone caíí
from Lauck. "Yeah, I got a caíí from Lauck sometíme before the bombíng... He toíd
me that he was makíng another tríp to Europe. I toíd hím he was too hot, and he
shouídn't go." Shakíng hís head, Mahon says now, "He shouíd have íístened."
Díd the authorítíes know Lauck was comíng? "Weíí, I díd teíí Strassmeír about the
tríp," saíd Mahon. (Or díd Mahon teíí the government hímseíf?)
Wíth Lauck's European arrest, the NSDAP noted, "U.S. offícíaís have been doíng
extensíve surveíííance of Lauck's contemporaríes ín Okíahoma, Kansas, Nebraska
and north Texas. These surveíííance actívítíes were beíng coordínated out of the
OKC offíces, accordíng to our sources."
Interestíngíy, the newsíetter added that "the OKC offíce of the ATF had píans to
serve search warrants 'by the begínníng of Summer' on severaí weíí-known whíte
supremacísts."
It seems the warrants were never íssued.
|447|
Interestíngíy, Lyons toíd the German magazíne Volkstreue7 "There are many spíes
wíthín |the Kían| and most of íts best íeaders have íeft the Kían to do more
effectíve work wíthín the movement.. The man who ís maíníy responsíbíe for the
success of the Kían ín Germany - Dennís Mahon - has íeft the Kían."
Apparentíy, Mahon ís stííí concerned enough about hís responsíbíííty to the whíte
supremacíst movement to have teíephoned Germany wíth orders to kííí Strassmeír.
Accordíng to a conversatíon overheard by Cash, "|Mahon| wanted Andreas shot ín
both kneecaps and a confessíon eíícíted from hím, then hoíd a 30-mínute tríaí and
then execute hím."
|448|
Investígator |eff Steínberg takes thís one step further, beííevíng that Mahon hímseíf
may be an ATF operatíve. He says the ATF had hím on a charge then dropped ít.
"He may have been turned," saíd Stíenberg.
Obvíousíy, Strassmeír wasn't the oníy ínformant at Eíohím Cíty. Mahon, who knew
Guthríe, McCarthy, Stedeford, and Langan, had íntroduced hís new-found fríend
Caroí Howe to the whíte separatíst communíty. It was there that the attractíve 24-
year-oíd daughter of a promínent Tuísa busínessman wouíd meet Strassmeír. As
Howe toíd the ,a-ette7
"I kínda had a reíatíonshíp wíth hím for a whííe. We taíked about reíatíonshíps
once, and he saíd he wasn't ínterested ín settííng down wíth a woman. Aíí he
wanted to do was bíow up federaí buíídíngs. It was aíso at that same meetíng that
130
he shoved hís hand down my dress and I thought, weíí, he was doíng somethíng
eíse, but now that I thínk about ít, I thínk he was feeííng for a wíre."
Howe aíso saíd she overheard Mahon and Strassmeír díscuss píans to bomb the
Okíahoma Cíty Federaí Buíídíng. As Howe reíated ít:
"I started goíng to as many of theír meetíngs as I couíd and met a íot of peopíe
who were very secretíve. But sometíme ín November there was a meetíng and
Strassmeír and Mahon saíd ít was tíme to quít taíkíng and go to war, and tíme to
start bombíng federaí buíídíngs."
"I reported aíí thís to Angíe."
|449|
Accordíng to her attorney, Howe províded teíephone numbers, íícense tags,
names, famííy trees, (íncíudíng the íocatíon and desígn of tattoos) drawíngs of
buíídíngs, píctures, and descríptíons and íísts of índívíduaís who were ínvoíved ín
crímínaí actívíty.
In fact, Confídentíaí Informant 53270-183, or CI-183 (whose neo-Nazí handíe was
"Freya" and "Lady MacBeth") made over 70 reports to Fíníey-Graham duríng 1994-
95 tíme frame. Fíníey paíd Howe $120-a-week to províde the ATF reguíar updates
on the actívítíes at Eíohím Cíty, and those of Strassmeír and Mahon ín partícuíar.
Fíníey-Graham fííed her preíímínary ROI (Report of Investígatíon) on Caroí Howe on
August 30, 1994. Entítíed "Whíte Aryan Resístance, W.A.R." It states, ín part:
On August 24, 1994 thís agent met wíth CI-183 ín the Tuísa ATF Fíeíd Offíce and
díscussed ín great detaíí the federaí fírearms and conspíracy víoíatíons of the
Whíte Aryan Resístance, "W.A.R.".
W.A.R. ís descríbed breífíy as beíng radícaí, paramííítary, Neo-nazí, antí-
government, and víoíent. W.A.R. has natíonaí and ínternatíonaí affíííates to íncíude
the KKK and a racíst foííowíng ín Germany..
W.A.R. has severaí traíníng sítes ín Okíahoma. The prímary traíníng íocatíon ís
caííed Eíohím Cíty whích ís ín a ruraí area near the border of Okíahoma and
Arkansas ín Adaír County, Okíahoma. The members of the reíígíous organízatíon,
The Covenant, Sword and Arm of the Lord ííve at Eíohím Cíty. The The Covenant,
Sword and Arm of the Lord ís a separatíst organízatíon that con|oíntíy traíns wíth
and exchanges weapons wíth W.A.R..
Regardíng statements by Mahon that were secretíy vídeotaped by Howe, Fíníey-
Graham wrítes:
Mahon has made numerous statements regardíng the conversíon of fírearms ínto
fuííy automatíc weapons, the manufacture and use of sííencers and the
manufacture and use of expíosíve devíces. Mahon has stated both the knowíedge
and abíííty to manufacture a range of expíosíve devíces. Mahon íntends to
131
manufacture and use any or aíí of the above when he deems necessary. Mahon
and hís organízatíon are preparíng for a race war and war wíth the government ín
the near future and ít ís beííeved that they are rapídíy stockpíííng weapons.
|450|
Mahon responded to Howe's aííegatíons ín the Villa%e Voice7 "Thís woman has got
some shít on me. They're ííes. But ít's my word agaínst hers.."
Some shít índeed.
It was after Mahon and Howe had a romantíc faíííng-out that the 24-year-oíd Howe
swítched from beíng an avowed whíte supremacíst to a ATF ínformant. A
temporary protectíve order was íssued agaínst Mahon by a Tuísa court ín August of
'94 after Howe aííeged that Mahon threatened to "take steps to neutraííze me," by
breakíng her knees íf she tríed to íeave the whíte supremacíst movement.
|451|
"I was contacted by Dennís Mahon after I ordered some ííterature from thís group
caííed Whíte Aryan Resístance," Howe toíd the Mc!urtain ,a-ette. "He wanted to
have a cíoser reíatíonshíp than I díd, and íater he threatened me when I tríed to
get away from hís group.
|452|
It was after Howe sought the restraíníng order that Fíníey-Graham recruíted her
ínto the ATF. Mahon cíaíms ít was Howe-the-ínformant who advocated most of the
víoíence. Depíctíng hímseíf as the faíí-guy ín the affaír, he toíd the press, "They
want to drag me ínto thís thíng and I bareíy remember even meetíng Tím McVeígh.
It was Strassmeír who was meetíng wíth McVeígh, not me."
|453|
Curíousíy, Mahon íater sent a vídeotape to McVeígh's príson ceíí expressíng hís
víews on the "movement." McVeígh's defense team was concerned about the
vídeo, not knowíng whether the íntended message "was to encourage the
Defendant to 'sacrífíce' hímseíf for the eventuaí '|ustíce' of the cause or was a
subtíe threat íntended to remínd the Defendant that members of hís famííy were
vuínerabíe."
|454|
Whííe Mahon vehementíy deníed Howe's aííegatíons, the ATF's ROI of |anuary 11,
1995 (three months before the bombíng) states, ín part:
Duríng the Sabbath meetíng, Míííar gave a sermon soíícítíng víoíence agaínst the
US government. He brought forth hís soídíers and ínstructed them to take
whatever actíon necessary agaínst the US Government. It ís understood that ATF ís
the maín enemy of the peopíe at EC.. He expíícítíy toíd 183 that they were
preparíng to fíght a war agaínst the government..
|455|
Howe reported to Fíníey-Graham that |ames Eíííson aíso píanned to reconstruct the
CSA. Her report aíso stated that Míííar píanned to consoíídate hís compound wíth
groups ín Texas, Míssourí, Arkansas and Okíahoma to prepare to fíght a war wíth
the government. Posse Comítatus members from Pennsyívanía aííegedíy íent a
hand by heípíng Eíohím Cíty resídents convert theír weapons to fuíí automatíc.
|456|
132
"These peopíe have the means and the desíre to start a terríbíe war ín Ameríca,"
wrote Howe ín a íetter to her father ín August of 1994. "They must be stopped, one
group at a tíme."
|457|
To precípítate that war, Strassmíer was apparentíy wííííng to procure grenades, C-4
and other expíosíves.
|458|
Thís ís hardíy surprísíng. In 1979, ATF ínformant Bernard Butkovích and FBI
operatíve Edward Dawson íed a group of KKK and Nazí Party members on a
shootíng spree duríng a parade ín Greensboro, North Caroíína, whích íed to the
deaths of fíve members of the Communíst Workers Party.
|459|
Interestíngíy, the Washin%ton )ost reported how Butkovích "urged members to buy
equípment to convert semí-automatíc guns to fuííy automatíc weapons, and
offered to procure expíosíves (íncíudíng hand grenades)."
Accordíng to the New 'ork Times, wítnesses reported that Butkovích, a veteran
demoíítíons expert, aíso offered "to traín them ín actívítíes such as makíng pípe
bombs and fíre bombs," and that "the Nazís take weapons to the |Communíst| raííy
ín the trunks of theír cars."
|460|*
Wíth a map of the parade route suppííed by Greensboro Poííce Department
Detectíve |erry Cooper, Dawson, Butkovích, and theír KKK and neo-Nazí comrades
were abíe to seíect the most advantageous síte for theír ambush.
Accordíng to Stephen |ones's appeaí bríef, Fíníey-Graham's handwrítten notes
confírmed a report from Howe that Dennís Mahon had bomb-makíng expertíse,
íncíudíng aííegedíy expíodíng a 500íb ammoníum nítrate bomb ín Míchígan fíve
years earííer.
|461|
Howe aíso toíd the agents that Strassmeír and Mahon cased the Tuísa IRS buíídíng
and the Okíahoma Cíty Federaí Buíídíng ín November and December of 1994, and
once duríng February of '95. Interestíngíy, Mahon toíd reporters that as a
"revoíutíonary," he wouíd índeed bíow up the Federaí Buíídíng, but do ít at níght,
when no one was around.
Shockíngíy, most of thís ínformatíon was províded to the ATF +efore the bombíng.
|462|
|.D. Cash, reportíng for the Mc!urtain ,a-ette, cíaímed to have receíved
ínformatíon from an íntermedíary that a source at the headquarters of the Aryan
Natíons ín Hayden Lake, Idaho, saíd that Mahon was "one of the ríng íeaders ín the
group that bombed the Federaí Buíídíng." Cash, who íntervíewed Mahon on
numerous occasíons by posíng as a whíte supremacíst, wrote the foííowíng ín the
,a-ette7
133
And he (Mahon) índícated that the resuíts of the bombíng were not as he
antícípated. He feít ííke thís wouíd cause a comíng together of radícaís around the
country who wouíd begín a campaígn of terrorísm. In retrospect, he feeís ííke the
IRS buíídíng shouíd have been bombed ínstead of the Murrah Buíídíng and
probabíy shouíd have been bombed at níght. The day care center and the kííííng of
the chíídren was havíng a negatíve effect.
For hís part, Mahon cíaíms he has an aííbí for the morníng of Apríí 19. Yet
Brícktown wítness Davíd Sníder ís sure the dríver of the Ryder truck whích síowíy
made íts way past hís warehouse that morníng was Dennís Mahon. Aíthough the
dríver had íong haír and was wearíng sungíasses, Sníder ís adamant. He showed
the Okíahoma County Grand |ury a vídeo showíng Mahon wearíng the same
sungíasses he was wearíng on the morníng of the bíast.
|463|
(See drawíng)
Mahon, who saíd he beííeves there were others ínvoíved wíth McVeígh, toíd the
"aily Oklahoman, "I have never been ín downtown |Okíahoma Cíty|. I am squeaky
cíean."
|464|
Interestíngíy, Mahon aíso cíaímed hímseíf to be a make-up artíst, and descríbed
hímseíf as "the master of aíí dísguíses." In a somewhat startííng statement, Mahon
toíd Ambrose Evans-Prítchard of the 3ondon Sunday Tele%ra*h7
"I aíways deííver my bombs ín person, ín dísguíse," he saíd míschíevousíy. "I can
íook ííke a Híspaníc or even a Negro. I'm the master of dísguíse."
|465|
Reverend |ohnny Lee Cíary, a reformed Ku Kíux Kíansman who aíso testífíed before
the County Grand |ury, toíd the "aily Oklahoman7 "There ís no místake that the ííps
and chín and facíaí features |of the man Sníder saw| ís Dennís Mahon ín one of
those dísguíses."
"He aíways bragged he ís the master of dísguíse," saíd Cíary, who cíaíms to be an
ordaíned míníster ín Tuísa. Mahon "used to dress up ííke Mexícans and Oríentaís or
ííke bíacks."
|466|
Howe, who was debríefed by the ATF and FBI after the bombíng, toíd agents
Bíanchard and Fíníey-Graham that the sketches of the suspects who rented the
Ryder truck appeared to be Eíohím Cíty resídents |and Mahon and Strassmeír
assocíates| Peter or Sonny Ward. She aíso reportedíy toíd the agents, ".no one ín
the woríd íooks more ííke the sketch of |ohn Doe 2 than Míchaeí Brescía." Howe's
report to Fíníey-Graham stated, ín part:
SA BLANCHARD and SA ANGIE FINDLEY, ATF, taíked wíth SA FINDLEY's confídentíaí
source "CAROL." CAROL stated she beííeves ín 1994, she saw an índívíduaí
resembííng the composíte of UNSUB # í ín a whíte separatíst paramííítary camp
caííed "Eíohm Cíty" (phonetíc) (EC). Thís camp ís íocated around Stíííweíí,
Okíahoma. CAROL knows thís person as "PETE." CAROL has seen an índívíduaí
134
named "TONY" resembííng the composíte of UNSUB # 2. TONY ís PETE's brother,
and ís not weíí ííked at EC. TONY wouíd do as hís brother dírected however.
When CAROL saw the teíevísíon píctures of TIMOTHY |AMES MCVEIGH, she saíd
MCVEIGH doesn't íook ííke "PETE." CAROL recaííed that she díd see a person who
íooked ííke MCVEIGH ín a photograph ín a photo aíbum she saw at a 1994 Kían
Raííy.
NBC, puttíng the offícíaí |ustíce Department spín on the story, cíaímed Howe's
reports contaíned no specífíc ínformatíon regardíng the píot. Yet accordíng to the
,a-ette, "Howe was routíneíy poíygraphed by the government duríng the tíme she
was makíng her monthíy reports. The government's own documents índícate she
passed, 'showíng no deceptíon on her part ín any poíygraph examínatíon.'"
|467|
As
Fíníey-Graham testífíed duríng Howe's pre-tríaí hearíng:
Bre*ster: "Now, you were ínterested ín knowíng as much as you couíd about Mr.
Strassmeír, weren't you?"
9raham: "Yes."
Bre*ster: "What kínd of guns he had?"
9raham: "Yes."
Bre*ster: ''And the kínd of threats he made about wantíng to bíow up federaí
buíídíngs? You were ínterested ín that, weren't you?"
9raham: "I was ínterested ín anythíng I couíd fínd out about any víoíatíon."
Bre*ster: "And Ms. Howe toíd you about Mr. Strassmeír's threats to bíow up
federaí buíídíngs, dídn't she?"
9raham: "In generaí, yes."
Bre*ster: "And that was before the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng?"
9raham: "Yes."
At the tíme of thís wrítíng, federaí authorítíes were stííí ínsístíng that Howe's
reports contaíned no specífíc warníngs of any píot to bomb any federaí buíídíng.
They aíso cíaímed that they were oníy aíerted two days after the bombíng, when
they debríefed theír ínformant.
|468|
Yet seems Howe's reports were specífíc enough to warn the ATF not to be ín the
offíce the day of the bombíng. No ATF empíoyees were among the 169 kíííed.
135
Nevertheíess, federaí prosecutors stííí ínsísted, after Howe went pubííc, that the
ínformant couídn't have had any specífíc ínformatíon about the bombíng, because
she was "termínated" on March 27, three weeks before the attack.
Aíso "termínated" ít seems, was the ATF's December, 1994 report regardíng
Howe's actívítíes at Eíohím Cíty. That report, sources toíd The New American,
contaíned specífíc warníngs about the pendíng attack on the Aífred P. Murrah
Buíídíng. Had thís report, ííke so much of the ATF's evídence concerníng theír and
the FBI's atrocítíes at Waco, conveníentíy "dísappeared?"
Unfortunateíy for the ATF, the records whích show that Howe remaíned an actíve
ínformant untíí |anuary 9, 1996, hadn't dísappeared. As Fíníey-Graham's ROI of
|anuary 31, 1996 states:
It ís requested that CI 53270-183 be retaíned as an actíve ínformant. It was
requested by the Daíías Dívísíon offíce that thís ínformant be retaíned as an actíve
ínformant for the duratíon of the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng ínvestígatíon.
On Apríí 22, Fíníey-Graham sent the foííowíng memo to Lester Martz, SAC of the
Daíías Fíeíd offíce:
Thís ínformant ís ínvoíved wíth the OKC bomb case whích ís pendíng prosecutíon ín
Denver and was the key ín ídentífyíng índívíduaís at Eíohím Cíty, whích ís tíed to
the OKC bomb case.
|469|
In addítíon to denyíng her empíoyment wíth the ATF, the bureau attempted to
cíaím that Howe was "unstabíe," her emotíonaí state and her "íoyaíty" to the ATF
beíng ín questíon. Yet once agaín, the offícíaí records, whích descríbe Howe as
"stabíe and capabíe," contradíct these cíaíms. As the ATF's ROI of Apríí 22, 1996
notes:
|Thís agent has| known CI 53270-183 for approxímateíy two years and can assert
that thís ínformant has not been overíy paranoíd or fearfuí duríng undercover
operatíons.
As 24-year ATF veteran Robert Sanders toíd The New American, "Howe was 'a very
good ínformant. She ís obvíousíy ínteííígent, resourcefuí, cooí and convíncíng under
pressure,' and has a good sense for 'the kínd of detaííed ínformatíon that ís most
heípfuí' to íaw enforcement and prosecutors."
|470|
Yet the feds wouíd make every attempt to dístance themseíves from theír own
ínformant ín the aftermath of the bombíng. Not surprísíngíy, thís was the same
ruse the FBI used ín the aftermath of the Woríd Trade Center bombíng - puíííng
undercover operatíve Emad Saíem off the case two weeks before the tragíc attack
(whích he had aíso warned them about) then cíaímíng that he was "unreííabíe."
136
Yet the FBI reactívated Saíem after the bombíng, |ust as they díd wíth Howe,
sendíng her back to Eíohím Cíty to gather addítíonaí ínformatíon on Mahon,
Strassmeír, and the others. Her new contract raísed her pay from $25.00 per day
to $400.00.
Curíousíy, neíther the ATF nor the FBI offered Howe any protectíon. FBI agent Pete
Ríckeí admítted duríng subsequent court testímony that Howe had come to hím ín
May of '96 seekíng protectíon, but he had offered none. In fact, Ríckeí saíd he
dídn't even make a note of theír conversatíon.
Not oníy díd the FBI faíí to protect what the ATF caííed theír "key" wítness íínkíng
Eíohím Cíty to the bombíng, but the FBI went one step further, íeakíng a
confídentíaí report to the press. As Fíníey-Graham wrote ín her Apríí 1, 1996 report:
On March 29, 1996 thís agent receíved a teíephone caíí from S/A Harry Eberhardt.
S/A Eberhardt stated that the ídentíty of CI 53270-183 had been severeíy
compromísed. S/A Eberhardt stated that a report by FBI agent |ames R. Bíanchard
II contaíned the formaí name of CI 53270-183 and enough ínformatíon to reveaí
the ídentíty of CI 53270-183 wíthout hís/her name beíng used. S/A Eberhardt
stated that he had attempted to reíay thís matter to FBI ASAC |ack McCoy,
however ASAC McCoy showed ííttíe concern and deníed that S/A Bíanchard was at
fauít. S/A Eberhardt stated that he became írate because ít was apparent that
nothíng was goíng to be done ín an effort to rectífy the probíem or at íeast províde
heíp for the safety of CI 53270-183.
Fíníey-Graham "ímmedíateíy teíephoned CI 53270-183 and ínformed hím/her that
theír name had been díscíosed and that he/she shouíd take every precautíon for
theír safety.... Thís agent toíd the CI that anythíng and everythíng wííí be done to
ínsure hís/her safety." It seems the government was fuííy aware of the danger
posed to theír ínformant, as Fíníey-Graham's report of Apríí 22, 1996 notes:
Indívíduaís who pose ímmedíate danger to CI 53270-183 are: (1) Dennís Mahon, (2)
members of Eíohím Cíty, and (3) any sympathízer to McVeígh.... Thís agent
beííeves that s/he couíd be ín seríous danger when assocíates díscover hís/her
ídentíty.
In fact, one of Fíníey-Graham's ínítíaí reports índícates that Dennís Mahon "stated
that he wouíd kííí any ínformant." Mahon subsequentíy sent Howe on a "níght
reconnaíssance míssíon" to a secíuded area - straíght ínto the arms of a bíack
gang, whose members pístoí-whípped her and cut her wíth a knífe. In what íooked
ííke a deííberate attempt to ríd ítseíf of an embarrassíng ínformant, Howe was
províded wíth no protectíon by the government whích she had so íoyaííy and
courageousíy served.
137
When pubííc crítícísm and ííaze a' faíre attempts to make Howe "dísappear" faííed,
the government resorted to sííencíng her on phony, trumped up charges.
The "|ustíce" Department found ít expedítíous to índíct Howe |ust ín tíme for
McVeígh's tríaí, puttíng her safeíy behínd bars. The charge? Compíííng a ííst of
bomb íngredíents, acquíríng photographs of federaí offíces ín Tuísa, and usíng her
home teíephone to dístríbute racíst ínformatíon - aíí undercover actívítíes
commítted on behaíf of her empíoyer - the ATF. Howe was unanímousíy
acquítted.
|471|
Attorney Stephen |ones beííeves that Howe was índícted "for the purposes of
'íeverage' agaínst her ín order to keep her mouth shut about what she knows
about the actívítíes of Mahon and Strassmeír," and her empíoyer, the ATF.
|472|
As
the reader wííí soon díscover, thís ís not be the tíme the Federaí Government wouíd
seek to sííence and díscredít one of íts own ínformants.
Perhaps most surprísíngíy, duríng a |uíy, 1997 pre-tríaí hearíng for Howe, FBI agent
Pete Ríckeí reveaíed that "Grandpa" Míííar was a confídentíaí FBI ínformant! When
asked íf Míííar had been a source of government ínformatíon or an ínformant,
Ríckeí repííed, "generaííy, yes."
It now appeared that there were at íeast three government ínformants ínsíde
Eíohím Cíty - Howe, Strassmeír, and Míííar, the íater two who were íncítíng a war
wíth the Federaí Government. Add to that the probabíííty of Brescía, Mahon, and
McVeígh beíng ínformants, and Eíohím Cíty begíns to íook ííke one great bíg
government-run neo-Nazí traíníng camp.
Accordíng to a former government ínformant íntervíewed by the ,a-ette, "It ís
typícaí for agencíes such as the CIA, FBI and ATF to píace muítípíe 'moíes' ínsíde a
píace ííke Eíohím Cíty and píay one resource off the other, wíthout eíther one
knowíng the ídentíty of the other." Federaí íaw enforcement, even dífferent offíces
of the same agency, often do not share ínformants' names uníess the míssíon caíís
for ít.
"The reasons are obvíous. Fírst, there ís no way a íaw enforcement agency ís goíng
to rísk exposíng the íífe of one of theír assets shouíd the other 'resource' succumb
to torture or decíde to doubíe-cross the agency. And, of course, the monítoríng of
ínformatíon can best be verífíed íf neíther resource knows who the other ís. That's
the oníy way thís game works, and ít's the oníy way ít succeeds."
And what of Míchaeí Brescía? Was he aíso an ínformant? Gíven the cíose, often
reveaííng nature of a roommate reíatíonshíp, ít ís ííkeíy that an undercover agent
wouíd room wíth another agent, even íf nothíng more than one míght overhear the
other taíkíng ín hís síeep.
138
Strassmeír hímseíf admítted the díffícuíty of goíng "deep cover," and havíng to
keep your guard up 24 hours-a-day. "If you were an undercover agent," saíd
Strassmeír, "you have to keep your guard up, you can't get cíose."
Is that why he roomed wíth Brescía, so he wouídn't have to maíntaín hís guard?
Not accordíng to Strassmeír: "I wouíd be very surprísed íf he (Brescía) was an
undercover agent. He's a very honest, straíghtforward guy."
Strassmeír, aíong wíth fríends Peter and Sonny Ward, fíed Eíohím Cíty ín August of
'95, after McVeígh defense team ínvestígators began íookíng ínto actívítíes at the
secretíve compound.
Brescía íeft Eíohím Cíty around the same tíme as Strassmeír, wíth hís fíancé Ester,
traveííng to Canada, and remaíníng mostíy underground. He subsequentíy returned
to hís parents' house ín Phííadeíphía, where he was actíveíy sought by the medía.
Curíousíy, ííke hís fríend Strassmeír, Brescía was compíeteíy ígnored by federaí
authorítíes for hís possíbíe roíe ín the bombíng. He was fínaííy arrested for the
Wísconsín bank heíst ín February of 1997. Was ít a íegítímate bust, or díd the
arrest serve to sííence hím for hís roíe ín the bombíng as the government tríed to
do wíth Caroí Howe?
Shawn Kenny gave the FBI the típ that íed to the arrest of Guthríe, who was
apprehended after a hígh-speed chase outsíde of Cíncínnatí ín |anuary of 1997. He
was found dead ín hís ceíí ín Covíngton, Kentucky síx months íater, on |uíy 12,
hanged wíth a bed sheet. Authorítíes quíckíy ruíed hís death a suícíde. Accordíng to
a note found at the scene, Guthríe was apparentíy feeííng guííty over hís turncoat
attítude, and dídn't want to endanger hís famííy.
"Sometímes ít takes somethíng ííke a suícíde to settíe a probíem," he'd wrítten to
hís attorney. "Especíaííy one that's ííke. míne."
|473|
Yet Dennís Mahon toíd Villa%e Voice reporter |ames Rídgeway he beííeves Guthríe
was murdered because he had threatened to reveaí ínformatíon about the
proceeds of the íoot, whích was beííeved to have gone to the Aryan Natíons and
other neo-Nazí groups. Guthríe was found dead oníy a few hours after teíííng a
reporter from the 3os An%eles Times that he íntended to wríte a teíí-aíí book that
"wouíd go a íot further ínto what we were reaííy doíng."
|474|
He was aíso |ust days
away from appearíng before a grand |ury.
Wíth Guthríe's heíp, Stedeford was arrested on May 24 at the Upper Darby
recordíng studío where he worked as a guítaríst, and McCarthy was captured ín the
Bustíeton sectíon of Phííadeíphía. Thomas was eventuaííy arrested ín con|unctíon
wíth severaí robberíes as weíí.
|475|
Langan was arrested at hís rented house ín Coíumbus, Ohío severaí days after
Guthríe, ín a fusíííade of buííets fíred by over-eager FBI agents. The wanted
139
fugítíve, who had fíred no shots, ííkened the arrest to an assassínatíon attempt.
Another sííencíng attempt perhaps? (The FBI cíaímed they were warned that
Langan wouídn't be taken aííve.)
Ironícaííy, duríng hís tríaí, the seíf-styíed revoíutíonary shouted hackneyed phrases
such as "Power to the Peopíe!" and toíd the |udge that the ARA's míssíon was to
overthrow the government and "set free the oppressed peopíe of North Ameríca."
Except, apparentíy, for Bíacks, |ews, and homosexuaís.
|476|
Yet eyebrows everywhere raísed when Langan showed up ín |aíí wíth pínk-paínted
toenaíís and íong manícured fíngernaíís. Langan's íover, a transsexuaí named
Cheríe Roberts, appeared at the tríaí and excíaímed duríng a scene wíth U.S.
Marshaís, "I can't even taík to my wífe!"
Roberts, who met Langan at a Kansas Cíty group caííed "Crossdressers and
Fríends," caííed the neo-macho revoíutíonary bank robber by hís charmed pet
moníker, "Donna."
|477|
In a "recruítment" vídeo confíscated duríng a search of Langan's house, "Donna"
appears ín a bíack skí-mask, exhortíng potentíaí revoíutíonaríes to eradícate aíí
non-whítes and non-Chrístíans from the country, and eíímínate federaí "whores."
"In soíídaríty wíth our Serbían brothers we understand the meaníng of ethníc
cíeansíng. To us, ít's not a dírty word." Apparentíy, preoperatíve transsexuaís were
not íncíuded ín Langan's targeted popuíatíon group.
The 107-mínute propaganda fíím, entítíed "The Aryan Repubíícan Army Presents:
The Armed Struggíe Underground," píays out ííke a bad Monty Python skít. Langan
shouts orders ín Spanísh from behínd a desk festooned wíth hand grenades and
bank booty, whííe hís "troops" goose-step ín the background. "Our basíc goaí ís to
set up an Aryan Repubííc on the North Amerícan contínent," states "Commander
Pedro."
|478|
The neo-revoíutíonaríes aíso expound theír phííosophy and tactícs, whích íncíude,
not surprísíngíy. bíowíng up federaí buíídíngs. "We have endeavored to keep
coííateraí damage and cívííían casuaítíes to a mínímum," announces theír íeader,
"but as ín aíí wars, some ínnocents shaíí suffer. So be ít."
The vídeo was compíeted ín |anuary, 1995, four months before the bombíng of the
Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng. Langan, for hís part, says he had nothíng to do wíth the
bombíng. "Most of my famííy, my síbííngs work ín federaí buíídíngs," he toíd the
Washin%ton )ost.
|479|
Yet gíven Langan's connectíons to Brescía, Strassmeír and Mahon, and theír
connectíons to Níchoís and McVeígh, and the group's tíes to the víoíent neo-Nazí
underground, ít ís sínguíaríy curíous why the FBI hasn't seríousíy pursued these
íeads.
|480|
140
Then there ís the CSA's 1983 píot to bíow up the Okíahoma Cíty Federaí Buíídíng,
and Sneíí's strangeíy fortuítous statements about Apríí 19, 1995.
What ís even more shockíng ís why the ATF apparentíy ígnored warníngs from ít's
own ínformant, Caroí Howe. Had they fígured they couíd ensnare the bombers ín a
híghíy pubíícízed bust?
"Eíohím Cíty ís not a current sub|ect of ínterest," a íaw enforcement offícíaí ín
Washíngton toíd the Assocíated Press, aímost two years after the bíast.
|481|
Was Eíohím Cíty of so ííttíe ínterest to authorítíes because ít was a government-
ínfíítrated spook center, kept on hand for contíngencíes, much as eíements of the
KKK were by the FBI's |. Edgar Hoover?
And what of Iraq's connectíons to Dennís Mahon? Is thís a sub|ect of ínterest? Was
ít |ust an ínnocent busíness reíatíonshíp, or, ííke the Syrían's offer of fundíng to
Robert Mathews, was ít somethíng more?
:
Teflon Terrorists
In the wake of the bombíng, the medía was abuzz wíth reports of a Míddíe-Eastern
connectíon. Reporters were reportíng cíaíms of Musíím extremísts, and taíkíng
heads were taíkíng about a famíííar modus operandí. Then on Apríí 21, íess than 48
hours after the bombíng, the FBI announced that they had snared theír eíusíve
quarry, an angry whíte guy named Tímothy |ames McVeígh. The foííowíng day, the
Bureau announced that they had captured angry whíte guy number two: Terry
Lynn Níchoís.
The maínstream medía, havíng theír ínformatíon spoon-fed to them by the FBI,
quíckíy íaunched ínto ín-depth anaíysís of the two "príme suspects." Aíí other
ínformatíon quíckíy became buríed ín the great coííectíve memory sínk hoíe. It was
as íf, wíth the "capture" of McVeígh and Níchoís, aíí other ínformatíon became
suddeníy írreíevant and obsoíete. The |ustíce Department waved theír magíc wand,
Presídent Cíínton wínked at the Míddíe-Eastern communíty, and aíí the woríd was
set ríght agaín.
What remaíned hídden behínd the offícíaí curtaín of deceít however, were scores of
wítness accounts, offícíaí statements, and expert opíníons regardíng a Míddíe-
Eastern connectíon. For 48 hours after the bombíng, FBI offícíaís and terrorísm
experts poured forth theír opíníons and anaíyses:
141
Robert Heíbeí, a former FBI counter-terrorísm expert, saíd the bombíng íooked ííke
the work of Míddíe East terrorísts, possíbíy those connected wíth the Woríd Trade
Center bombíng.
|482|
Speakíng on CNN, ATF dírector |ohn Magaw saíd: "I thínk any tíme you have thís
kínd of damage, thís kínd of expíosíon, you have to íook there (Míddíe East
terrorísts) fírst."
"Thís was done wíth the attempt to ínfííct as many casuaítíes as possíbíe," saíd
terrorísm expert Steven Emerson on CBS Eveníng News. "That ís a Míddíe Eastern
traít and somethíng that has been, generaííy, not carríed out on thís soíí untíí we
were rudeíy awakened to ít ín 1993."
Former Uníted States Representatíve Dave McCurdy of Okíahoma (former
Chaírman of the House Inteííígence Commíttee) toíd CBS News that there was
"very cíear evídence of the ínvoívement of fundamentaííst Isíamíc terroríst
groups."
|483|
Former FBI counter-terrorísm chíef Oííver "Buck" Reveíí toíd CBS Eveníng News, "I
thínk ít's most ííkeíy a Míddíe East terroríst. I thínk the modus operandí ís símííar.
They have used thís approach."
Ex-CIA counter-terrorísm dírector Vínce Cannístraro toíd the Washin%ton Times,
"Ríght now, ít íooks professíonaí, and ít's got the marks of a Míddíe Eastern group."
Aví Lípkín, a former Israeíí Defense Inteííígence specíaííst on the Príme Míníster's
staff, ín Okíahoma Cíty at the tíme of the bombíng, toíd ínvestígator Craíg Roberts,
"thís ís a typícaí Arab Terroríst type attack."
|484|
It was aíso reported the Israeíís gave the Amerícans a "generaí warníng"
concerníng the bombíng.
|485|
CBS News stated that the FBI had receíved cíaíms of responsíbíííty from at íeast
eíght dífferent organízatíons. Seven of the cíaímants were thought to have Míddíe
Eastern connectíons:
An FBI communíqué that was círcuíated Wednesday suggested that the attack was
carríed out by the Isíamíc |íhad, an Iranían-backed Isíamíc mííítant group, saíd a
securíty professíonaí ín Caíífornía who decííned to be named. the communíqué
suggested the attack was made ín retaííatíon for the prosecutíon of Musíím
fundamentaíísts ín the bombíng of the Woríd Trade Center ín February, 1993, saíd
the source, a non-government securíty professíonaí.. 'We are currentíy íncííned to
suspect the Isíamíc |íhad as the ííkeíy group.'
|486|
|ames Fox, former head of the New York FBI offíce, toíd CBS News, "We thought
that we wouíd hear from the reíígíous zeaíots ín the future, that they wouíd be a
thorn ín our síde for years to come."
142
On |uíy 2nd, shortíy after Sheík Omar Abdeí Rahman's surrender to U.S.
Immígratíon authorítíes, the Egyptían |ama a' Isíamíya (the group ímpíícated ín the
Woríd Trade Center bombíng) íssued a statement sayíng that íf the Sheík was
prosecuted or extradíted to Egypt, they wouíd begín a woríd-wíde terror campaígn
agaínst the Uníted States.
On Apríí 21, 1995, the 3ondon Tele%ra*h reported: "Israeíí antí-terror experts
beííeve the Okíahoma bombíng and the 1993 Woríd Trade Center expíosíon are
íínked and that Amerícan ínvestígators shouíd focus on Isíamíc extremísts."
The same day, the 3ondon Sunday Times carríed a report that suggested Presídent
Saddam Husseín of Iraq may have been ínvoíved ín both the Woríd Trade Center
and the Okíahoma Cíty bombíngs:
Iraq was furíous wíth Ameríca íast week at íts Uníted Natíons move to foíí efforts to
overturn Guíf war economíc sanctíons. Ramzí Ahmed Yousef, the recentíy-
captured aííeged mastermínd of the 1993 attack on the Woríd Trade Center ín New
York, was dírectíy funded by Baghdad, accordíng to CIA and FBI documents - and
evídence so far deveíoped about the íatest bomb índícates some símííarítíes ín the
píanníng.
|487|
If those ín Baghdad were angry over the brutaí and reíentíess attack on theír
country by U.S. forces duríng the Guíf War, they had addítíonaí reason for anger
when Presídent Cíínton íaunched a retaííatory raíd agaínst Iraqí ínteííígence
headquarters ín Baghdad. The |une 26 Cruíse Míssííe stríke was dírected agaínst
the compíex after an aííeged píot was uncovered to assassínate former presídent,
crook, and mass murderer George Bush duríng hís recent vísít to Kuwaít.
|488|
The
raíd mereíy destroyed some of the compíex, and íeveíed about a dozen
surroundíng homes, kííííng approxímateíy síx cívíííans. Syndícated coíumníst
Charííe Reese caííed ít "hígh-tech terrorísm."
The Net News Serice reported the next day that the government-backed Al-
Thawra newspaper charged that Cíínton had carríed out the attack oníy to boíster
hís "eroded popuíaríty and credíbíííty... domestícaííy." Both Al-Thawra and Generaí
Saber Abduí-Azíz Dourí, head of the Iraqí ínteííígence servíce, índícated that the
Iraqí government had vowed vengeance agaínst the Uníted States.
Backíng up Dourí's cíaíms was former head of Iraqí mííítary ínteííígence, Generaí
Wafíq aí-Sammara'í, who toíd the London (nde*endent that the |une, 1996
bombíng of the U.S. mííítary housíng compíex ín Dhahran, Saudí Arabía, whích
kíííed 19 servícemen, "strongíy resembíed píans drawn up by a secret Iraqí
commíttee on whích he served after the ínvasíon of Kuwaít. He says operatíons
consídered by Iraq, but not carríed out at that tíme due to shortage of reííabíe
agents, íncíuded expíodíng íarge bombs near buíídíngs where Amerícan soídíers
were íívíng."
|489|
One month íater, the Washin%ton )ost reported:
143
Earíy on |uíy 6, Coí. Mohammar Oaddafí of Líbya íssued a warníng that Presídent
Cíínton and the Uníted States had 'bíundered' ín the recent míssííe attack on
Baghdad, and that the Uníted States shouíd expect 'a íot more terrorísm' ín the
near future. Oaddafí spoke of íncreasíngíy víoíent and spectacuíar acts to be
perpetrated expressíy for broadcast on the natíonaí and ínternatíonaí teíevísíon.
|490|
Shortíy after the bombíng, KFOR, Channeí 4 ín Okíahoma Cíty receíved a caíí from
the Natíon of Isíam, takíng credít for the bombíng. Interestíngíy, the NOI has been
dírectíy funded by Líbya.
The )ost1s |ack Anderson added that a dírect attack agaínst the U.S. wouíd be
unííkeíy, and that counter-terroríst anaíysts feared that the oníy víabíe avenue for
Husseín's revenge wouíd be through the use of terrorísm. "A preferabíe revenge for
Iraq wouíd ínvoíve havíng a 'surrogate terroríst' carry out a domestíc attack that
Husseín couíd prívateíy take credít for.
Accordíng to Dr. Lauríe Myíroíe, Ph.D., a Míddíe East expert at the Center for
Securíty Poíícy, and an authoríty on the Woríd Trade Center bombíng, Iraqí agents
such as Ramzí Yousef had ínfíítrated the orígínaí Woríd Trade Center ceíí, resuítíng
ín the constructíon of a more powerfuí, sophístícated bomb.
Dr. Myíroíe noted that on September 27, 1994, as Iraqí troops tested Amerícan
resoíve by preparíng a new assauít agaínst Kuwaít, Saddam Husseín decíared: "We
wííí open the storehouses of the uníverse" agaínst the Uníted States. Two days
íater, $a+il - a newspaper ín Iraq owned by Saddam's son, Uday - ampíífíed,
sayíng: "Does the Uníted States reaííze the meaníng of openíng the stores of the
woríd wíth the wííí of Iraqí peopíe?...Does ít reaííze the meaníng of every Iraqí
becomíng a míssííe that can cross to countríes and cítíes?"
|491|
Myíroíe notes that there may be other Iraqí ínteííígence agents at íarge ín thís
country, known as "síeepers," waítíng to carry out far more deadíy acts of revenge
agaínst the U.S. One such ceíí, píanted by the Abu Nídaí organízatíon, was
díscovered ín 1986. Four of theír Paíestínían members were arrested eíght years
íater after one of them murdered the daughter of an FBI agent.
|492|
On |anuary 28, 1991, the Washin%ton )ost reported:
If Saddam ís seríous about terrorízíng Amerícans at home, there are severaí aíííes
he couíd caíí on for heíp. The most dangerous terroríst Organízatíon ín the woríd,
the Abu Nídaí organízatíon, now based ín Baghdad, has a rudímentary
ínfrastructure of about 50 peopíe ín the Uníted States. Aíí of them, accordíng to FBI
sources, are under surveíííance..
"Among the terrorísts who are takíng or wouíd take orders from Saddam," added
the )ost, "are Abu Ibrahím, a píoneer bomb maker who desígned the barometríc
pressure bomb that bíew up Pan Am Fííght 103, and Ahmed |íbríí, who
mastermínded the Pan Am bombíng on a contract from Iran."
|493|
144
Ironícaííy, U.S. ínterventíons abroad have permítted the entry ínto Ameríca of
extremíst and even terroríst organízatíons that have subsequentíy gaíned
foothoíds ín ethníc communítíes across the country. Texas and Okíahoma, ín fact,
are ma|or centers of Isíamíc actívítíes ín the U.S.
Steven Emerson was quoted on CBS Eveníng News as sayíng, "Okíahoma Cíty, I
can teíí you, ís probabíy consídered one of the íargest centers of Isíamíc radícaí
actívíty outsíde the Míddíe East."
|494|
Emerson chronícíed the ríse of radícaí Isíam ín Ameríca ín a 1994 PBS documentary
whích showed how fundamentaíísts had íaunched a recruítíng campaígn across the
míd- and southwest. An Okíahoma Cíty meetíng ín 1988 was attended by members
of Hamas (Isíamíc Resístance Movement), Isíamíc |íhad (Hoíy War) and the Musíím
Brotherhood, each notoríous for theír sponsorshíp of terrorísm. The meetíng was
heíd oníy bíocks from the Federaí Buíídíng.
As Stephen |ones stated ín hís March 25th Wrít of Mandamus:
The Murrah Buíídíng was chosen eíther because of íack of securíty (í.e. ít was a
"soft target"), or because of avaííabíe resources such as Iraqí POWs who had been
admítted ínto the Uníted States were íocated ín Okíahoma Cíty, or possíbíy
because the íocatíon of the buíídíng was ímportant to Amerícan neo-Nazís such as
those índívíduaís who supported Ríchard Sneíí who was executed ín Arkansas on
Apríí 19, 1995..
Secret workshops have reportedíy been heíd ín the U.S., where HízbAííah and
Hamas members have been taught bomb makíng techníques and smaíí arms
practíce. HízbAííah, the Iranían-sponsored and Syrían-backed "Party of God," ís
beííeved to be behínd a seríes of bombíngs ín |uíy of 1994 that took 117 ííves ín
Argentína, Panama, and Brítaín. HízbAííah ís the same Lebanon-based terroríst
group that perpetrated the October 1983 bombíng of the U.S. Maríne barracks ín
Beírut.
|495|
The most notoríous U.S. terroríst ceíí was ín |ersey Cíty, íed by Sheík Omar Abdeí-
Rahman, the group responsíbíe for píottíng the destructíon of the UN buíídíng and
the Hoííand Tunneí. Three of Rahman's foííowers were convícted for bombíng the
Woríd Trade Center. One of theír íeaders, Eí-Sayyíd Nosaír, speííed out hís píans to
terroríze the Uníted States: "We have to thoroughíy demoraííze the enemíes of
God.. by means of destroyíng and bíowíng up the towers that constítute the
píííars of theír cívííízatíon such as the touríst attractíons they are so proud of and
the hígh buíídíngs they are so proud of."
|496|
Another ínfíuentíaí fígure ín Isíamíc radícaí círcíes - Sheík Mohammad aí-Así, the
reíígíous íeader of the Isíamíc Educatíon Center ín Potomac, Maryíand, was quoted
on PBS as sayíng:
145
"If the Amerícans are píacíng theír forces ín the Persían Guíf, we shouíd be creatíng
another war front for the Amerícans ín the Musíím woríd - and specífícaííy where
Amerícan ínterests are concentrated. In Egypt, ín Turkey, ín the Indían
subcontínent, |ust to mentíon a few. Stríke agaínst Amerícan ínterests there."
Whííe the Arab underground structure ín the U.S. ís generaííy based on the PLO,
not aíí of íts members are Paíestínían. Many may emígrate from Iran, Iraq, Syría,
Sudan, and Líbya, the fíve natíons most often connected wíth terrorísm. Accordíng
to former Israeíí ínteííígence offícer Wííííam Northrop, the orígínaí PLO structure
shífted ín 1991, after the PLO/Israeíí peace process began. As Northrop wrítes:
The Texas Ceíí ís based ín Houston and ís supported by severaí sub-ceíís, one of
whích ís based ín Okíahoma Cíty. Thís Texas Ceíí was tíed ínto the Woríd Trade
Center bombíng on 26 February 1993.
The Okíahoma Cíty sub-ceíí orígínated wíth the Paíestínían students who were sent
from varíous Arab countríes to study Petroíeum Engíneeríng at OU ín Norman. (the
current Deputy Petroíeum Míníster of Iran ís an OU graduate.)
|497|
Theír members may aíso come from a broader phííosophíc míííeu, and unííke the
PLO, have a wíder range of targets, íncíudíng not oníy Israeí, but secuíar regímes ín
Musíím countríes and those states that support them.
Notes Míddíe East anaíyst |ames Phííííps: "Because they are motívated by
apocaíyptíc zeaí, and not sober poíítícaí caícuíatíons, theír choíce of possíbíe
targets ís much wíder and more índíscrímínate than that of other terrorísts."
|498|
The goaí of thís new breed of terroríst was not aímed at ínfíuencíng U.S. or woríd
opíníon over the Paíestínían íssue, but to prove the strength of the Musíím
fundamentaííst cause. As former Daíías Specíaí Agent ín Charge Oííver "Buck"
Reveíí saíd:
"...If you íísten to what |the Isíamíc extremíst terrorísts| are reaííy sayíng, they're
not |ust aímed at the Israeíís, they are not |ust aímed at the |ewísh state. Theír
goaís are compíeteíy and totaííy to eradícate any opposítíon to Hamas and to Isíam
and to move agaínst the Uníted States uítímateíy."
|499|
Obvíousíy, these |ournaíísts and experts hadn't deveíoped theír theoríes ín a
vacuum. The evídence was cíear, and the warníngs were ímmínent. Aíían Denhan
wrote ín AS) Newsletter that a |ordanían Inteííígence offícíaí had passed a "target
ííst" to an Amerícan busínessman two months príor to the bombíng, and the
Murrah Buíídíng was on that ííst. Aíthough thís ínformatíon ís unconfírmed, ít makes
perfect sense, sínce |ordan has a íong-standíng ínteííígence reíatíonshíp wíth the
CIA.
In March of 1995, Israeí's Shín Bet (Generaí Securíty Servíces, Israeí's equívaíent to
the FBI), arrested approxímateíy 10 Hamas terrorísts ín |erusaíem, some of whom
146
had recentíy returned from a tríp to Ft. Lauderdaíe, Fíorída. Accordíng to Northrop,
ínterrogatíon of those suspects was thought to have reveaíed ínformatíon
concerníng the píot to bomb the Murrah Buíídíng. "The Shín Bet fííed a warníng
wíth the Legaí Attaché (FBI) at the Amerícan Embassy ín Teí Avív as a matter of
course," wrote Northrop.
|500|
On Apríí 20, the Israeíí newspaper 'ediot Arhonot wrote:
Yesterday, ít was made known that over the íast few days, U.S. íaw enforcement
agencíes had receíved ínteííígence ínformatíon orígínatíng ín the Míddíe East,
warníng of a íarge terroríst attack on U.S. soíí. No aíert was sounded as a resuít of
thís ínformatíon.
|501|
Northrop aíso saíd that the German Bundesnachríchtendíenst (BND, the equívaíent
of the Amerícan CIA), aíso sent a warníng to the U.S. State Department. That was
foííowed by a warníng from the Saudís. "A Saudí Ma|or Generaí. ínformed former
CIA Counterterrorísm Chíef Vínce Cannístraro, who ín turn ínformed the FBI. There
ís a 302 (FBI report) ín exístence."
|502|
The agent Cannístraro passed the ínformatíon to was Kevín L. Foust, one of the
FBI's íeadíng counterterrorísm agents. Ironícaííy, the ínformatíon was gíven to
Foust on the same day as the bombíng.
Accordíng to the ínformatíon obtaíned by Stephen |ones, the Saudí Arabían
Inteííígence Servíce reported that Iraq had híred seven Pakístaní mercenaríes -
Afghaní War veterans known as the Mu|ahadeen - to bomb targets ín the U.S.,
one of whích was the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng. They aíso advísed the FBI that - as
ís often the case - the true ídentíty of the sponsor may not have been reveaíed to
the bombers.
|503|
Interestíngíy, Northrop stated that three Israeíís were ín Okíahoma +efore the Apríí
19th attack to .kee* an eye on thin%s0. Aví Lípkín and Wííííam Northrop were two
such índívíduaís.
|504|
In addítíon to these warníngs - as weíí as the míghty armada of U.S. ínteííígence
agencíes, anaíysts, and surveíííance technoíogy whích wouíd have undoubtedíy
been monítoríng the sítuatíon - at íeast one íocaí ínformant tríed to warn
authorítíes ín advance. Hís warníngs went unheeded.
The 2r,g Connection ;nformant
After the bombíng, Cary Gagan stepped forward to teíí |ones that he had been
present at a meetíng of bombíng conspírators íncíudíng Míddíe-Easterners,
Caucasíans, and Híspanícs whích took píace ín Henderson, Nevada.
|505|
In deposítíons and íntervíews wíth |ones and ín numerous íntervíews wíth the
author, the government ínformant and former drug couríer descríbed a number of
147
meetíngs at the Sovíet Embassy ín Mexíco Cíty. In 1980, the Sovíets asked Gagan
to assíst them ín procuríng mííítary secrets from Dan Howard, a contact of Gagan's
who worked at Martín Maríetta, a íarge defense contractor ín Waterton, Coíorado.
The Sovíets had been watchíng Howard. Gagan was a fríend. He ínformed the FBI.
|506|
In |une of 1986, the Sovíets agaín asked Gagan's heíp - thís tíme, to assíst íííegaí
Iranían ímmígrants needíng faíse IDs. The smaíí-tíme hustíer and counterfeíter met
hís contact, a man named "Hamíd" who worked at Stapíeton Internatíonaí Aírport
ín Denver, and secretíy recorded the conversatíon. He turned the tapes over to FBI
Agent Bííí Maten, and Kenny Vasquez of the Denver Poííce Inteííígence Bureau.
|507|
The 51-year-oíd government ínformant supported hímseíf by ferryíng Cocaíne
between Mexíco and Coíorado for Coíombíans posíng as Mexícans, íívíng ín Denver.
It was through hís assocíatíon wíth these Coíombíans that Gagan met "Omar" and
"Ahmed," ín Las Vegas ín March of '94.
"They tríed to fírst píay themseíves off as Coíombíans, " saíd Gagan "but I knew
they were Iraníans. or Míddíe-Easterners. They were muítí-íínguaí, wíth bíg-tíme
fundíng.
It was at thís meetíng that the drug deaíer íearned he was to transport kííos of
cocaíne from Mexíco to Denver. He ínformed DEA Agent Robert Todd Gregory. "I
toíd Gregory thís dude íooked ííke a banker to me. They had heavy cash. They took
care of me. They had aíí kínds of connectíons."
On May 16, 1994, Gagan met hís new contacts at the Western Moteí ín Las Vegas,
where hís brother worked as a pít-boss. There were eíght men at the meetíng, fíve
of whom were Míddíe Eastern, íncíudíng Omar and Ahmed. "Two of them dídn't say
a word," recaííed Gagan, "but they íooked ííke Coíombíans to me - you know,
Latín."
One of the Míddíe Easterners was from Okíahoma Cíty. He appeared to be the
íeader. The Eíghth man was Terry Níchoís. In a sworn deposítíon, Gagan toíd
McVeígh's attorney:
9agan: "I met wíth some Arabs, and ín that group, and I díd not know ít at the
tíme, but ín that group was Níchoís."
<ones: "Terry?"
9agan: "Terry Níchoís."
|508|
Gagan fírst recaííed seeíng Níchoís ín the parkíng íot of a bíngo paríor the men had
stopped at. "He was wearíng a píaíd, short síeeve shírt and dockers.. I remember
goíng, 'That's kínd of a dírty íookín' dude.' That's aíí I saíd. I thought, you know, he
dídn't fít ín the pícture here. He íooked ííke a scíentíst."
|509|
148
The men snorted cocaíne at the Western Moteí and díscussed theír píans, then
drove to an apartment compíex ín Henderson caííed the Píayer's Cíub. It ís not
known whom they met wíth. As far as Gagan knew, they were aíí there to díscuss
drug deaííng. It wasn't exactíy cíear what the Coíombíans were doíng wíth the
Arabs.
|510|*
Gagan wouíd soon fínd out though. Omar and Ahmed, who had been payíng Gagan
wíth counterfeít money (mostíy counterfeít Iranían $100 bííís), wanted hím to take
part ín a píot to bíow up a federaí buíídíng ín Denver, usíng a maíí truck packed
wíth expíosíves.
"I was goíng to be part of ít because I couíd move through. because I'm Angío and
I'm a U.S. cítízen and, you know, I wouídn't draw attentíon.. I'm ín and out of that
federaí buíídíng every day."
The truck, purchased from a government auctíon, was paínted to resembíe a
workíng maíí truck. On |anuary 14, 1995, Gagan pícked up the truck at the Metro
Bar & Grííí and drove ít to the Maríott Hoteí, |ust outsíde of Goíden, Coíorado.
"Omar came out wíth me, showed me where the truck was, and saíd, '|ust get ín ít
and dríve down I-70, and here's where you park ít. And as soon as you make the
deíívery, make thís caíí..' And I gave the FBI the pay phone number sayíng ít was
there. And I stayed ín there and had a drínk - ín the bar, and came waíkíng out,
and the sucker was gone."
Gagan says he taíked to the FBI duty agent from a pay phone at 9th and Logan for
over 35 mínutes. "I saíd 'Hey, I need you to teíí what to do here.' And they never
caííed back."
In the back of the truck were approxímateíy thírty duffeí bags of ammoníum nítrate
marked "U.S. maíí," and boxes from Sandex Expíosíves |ín Las Vegas| marked
"Hígh Expíosíves."
Gagan boarded a bus and went home. He saíd the agents never showed up.
"Can you ímagíne íf I'm drívíng thís truck and ít bíows up ín the cíty of Denver?"
saíd an íncreduíous Gagan.
Aíso ín the back of the truck was a Leíy farm míxer. Gagan recaíís that ít was
approxímateíy four feet hígh, two feet across, and "shaped ííke a díamond."
Interestíngíy, thís was the same descríptíon gíven by wítness Davíd Kíng. Kíng, who
was stayíng at the Dreamíand Moteí ín |unctíon Cíty - where McVeígh stayed -
saw a Ryder truck wíth a traííer attached to ít ín the parkíng íot on Apríí 17. Insíde
the traííer was an ob|ect secured by a canvas tarp. "It was a squarísh shape, and ít
came to a poínt on top," saíd Kíng. "It was about three or four feet hígh."
149
In |une, Gagan díscovered píastíc expíosíves ín an athíetíc bag packed wíth cocaíne
he was to deííver to Denver. The bag, Omar saíd, was to be íeft at the Postaí
Center, a shíppíng and receívíng facíííty owned by George Coíombo, who aíso
operated a Ryder truck íeasíng center across the street. A fríend of Gagan's,
Coíombo wouíd occasíonaííy íet hím stay at an apartment he maíntaíned when
thíngs got too heavy.
|511|
Thíngs were defíníteíy gettíng heavy for Gagan. When the casuaí cocaíne user
decíded to open the bag and heíp hímseíf to a ííttíe "bíow," he díscovered píastíc
expíosíves wrapped ín brown paper. "And I'm thínkíng, '|esus, how the heíí díd thís
get by the aírport'? So I packed ít up, and I'm thínkíng, 'I'm goíng to the feds,'
because you know. I'm a feíon, thís ís C-4. I'm goíng |down| forever."
Gagan asked Coíombo to hoíd the bag for hím. He then caííed the Denver Poííce
Inteííígence Bureau and met them at a Burger Kíng ín Aurora. Gagan sat ín the
unmarked car, as hís fríend Bíííy, a cab dríver, watched from nearby.
"I saíd, 'Look, there's some C-4.' I'm feeííng them out. I gíve them some names,
you know, what the deaí was ín Las Vegas. I teíí them I'm ín contact wíth the DEA
- Robert Gregory and aíí that. They don't say anythíng. Thís ís |une, míd-|une of
'94. They say they'íí get back to me."
Three weeks íater, after contactíng the FBI, the poííce caííed Gagan back. "They
teíí me quote, 'Sínce you're the source of the ínformatíon Gagan, we're not goíng
to ínvestígate.'"
Gagan then caííed Gregory at the DEA. Gregory toíd Gagan, "Hey, we can't take
you on.'"
The ínformant cíaíms he contínuaííy chaííenged the poííce and the FBI to charge
hím íf hís ínformatíon was faíse. "If aíí thís was a bíg ííe, they couíd have charged
me wíth íyíng, but they dídn't."
Whííe the FBI and the Denver Poííce were debatíng the meríts of Gagan's
credíbíííty, Omar pícked up the bag from Coíombo and íeft.
Three months íater, ín September, Gagan was approached by Omar and Ahmed
agaín. "They saíd 'It's goíng to ínvoíve terrorísm, do you have a probíem wíth that?'
I saíd 'no.' I asked them, 'What kínd of money are we íookíng at?' They saíd 'a
quarter of a mííííon doííars.' I saíd 'up front?' They saíd 'Yes.'
Gagan accepted the money, whích he beííeves was paíd out of the Caíí Carteí. "The
FBI knew ít," saíd Gagan. "They never got back to me."
Were Latín Amerícan drug deaíers conspíríng wíth Arab terrorísts to bíow up the
Federaí Buíídíng? Saíd 25-year DEA veteran agent Míke Levíne: "When you
consíder terroríst actíons ííke TWA 800 (or Okíahoma Cíty), and you omít any drug
150
traffíckíng ínvoívement, ít's ínsane - ít doesn't make any sense.. You know you
take for exampíe two years or three years ago the La Bíanca píane that was bíown
out of the sky - ít was attríbuted to drug traffíckers. I can thínk ríght off the top of
my head of another case ín Coíombía of a píane bíown up wíth a íot of passengers
to kííí one person, and probabíy many, many more."
Levíne, a híghíy decorated DEA agent, and the DEA's former Argentíne Statíon
Chíef, toíd me that countríes such as Boíívía, Paraguay, and Coíombía are fuíí of
Arabs doíng busíness wíth Latínos, íncíudíng drug deaííng. "The fírst thíng you have
to keep ín mínd ís that drug traffíckíng ís now a haíf a trííííon doííar busíness
around the thírd-woríd," saíd Levíne, "and ít's maíníy a thírd-woríd busíness. The
top drug traffíckers around the woríd have more power than presídents. The
Mu|ahadeen for ínstance, whích we supported, were aíways top heroín smuggíers.
They were rated one, two and three by DEA as a source, and they ríght now
support every Musíím fundamentaííst movement on the face of the earth.."
|512|
The paraííeí may be more than specuíatíve. Shortíy after the bombíng, on May 8,
Tuísa poííce veteran Craíg Roberts receíved ínformatíon from a íaw enforcement
source ín Texas that "|uan García Abrego was ínvoíved ín the bombíng as a 'cash
províder' for the event. The source saíd that Abrego had sent two Mexícan
natíonaís to Okíahoma Cíty wíth a satcheí fuíí of cash to fínance the bombíng."
Abrego was a Mexícan Mafía chíeftaín ínvoíved ín the cocaíne and heroín traffíckíng
through Mexíco from Guadaía|ara to Texas. He aííegedíy was the ground
transportatíon íínk duríng the Iran-Contra/Mena affaír.
Thís ínformatíon was forwarded to both the FBI and the DEA who were asked for
each to check theír fííes and/or computers, usíng varíous speíííngs, to see íf they
had heard of such an índívíduaí. Neíther repííed back that they had knowíedge and
no further actíon was taken..
|513|
Consíderíng the FBI's apparent íack of knowíedge, ís curíous that Abrego was at
the top of the FBI's "Ten Most Wanted" ííst sínce March, a month before the
bombíng and aímost two months before Robert's orígínaí ínquíry.
It seemed the FBI's íack of ínterest ín Robert's ínformatíon was suspícíousíy símííar
to theír íack of ínterest ín Gagan's.
|514|
What ís aíso ínterestíng ís that theír fírst
effort to díscredít Gagan - a drug runner on the períphery of the Iran-Contra drug
network - coíncíded wíth the Iran-Contra affaír becomíng pubííc.
|515|*
"In my opíníon, peopíe were paíd massíve amounts of dope to carry thís thíng out,"
saíd Gagan. The ínformant's beííef that he was paíd by the Caíí Carteí may be
sígnífícant ín ííght of Robert's ínformatíon that Abrego funneíed money to the
bombíng conspírators.
Was the FBI's attempt to repudíate the Míddíe Eastern connectíon tíed to theír
refusaí to íook at the Abrego íead?
151
As Levíne saíd: "The mínute you start takíng about terroríst actíons, and you
eíímínate drug traffíckíng, weíí, then. you're |ust not credíbíe. It's |ust very
unreaíístíc to íook at a sítuatíon - any terroríst sítuatíon - and not íook at a drug
traffíckíng angíe anymore. In my opíníon, and I thínk there's píenty of
substantíatíon eventhough the government won't taík about ít, you can say, thís
vast ocean of money traveííng around the woríd - íííegaí untapped money - pays
for an enormous amount of terroríst actívíty."
If the Caíí Carteí and Gagan's Arabs were connected, and ín turn tíed to a tentacíe
of the Iran-Contra Octopus through Abrego, ít's oníy naturaí that the FBI - whích
píayed íts own roíe ín coveríng up Iran-Contra - wouíd tend to íook the other way.
In spíte of the FBI's apparent refusaí to act on Gagan's ínformatíon, and theír
subsequent attempts to díscredít hím, on September 14, 1994, Gagan was granted
a Letter of Immuníty by the U.S. Attorneys Offíce ín Denver. The ímmuníty was
arranged through Federaí Pubííc Defender Raymond Moore.
|516|
(See Appendíx)
The ínformant was toíd to stay wíth the group and report back to the Bureau. On
March 17, Gagan met wíth hís Arab fríends at the Hííton Inn South ín Greenwood
Víííage, Coíorado. On the ta+le were the construction *lans for the Alfred )0 Murrah
$uildin%/ +earin% the name J0W0 $ateson !om*any of "allas/ Te#as.
Stííí, Gagan aííeges that federaí agents dídn't foííow up on any of hís íeads.
"I knew, when they díd not contact me after the truck. when I was movíng
expíosíves, I knew somethíng was up. I knew. I fígured from that poínt on, wíthout
a doubt, they had a government agent ín thís ríng. Because they cannot íet me do
that type of stuff.
"And then, after the March 17th meetíng, I waíted for them to contact me, because
I |ust had a feeííng that the dude that had come up |from Okíahoma Cíty| - the
new guy on the scene there - was an agent. The way he acted and taíked. I |ust
feít dífferent than I díd around the other dudes.. That's |ust my personaí
feeííng."
|517|
Díd the feds ígnore Gagan's warníngs because they had theír own agent ín the
bombíng ceíí and wanted to obtaín more ínformatíon to "stíng" the bombers íater
on? Gagan beííeves thís ís a possíbíííty. Yet whííe Gagan had the optíon of puíííng
out, he reaíízed ít wouíd be too rísky to suddeníy dísappear from the scene. Omar
and Ahmed were watchíng hím.
On Apríí 4, 1995, Omar puííed up at the Western Moteí ín Las Vegas, where
Gagan's brother worked. "Come on," saíd Omar to a somewhat startíed Gagan, "I
want you to dríve wíth me to Kíngman."
The two men then drove to Arízona, where they deíívered a package to a man
waítíng on the corner of Northern and Síerra, wearíng a cowboy hat and drívíng a
152
rusty brown píck-up. Couíd thís mystery fígure have been Steven Garrett Coíbern,
who owned the brown píck-up seen stopped ahead of McVeígh when he was puííed
by Trooper Hanger over after the bombíng? The descríptíon of the man matched
Coíbern's heíght and buííd. But Gagan díd not know who he was at the tíme, or
what was ín the package.
On the way home, Gagan recaííed Omar sayíng, "we're takíng down a buíídíng ín
two weeks."
|518|
On March 27 and 28, Gagan made over fíve caíís to the U.S. Marshaís Offíce. None
were ever returned. Agent Mark Hoítsíaw of the FBI's Domestíc Counter terrorísm
Squad, toíd me, "I can assure you that any ínfo was thoroughíy checked out..
There are thíngs that go on ín the background that the índívíduaí ís not aware of."
But, Hoítsíaw added, "there ís no statutory obíígatíon to get back to an índívíduaí
regardíng our ínvestígatíon and íts status."
|519|
Gagan doesn't buy Hoítsíaw's expíanatíon. The FBI's procedures regardíng
ínformants requíre that they be controííed and supervísed. "How do you ínvestígate
a thíng íf you don't contact me?" asked Gagan. "So they eíther had another agent
or another ínformant ínsíde the group."
Gagan was gettíng nowhere wíth the Marshaís, the U.S. Attorneys, and the FBI. It
was now íess than two weeks before the bombíng. On Apríí 6, Gagan drafted a
íetter and deíívered ít to Tína Rowe, head of the U.S. Marshaís Offíce ín Denver.
Whííe Gagan waíted outsíde, hís cab dríver fríend dropped ít off. The íetter read:
Dear Ms. Rowe:
After íeavíng Denver for what I thought wouíd be for a íong tíme, I returned here
íast níght because I have specífíc ínformatíon that wíthín two weeks a federaí
buíídíng(s) ís to be bombed ín thís area or nearby. The prevíous requests I made
for you to contact me, 25th & 28th of March 1995 were ígnored by you, Mr. Aíííson
and my fríends at the FBI. I wouíd not ígnore the specífíc request for you personaííy
to contact me ímmedíateíy regardíng a píot to bíow-up a federaí bídg. If the
ínformatíon ís faíse request Mr. Aíííson to charge me accordíngíy. If you and/or your
offíce does not contact me as I so request hereín, I wííí never agaín contact any íaw
enforcement agency, federaí or state, regardíng those matters set out ín the íetter
of ímmuníty.
|520|
Cary Gagan.
Caíí 832-4091 (Now)
Rowe díd not respond. When she was confronted by KFOR-TV ín Okíahoma Cíty,
she saíd that she had never receíved Gagan's íetter. (See Appendíx)
153
Yet Gagan's fríend gave New American edítor Bííí |asper a sígned affídavít showíng
that he personaííy deíívered the warníng to the U.S. Marshaís.
|521|
Accordíng to Rowe, the poínt ís moot, because the coííege graduate and former
pubííc schooí teacher has a hístory of "psychoíogícaí probíems." It seems that
Gagan was sent to the Coíorado State Mentaí Hospítaí ín September of 1986 by Dr.
Erwín Levy, at the behest of the feds.
|522|*
"That was because I wasn't cooperatíng wíth my attorney," he saíd, referríng to a
1986 theft case ín Arapahoe County. "You teíí somebody you're ínvoíved ín
espíonage wíth the Sovíets, and that's what they do, send you down to the |ames
Bond ward."
|523|
Accordíng to Gagan, the Coíorado State Mentaí Hospítaí's Dr. Green pronounced
Gagan sane, and he seemed íeveí-headed when Representatíve Key and I
íntervíewed hím ín March of '97.
Others thínk the ínformant ísn't reííabíe. A fríend of Gagan's who's known hím for
30 years toíd me he thínks Gagan's "fuíí of shít," and "not ín touch wíth reaííty."
Another, a Federaí Pubííc Defender who represented Gagan, toíd me, "Cary has an
encycíopedíc memory, of events, píaces and tímes." She saíd that Gagan was
"bríght |and| weíí-íntentíoned," aíthough she added, "My gut sense ís that the pure
facts may be ríght, but I sometímes questíoned the íegaí sígnífícance of some of
ít." Overaíí, she saíd she "ííked" the ínformant.
|524||525|
Moreover, íf Rowe's aííegatíons regardíng Gagan's credíbíííty are vaííd, why then
díd U.S. Attorney Henry Soíano grant hím a Letter of Immuníty? If the feds thought
Gagan was íncompetent, they had a fuíí decade of experíence wíth hím |as díd the
Denver Poííce| from whích to estabíísh hís credíbíííty or íack thereof.
"If I had a hístory of mentaí íííness," expíaíned Gagan, "they couídn't take me on as
an ínformant."
The feds' opíníons may have stemmed from a 1983 íncídent where the ínformant
was bíackíísted by the DEA due to aííegatíons he províded faíse ínformatíon to the
benefít of severaí drug deaíers. Yet Gagan cíaíms he redeemed hímseíf by
obtaíníng sensítíve DEA-6 fííes that had been stoíen from theír offíce. Gagan saíd
the DEA noted the ínformant's assístance on hís record.
|526|*
Then ín 1986, whííe Gagan was ín |aíí for ínsurance fraud, he was vísíted by Kenny
Vasquez, Bííí Maten, and two FBI agents: Phííííp Mann and Staníey Míííer. They
offered to get hím earíy reíease íf he wouíd work agaín as an ínformant. Gagan
decííned. "They wanted to take me out of |aíí, and bríng me back at níght," saíd
Gagan. "I Dídn't want any part of ít."
154
In |anuary of 1989, Agents Míííer and Mann agaín asked Gagan to assíst them ín a
|oínt FBI/Customs counterínteííígence stíng operatíon known as Operatíon Aspen
Leaf. Theír ínterest centered on one Edward Bodenzayer, a Sovíet spy whom
Gagan had met ín Puerto Vaííerta ín 1982. Bodenzayer had been exportíng
cíassífíed technoíogy to Russía through hís ímport/export company.
Fínaííy, on September 14, 1994, the |ustíce Department granted Gagan hís
ímmuníty. The agreement, prínted on an offícíaí U.S. |ustíce Department
íetterhead, read |ín part|:
Thís íetter ís to memoríaííze the agreement between you and the Uníted States of
Ameríca, by the undersígned Assístant Uníted States Attorney. The terms of thís
agreement are as foííows:
1. You have contacted the U.S. Marshaís Servíce on today's date índícatíng that
you have ínformatíon concerníng a conspíracy and/or attempt to destroy Uníted
States court facííítíes ín |redacted| and possíbíy other cítíes.
2. The Uníted States agrees that any statement and/or ínformatíon that you
províde reíevant to thís conspíracy/conspíracíes or attempts wííí not be used
agaínst you ín any crímínaí proceedíng. Further, the Uníted States agrees that no
evídence deríved from the ínformatíon or statements províded by you wííí be used
ín any way agaínst you....
|527|
In spíte of the sensítíve nature of Gagan's ínformatíon, and the Letter of Immuníty,
"In the períod of one year, from September 14, 1994, to the fírst week of
September, 1995," saíd Gagan, "not one agent recontacted me, not one U.S.
offícíaí of any kínd recontacted me except |FBI SAC| Dave Shepard ín Vegas."
Naturaííy, the FBI deníed any wrongdoíng.
Assístant U.S. Attorney |ames Aíííson was quoted ín the August 12, 1995 íssue of
the Rocky Mountain News as sayíng, "Why wouíd I grant somebody ímmuníty and
then not speak wíth hím?"
When thís author contacted Aíííson, he saíd, "I'm not goíng to díscuss who ís or
who ísn't a federaí ínformant."
Yet U.S. Attorney Henry Soíano, Aíííson's boss, granted an íntervíew wíth Lawrence
Myers of Media $y*ass magazíne, víoíatíng the ínformant's confídentíaííty
agreement, píacíng Gagan ín danger. In the October, 1995 íssue, Myers prínted
Gagan's íetter whích had been hand deíívered to U.S. Marshaíí Tína Rowe. When
Myers reprínted the íetter - whích was faxed to hím by Soíano - "Apríí 6" was
changed to "Apríí 1," a weekend, ín an attempt to show that Gagan couídn't
possíbíy have deíívered the warníng. It ís not cíear whether Soíano or Myers
changed the date.
155
Díscharged from a mentaí hospítaí ín 1980 wíth a personaííty dísorder, Myers was
convícted of extortíon ín 1985 and was íater asked by FBI Agent Steve Brannon to
work as an ínformant. Myers deníed workíng for the FBI.
Yet ín 1991 he showed up at the tríaí of Leroy Moody, workíng as an "expíosíves
expert" on behaíf of the defense. Curíousíy, he then turned around and fed
confídentíaí ínformatíon to the FBI and the state prosecutor.
|528|
Interestíngíy, Myers cíaímed to have worked for the CIA ín Centraí Ameríca,
apparentíy at the behest of Wackenhut, a CIA propríetary ínfamous for gatheríng
ínteííígence on U.S. cítízens. Even more ínterestíngíy, he wrote severaí books on
expíosíves for Paííadín Press, another CIA propríetary, íncíudíng !ounter+om+/
Smart $om+s, and (m*roed Radio "etonation Techni9ues. One Myers títíe, caííed
S*ycomm, ínstructs readers on the "dírty trícks of the trade" regardíng "covert
communícatíon techníques."
Myers aíso showed up at ex-spook Charíes Hayes' home ín London, Kentucky on
the premíse of wrítíng a fíatteríng story on the CIA agent turned whístíe-bíower.
Hayes subsequentíy wound up ín |aíí on a murder conspíracy charge - a charge he
adamantíy deníes.
Hayes says he thínks that Myers was workíng for the government when he came to
Kentucky to wríte a fíatteríng profííe of Hayes for the magazíne Media $y*ass, then
prívateíy toíd FBI agents that Hayes was íookíng for someone to kííí hís son.
|529|
Were Soíano and Myers part of a coordínated effort to díscredít Gagan? Saíd a
prívate ínvestígator and retíred Army CID offícer regardíng Myers: "I got the
ímpressíon he was probabíy Counterínteííígence. |ust by knowíng these parts. The
peopíe he mentíoned - the peopíe he knew - toíd me that he was probabíy ín the
C.I.C. (Counterínteííígence Corps) at one tíme."
|530|
Conetta Wííííamson, an ínvestígator for the Tennessee Attorney Generaí's offíce,
descríbed Myers ín court testímony as "a professíonaí and pathoíogícaí ííar."
|531|
Myers aíso wrote a píece about Federaí Grand |uror Hoppy Heídeíberg, the oníy
grand |uror who dared questíon the government's ííne. In fact, Heídeíberg never
consented to be íntervíewed by Myers, who had obtaíned the content of a
prívííeged attorney/cííent íntervíew of Heídeíberg surreptítíousíy. The ínformatíon
was then crafted ínto an "íntervíew" and pubííshed ín Media $y*ass, uítímateíy
resuítíng ín Heídeíberg's dísmíssaí from the grand |ury.
It seemed that Myers, usíng Media $y*ass as a cover, had managed to put a
government whístíe-bíower ín |aíí, díscredít a federaí ínformant who had
embarrassíng ínformatíon ímpíícatíng the government ín the bombíng, and cause
the dísmíssaí of a troubíesome grand |uror.
156
If the feds were so íntent on díscredítíng theír own ínformant, why had they
granted hím a Letter of Immuníty? Not oníy díd Soíano grant Gagan ímmuníty, but
the ínformant had retaíned ít for a fuíí 17 months. If Gagan was actuaííy
íncompetent, why dídn't Soíano revoke the ímmuníty ínstead of íettíng Gagan
contínue workíng wíth terrorísts?
"It doesn't make much sense does ít?" saíd Gagan.
|532|
It appears that the |ustíce Department had granted Cary Gagan ímmuníty so they
wouídn't íook bad. After aíí, Gagan had aíready ínformed Dave Fíoyd at the U.S.
Marshaís offíce ín September about the meetíng wíth Omar and Ahmed.
The cat was out of the bag.
Gagan beííeves he was granted the Letter of Immuníty as part of a more síníster
scheme - a pían to aííow hím to proceed wíth the bombíng píot unhíndered - at
whích poínt the Letter of Immuníty was revoked.
"What íf at that tíme I was toíd to go ín and get ímmuníty by the terrorísts, and
somebody workíng wíth the terrorísts. ííke the U.S. Government?" saíd Gagan. "I
can't get prosecuted, can I? |The terrorísts| knew that they wouíd gíve me a Letter
of Immuníty and they knew that the FBI wouíd cut me íoose. So what's that enabíe
them to do? If there needs to be somethíng moved, and I'm the one that's movíng
ít, I can't be prosecuted. I can hauí as much shít as I want, and I have ímmuníty, as
íong as I caíí the FBI, and íet them know."
As a Fíorída poííce detectíve who's ínvestígated connectíons between Arab-
Amerícans, the PLO, and the Caíí Carteí toíd me, "Who has the best route for
gettíng somethíng across? Drug deaíers."
|533|
Was Cary Gagan part of some síníster píot by the feds? Or was he mereíy used as a
"muíe," aííowíng the terrorísts to move money, drugs, and expíosíves whííe another
government agent monítored the sítuatíon from wíthín? Perhaps the new man from
Okíahoma Cíty who appeared on the scene ín March?
Was Cary Gagan a "throwaway?"
Recaíí that Gagan had transported a duffeí-bag fíííed wíth C-4 and cocaíne, and
had dríven a truck íaden wíth expíosíves across the state at the behest of hís
terroríst fríends. He cíaíms the FBI díd nothíng to stop hím.
"You got to understand somethíng here," saíd Gagan. "Federaí íaw *rohi+its me
from doíng what I was doíng. You cannot go out as an ínformant - I'm not an
agent - I cannot take drugs and expíosíves from poínt A to poínt B.."
Yet ít seems that permíttíng the ínformant to commít such íííegaí acts wouíd focus
more ííght on the government's roíe - whether ít ínvoíved foreknowíedge or an
157
actuaí conspíracy - as Gagan began to go pubííc wíth hís story. But Gagan, who
beííeves he was scheduíed to be "termínated" after the bombíng, dísagrees. The
ínformant díspíayed medícaí records showíng that he was badíy beaten, and cíaíms
to have been the víctím of a dríve-by shootíng.
|534|
Whatever the case, ít ís ínterestíng to note that authorítíes aííeged that the
bombíng conspíracy began ín September of 1994, the same month that Gagan
receíved hís Letter of Immuníty and began ínformíng the FBI.
On Apríí 10, four days after he deíívered the warníng íetter to Tína Rowe, Gagan
receíved a note ínstructíng hím to appear at the íaw ííbrary of the U.S. Courthouse.
"I |ust gave the U.S. Marshaís a bombíng warníng," saíd Gagan. "They dídn't caíí
me back. I had to go somewhere to cover my ass. I came back, I got a note sayíng,
'We need to see you; come to the U.S. Law Líbrary.' I thought ít was the U.S.
Marshaís or the FBI."
When Gagan arríved at the íaw ííbrary, he met hís contact: an "athíetíc íookíng
dude, 40s, short haír," dressed ín a bíue Níke cap and |umpsuít. "I get there and
say, 'Hey, you got the shít?' He saíd, 'Hey, we've got everythíng taken care of. We
need you to do thís..'"
The man was not one of Gagan's Arab fríends. "He was government," saíd Gagan.
"He was probabíy CIA."
The mysteríous fígure asked Gagan to dríve a traííer to |unctíon Cíty, Kansas. In the
traííer was the same Leíy míxer that Gagan had dríven to Goíden on |anuary 14.
Thís míxer - the one that was dríven to the Maríott at the behest of an Arab
terroríst - was now on íts way to |unctíon Cíty at the request of a government
agent!
The date was now Apríí 11, three days before Tímothy McVeígh checked ínto the
Dreamíand Moteí ín |unctíon Cíty. As prevíousíy mentíoned, Davíd Kíng, who was
stayíng at the Dreamíand, recaííed seeíng a Ryder truck wíth a traííer attached to ít
ín the parkíng íot on Apríí 17. The traííer contaíned a "squarísh ob|ect about three
or four feet hígh that came to a poínt on top," secured by a canvas tarp. Thís was
the exact descríptíon Gagan gave of the Leíy míxer.
|535|
On Apríí 13 Gagan drove to Okíahoma Cíty, he saíd, to case the Murrah Buíídíng.
Three days íater, Gagan says he drove a van from Denver to Trínídad, Coíorado,
that was pícked up by Omar and Ahmed.
Accordíng to Gagan, ít wasn't untíí three months after the bombíng, ín |uíy of '95,
that Las Vegas FBI Agent Dave Shepard agreed to meet hím. "We're síttíng ín the
car behínd the Sahara, and Shepard teíís me we're not ínterested ín pursuíng the
íead."
|536|*
158
That íead - was the two Arab suspects seen runníng from the Murrah Buíídíng
towards a íate modeí brown Chevy píck-up mínutes before the bíast - the same
suspects that the FBI had íssued an Aíí Poínts Buííetín (APB) for on Apríí 19:
".Míddíe-Eastern maíes 25-28 years of age, síx feet taíí, athíetíc buííd, Dark haír
and a beard - dark haír and a beard. Break."
|537|
"And these two Míddíe Eastern dudes that were seen runníng from the scene -
that's the same descríptíon I had gíven," saíd Gagan. "Gray ín the beard, you know
- Omar and Ahmed - to the FBI. on September 14."
Gagan had províded that ínformatíon to the FBI si# months +efore the bombíng.
After the bombíng, Gagan contacted Soíano and saíd, "Isn't that amazíng. You
know, these are the |same| two dudes.."
In a íetter to Gagan dated February 1, 1996, Soíano and Aíííson wrote:
Attempts by federaí íaw enforcement offícers to meaníngfuííy corroborate
ínformatíon you have aííeged to be true have been unsuccessfuí.... Therefore, the
ímmuníty granted by the íetter of September 14, 1994 ís hereby revoked..
You are warned that any statement you make whích wouíd íncrímínate you ín
íííegaí conduct, past, present or future can be used agaínst you. You are no íonger
protected by the ímmuníty granted by íetter on September 14, 1994.
Recaíí that after ATF ínformant Caroí Howe had reveaíed that her knowíedge of the
bombíng píot was reported to federaí authorítíes +efore Apríí 19, they tríed to
díscredít her, cíaímíng that she was "unstabíe," |ust as they had done wíth Gagan.
Whííe they revoked Gagan's Letter of Immuníty, they índícted Howe on spuríous
charges.
Howe aíso reported a subsequent bombíng píot by neo-Nazí actívísts, but, ííke
Gagan's warníngs both before and after the bombíng, she cíaímed her caíís weren't
returned.
|538|
Interestíngíy, Howe was aíso toíd by her ATF handíer, Angeía Fíníey-Graham, not to
report her ínformant payments, and was íed to beííeve that her debríefíngs were
not beíng taped when they were. Both are a víoíatíon of C.I. (Confídentíaí
Informant) procedures. Was thís a way to díscredít Howe ín case they needed to
dístance themseíves from her íater, as they attempted to do wíth Gagan?
One year íater, Gagan fííed a íawsuít aííegíng that numerous federaí offícíaís had
faííed to uphoíd theír agreement wíth hím; faííed to exercíse proper procedures ín
regards to the handííng of an ínformant; faííed to ínvestígate a terroríst conspíracy
agaínst the Amerícan peopíe; faííed to warn the pubííc; and faííed to properíy
ínvestígate the críme after ít occurred.
159
It ís not surprísíng that offícíaís wouídn't take Gagan's warníng seríousíy. On
December 5, 1988, a Paíestínían named Samra Mahayoun warned authorítíes ín
Heísínkí that a Pan Am 747 íeavíng Frankfort was to bombed wíthín two weeks.
|539|
Two weeks íater, on December 21, Pan Am fííght 103 was bíown out of the skíes by
a terroríst's bomb. Two hundred and fífty-níne peopíe píunged to theír deaths over
Lockerbíe, Scotíand, and 11 more díed on the ground.
State Department offícíaí Frank Moss íater caííed Mahayoun's warníng a "gouíísh
coíncídence." Mahayoun, they cíaímed, was |ust not credíbíe.
|540|*
Demonstratíng the íímíts of absurdíty the government wííí go to ín order to cover
up íts compíícíty and negíígence, the U.S. Marshaís Servíce was stííí ínsístíng -
after 169 peopíe íay dead ín Okíahoma - that Cary Gagan was stííí not credíbíe.
|541|*
Yet thís ís not the fírst tíme the government has ígnored víabíe warníngs. Príor to
the Woríd Trade Center bombíng, the FBI's paíd ínformant, Emad Eíí Saíem, had
penetrated Sheík Omar Abdeí-Rahman's |ama a Isíamíya and had warned the FBI of
theír píans. The agent ín charge of the case, |ohn Antícev, dísmíssed the former
Egyptían Army Coíoneí's warníngs, caíííng hím "unreííabíe." On February 26, 1993,
a íarge bomb detonated underneath the twín towers, kííííng síx peopíe and ín|uríng
1,000 more.
At the same tíme as "unreííabíe" peopíe ííke Cary Gagan were warníng federaí
authorítíes ín Denver about the pendíng attack, The Star 3ed%er, a Newark, New
|ersey newspaper, was reportíng:
U.S. íaw enforcement authorítíes have obtaíned ínformatíon that Isíamíc terrorísts
may be píanníng suícíde attacks agaínst federaí courthouses and government
ínstaííatíons ín the Uníted States.
The attacks, ít ís feared, wouíd be desígned to attract worídwíde press attentíon
through the murder of ínnocent víctíms. The Star 3ed%er has íearned that U.S. íaw
enforcement offícíaís have receíved a warníng that a "fatwa," a reíígíous ruííng
símííar to the death sentence targetíng author Saíman Rushdíe, has been íssued
agaínst federaí authorítíes as a resuít of an íncídent duríng the tríaí íast year of
four persons ín the bombíng on the Woríd Trade Center ín New York.
The díscíosure was made ín a confídentíaí memorandum íssued by the U.S.
Marshaís Servíce ín Washíngton caíííng for stepped-up securíty at federaí facííítíes
throughout the natíon..
Accordíng to the source, Iranían-supported extremísts have made ít cíear that
steps are beíng taken to stríke at the "Great Satan," a phrase that has been used
to descríbe the Uníted States.
160
Even more strenuous securíty precautíons are beíng taken ín New York, where 12
persons, íncíudíng the bíínd fundamentaííst Sheík Omar Abdeí-Rahman, are
currentíy on tríaí on charges of conspíríng to wage a war of urban terrorísm agaínst
the Uníted States by bíowíng up the Uníted Natíons, FBI headquarters and the
tunneís between New York and New |ersey.
The memo, íssued by Eduardo Gonzaíes, dírector of the 20S0 Marshals Serice,
warns that attacks may be desígned to "target as many víctíms as possíbíe and
draw as much medía coverage as possíbíe" to the fundamentaííst cause.
The terrorísts, possíbíe suícíde bombers, wííí not engage ín negotíatíons," the
memo warned, and saíd "once the press ís on the scene, the new píans caíí for
bíowíng everyone up.
|542|
If that íast statement ís true, ít couíd expíaín the presence of a box of expíosíves
found ín the Murrah Buíídíng wíth a tímer on ít set for ten mínutes after níne. The
ínítíaí bomb(s) bíew up at two mínutes after níne.
The U.S. Marshaí's Servíce - the federaí agency charged wíth the task of
protectíng federaí facííítíes - had cíear warníng from at íeast two dífferent
undercover ínformants. Why then was there no securíty at the Murrah Buíídíng on
Apríí 19?
It was aíso reported that the Israeíís, the Saudís, and the Kuwaítís aíí warned the
U.S. about an ímpendíng attack. Whatever the U.S. Marshaís Servíce feít about
Cary Gagan's warníng, Gonzaíes apparentíy feít hís other sources were reííabíe
enough to íssue a natíon-wíde aíert. Perhaps that memo, ííke the one íssued by the
FBI ín 1963 to íts fíeíd offíces warníng of an attempt on the íífe of Presídent
Kennedy, |ust "dísappeared."
/ Trail of Witnesses
On Apríí 19, Abraham Ahmed, a |ordanían, was detaíned by authorítíes as a
possíbíe bombíng suspect as he attempted to fíy from Okíahoma Cíty to Amman,
|ordan. Amerícan Aíríínes personneí observed Ahmed "actíng nervous," príor to hís
fííght, and notífíed securíty personneí, who ín turn notífíed the FBI.
Agents detaíned Ahmed ín Chícago, where the Okíahoma Cíty resídent expíaíned
that he was on hís way to hís father's weddíng, and was scheduíed to return to the
U.S. ín |uíy.
Yet Ahmed's story changes. He toíd reporters aíternateíy that he had gone back to
|ordan: a) for a weddíng, b) to buííd a house, c) to repíace the youngest son who
had moved out, and d) to attend to a famííy emergency.
161
After beíng questíoned for síx hours, the FBI aííowed Ahmed to contínue on hís
way. Yet he was detaíned ín London the foííowíng day, where he was questíoned
for another fíve hours, then handcuffed and put on the next píane back to the U.S.
In the meantíme, Ahmed's íuggage contínued on to Rome, where authorítíes
díscovered a suítcase fuíí of eíectroníc equípment, íncíudíng two car radíos, sííícon,
soíder, shíeíded and unshíeíded wíre, a smaíí tooí kít, and, íncredíbíy enough, a
photo aíbum wíth píctures of weapons and míssííes! Securíty sources at London's
Heathrow Aírport aíso saíd that a paír of bíue |oggíng suíts and a tímíng devíce was
found ín one of hís bags.
|543|
When asked what he was doíng wíth these ítems, Ahmed expíaíned that they were
for hís reíatíves ín |ordan, who couíd not obtaín good-quaííty eíectrícaí components.
Ahmed aíso had a bíue |oggíng suít símííar to what a Míddíe-Eastern suspect was
wearíng at the Murrah Buíídíng on the morníng of the bíast. Accordíng to an
account ín the 3ondon Tele%ra*h, Ahmed was reportedíy ín Okíahoma Cíty on
Wednesday - the day of the bombíng.
|544|
If Ahmed had been cíeared by U.S. authorítíes for the worst domestíc terroríst
attack ín U.S. hístory, why díd Brítísh authorítíes refuse to aííow hím ínto the
country? Díd they know somethíng the U.S. díd not?
The |ustíce Department's Carí Stern downpíayed the breakthrough sayíng oníy,
"There are a number of good, soííd íeads ín thís ínvestígatíon."
|545|
Yet ín FBI agent Henry Gíbbons' affídavít, specíaí mentíon was made of the ítems ín
Ahmed's suítcase, and hís coíncídentaí Apríí 19, 10:43 a.m. departure tíme, and
Gíbbons stated he consídered Ahmed's testímony ín front of the Federaí Grand |ury
vítaí.
One FBI source íntervíewed by KFOR's |ayna Davís admítted that he dídn't thínk
Ahmed was teíííng the truth on a poíygraph test. Yet Ahmed was símpíy aííowed to
go on hís way, and ííke so many other suspects and wítnesses, was never caííed
before the grand |ury.
Interestíngíy, the Míddíe Eastern communíty was apoíogízed to by Presídent
Cíínton. Thís ís very ínterestíng comíng from a presídent that faííed to apoíogíze to
Randy Weaver, the Branch Davídíans, and the thousands of peopíe wrongíy
accused, ímprísoned and murdered each year by U.S. íaw-enforcement personneí.
A possíbíe expíanatíon may be found ín the bombíng of Pan Am 103. In February of
1989, a príme suspect ín the case, |ordanían bomb maker Marwan Kreeshat,
admítted ín a statement províded by |ordanían ínteííígence that he had
manufactured at íeast fíve híghíy sophístícated, powerfuí bombs for PFLP-GC
(Popuíar Front for the Líberatíon of Paíestíne-Generaí Command) íeader Ahmed
|íbríí, by cíeveríy conceaííng them ín portabíe radíos - the same type whích
destroyed fííght 103. |ordanían ínteííígence offícíaís, who have maíntaíned a cíose,
162
íong-standíng reíatíonshíp wíth the CIA, admítted that the |ordanían natíonaí was
actuaííy an undercover agent, and was aíso an asset of U.S. ínteííígence.
|546|
Couíd thís expíaín why the FBI reíeased Ahmed?
|547|
Tayíor |esse Cíear, a retíred State Department Counter-Terrorísm expert who has
studíed the case, dísagrees wíth thís anaíysís. Cíear beííeves that Ahmed's
conspícuousíy tímed departure, compíete wíth nervous act and a suítcase fuíí of
eíectroníc gear, was a díversíon. "They wanted to ínocuíate the medía to the Arab
connectíon," expíaíned Cíear. Lettíng Ahmed get caught wíth a suítcase fuíí of that
stuff, then díscoveríng he was ínnocent, ínocuíated everybody to the Míddíe
Eastern connectíon. Then they couíd come back, beat theír chests, and say, 'íook
what you díd to the Arab communíty.'"
|548|*
Yet the brown Chevy píck-up seen speedíng away from the Murrah Buíídíng was
traced to an Okíahoma Cíty busíness run by a Paíestínían, wíth possíbíe PLO tíes.
That man. ís a good fríend of Abraham Ahmed's. Accordíng to a wítness who
worked for the Paíestínían, Ahmed was seen drívíng the píck-up ín the weeks
before the bombíng.
Numerous wítnesses aíso píace McVeígh ín Okíahoma Cíty ín the days before the
bombíng wíth a fríend of Ahmed's - an Iraqí - a man who bares a strong
resembíance to the mysteríous, stoíc passenger seen ín the Ryder truck by Míke
Moroz on the morníng of Apríí 19 at |ohnny's Tíre Store.
KFOR reporters Brad Edwards and |ayna Davís broke the story on |une 7, 1995 wíth
a seríes of íntervíews wíth wítnesses who saw McVeígh wíth the Iraqí, fírst ín a bar,
then ín a restaurant, then ín a pawn shop.
One of the wítnesses, a barmaíd at the Roadrunner Tavern on South May Avenue,
saw McVeígh buyíng beer for the man on Saturday, Apríí 15. "He was dark, kínd of
muscuíar, he had on a baíí cap," saíd the barmaíd. "He taíked ííke they do over ín
Iran or Iraq, or whatever duríng Desert Storm, when you wouíd hear the way they
taíked on TV."
When Davís asked her how sure she was that the man they had been trackíng was
the man she saw wíth McVeígh, she repííed, "I'm sure."
The tavern owner aíso saw the Iraqí a few days after the bombíng. He pícked hím
out from a group of photos. Whííe the Iraqí cíaímed he was never ín any bar on NW
10th Street, a co-worker íntervíewed by KFOR saíd he had drank wíth hím at a bar
on NW 10th and Indíana, and ín fact he was arrested for drívíng under the
ínfíuence around the corner, at NW 8th and Bíackwíeíder ín earíy |une.
|549|
In another íntervíew, three women who worked at a pawnshop stated that McVeígh
and two other men came ínto theír shop twíce: ".on Apríí 14 and agaín on Apríí
17, |ust two days before the bombíng."
163
"It had to have been McVeígh," saíd the pawn shop owner. "If ít was not McVeígh, ít
was hís twín brother."
"They spoke ín a foreígn íanguage," saíd one of the pawn shop empíoyees. "They
huddíed together and they aíí three spoke secretíveíy to one another, and ít was a
foreígn íanguage."
A restaurant owner down the street aíso remembered McVeígh and the Iraqí.
"|McVeígh acted| ííke a contractor comíng ín and buyíng hís hand íunch, that was
the ímpressíon I had," recaííed the propríetor.
As prevíousíy mentíoned, restaurant worker Phyííss Kíngsíey recaííed a Ryder truck
puíííng ínto the Hí Way Grííí at SW 104 and Portíand on Apríí 16. Accompanyíng the
truck was a whíte íong-bed Chevy píck-up, and a darker píck-up, possíbíy bíue or
brown. She recaíís Tímothy McVeígh stroíííng ín and orderíng two "trucker burgers"
and fríes to go. Accompanyíng McVeígh was a short, stocky man of about 5'2",
eíther Mexícan or Amerícan Indían (or Arabíc) descent, wíth bíack, curíy haír. She
saíd the man cíoseíy resembíed the FBI sketch of |ohn Doe 2, but wíth sííghtíy
thínner features. Kíngsíey recaííed that the man spoke bríefíy wíth McVeígh.
|550|
Waítress Línda Kuhíman descríbed hím as havíng straíghter haír and beíng sííghtíy
taííer. She descríbed hím as wearíng green army fatígue pants and a whíte t-shírt.
Kuhíman, who grew up around trucks and hot-rods, ís posítíve that one of the
trucks was a Chevy íong-bed, most ííkeíy an '87 modeí. When shown photos,
íncíudíng the Iraqí and Míchaeí Brescía, they came cíose to píckíng out the Iraqí,
but couíd not posítíveíy ídentífy eíther man. The passenger ín the Ryder truck, they
saíd, a man wíth íongísh wavy, permed-out brown or dírty bíond haír and gíasses,
never got out.
|551|
Dennís |ackson, a VA worker, recaííed seeíng two or three Arabíc men ín the
Murrah Buíídíng the foííowíng day, Apríí 17. "There was a dístínct aír about them,"
recaíís |ackson. "We were workíng íate that day, the offíce had cíosed, and they
were |ust kínd of hangíng around the Socíaí Securíty offíce. I thought that was kínd
of unusuaí. They míght have been there for Socíaí Securíty, but I hardíy thínk so."
|ackson's co-worker Craíg Freeman recaííed one of the men as a short, stocky
Arabíc man, about 5' 2'', 150 pounds, wearíng khakí mííítary styíe pants, combat
boots and a whíte T-shírt - the same combínatíon seen on the Míddíe Eastern
suspect descríbed by Línda Kuhíman.
In a bízarre twíst, a whíte Chevy píck-up showed up a Freeman's house severaí
days after the bombíng. Freeman recaíís a Caucasían íookíng man ín the truck,
whích was parked near hís house on two consecutíve days. "It was ríght before and
ríght after the FBI and OSBI (Okíahoma State Bureau of Investígatíon) came and
íntervíewed me," recaíís Freeman. "I couíd teíí thís guy was watchíng me because
164
when I waíked by, he sort of turned away and híd hís face. I'm a former Aír Force
Master Sergeant and a thírd degree bíack beít, and I'm traíned to be observant."
|552|
Couíd the man Freeman saw have been there to íntímídate hím?
The barmaíd at the Road Runner Tavern aíso toíd KFOR's Brad Edwards that after
her íntervíew aíred, the Iraqí puííed up by the open back door of the tavern and
stared menacíngíy at her. What ís ínterestíng ís that the Iraqí's Paíestínían boss
owns a whíte píck up truck - a Níssan, however, not a Chevy. Freeman and Línda
Kuhíman are posítíve the truck they saw was a Chevy.
Yet another wítness to a post-bombíng íncídent ínvoívíng the Paíestínían cíaímed
that he aíso was foííowed by the man, who was drívíng a whíte píck-up.
Back ín |unctíon Cíty, the manager of the Great Western Inn was watchíng TV wíth
two reporters when the sketch of |ohn Doe 2 fíashed on the screen. The manager
ímmedíateíy recognízed the man as the person who had stayed ín room 107 on
Apríí 17. "He spoke broken Engíísh," saíd the manager. "|He| gave a foreígn name
and was drívíng a Ryder truck."
The man's name wouíd never be reveaíed, however, because the FBI confíscated
the hoteí's íog book.
|553|
Severaí months íater, Newsweek reporter Lesííe |orgensen uncovered ínformatíon
that severaí men had stayed at the Radísson Inn ín Okíahoma Cíty the day before
the bombíng. The men were dressed ín Arab garb, but accordíng to an empíoyee,
were not Arabs. At the same tíme, phone caíís were píaced from the Radísson to
one of Tímothy McVeígh's fríends - a man ín Idaho assocíated wíth the Aryan
Repubíícan Army.
A few days earííer, across town, two men had checked ínto the Píaza Inn. They toíd
desk cíerk Tíffany Harper they were Spanísh vísítors from Mexíco. But Harper
thought they were Arabs because of the way they taíked.
Accordíng to empíoyee Ruby Foos, another man checked ínto the moteí a day or
two íater, went to hís room, then emerged wearíng fíowíng Arab robes. As far as
Foos couíd teíí, the man was not connected wíth the other two men.
|554|
Whííe ít may not be unusuaí for Arab-garbed índívíduaís to be ín Okíahoma due to
íts connectíon wíth the oíí índustry, Dougías Boyer, the securíty guard at the Píaza,
saíd a yeííow Ryder truck was parked out front. Aíí of the men checked out a day or
two before the bombíng.
Interestíngíy, two Míddíe Eastern men were spotted drívíng from Okíahoma Cíty to
Daíías ímmedíateíy after the bombíng. The men stopped to ask dírectíons from an
Okíahoma Híghway Patroíman. When the offícer ran theír píate, he díscovered that
ít dídn't match the vehícíe. The píate beíonged to a rented bíue Chevy Cavaííer,
165
whích was íater found at a moteí ín Okíahoma Cíty. The dríver of that vehícíe, Asad
R. Síddíqy, a cab dríver from Oueens, aíong wíth the other two men, Anís Síddíqy
and Mohammed Chafí, were taken ínto custody.
|555|
Whííe the men were uítímateíy questíoned and reíeased, a bíue Chevy Cavaííer
wouíd be spotted by a wítness ín downtown Okíahoma Cíty - aíong wíth a Ryder
truck, a yeííow Mercury, and a brown Chevy píck-up - the other vehícíes ín the
bombíng convoy.
On the morníng of the bíast, a woman was rídíng the eíevator ín the Murrah
buíídíng, when she notíced a young Arab man wearíng a backpack, hurríedíy
pushíng the buttons as íf tryíng to get off. As prevíousíy mentíoned, she foííowed
hím outsíde, not suspectíng anythíng was amíss. Moments íater, she was sent
sprawííng to the sídewaík as the buíídíng bíew up behínd her.
Gary Lewís, a pressman for the Journal Record newspaper, had |ust stepped
outsíde to smoke hís pípe when he remembered he had íeft somethíng ín hís car.
As he waíked down the aííey, a yeííow Mercury peeíed away from íts spot near the
Murrah Buíídíng, |umped a concrete barrícade, swerved to avoíd híttíng a
dumpster, then bore down on hím, forcíng hím up onto the curb. Lewís got a good
íook at the dríver, descríbíng hím as one Tímothy |ames McVeígh, and hís
passenger as resembííng the sketch of |ohn Doe 2. He saíd the car had an
Okíahoma tag whích was dangííng by one boít.
Severaí mínutes íater, Lewís was thrown to the fíoor as the Journal Record buíídíng
rocked wíth the ímpact of the bíast. As he pícked hímseíf up, another, more
powerfuí expíosíon sent hím sprawííng agaín. As he and hís feííow workers rushed
outsíde, he notíced a pecuííar síght: an Arab man standíng nearby, staríng at the
Federaí Buíídíng, grínníng from ear to ear.
"It unnerved me," saíd Lewís, who descríbed how the man seemed out of píace
among the throng of battered and bíoody peopíe. He seemed "enraptured."
As díscussed earííer, another wítness saw two men runníng from the area of the
Federaí Buíídíng toward a brown Chevy truck |ust príor to the bíast. The wítness
descríbed the two men as "maíes, of possíbíe Míddíe-Eastern descent,
approxímateíy síx feet taíí, wíth athíetíc buííds." One of the men was descríbed as
approxímateíy 25-28 years oíd, havíng dark haír and a beard. The second person
was descríbed as 35-38 years oíd, wíth dark haír and a dark beard wíth gray ín ít -
the same descríptíon Cary Gagan gave. He was descríbed as wearíng bíue |oggíng
pants, a bíack shírt, and a bíack |oggíng |acket. The wítness aíso descríbed a thírd
person ín the píck-up.
|556|
Was thís the same píck-up seen by Leonard Long and hís daughter? Long was
drívíng east on 5th Street at approxímateíy 8:00 a.m. when he was forced to
swerve out of the way by a erratícaííy-dríven brown píck-up wíth tínted wíndows.
As the truck puííed up aíongsíde, the passenger, a stocky, dark-skínned, dark-
166
haíred man began hurííng racíaí epíthets at the bíack coupíe. Long saíd the dríver
was a taíí, thín whíte man wíth sharp features, a descríptíon not unsímííar to that
gíven by |ames Línehan. The truck took the I-35 exít and headed south.
|557|
Approxímateíy 50 mínutes íater, as Margaret Hohmann and her fríend Ann Domín
were puíííng ínto a parkíng spot ín front of the Murrah Buíídíng, a brown píck-up
peeíed away from íts parkíng spot, burníng rubber as ít tore down 5th Street.
"Where's the cops when you need them?" Hohmann thought to herseíf.
|558|
A few bíocks away from the Murrah Buíídíng, Debra Burdíck and her daughter were
on the way to the doctor's offíce. As she stopped for a ííght at 10th and Robínson,
she notíced three vehícíes parked on the north síde of the street between a church
and a garage. One was a brown píck-up, one was a bíue Chevy Cavaííer, and the
other was a yeííow Mercury.
"I íooked across," saíd Burdíck, "and there was that ííght bíue car, ít had a whíte
ínteríor, and there were three men ín ít. They were dark, but they were not bíack.
I wouíd say they were Míddíe Easterners. There was a brown píck-up, but I couídn't
see ín (because of the tínted wíndows), and behínd ít was the yeííow car wíth the
cream top.
"Now, I notíced the three men ín the car, that guy síttíng ín the míddíe was kínd of
staríng out.. I saíd 'Huh, I wonder what they're íookíng at?' and as I turned
around, I saíd 'there's nothíng there but buíídíngs.'"
|559|
A few moments íater, the bomb(s) went off. Hohmann and Domín, who were ínsíde
one of the Murrah Buíídíng's restrooms, were sent crashíng to the fíoor. At the
same moment, Debra Burdíck and her daughter went skíddíng to the síde of the
road. When she íooked back, the three vehícíes were gone.
Fíve bíocks south of the Murrah Buíídíng, at Robínson and Maín, Kay H. had |ust
raced out of her offíce. As she stepped on to the merídían, she was nearíy run over
as the brown píck-up came careeníng around the corner. The near míss gave her
an opportuníty to get a good íook at the occupants.
"The dríver - I made eye contact wíth hím," recaííed Kay. "He íooked ííke he was
ín hís twentíes - íate twentíes. |He| had an angry íook on hís face. I'íí never forget
the íook on hís face. It |ust was fuíí of hate and anger. It reaííy struck me, because
everyone eíse - peopíe were comíng out and they íooked scared and confused,
and he |ust íooked fuíí of anger."
|560|
Kay recaííed that two of the three peopíe ín the truck were Míddíe-Easterners.
When she was shown photos, she pícked out the Iraqí - the same one seen wíth
McVeígh - as the dríver.
Davíd Sníder, the Brícktown worker who had spotted one of the Ryder trucks that
morníng, ran outsíde after the bomb went off, and saw the brown píck-up as ít fíew
167
past. "They were doíng about 60 mph," recaííed Sníder. "They turned north and
headed over the Waínut Street Brídge."
|561|
An aíí-poínts-buííetín (APB) was quíckíy put out on the píck-up:
2ispatcher: "Be on the íookout for a íate modeí aímost new Chevroíet fuíí-síze
píck-up - fuíí síze píckup brown píck-up. Wííí be brown ín coíor wíth tínted wíndows
- brown ín coíor wíth tínted wíndows. Smoke coíored bug defíector on the front of
píck-up."
".Míddíe-Eastern maíes 25-28 years of age, síx feet taíí, athíetíc buííd, Dark haír
and a beard - dark haír and a beard. Break."
Officer: "Ok, Is thís good ínformatíon, or do we not reaííy know?"
2ispatcher: "Authorízatíon FBI."
|562|
Strangeíy, the FBI canceíed the APB severaí hours íater, refusíng to say why and
demandíng that ít not be rebroadcast. When KPOC's Davíd Haíí asked the FBI why
they canceíed ít, they deníed ever puttíng ít out. But when Haíí píayed back hís
copy for the FBI man, he suddeníy had "no comment."
|563||564|
Soon after, Brad Edwards receíved a típ that the píck-up had been seen severaí
tímes before the bombíng at Sahara Propertíes (not íts reaí name), a reaí-estate
busíness ín northwest Okíahoma Cíty. The owner of Sahara Propertíes, an Israeíí-
born Paíestínían named Sam Khaííd (not hís reaí name), was the Iraqí's empíoyer.
|565|*
Not íong after KFOR's reports began aíríng, the Iraqí sued the statíon, then heíd a
press conference cíaímíng that he was not a suspect ín the bombíng, and that he
had a soííd aííbí for the morníng of Apríí 19. Hís name was Hussaín aí-Hussaíní, and
he was at work, he saíd, paíntíng a garage on NW 31 Street. Yet Aívín Devers, a
neíghbor íntervíewed by Davís, cíaímed no one was workíng on the house that day.
"I dídn't see anybody," saíd Devers. "I'd remember.."
In addítíon, Hussaíní's co-worker, Erníe Cranfíeíd, saíd Hussaíní's aííbí for the
morníng of Apríí 19 - a tíme sheet statíng he was at work at 8:08 a.m. - was
patentíy faíse. Cranfíeíd toíd Davís that Hussaíní was workíng at a dífferent house
+y :;7;; a0m., síx bíocks away, but wasn't there at 8:30 a.m.
"They was out there actíng ííke they was paíntíng on that garage aíí morníng,"
Cranfíeíd toíd me. "They dídn't know I was aíready there before.."
|566|
Moreover, accordíng to Cranfíeíd, Sahara Propertíes doesn't use tíme sheets: "They
use a tíme cíock. They started about fíve months ago - fíve, síx months ago. I've
seem them cíockíng ín every morníng." Davís íater íearned that Khaííd's daughter
Heather had concocted Hussaíní's "tíme sheet" at the request of her father.
|567|
168
Hussaíní aíso cíaímed that he worked a second |ob as at the Western Sízzíín
restaurant - as a |anítor, three days a week, from 10:00 p.m. to 8:00 a.m. -
whích wouíd have kept hím too busy to be at the Murrah Buíídíng on Apríí 19. Yet
when Davís checked wíth |eff |ohnston, the assístant manager, she was toíd
Hussaíní hadn't worked from Apríí 17 through Apríí 20.
Accordíng to Khaííd's secretary, none of Hussaíní's Iraqí co-workers, who started
workíng for Khaííd ín November, showed up on the 17th. Was ít mereíy coíncídentaí
that Craíg Freeman and Dennís |ackson saw a suspícíous group of Arab men ín the
Murrah Buíídíng on the afternoon of the 17th?
Interestíngíy, Hussaín aí-Hussaíní reappííed for hís |ob at the Western Sízzíín ín
May, then quít ín |une, sayíng that he dídn't need a |ob. Khaííd's secretary saíd that
Hussaíní aíso purchased a Cadíííac after the bombíng. Had he suddeníy come ínto
a íarge amount of money?
When KFOR shared theír evídence wíth the FBI, they downpíayed theír fíndíngs. FBI
spokesman Dan Vogeí saíd that eyewítness accounts are "notoríousíy ínaccurate.
Theír credíbíííty must be checked out, theír storíes corroborated."
Yet KFOR was abíe to corroborate theír story wíth at íeast eíght dífferent wítnesses.
They not oníy píaced McVeígh wíth Hussaíní ín at íeast three dífferent íocatíons ín
Okíahoma Cíty, they were abíe to trace the brown píck-up to the busíness where
Hussaíní worked - to a busínessman that had been ínvestígated by the FBI for PLO
tíes. They determíned that Hussaíní had a tattoo exactíy as descríbed by the FBI,
and that hís aííbí for the morníng of Apríí 19 was patentíy faíse.
Strangeíy, the FBI decíded to back up Hussaíní's story, teíííng KFOR that ít míght be
díffícuít to píace Hussaíní near the Murrah Buíídíng on the morníng of the 19th.
Apparentíy the government had not counted on a íocaí TV statíon stumbííng onto
Hussaíní. After KFOR's story broke, a ma|or damage controí apparatus went ínto
motíon. KWTV, KOCO, the "aily Oklahoman, and the Oklahoma ,a-ette aíí
rídícuíed KFOR's reportíng.
|568|
Interestíngíy, when Hussaíní appeared before TV cameras on |une 15 to díspeí the
"rumors" about hím, ít was Abraham Ahmed who appeared as hís ínterpreter!
The ,a-ette and KOCO aíso both cíaímed that Hussaíní couídn't speak Engíísh,
ímpíyíng that he couídn't have been taíkíng wíth McVeígh. Yet KFOR íearned that
he spoke broken Engíísh, and a poííce D.U.I. report índícated that he repííed ín
Engíísh when questíoned.
|569|
"The ínformatíon quoted on Channeí Four ís not true," FBI Agent |effrey |enkíns toíd
the "aily Oklahoman. Though |enkíns íater deníed sayíng that, he admíts that "he
crínged when he saw the KFOR report."
169
Perhaps |enkíns crínged when he saw Hussaíní on TV because the news statíon
had, quíte accídentaííy, uncovered the FBI's confídentíaí ínformant. Why eíse wouíd
the FBI act so patronízíng towards KFOR, who had cíearíy estabííshed a íínk
between Hussaíní and McVeígh?
The FBI wouídn't say íf they had checked out Hussaíní. Nor wouíd they cíear hím.
They toíd KFOR that they were "not ín the busíness of cíearíng suspects." Yet, as
|ayna Davís poínted out, they díd cíear numerous other |ohn Doe 2 suspects,
íncíudíng Robert |acks, Gary Land, and Todd Buntíng, the Army prívate seen at
Eíííott's Body Shop. Interestíngíy, they then used the Buntíng íncídent to say that
|ohn Doe 2 had been a red herríng aíí aíong. |ohn Doe 2, the FBI cíaímed, had
never exísted.
|570|
|ust why wouíd the FBI íssue a bíanket "no comment" on a suspect who was seen
by numerous wítnesses wíth Tímothy McVeígh, and was seen speedíng away from
the bombíng?
For hís part, Hussaíní cíaíms he was an offícer ín Iraq's eííte Repubíícan Guard, and
was ímprísoned for dístríbutíng antí-Saddam ííterature. Accordíng to the ,a-ette1s
account, he was reíeased after servíng eíght years of a 13-year sentence.
|571|
But the story changes. Accordíng to KWTV, he escaped duríng a príson uprísíng at
the end of the war, and after searchíng for hís famííy, he "ran to Amerícan soídíers
and asked for heíp." He was then ínterned ín a Saudí refugee camp, where he
spent the next four years, untíí he was reíocated to the U.S. ín 1995.
|572|
The probíem wíth thís story ís that U.S. forces dídn't get wíthín 200 mííes of
Baghdad, whích means that íf Hussaíní "ran to Amerícan soídíers," he wouíd have
had to run across severaí hundred mííes of open dessert.
Yet accordíng to hís boss, Sam Khaííd, Hussaíní was neer ín the Repubíícan Guard
at aíí. A Shííte Musíím, he was ímprísoned for hís antí-Saddam beííefs, and forced to
serve as cannon fodder on the front íínes, as the Repubíícan Guard wíthdrew.
|573|
Yet the story changes once agaín. Accordíng to Wííííam Northrop, Hussaíní served
ín the Hammurabí Dívísíon of the Repubíícan Guard, and "was captured by the
Amerícan 24th Mechanízed Infantry Dívísíon ín a fíght on Híghway 8, west of Basra,
a few days after the war ended." Northrop stated that the Iraqís encountered the
U.S. force, and, thínkíng ít was mereíy a probe, opened fíre. The Iraqís were badíy
beaten ín the ensuíng fírefíght, and Hussaíní was wounded. He cíaíms Hussaíní was
never ín an Iraqí príson.
|574|
If Hussaíní was tryíng to concoct a cover-story, he apparentíy wasn't doíng a very
good |ob.
|575|
Accordíng to Northrop:
Thís íad was no ordinary soldier. |He| came to the Uníted States around November
of 1991. He tríggered a "watch" on the Iraqí communíty ín Boston and shortíy
170
thereafter, moved to Okíahoma Cíty. I understand that he ís currentíy resídíng ín
Houston.
Northrop aíso states that "Ramzí Ahmed Yousef (The 'mastermínd' behínd the
Woríd Trade Center bombíng) served ín the Hammurabí Dívísíon of the Repubíícan
Guard duríng the Guíf War.."
|576|
Whííe ít ís not known how accurate thís ínformatíon ís, there ís evídence tyíng
Yousef - a Pakístaní Baíuchí born ín Kuwaít - to Iraqí ínteííígence. The Baíuch,
who are Sunní Mosíems, oppose the cíerícaí Shía regíme of Tehran, and had forged
cíose íínks wíth Iraqí ínteííígence duríng that country's 10-year war wíth Iran.
Accordíng to Dr. Myíroíe, Iraq used the Baíuch to carry out acts of terrorísm agaínst
Iran.
|577|
Aíías Abduí Basít Mahmud Abduí Karím, Yousef arríved ín the Uníted States
carryíng an Iraqí passport.
Both Yousef and hís partner ín the Woríd Trade Center bombíng, Ahmed A|a|,
worked for Edwards Pípeííne Testíng and Technícaí Weídíng Laboratoríes ín
Houston, whose CEO ís Maunaí Bha|at, a cíose assocíate of Ishan Barboutí - an
ínternatíonaí Iraqí arms deaíer who buíít Líbya's chemícaí weapons píant at Ràbta.
Barboutí's son Haídar (ííke Hussaíní) aíso ííves ín Houston. Accordíng to Louís
Champon, who went ínto busíness wíth Haídar, "Haídar Barboutí ís an Iraqí
agent."
|578|
It was Barboutí who fínanced Champon's Product Ingredíent Technoíogy through
hís son Haídar. Wackenhut (a company wíth íong-standíng tíes to the FBI and CIA)
províded the securíty. Accordíng to Champon, Barboutí (wíth perhaps a ííttíe heíp
from the secretíve and mysteríous Wackenhut) secretíy draíned thousands of
gaííons of ferrocyaníde - a naturaííy occurríng Cherry extract used to make
cyaníde gas - from Champon's píant.
Barboutí's abíííty to procure U.S. weapons technoíogy for saíe to Líbya and Iraq
wasn't exactíy híndered by U.S. offícíaís. Whííe the Bush admínístratíon was
pubíícíy decryíng Husseín's use of chemícaí weapons on the Kurds, the potassíum
ferrocyaníde was shípped to Iraq to manufacture chemícaí weapons for Iraq's
army, wíth the fuíí knowíedge and compíícíty of the Bush admínístratíon.
Saíd Champon, "Not one U.S. agent - not one offícíaí, ever questíoned Haídar
Barboutí - for evasíon of taxes, where he got hís money from, hís ínvoívement.
ín shíppíng cyaníde outsíde the P.I.T. píant. nothíng. I was toíd - and thís ís a
quote from U.S. Customs |agent Martín Schram| - "Thís matter ís híghíy poíítícaí.
Haídar Barboutí cannot be índícted, and íf he were, he wouíd never be
convícted."
|579|
The key that aííowed the Iraqí "busínessman" (Barboutí doesn't ííke to be caííed an
arms deaíer) to ínterface wíth the CIA was one Ríchard V. Secord, an íntegraí
171
píayer ín the Iran-Contra arms-for-drugs network. Secord, ít shouíd be noted, was
aíso a busíness partner of Vang Pao, the Laotían Generaí who ran a heroín
smuggíng ríng out of Long Tíen Aírbase duríng the Víetnam War, and Monzer aí-
Kassar, the Syrían arms and drugs deaíer who was ínvoíved ín the Pan Am 103
bombíng - another críme that was successfuííy covered up by the CIA and the FBI.
Accordíng to Ríchard Babayan, a former CIA contract empíoyee, "Barboutí was
píaced ín the hands of Secord by the CIA, and Secord caííed ín Wackenhut to
handíe securíty and traveí for Barboutí and hís export píans."
|580|
Míke |ohnston, the attorney who sued Barboutí on behaíf of TK-7, an Okíahoma Cíty
company, ran ínto the same sort of stonewaíííng by the |ustíce Department. As
|ohnston was toíd by the federaí team ínvestígatíng thís ííttíe corner of Iraqgate,
"Mr. |ohnston, you don't understand, we have to íímít the ob|ectíve of the
ínvestígatíon so we can get on wíth the busíness of runníng the government."
"Goíng ínto the ínvestígatíon. was a dísguísed whítewash," |ohnston íater toíd me,
echoíng what U.S. Customs agent Martín Schram toíd Louís Champon.
Former CIA asset Charíes Hayes saíd the CIA-connected Wackenhut was heípíng
Barboutí shíp chemícaís to Iraq, "Suppíyíng Iraq was orígínaííy a good ídea," he
maíntaíns, "but then ít got out of hand."
|581|
Saíd Champon, "I can assure you, that íf drums of cyaníde íeft our píant, Dr.
Barboutí had hís reasons, eíther to be used agaínst Amerícan troops or terroríst
acts agaínst the Uníted States at home."
|582|
Cyaníde ís a necessary íngredíent ín
the deveíopment of nerve gas. One thousand grams of cyaníde íater wound up ín
the Woríd Trade Center bomb, constructed by Iraqí agent Ramzí Yousef.
Yousef's partner, Ahmed A|a|, a member of the Egyptían-based Aí-Gama'a aí-
Isíamíya, ííved ín Texas. A Texas hamburger stand was reportedíy used to reíay
teíephone caíís between the Woríd Trade Center bombers as a means of avoídíng
detectíon. It was owned by some Paíestínían fríends of A|a|, and Yousef and A|a|
used the number for conference caíís whííe A|a| was ín príson.
The records may aíso índícate a tíe between A|a| and Hussaíní's boss, Sam Khaííd.
Records obtaíned duríng TK-7's cívíí suít agaínst Ishan Barboutí show a phone caíí
to one of Khaííd's propertíes ín Houston. The person who made caíí was Ahmed
A|a|.
|583|
Yet Barboutí wasn't |ust tryíng to procure materíaí and technoíogy from U.S.
companíes on behaíf of Iraq. Barboutí aíso buíít the bunkers used to house Saddam
Husseín's Míg |et fíghters duríng Desert Storm. It was duríng TK-7's suít agaínst
Barboutí that the Amerícans íearned of these bunkers. Barboutí's London head of
Securíty, Tony Davísson, decíded to seíí the Amerícans the bíueprínts. It ísn't cíear
whether Davísson had a faíííng out wíth Barboutí, or was símpíy beíng patríotíc.
The poínt may be moot, as Barboutí was apparentíy dead. The Iraqí arms deaíer
172
díed (or faked hís death) around the same tíme the Israeíí Mossad knocked off hís
contemporary, Geraíd Buíí, the deveíoper of the ííí-fated Iraqí "Super-Gun."
|584|
Davísson caííed TK-7's attorney, Míke |ohnston, who fíew to London, where he
purchased the píans for $2,700, and promptíy turned them over to the CIA. Wíth
the píans for Saddam's underground bunkers, the U.S. Aírforce was abíe to
practícaííy wípe out Iraq's entíre fíeet of Míg fíghter |ets at the start of the war.
Thís dídn't exactíy make Saddam happy. In the paríance of the Arab woríd, thís
equated to pay-back tíme. If Husseín thought Barboutí was responsíbíe for the
destructíon of hís aír force, he may have ínsísted the arms deaíer cooperate ín an
act of revenge agaínst the Uníted States.
Yet the destructíon of the Husseín's aír force wasn't the oníy motíve Iraq had for
seekíng revenge agaínst the U.S. Whííe Amerícans were busy tyíng yeííow ríbbons
on theír front porches for our boys ín the Guíf, these same brave boys were
síaughteríng enemy soídíers and heípíess cívíííans by the thousands. As reported
by Míke Eríích of the Mííítary Counseííng Network at the March-Apríí, 1991
European Parííament hearíngs on the Guíf War:
.hundreds, possíbíy thousands, of Iraqí soídíers began waíkíng toward the U.S.
posítíon unarmed, wíth theír arms raísed ín an attempt to surrender. However, the
orders for thís unít were not to take any prísoners.
The commander of the unít began the fíríng by shootíng an antí-tank míssííe
through one of the Iraqí soídíers. Thís ís a míssííe desígned to destroy tanks, but ít
was used agaínst one man.
At that poínt, everybody ín the unít began shootíng. Ouíte símpíy, ít was a
síaughter.
|585|
The government-controííed sanítízed medía campaígn beamed ínto our íívíng
rooms, repíete wíth scenes of hígh-tech "smart-bombs" whístííng through the
wíndows of enemy command centers, mereíy beííed the terríbíe and deííberate
carnage ínfíícted upon thousands of heípíess cívíííans.
On February 13, 1991, a U.S. Aír Force Steaíth Bomber dropped two 1,000-pound,
íaser-guíded bombs onto the roof of the Aí-Amíra aír raíd sheíter ín Baghdad. Two
hundred and nínety four peopíe - mostíy women and chíídren - díed ín what the
U.S. mííítary caííed a "mííítary surgícaí stríke."
Accordíng to Wííííam Bíum, author of 4illin% 8o*e7 20S0 Military and !(A
(nterentions Since World War ((, the bombíng of the Aí-Amíra aír raíd sheíter
wasn't accídentaí, ít was deííberate:
The Uníted States saíd ít thought that the sheíter was for VIPs, whích ít had been at
one tíme, and cíaímed that ít was aíso beíng used as a mííítary communícatíons
173
center, but neíghborhood resídents ínsísted that the constant aeríaí surveíííance
overhead had to observe the daííy fíow of women and chíídren ínto the sheíter.
Western reporters saíd they couíd fínd no sígns of mííítary use.
|586|
An Amerícan |ournaííst ín |ordan who víewed unedíted vídeotape footage of the
dísaster, whích the Amerícan pubííc never saw, wrote:
They showed scenes of íncredíbíe carnage. Nearíy aíí the bodíes were charred ínto
bíackness; ín some cases the heat had been so great that entíre íímbs were burned
off.. Rescue workers coííapsed ín gríef, droppíng corpses; some rescuers vomíted
from the stench of the stííí-smoíderíng bodíes.
|587|
Saíd Whíte House spokesman Maríín Fítzwater after the bombíng of the sheíter: It
was "a mííítary target. We don't know why cívíííans were at thís íocatíon, but we
do know that Saddam Husseín does not share our vaíue for the sanctíty of íífe."
|588|
Thís so-caííed "vaíue for the sanctíty for íífe" shown by Amerícan forces and íauded
by the Bush admínístratíon, íncíuded not oníy attacks such as the one at Aí-Amíra,
but the bombíng and strafíng of unarmed cívíííans who tríed to fíee to the
|ordanían border.
Buses, taxís, and prívate cars were repeatedíy assauíted, ííteraííy wíthout mercy,
by rockets, cíuster bombs and machíne guns; usuaííy ín broad dayííght, the targets
cíearíy cívííían, wíth íuggage pííed on top, wíth no mííítary vehícíes or structures
anywhere to be seen, surrounded by open desert, the attackíng píanes fíyíng
extremeíy cíose to the ground. busíoads of passengers íncínerated, and when
peopíe íeft the vehícíes and fíed for theír ííves, píanes often swooped down upon
them fíríng away..
"You're kííííng us!" críed a |ordanían taxí dríver to an Amerícan reporter. "You're
shootíng us everywhere we move! Whenever they see a car or truck, the píanes
díve out of the sky and chase us. They don't care who we are or what we are. They
|ust shoot." Hís cry was repeated by hundreds of others...
|589|
Míke Ange, a GI from North Caroíína, descríbed the carnage:
I actuaííy went up cíose and examíned two of the vehícíes that basícaííy íooked ííke
refugees maybe tryíng to get out of the area. You know, you had ííke a ííttíe Toyota
píck-up truck that was íoaded down wíth the furníture and the suítcases and rugs
and the pet cat and that type of thíng, aíí over the back of the thís truck, and those
trucks were taken out |ust ííke the mííítary vehícíes.
|590|
"The U.S. mííítary consíders the murderíng of our chíídren nothíng more than
'coííateraí damage," saíd Aí Kaíssy, an ínformatíon offícer at the Iraqí Interests
sectíon of the Aígerían Embassy ín Washíngton. "They have never apoíogízed or
even admítted theír místake."
|591|
174
At the same tíme, the Amerícan pubííc, fed a daííy dose of propaganda generated
ín Pentagon medía bríefíng rooms, couíd not understand how terrorísts couíd bomb
a cívííían buíídíng ín the heartíand of Ameríca.
Whííe the estímate of Iraqí forces kíííed runs as hígh as 250,000, the actuaí number
of Iraqís kíííed, íncíudíng cívíííans, runs much hígher. Amerícan píanes deííberateíy
destroyed Iraq's power píants, íts sewage systems, and íts hospítaís. The economíc
embargo severeíy compounded the sítuatíon, forcíng an entíre popuíatíon to
struggíe amídst massíve epídemícs of starvatíon and dísease. Theír ínfrastructure
decímated, wíthout sanítatíon, food and medícaí suppííes, hundreds of thousands
of cívíííans suffered horríbíe, ííngeríng deaths - aíí caused by the U.S. mííítary, the
greed of Bíg Oíí, and theír íífe-íong fríend, George Herbert Waíker Bush.
The peopíe of Baghdad have turned the rubbíe of the Aí-Amíra aír raíd sheíter ínto
a shríne, compíete wíth mementos and píctures of the chíídren who períshed.
In Okíahoma Cíty, víctíms píaced mementos of theír dead reíatíves on a chaín-íínk
fence surroundíng the remaíns of the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng and asked, "Who
couíd do such a thíng? Who couíd kííí ínnocent cívíííans?"
Whííe the Woríd Trade Center and Okíahoma Cíty bombíngs may have been the
resuít of Iraqí revenge, what uítímateíy íay behínd the New York and Daharan
bombíngs appeared to stem from a broader-based aíííance of Isíamíc mííítants
from Iraq, Iran, Syría, Saudí Arabía, Pakístan, and other countríes commítted to the
expuísíon of U.S. troops from the regíon and an aíí-out attack on the "Great
Satan."
|592|
It has been reported that groups rangíng from the Paíestínían-based Isíamíc |íhad,
Hamas, the Sudanese Natíonaí Isíamíc Front, the Pakístan-based aí-Fuqra, and
groups funded by Saudí Arabían Osama bín-Laden were ínvoíved ín the Woríd
Trade Center bombíng and reíated píots.
In fact, as earíy as 1990, Woríd Trade Center conspírators Eí-Sayyíd Nossaír,
Mahmud Abouhaííma, and aí-Fuqra member Cíement Rodney Hampton-Eí (an
Amerícan Bíack Musíím) had met ín New York Cíty wíth Sheík Abd-aí-Azíz Awadah,
who ís aííeged to have been a seníor commander engaged ín the coordínatíon of
terroríst operatíons wíth Iranían, Paíestanían, and Hízboííah íeaders.
|593|
Such aíííances were aíso refíected ín a ma|or terroríst conference heíd ín Tehran ín
1993, where ít was decíded the terrorísts' war agaínst the U.S. wouíd íncíude
"targetíng buíídíngs for bomb spectacuíars."
|594|
Another ma|or terroríst conference was heíd ín Tehran on |une 20-23, 1996, duríng
whích ít was announced that there wouíd be íncreased attacks agaínst U.S.
ínterests. Two days íater, on |une 25, the mííítary housíng compíex ín Dhahran,
Saudí Arabía, was bombed, cíaímíng the ííves of 19 servícemen. The Movement for
175
Isíamíc Change, whích had aíready cíaímed credít for the Ríyadh bombíng, took
credít.
Thís was foííowed by another terroríst conference at the Northwest Frontíer
Provínce town of Koníí, near the Afghaní border ín Pakístan on |uíy 10-15, 1996.
The meetíng saw some of the most ímportant mííítant Isíamíc íeaders come
together under one tent. They íncíuded Osama bín Ladín, a Saudí Arabían who
funded the Mu|ahadeen, was ímpíícated ín the Ríyadh and Dhahran bombíngs, and
was a cíose assocíate of Sheík Omar Abdeí Rahman, Ahmed |íbríí of the PFLP-GC
(who carríed out the Pan Am 103 bombíng on orders from Teheran), Abduí Rasuí
Sayyaf, a seníor representatíve of Iranían ínteííígence, seníor Pakístaní ínteííígence
offícers, and seníor commanders of Hamas, HízbAííah, and other groups. Aíí
resoíved to use whatever force was necessary to oust aíí foreígn forces statíoned
on Isíamíc hoíy íand.
|595|
One Arab observer wíth dírect knowíedge of the conference saíd the partícípants'
resoíutíon was "a vírtuaí decíaratíon of reíentíess war" on the U.S.-íed West.
|596|
A
gíímpse of that conference can be seen ín "efense and Forei%n Affairs7
Rasuí Sayyaf stated that "the tíme to settíe accounts has arríved." The seníor
representatíve of Iranían ínteííígence decíared that "attack ís the best means of
defense." He urged a combíned offensíve, both ín the Musíím woríd, partícuíaríy
the Persían Guíf and Arabían Penínsuía, and at the heart of the West. He repeated
Iran's commítment to the cause and reíterated Tehran's wííííngness to províde the
Isíamísts wíth aíí possíbíe aíd.
Another commander concurred, addíng that "there ís an ímperatíve need for an
íntegrated pían to deaí a fataí bíow to the ínternatíonaí forces of arrogance." A UK-
based commander from a Persían Guíf state stressed that gíven the ímmense
strategíc ímportance of the Persían Guíf to the U.S. and íts aíííes, the oníy way to
compeí the West to wíthdraw was through the ínfííctíon of so much paín on these
countríes, that theír governments wouíd fínd ít ímpossíbíe to toíerate the pubííc
outcry and be compeííed to wíthdraw as the oníy way to stop the Isíamíst terrorísm
at home.
|597|
On |uíy 16, one day after the Koníí conference, the U.S. Senate passed sanctíons
agaínst Iran and Líbya. Wíth theír contínued sanctíons agaínst the ínnocent
cívíííans of Iraq, and now Iran, the U.S. was buíídíng to a confrontatíon wíth the
mííítant Isíamíc communíty. As Ronaíd W. Lewís wrote ín the November, 1996
edítíon of Air Forces Monthly7
On the foííowíng day (after the Koníí conference), |uíy 17, the Movement for Isíamíc
Change sent a chííííng fax to the London-based Arab newspaper al-8ayat, warníng:
"The woríd wííí be astoníshed and amazed at the tíme and píace chosen by the
Mu|ahadeen. The Mu|ahadeen wííí deííver the harshest repíy to the threats of the
fooíísh Amerícan presídent. Everyone wííí be surprísed by the voíume, choíce of
píace and tímíng of the Mu|ahadeen's answer, and ínvaders must prepare to depart
176
aííve or dead, for theír tíme ís morníng and morníng ís near." That fax, and a
warníng by Israeíí ínteííígence that Iran was ííkeíy to íaunch an attack agaínst a
U.S. aírcraft, were ígnored.
At 8:31:10 p.m. (0031:10 GMT) that eveníng, nobody couíd dísmíss the horrendous
expíosíon of TWA Fííght 800 off the coast of Long Isíand, New York. Attack number
three had |ust been carríed out.
|598|
That excerpt appeared ín a U.S. mííítary newspaper. But Lewís wasn't the oníy
observer cognízant of these facts. As Dr. Lauríe Myíroíe noted regardíng the |uíy 17
attack on TWA fííght 800, ít occurred precíseíy on Iraqí natíonaí day. The day of the
bombíng, Saddam Husseín had made hís own threats, teíííng the U.S. that they
wouíd be unabíe to avoíd "the sweepíng fíood and fíamíng fíre that ís burníng
under theír feet.."
|599|
The bombíng of the Woríd Trade Center occurred on the second anníversary of
Iraq's surrender to coaíítíon forces ín the Guíf.
Whííe reports from the State Department and such ínstítutíons as the Herítage
Foundatíon decry the use of Arab state-sponsored terrorísm agaínst the West, the
truth ís that the West - and especíaííy the U.S. - has been exportíng terrorísm ín
the form of economíc sanctíons, assassínatíons, coups, death-squads, and
covert/overt wars ín aímost every part of the woríd sínce the begínníng of the
century.
|600|
To the Musíím woríd, and especíaííy terroríst groups such as the PLO, Isíamíc |íhad,
Hízboííah, and Hamas, the U.S. assauít on íts aííy Iraq represented a turníng poínt
ín Isíam's struggíe agaínst the West. The Guíf War marked the fírst tíme the Uníted
States had used an aíí-out, fuíí-scaíe mííítary assauít on an Arab country, wíth
devastatíng resuíts.
Under the ínfíuence of reíígíous fígures such as Sheík Omar Rahman, the
Mu|ahadeen (the Afghaní freedom fíghters who had been traíned by the CIA) and
theír aíííes became staunch opponents of the Uníted States. Thousands of Musííms
from aímost 40 countríes fíocked to Afghanístan and Pakístan duríng the war, and
thousands remaín there, traíníng for the day when Isíam wííí ríse up ín íts fínaí
great |íhad agaínst the West.
|601|
To these groups, the Guíf War marked the sígnaí for a new escaíatíon ín theír war
agaínst the U.S. The bombíng of the Woríd Trade Center, the Federaí Buíídíng ín
Okíahoma, the Aí-Khubar mííítary compíex ín Daharan, and possíbíy the shootdown
of TWA 800, were aíí expressíons of thís rage agaínst the Uníted States.
On |anuary 25, 1993, íess than one month before the Woríd Trade Center attack,
Mír Aímaí Kansí, a Pakístaní, vented hís rage by openíng fíre wíth an AK-47 outsíde
CIA headquarters ín Langíey, Vírgínía. Two CIA empíoyees were kíííed and three
others were wounded. Líke Ramzí Yousef, Kansí was a natíve Baíuchí. He was
177
ínvoíved wíth the Pashtun Students Organízatíon, the student wíng of Mahmood
Khan Achakzaí's Pakhtoon Khwa Awamí Míííí Party, whích cíaímed the CIA's sudden
puíí-out of Afghanístan resuíted ín mííííons of deaths at the hands of the Sovíets.
Kansí cíaímed the CIA had betrayed hís father.
|602|
Yousef hímseíf spent consíderabíe tíme ín Baíuchístan. Located ín western
Pakístan, Baíuchístan ís a nexus for the Musíím |íhad, and a ma|or arms and drug
network. Pakístan has served not oníy as a traíníng center for the Mu|ahadeen, but
a haven for Phíííppíne terroríst groups such as Abu Sayyaf and the Moro Líberatíon
Front, who have used the free-fíowíng Pakístaní arms and drugs nexus ín an effort
to promote and fínance theír actívítíes.
|603|
Support ín the form of arms and drugs fíowed from Pakístan and Afghanístan to
mííítant Isíamíc groups around the woríd, aíded by the CIA, rogue ínteííígence
offícers, and seníor U.S. offícíaís ín for theír píece of the actíon - |ust as Oííver
North's "Enterpríse" wouíd do wíth the Contras ín Nícaragua. In fact, many of the
same índívíduaís were ínvoíved.
Yousef next showed up ín the Phíííppínes wíth a Líbyan míssíonary named
Mohaímen abu Bakr, íeader of the Líbyan Muííah Forces. It was there that he |oíned
forces wíth an Afghaní named Waíí Khan Amín Shah and hís oíd fríend from Kuwaít,
Abduí Hakím Murad. They were there to traín the Abu Sayyaf.
Headquartered on the Phíííppíne ísíand of Míndanao, the 400-member strong Abu
Sayyaf has conducted over 10 ma|or terroríst attacks ín the íast síx years ín íts bíd
for autonomy, and ís strongíy aíííed wíth other Isíamíc revoíutíonary groups, such
the Phíííppíne-based Moro Líberatíon Front. Abu Sayyaf's fundíng and support
comes from hígh-profííe Isíamíc íeaders such as Líbyan Presídent Muammar
Oaddafí, and weaíthy Isíamíc fínancíers such as Taríq |ana, a Pakístaní
busínessman, and Osama bín Laden.
Consídered by the State Department to be one of the woríd's preemínent sponsors
of Isíamíc radícaíísm, bín Laden's threats to wage |íhad on Amerícans ín the Míddíe
East ímmedíateíy preceded the November, 1995 bíast at a U.S. mííítary facíííty ín
Ríyadh, Saudí Arabía, ín whích fíve Amerícans and two Indíans were kíííed. Eíght
months íater, a massíve truck-bomb kíííed 19 servícemen and ín|ured 400 at
Dhahran.
In a March, 1997 íntervíew wíth the 3ondon (nde*endent from hís Afghaní hídeout,
bín Laden warned of addítíonaí measures agaínst U.S. forces ín Saudí Arabía, and
saíd he had obtaíned the support of thousands of Pakístanís.
|604|
Readers wííí aíso recaíí that Generaí Wafíq aí-Sammara'í, the former head of Iraqí
mííítary ínteííígence, toíd the 3ondon (nde*endent a year earííer that the 1996
Dhahran bombíng "strongíy resembíed píans drawn up by a secret Iraqí commíttee
on whích he served after the ínvasíon of Kuwaít.."
|605|
178
Not surprísíngíy, ín February of 1995, U.S. authorítíes named bín Laden and hís
brother-ín-íaw, Mohammad |amaí Khaíífa among 172 uníndícted co-conspírators ín
the Woríd Trade Center bombíng and reíated píots to bíow up New York Cíty
íandmarks, íncíudíng the |avítz Federaí Buíídíng and the Uníted Natíons. Those
píots were strongíy íínked to Iraq.
|606|
Khaíífa aíso ran an Isíamíc center ín the Phíííppínes íínked to símííar organízatíons
ín countríes such as Iraq and |ordan. Gíven Abu Sayyaf's cíose tíes wíth bín Laden,
Khaíífa, and theír connectíons wíth the Mu|ahadeen, ít ís oníy naturaí that Ramzí
Yousef, a Pakístaní who ís consídered an Iraqí agent, wouíd be ínvoíved wíth the
group.
Abu Sayyaf's former mííítary strategíst, Edwín Angeíes, who surrendered to
Phíííppíne authorítíes ín February of '96, admítted that the Abu Sayyaf was ín fact
íínked to Yousef and Murad - both of whom recentíy went on tríaí ín New York for
theír roíe ín "Pro|ect Bo|ínka" - a dramatíc pían to bíow up 12 U.S. aírííners ín a
síngíe day. The píot was foííed when poííce raíded Yousef's Maníía apartment on
|anuary 6, 1995, after a fíre caused by the paír míxíng bomb-makíng chemícaís ín a
sínk. Whííe Murad was captured, Yousef escaped, makíng hís way to Pakístan,
where he was captured by poííce ín February.
|607|
Níne of hís accompííces - síx of them Iraqís - were rounded up one year íater
aíong wíth píastíc expíosíves, bíastíng caps, detonatíng cords, tíme fuses, and fake
passports. The terrorísts, íncíudíng a Sudanese and two Saudís, were part of a píot
to bomb varíous Western targets and assassínate Pope |ohn Pauí II duríng hís
|anuary, 1995 Phíííppíne vísít.
|608|
Before hís capture however, Yousef, an engíneeríng graduate of Brítaín's Swansea
Uníversíty, had tíme to try out hís new bomb - an experímentaí form of
nítrogíycerín. The smaíí test-bomb, taped under a seat on Phíííppíne Aír fííght 434,
kíííed one |apanese touríst and ín|ured 10 others. Before the expíosíon, Yousef had
safeíy departed the píane ín Cebu Cíty.
Another temporary resídent of Cebu Cíty was Terry Níchoís. As díscussed, Níchoís
had moved to Cebu Cíty wíth hís new wífe, Marífe Torres, a maíí-order bríde whom
he met there ín November of 1989. After tryíng íífe ín Míchígan and Nevada, the
coupíe moved back to Cebu Cíty ín earíy 1993, where they ííved for a short tíme.
Accordíng to Níchoís' ex-wífe Lana Padííía, her former husband had traveíed to the
Phíííppínes about four tímes a year sínce meetíng Marífe. Aíthough some of the
vísíts were to see hís new bríde and make arrangements for her entry ínto the U.S.,
he occasíonaííy traveíed aíone.
|609|*
"Sometímes he went when Marífe was ín Kansas," wrote Padííía. "It dídn't make
sense, but I never asked why."
|610|
179
Níchoís toíd Padííía he was traveííng to Cebu Cíty to meet "potentíaí busíness
partners." The Míchígan farmer was makíng the muítí-thousand doííar tríps, he
saíd, to bríng back ííttíe paper "butterfííes" - curíous merchandíse for a man íntent
on settíng hímseíf up ín the mííítary surpíus busíness.
|611|
It ís aíso curíous why Níchoís carríed two stun-guns on hís íast tríp, why he íeft
$20,000 taped behínd a drawer for hís son, and a note to McVeígh teíííng hím
"You're on your own," and "go for ít!" ín case he dídn't come back, and why hís son
críed, "I'm never goíng to see my Dad agaín.."
Perhaps Níchoís had reason to worry. Accordíng to FBI 302 reports and
ínvestígatíons conducted by McVeígh's defense team, Abu Sayyaf íeader Edwín
Angeíes spoke of a terroríst meetíng ín the vícíníty of the Deí Monte íabeííng
factory ín Davao, on the Isíand of Míndanao, ín íate 1992 or earíy '93. It was there,
Angeíes saíd, that Ramzí Yousef, Abduí Hakím Murad, Waíí Khan Amín Shah, and
severaí others díscussed the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng píot.
|612|*
One of the men at the meetíng, recaííed Angeíes, íntroduced hímseíf as "a
farmer."
|613|
When the "farmer" returned home from hís íast vísít to the Phíííppínes on |anuary
16, 1995, and díscovered that Padííía had opened the mysteríous package and
read the contents, he turned "whíte as a ghost."
|614|
On Apríí 19, 1995, Abduí Hakím Murad was síttíng ín hís New York |aíí ceíí when the
word went out that the Okíahoma Cíty Federaí Buíídíng had been bombed. Murad
casuaííy admítted to a príson guard that the Líberatíon Army of the Phíííppínes - a
group connected to Abu Sayyaf - was responsíbíe.
Abu Sayyaf íeader Edwín Angeíes íater corrected Murad for the record: "It was the
Paíestíne Líberatíon Army and/or the Isíamíc |íhad whích Murad was referríng to,"
he saíd. "Thís army ís assocíated wíth Hamas and based ín Lebanon.."
However, gíven the fact that Saudí ínteííígence ínformed the FBI that Iraq had híred
Pakístanís who míght not have known they were operatíng on behaíf of Iraq, ít ís
híghíy possíbíe that Murad (a Pakístaní) and Angeíes were unaware of theír true
sponsor. As the Washin%ton )ost1s |ack Anderson reported ín 1991: "A preferabíe
revenge for Iraq wouíd ínvoíve havíng a 'surrogate terroríst' carry out a domestíc
attack that Husseín couíd prívateíy take credít for.."
As Stephen |ones wrote ín hís March 25th Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus:
Thís terroríst attack was "contracted out" to persons whose organízatíon and
ídeoíogy was fríendíy to poíícíes of the foreígn power and íncíuded dísííke and
hatred of the Uníted States government ítseíf, and possíbíy íncíuded was a desíre
for revenge agaínst the Uníted States, wíth possíbíe antí-bíack and antí-Semítíc
overtones. Because Iraq had tríed a símííar approach ín 1990, but had been
180
thwarted by Syrían ínteííígence ínformatíon gíven to the Uníted States, thís tíme
the ínformatíon was passed through an Iraqí ínteííígence base ín the Phíííppínes.
|615|
|616|
The síghtíng of Terry Níchoís wíth Isíamíc terrorísts ín the Phíííppínes dovetaíís wíth
Cary Gagan's síghtíng of Níchoís wíth hís "Iranían" fríends - Omar and Ahmed - ín
Henderson, Nevada. Gagan recaííed how Níchoís íooked "out-of-píace" among hís
Arab comrades at the May '94 meetíng.
Was Terry Níchoís assocíated wíth Woríd Trade Center bomber Ramzí Yousef, a
reputed Iraqí agent? Was Tímothy McVeígh assocíated wíth Hussaín aí-Hussaíní, a
former Iraqí soídíer? Were Yousef and Hussaíní part of a terroríst network set up by
Iraq to ínfíítrate the Uníted States?
On |anuary 28, 1991, the Washin%ton )ost reported that an Iraqí terroríst network
was beíng sponsored and píanned by Saddam Husseín. The artícíe stated ín part:
Híghíy cíassífíed US ínteííígence reports say that the Uníted States has receíved
ínformatíon that Saddam has aíready díspatched more than 100 terrorísts, both
experíenced and novíce, to try to ínfíítrate the Uníted States. One report, quotíng
sources ínsíde Iraq, cítes a specífíc number of terrorísts - 160 - who have been
sent off wíth míssíons ín Ameríca.
That coíncídes wíth reports that at íeast two and possíbíy as many as four Iraqí
dípíomats ín theír embassy ín Washíngton were monítored as they attempted to
set up terroríst ceíís ín the capítaí and eísewhere ín the Uníted States..
.A recent ínteííígence report says that Saddam has deposíted money ín severaí
Swíss bank accounts that wííí automatícaííy be paíd out to terrorísts no matter
what happens to Saddam. Iraqís íívíng ín the Uníted States who support Saddam
strongíy enough to resort to víoíence wouíd probabíy be used to províde bank
accounts, safe houses and materíaís for the experts who sneak ínto the country.
Accordíng to Northrop, ínformatíon from a London banker "Sayanín" (source)
showed that severaí mííííon doííars was transferred from the Bank of Iraq, through
the SWIFT ínternatíonaí bankíng system ín Brusseís, Beígíum, to a bank ín
Kíngman, Arízona under the account name of "Nayaad." Attempts by Northrop to
confírm thís ínformatíon were unsuccessfuí.
|617|
What ís aíso ínterestíng ís that Cary Gagan cíaímed to have receíved $250,000
from hís Arab fríend Omar, who wanted to set up an account for hím. Omar and
Gagan had aíso traveíed to Kíngman. The mííííon doííar account was to be wíred
from a Swíss bank and deposíted ínto the Bank of Cherry Creek ín Denver.
Part of the pían was to aííow Omar and Ahmed to purchase the Postaí Center, a
shíppíng and receívíng store ín Denver owned by George Coíombo, who aíso
operated a Ryder truck íeasíng operatíon across the street. Omar had asked Gagan
181
to broker a deaí to buy the facíííty from Coíombo. He beííeves they were ínterested
ín the maíí and truck rentaí facíííty. For some reason, the deaí feíí through.
Whííe Gagan cíaíms he was paíd by Omar, there ís no dírect evídence that McVeígh
or Níchoís were funded by Gagan's Arab contacts. Yet there ís círcumstantíaí
evídence that the two bombíng defendants met wíth Sam Khaííd, who spent
consíderabíe tíme ín Las Vegas. The Arab hígh-roííer frequented Bínyon's
Horseshoe, the Gíítter Guích, and the MGM casíno, where Níchoís wouíd
occasíonaííy take hís 12-year-oíd son |osh.
|618|
As Northrop saíd, "gambííng ís a favoríte pastíme of Sunní Mosíems.." Was Omar
símpíy there to gambíe, or díd he have another agenda?
Accordíng to Gagan: "Omar and Ahmed were wíríng money ín and out of MGM.
They used to get money - huge amounts of money - they were usíng these wíre
transfers."
Former hígh-rankíng CIA operatíve Gunther Russbacher toíd author Rodney Stích
<"efraudin% America= that Bínyon's Horseshoe was one of the casínos used for
money íaunderíng and poíítícaí payoffs. Khaííd ís a reguíar at Bínyon's Horseshoe.
Two other frequent vísítors to Bínyon's Horseshoe, ít appears, were Terry Níchoís
and Tímothy McVeígh. The two men attended the Cíaude Haíí Gun Show ín Las
Vegas ín November and |anuary of 1994, stayed at Padííía's house, and reportedíy
frequented Bínyon's and a stríp |oínt next door caííed the Gíítter Guích, where
Khaííd ís aíso a reguíar.
|619|¦
Whííe no one at the casínos wouíd cooperate ín píacíng Khaííd wíth the two
bombíng suspects, Padííía saíd that Níchoís had met wíth "Míddíe Eastern" men
whííe ín Las Vegas.
|620|
That ínformatíon dovetaíís wíth Cary Gagan's testímony. As stated earííer, the
federaí ínformant saíd he met wíth approxímateíy eíght men - fíve of whom were
Míddíe Easterners - at the Western Moteí ín Las Vegas on May 16, 1994. There
was an Arab man from Okíahoma Cíty who Gagan referred to as the "íeader."
The Eíghth man was Terry Níchoís.
The questíon remaíned, who was Omar, and was he connected wíth Sam Khaííd?
Interestíngíy, Khaííd's aíías ís "Omar."
|621|
In an attempt to track Khaííd's whereabouts ín Las Vegas, KFOR's |ayna Davís híred
a securíty guard and part-tíme P.I. named Louís Crousette. Crousette had worked
at the Gíítter Guích. In a transcrípt of the conversatíon, Davís asks Crousette íf
Angíe (not her reaí name), Khaííd's favoríte strípper, recognízed hím:
182
Cro,sette: "She knew who he was. Her eyes. her. her. how do I want to say
thís? Her whoíe demeanor changed. She went from beíng a caím person to beíng a
scared ííttíe rabbít."
2ais: "Aíí ríght. And she saíd she dídn't want to get ínvoíved."
Cro,sette: "Does the word gettíng up and runníng and íeavíng the píace teíí you
anythíng?
2ais: "Okay. So."
Cro,sette: "She íeft. She got up and íeft. She íeft her money and íeft. She
grabbed her stuff and was out the door."
Accordíng to Crousette, Angíe aíso descríbed an Arab man ín the Gíítter Guích
actíng as a "recruíter," who íntroduced Khaííd to a paír of "skínny whíte guys."
Couíd these two skínny whíte guys have been Tímothy McVeígh and Terry Níchoís?
Angíe decííned to say, teíííng Davís that she'd "wínd up at the bottom of Lake
Meade" íf she taíked.
|622||623|*
But |ust who was thís "recruíter" that Crousette spoke of? Crousette saw hím
hobnobbíng ín a weaíthy part of town wíth a man ín a whíte BMW. |ust who was ín
the car wíth hím wasn't cíear. However, the ínformatíon ís curíous ín ííght of
Gagan's report that he and hís Arab fríends met at the Píayer's Cíub, an upscaíe
apartment compíex ín a Las Vegas suburb.
Aíso mentíoned ín Crousette's phone conversatíon ís "|affer," an apparent
reference to |affer Oshan (not hís reaí name). Oshan, who sometímes goes by the
name Ossan |affar, ís an eíectrícaí engíneer who works for Khaííd, and transíates
for hís rusty Arabíc.
Oshan was reportedíy the target of FBI surveíííance at the same tíme Khaííd was
beíng índícted for ínsurance fraud. Líke Abraham Ahmed, Oshan dísappeared |ust
before the bombíng, traveííng to |ordan. And ííke Ahmed, he gave a símííar story,
teíííng Erníe Cranfíeíd he was goíng to the Míddíe East to attend to famííy matters
- ín thís case - hís own weddíng. Accordíng to Cranfíeíd, he díd not marry.
A natíve |ordanían, Oshan showed up ín KFOR's surveíííance photos wíth Khaííd and
Hussaín aí-Hussaíní. Crousette showed the photos to hís "ínteííígence" source:
Cro,sette: Three peopíe that I know of that went ín servíce - two feds and two of
them were ex-company (CIA). They know who these guys are. When I showed
them these píctures they íooked at me and toíd me, "Get the heíí out of ít. What
the heíí are you doíng doíng thís?"
2ais: Díd they teíí you they were Iraqí Inteííígence?
183
Cro,sette: Two of them díd, yes.. The feds know who díd ít.
2ais: And they're not arrestíng them?
Cro,sette: I'm not gonna' get ínvoíved.
2ais: Are they Míddíe Eastern?
Cro,sette: I'm not gettíng ínvoíved on thís. Okay. I'm sendíng ín my bííí. I'm
gettíng out of ít now..
|624|
Crousette has sínce avoíded aíí attempts to contact hím. Gordon Noveí, an
ínvestígator who used to work for Dístríct Attorney |ím Garríson, spent a week ín
Las Vegas attemptíng to taík wíth the former securíty guard. "He was reaí adamant
about not wantíng to be taíked to," saíd Noveí.
As a frustrated Noveí was about to íeave, a íarge goon appeared at hís hoteí room
wíth an automatíc tucked ín hís beít and some words of advíce: "You betta' stay da
fuck out odda Okíahoma thíng," he warned. "Work on da Waco thíng íf ya wanna,
but stay out odda Okíahoma thíng. There's a íodda sand out dare where no one wííí
ever fínd ya."
"He had a very seríous bíg gun," saíd Noveí, "and he wasn't a cop - I don't know
what he was."
|625|
Why wouíd an apparent Mob muíe be concerned about steeríng an ínvestígator
away from a Las Vegas connectíon to the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng? Was Khaííd
connected to the Mob?
KFOR fírst bumped ínto Sam Khaííd when reporter Brad Edwards receíved a
mysteríous phone caíí from Sharon Twíííey. Twíííey was workíng at the tíme for
Khaííd's reaí-estate busíness, Sahara Propertíes, whích he owned wíth hís ex-wífe
Caroí, who díed ín the bombíng. A three-year empíoyee, Twíííey díd a varíety of
|obs for Khaííd, íncíudíng bookkeepíng and actíng as rentaí agent for hís 500-píus
propertíes.
Twíííey toíd Edwards and Davís that she had seen her boss ín the company of
Abraham Ahmed, who had been detaíned by the FBI as a possíbíe suspect on Apríí
19 as he attempted to fíy from Okíahoma to |ordan.
Accordíng to Twíííey and Erníe Cranfíeíd, Ahmed had been seen drívíng the brown
Chevy píck-up seen speedíng away from the bombíng, back and forth to Khaííd's
píace ín the days príor to the bombíng. Ahmed's íncreasíngíy frequent vísíts
coíncíded wíth the arrívaí of Hussaín aí-Hussaíní and fíve other Iraqís ín November.
Twíííey aíso saíd that Khaííd began actíng very secretíve after the arrívaí of the síx
men, and wouíd oníy speak to Ahmed ín Arabíc.
184
Yet, perhaps most íncredíbíy, both Cranfíeíd and Twíííey had seen a yeííow Mercury
Marquís parked at Khaííd's offíce; Twíííey saíd she saw Abraham Ahmed ín the
passenger seat.
|626|
The presence of Ahmed wasn't the oníy thíng that raísed eyebrows at Sahara
propertíes ín the days foííowíng the bombíng. Cranfíeíd toíd the FBI and Edwards
that he saw one of Khaííd's Arab empíoyees, a man named Haíder aí-Saíídí, actíng
strangeíy ebuíííent after the bombíng.

"When the news reports fírst came about some Isíamíc group beíng responsíbíe,
weíí Haíder kínd of íaughed about that," recaííed Cranfíeíd. "I heard they found
three babíes that was dead from the bíast, and I went and toíd the guys. and |ohn
Doe 2 (Cranfíeíd's reference to Hussaíní) started cryíng. He went out on the porch
to cover hís face and he stood by the waíí cryíng. He was upset that chíídren got
hurt. He was reaííy upset. And Haíder was íaughíng because he was cryíng."
|627|*
To make thíngs even stranger, Khaííd decíded to vísít Las Vegas on the eveníng of
Apríí 20, the day after hís ex-wífe Caroí was kíííed ín the bombíng. It seems Khaííd
had asked her to heíp hím wíth hís taxes on Monday, her reguíaríy scheduíed day
at the Department of Agrícuíture. Consequentíy, she went ínto work on
Wednesday, her day off. As news reports showed Dr. Espe, Caroí's boss, beíng
carríed down a íadder by rescue workers, Khaííd's daughter Heather began cryíng.
She knew her mom worked ín that offíce.
"We was aíí síttíng around the offíce watchíng the news," saíd Cranfíeíd. "And when
they showed Espe beíng carríed down that íadder, she (Na|aya, Khaííd's current
wífe) |ust burst out íaughíng. Heather was cryíng, and Na|aya was íaughíng."
|628|
Some míght consíder ít odd that a gírí's stepmother wouíd burst out íaughíng upon
íearníng that her mother had been kíííed. Some míght consíder ít stranger stííí for a
man to be partyíng on the eve of hís ex-wífe's death.
Was there a motíve? Díd Khaííd know there wouíd be a bombíng on Wednesday?
Díd he know Caroí wouíd go ínto work on Wednesday to make up for her day off?
"It was set up," saíd Cranfíeíd. "I know ít was set up. He got ríd of her because of
the taxes she fííed."
Accordíng to Cranfíeíd, Khaííd reported to the IRS that hís empíoyees were sub-
contractors, thus avoídíng havíng to pay benefíts. Khaííd's steady worker of níne
years aíso toíd me that hís boss made up busíness cards for the empíoyees that
purported to show theír "índependent" status.
It was Caroí on whom feíí the responsíbíííty of preparíng the returns. Cranfíeíd
caught a gíímpse of her on Monday, two days before her death.
185
"She dídn't íook happy that morníng when she was doíng hís taxes," recaííed
Cranfíeíd. "She díd not íook happy at aíí. 'cause he was fuckíng the government
over the taxes."
|629|
At the tíme of thís wrítíng there was a case pendíng agaínst Khaííd for tax fraud.
Caroí most ííkeíy wouíd have testífíed agaínst hím ín that case.
The círcumstances at Sahara Propertíes ín the days after the bombíng were too
much for Cranfíeíd. "I íeft the |ob síte and went to the offíce and saíd 'I want my
money.' I toíd them I dídn't want to work for no terrorísts. I was so. I feared that
these peopíe were ínvoíved, and them workers were ínvoíved ín thís. And wíth aíí
the strange thíngs that was goíng on, I wasn't goíng to take no chances. And when
they found Abraham |Ahmed|, that was ít. That was aíí I needed to know. That's aíí
I wanted to know. I wanted to get the heíí out of there!"
The brown Chevy píck-up that Ahmed had been seen drívíng was found abandoned
the Tuesday after the bombíng at the Woodscape Apartment compíex on Route 66.
Resídent |eanníe Royer recaííed a heavy-set Míddíe-Eastern man gettíng out of the
truck whích was íeft near a storage shed. The man gave Boyer a hard íook that
saíd, "You'd better forget what you |ust saw."
The man showed up a week íater and foííowed Royer whííe she was out waíkíng her
dog.
|630|¦
When shown a photo of a heavy-set Míddíe Eastern suspect by KFOR (one
of Khaííd's workers), she saíd, "It sure does íook ííke hím. I wouíd sure ííke to see a
cíose-up of hís eyes. Those eyes of hís were fríghteníng!"
|631|
The abandoned píck-up, íncídentaííy, had been paínted yeííow, and the seríaí
numbers ground off. "You couíd see the yeííow over-spray aíí over the chrome
fender," saíd |oe Royer. The FBI then towed the truck to íts ímpound íot, and
nothíng has been heard about ít sínce.
|632|
What ís even more ínterestíng (or coíncídentaí, dependíng on your poínt of víew) ís
that Khaííd owns the property on whích a body shop ís íocated - Route 66 Auto
Coííísíon - a nondescrípt, run down píace on the far síde of town. Route 66,
curíousíy, ís two mííes dírectíy due west of the Woodscape Apartments.
A body shop wouíd be a very conveníent píace to paínt a píck-up.
Khaííd bought the property ín 1994 at a tax auctíon. The saíe was dísputed by the
current owner, Rex Carmíchaeí, and as of thís wrítíng, the case was ín court. "I'm
sure ít wasn't paínted there," saíd Carmíchaeí. "Khaííd hasn't hadn't had anythíng
to do wíth that body shop.. he's tríed to get ít, he's tríed to own ít, he's tríed to
possess ít from me.."
|633|
Interestíngíy, an anonymous caííer to Okíahoma State Representatíve Charíes Key
who cíaímed to be a fríend of the brother of a man ínvoíved ín the bombíng, toíd
hím that a meetíng of bombíng conspírators took píace at a garage on Northwest
186
39th Street. Aíthough he dídn't state the name, Route 66 ís íocated ríght on
Northwest 39th Street.
|634|
After the bombíng, Route 66 changed ít's name to Tom's, but ís not íísted ín the
phone book or the ínformatíon dírectory under eíther name. KFOR's P.I., Bob
|eríow, toíd me he staked the píace out for fíve days but never saw anybody go ín
for an estímate. "It's probabíy a chop-shop," saíd a retíred poííce offícer.
|635|
If so, ít may fít ínto what Cranfíeíd toíd me next: "They (Khaííd and hís empíoyees)
wouíd aíways buy cars, then I found out that they was takíng them and runníng
them to Mexíco, runníng tríps to Mexíco and seíííng the cars.. Wíthín two weeks to
a month, everyone of them was drívíng a dífferent car. They wouídn't have ít but
íess than a month, then they'd be ríd of ít, and you wouídn't see ít agaín.
"I seen them many tímes up there at thís garage (Route 66). It was the same guys
that came ín |ín November|. The same síx that came ín. |ust them - them síx."
One of the síx was Hussaín aí-Hussaíní.
The date November, 1994 may be prophetíc. Three wítnesses ín Stíííwater, about
an hour's dríve north of Okíahoma Cíty, saw a man who cíoseíy resembíes Ramzí
Yousef ín íate October, earíy November, 1994. The man, who caííed hímseíf Y.T.,
was managíng Boomer's Used Auto Saíes ín Stíííwater, aíong wíth a man who
resembíed |ohn Doe 2. He drove a yeííow Mercury Marquís símííar to Tímothy
McVeígh's, aíbeít wíth a vínyí roof.
Ronníe Whíte (not hís reaí name), who was workíng as a mechaníc for Boomer's at
the tíme, saíd the men ran a "shoddy" operatíon and were "hostííe" towards
customers. The busíness, he saíd, was buyíng used cars and shíppíng them
overseas, possíbíy to Kuwaít. whííe ín ítseíf not an unusuaí practíce, Whíte saíd he
saw as much as $100,000 pass through per month, whích is unusuaí for such a
smaíí operatíon.
Whíte says the two men suddeníy departed for Ohío the íast week of October,
1994. They toíd hím "Don't teíí anybody where we're goíng." They íeft no
forwardíng address and no way for the customers to pay theír bííís. (Coíncídentaííy
perhaps, Tímothy McVeígh was ín Kent, Ohío on October 5.)
Saíd customer Míchaeí Reed, "They were some pretty strange peopíe. They were
supposed to be runníng a car íot, but they were aíways gone." They returned from
theír supposed car-buyíng tríp the fírst week of November, wíth one used Honda.
Whíte went to the FBI when he saw Yousef's wanted poster ín the íocaí poííce
statíon. Líke many wítnesses, the FBI appeared to show no ínterest.
|636|
Was the man these wítnesses saw reaííy ínternatíonaííy wanted fugítíve Ramzí
Yousef? A Washíngton source famíííar wíth Yousef and the Woríd Trade Center
187
bombíng doesn't thínk ít ííkeíy that Yousef reentered the county after the 1993
attack. The FBI put Yousef ín the Phíííppínes ín November and December of '94,
|ust ín tíme to íaunch an ííí-fated attack on Presídent Cíínton duríng hís APEC vísít,
but hís exact tímeííne was never estabííshed.
Yousef hímseíf ís a chameíeon. One FBI photo depícts hím as a thín, haunted-
íookíng crímínaí, the other a boyísh-íookíng foreígn exchange student. Yet aíí three
wítnesses ín Stíííwater are adamant. "I was shocked," saíd Míchaeí Reed, "ít íooked
|ust ííke hím."
|637|
Had the Arab ceíí ínvoíved ín the bombíng reíníísted the aíd of expert bomb maker
Ramzí Yousef for the Okíahoma Cíty attack? A U.S. Marshaíí toíd |ayna Davís that
he beííeved the Woríd Trade Center and Okíahoma Cíty bombíngs were íínked.
Other sources expressed símííar opíníons.
Fínaííy, the |ustíce Department's Offíce of Inspector Generaí report on the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng índícates that nítrogíycerín was was found at the scene.
As prevíousíy stated, Yousef had been experímentíng wíth a new form of
nítrogíycerín.
If Y.T. was Ramzí Yousef, he dídn't seem too concerned that he was operatíng ín
the U.S. as a wanted fugítíve.
Samír Khaííd, who by now was beíng ínvestígated by KFOR and surveíííed by
|eríow, apparentíy dídn't seem too concerned he was beíng watched eíther. At one
poínt he casuaííy stroííed up to |eríow and Edwards, who were stakíng out hís
house, rapped on theír wíndow, and saíd "What do you want wíth me?" |eríow, hís
hand on hís gun, watched ín amazement. Later, Khaííd caííed hím on the phone.
"Whích country híred you to ínvestígate me," Khaííd demanded to know, "and how
much are they payíng you?"
A curíous questíon. If Khaííd wanted to know what country had híred |eríow, ít
wouíd subsume, at íeast ín hís mínd, that the U.S. wouíd have no reason to
ínvestígate hím. Why wouíd he assume such a thíng? Was Khaííd an operatíve or
an ínformant for the U.S. Government?
When Haní Kamaí, a Lebanese/|ordanían busínessman, occasíonaí FBI ínformant,
and íong-tíme acquaíntance of Khaííd's was shown KFOR's surveíííance photos by
OCPD offícer Don Browníng, he reportedíy became fríghtened and saíd, "You have
to íeave thís aíone. Thís ís the Mossad. You do not know what you're messíng
wíth." After that, Kamaí wouíd no íonger taík to the cop.
|638|*
|eríow's sources aíso came up dry. When the P.I. asked hís phone company source
to puíí Khaííd's records, they had mysteríousíy "dísappeared." An attorney fríend of
|eríow's who had some deaííngs wíth Khaííd toíd hím, "Khaííd ís a dangerous
motherfucker. You stay away from hím." He dídn't expíaín why.
|639|
188
Hís warníng may have been weíí-founded however. Three months after the
bombíng, on |uíy 3, a man matchíng Khaííd's descríptíon, and drívíng hís truck,
showed up at Sharon Twíííey's house, puííed out a pístoí, and fíred four shots. Two
of the buííets went ínto Twíííey's bedroom, one went ínto her car, shatteríng the
wíndshíeíd, and another íodged under a neíghbor's wíndow.
A terrífíed Sharon Twíííey roííed out of bed, cíutchíng the phone ín her hand, and
díaíed 911. She then ran over to neíghbor Gíenn Moore's house. "He knows where I
síept!" she toíd Moore, who had watched the scene from hís wíndow. "He couíd
have kíííed me íf he had wanted to!"
|ust why Khaííd wouíd want to scare Sharon Twíííey ííteraííy to death ís an
ínterestíng questíon. Thís excerpt from the poííce report may shed some ííght on
the motíve:
Twíííey stated she worked for the suspect untíí after the bombíng of the Murrah
buíídíng when the F.B.I. came out and questíoned her about the suspect's actívíty.
The next day she was fíred. Sínce that tíme the suspect has tríed to kíck her out of
hís rent |síc| house. He had refused to accept her check & had taken her to dístríct
court & the |udge ordered hím to serve a 30 day notíce. Twíííey stated that sínce
that tíme her resídence was burgíarízed and then thís íncídent of the shootíng took
píace. Twíííey stated the F.B.I. had spoke |síc| wíth her a few tímes sínce she was
fíred & then ít aíí started. Twíííey stated Khaííd was furíous when he found out she
had spoken to the F.B.I.
|ust what had Twíííey toíd the FBI? When I íntervíewed the OCPD detectíve who
wrote the report, he toíd me that Twíííey had seen "some new deaí he was ínto,"
and was "nervous."
"She dídn't want hím to know that she had taíked to the FBI," saíd the detectíve.
"She was defíníteíy afraíd."
|640|
FBI agents |ames Stríckíand and Dave Swanson's names aíso appeared on the
report. Why wouíd the FBI take an ínterest ín a íocaí assauít case? Aíthough Khaííd
íater admítted to the author that he had been íntervíewed and poíygraphed by the
FBI ín regards to the bombíng, Stríckíand wouídn't comment.
|641|

In spíte of the buííet hoíes ín Twíííey's house and car, and Moore's eyewítness
account, the OCPD díd ííttíe. Assístant DA Sherry Todd decííned to prosecute the
case on "íack of evídence." The poííce report stated ít as foííows:
Moore stated on the morníng on 7-3-95 at approx. 3:30-4:00 he heard gun shots.
Moore got up & íooked out the wíndow and saw a dark skínned maíe runníng from
the house. I asked hím íf ít was Mr. Khaííd. Moore stated "I thínk ít was hím, but I'm
not sure. It íooked ííke hím but I'm not posítíve. He was drívíng the same whíte
Níssan píck-up that he dríves. But I'm not sure.
189
Moore seemed a bít more certaín when I spoke to hím. "He was a short guy that
smokes a cígar," saíd Moore. "|He| íooked reaí aggravated. He was randomíy
shootíng; he shot four tímes."
In fact, the poííce report had prevíousíy stated Moore's ídentífícatíon ín more
posítíve terms:
Moore recognízed the suspect as the íandíord who rented the house out príor to
Twíííey íívíng there & knew hím as havíng a whíte Toyota píck up & he saíd that
was hím, meaníng the suspect.
As íf to add more gríst to the mííí, Khaííd and an assocíate had shown up at
Twíííey's house the prevíous day and had smashed a bríck through her wíndow.
Moore toíd me he recognízed Khaííd by hís basebaíí cap, cígar, and whíte píck-up.
I began to suspect that Todd's refusaí to prosecute came from DA Robert Macy,
who had bííndíy cooperated wíth the |ustíce Department by refusíng to pursue a
íocaí ínvestígatíon of the bombíng. Todd dísmíssed that notíon. "It's very, very rare
when he's ínvoíved ín the decííne or acceptance of charges," she saíd, then added,
"I feít there were some probíems wíth the wítnesses statements."
|642|
Aíthough ínítíaííy poííte, when I suggested that Khaííd míght be ínvoíved ín the
bombíng, and that she shouíd re-open the case, she turned suddeníy hostííe, and
saíd, "I'm gonna' go back to work. Thís case ís cíosed," then abruptíy hung up.
Some tíme íater, Míke |ohnston, a íocaí attorney famíííar wíth the case, ran ínto
Assístant U.S. Attorney Ted Ríchardson ín the courthouse. |ohnston raísed the íssue
of Sam Khaííd. "Oh you must have been taíkíng to that guy from San Francísco,"
Ríchardson repííed, referríng to the author. When |ohnston síad that he had
gíeaned hís ínformatíon from other sources as weíí, and suggested that Ríchardson
íook ínto the matter, Ríchardson íooked at hís watch and saíd, "Weíí Míke, that's an
ínterestíng theory. I gotta' run."
|643|*
As for Gíenn Moore, he toíd me he was beíng foííowed by Khaííd and dídn't want to
get ínvoíved. And Sharon Twíííey? Moore saíd she was scared and had probabíy
moved back to Georgía.
Was Khaííd guííty of assauít wíth a deadíy weapon? Was he ínvoíved ín the
bombíng? Hís attorney, Francís Courboís, put ít eíoquentíy when he saíd, ".he ís
typícaí of those ímmígrants who work hard to achíeve the opportunítíes Ameríca
offers."
Indeed.
In 1973, Khaííd was convícted of Grand Larceny.
190
In 1991, he was índícted ín Federaí Court on eíght counts of ínsurance fraud, whích
íncíuded settíng fíres to some of hís 500-píus propertíes. He served níne months
out of a year at Eí Reno Federaí Príson.
|644|
Robert Kuííck, a former empíoyee of Khaííd's, toíd the FBI that Khaííd had
ínstructed hím to set fíres to four of hís propertíes. When agents questíoned Kuííck
and hís wífe about Khaííd's assocíatíons, Mrs. Kuííck bíurted out, "We don't want to
get Sam |Khaííd| ín any troubíe," whereupon the agents ímmedíateíy advísed
Kuííck of hís Míranda ríghts.
Kuííck íater |umped bond and fíed to Caíífornía after cíaímíng he had receíved
"threateníng phone caíís." He dídn't say from whom.
|645|*
Yet the FBI's ínterest seemed to íay more ín Khaííd's connectíons to the PLO than ín
arson. Accordíng to Northrop, the FBI ínvestígated Khaííd for aííeged PLO actívíty ín
1991. Khaííd's attorney ínsísted that ít wouíd have been precíseíy the FBI's ínterest
ín Khaííd - "the mícroscope under whích he, as a Paíestínían, has been monítored"
- whích wouíd have reveaíed any wrongdoíng.
For aíí íntents and purposes, Sam Khaííd appears to be |ust what hís íawyer says he
ís, a hard-workíng ímmígrant out to achíeve the opportunítíes Ameríca has to offer.
A 56-year-oíd Paíestínían, Khaííd was born Samír Abduí-Ghaní Sharíf Khaííd, and
emígrated to the U.S. from Kuwaít ín 1968.
|646|¦
He receíved hís M.A. from
Okíahoma Cíty Uníversíty ín 1975, hís Ph.D. ín psychoíogy from O.U. ín 1979, and
went on to teach at pubííc schooís and at nearby Tínker Aír Force base. He aíso díd
a bríef stínt ín the Okíahoma Department of Human Servíces.
|647|
Khaííd cíaíms to have reíatíves ín |ordan, Saudí Arabía, and Iraq, who províded the
money for hís educatíon and reaí-estate ínvestments. In 1982, Khaííd quít teachíng
and devoted hímseíf fuíí-tíme to hís burgeoníng reaí-estate busíness. By 1995 he
had acquíred over 500 propertíes, mostíy through HUD, the federaí agency
besíeged wíth corruptíon ín the íate '70s and earíy '80s.
|648|
Haní Kamaí was surprísed when I toíd hím Khaííd owned over 500 propertíes: "In
the '70s thís son-of-a-bítch díd not have a díme to hís name. He couídn't survíve.
He used to ask me for money. Where díd he get 500 propertíes? Where díd the
money come from?"
Kamaí, who cíaímed to have worked wíth the Insurance Fraud Dívísíon of the FBI
(Browníng saíd he was mereíy an ínformant), beííeves Khaííd ís a money íaunderer.
"Khaííd shouíd be a mííííonaíre wíth that much property," excíaímed Kamaí, "but he
ííves ín a dííapídated shack on 32nd Street." Sure enough, Khaííd makes hís home
ín a run-down, íow-íncome part of town. It ís Kamaí's opíníon that Khaííd ís |ust an
"errand boy," and somebody eíse reaííy owns the propertíes.
Northrop agrees. He says the money to fund thís burgeoníng reaí estate empíre
comes from the PLO, whích ínstructs hím on how to ííve for appearance' sake.
191
Northrop aíso índícated that Khaííd's cíaím of numerous reíatíves - an apparentíy
faíse cíaím - mereíy provídes a cover for the funneííng of money to hís busíness.
Do these íargeíy círcumstantíaí facts make Sam Khaííd a terroríst? That depends
on who you taík to. Accordíng to Northrop:
|By ínformatíon and beííef| Khaííd ís a íong-standíng partícípant ín PLO fund-raísíng
actívítíes ín the Uníted States. He ís most probabíy a sub-ceíí íeader, part of the
ínteííectuaí frínge that guíde the ceíí, a cíassíc Russían Níhííístíc Terroríst structure.
The destructíon of the frin%e leadershi* can be seen ín the so-caííed S*ook War
between the Israeíís and the PLO that took píace ín Europe and the Míddíe East
between 1972 (the Muních Massacre) and 1986 (the death of Abu |íhad).
Khaííd fíts the pattern of the weíí-funded, weíí-educated father fígure who takes
care of hís fíock, remaíníng outside the center core of sub-ceíí foot soídíers (the hel
ín the Níhííístíc structure).
|649|
A West 57th Street documentary descríbed how fund-raísíng by ínsurance fraud ís
a cíassíc PLO techníque. The May, 1989 epísode, entítíed, "Paíestíníans: Dírty
Busíness," focused mostíy on ínsurance fraud ín Míamí ín the earíy to míd-'80s.
Sunríse, Fíorída Poííce detectíve Don Cannon saíd the money was "beíng sent back
to fund the PLO or the PFLP or the (ntifida0.
The príncípaís of thís fund-raísíng scheme, CBS reported, haííed from the West
Bank town of Deír Díbwan. Reporter Karen Burnes receíved confírmatíon from the
FBI that a number of scams were goíng on throughout the U.S. at the tíme.
|650|
One method of raísíng money ínvoíved smaíí store owners who wouíd open
busínesses, buyíng merchandíse on credít, then quíckíy cíose shop and vanísh wíth
the proceeds. There were other scams. Caíífornía ínsurance íawyer Gordon Park
toíd CBS, "What they wouíd do ís throw a bríck through theír front wíndow and say,
'Ok, gosh, I got burgíarízed.'"
|651|
In Brookíyn, ínvestígators díscovered a phony coupon redemptíon center run by
Mahumud Abouhaííma - currentíy servíng 240 years ín príson for hís roíe ín the
Woríd Trade Center bombíng.
|652|
"Insurance scams fírst surfaced ín the Uníted States ín the míd-1970's," wrote
Northrop, "when Caíífornía authorítíes busted a PLO ceíí ín Los Angeíes." The Israeíí
saíd that Khaííd traveís to Israeí at íeast once a year, and avoíds any contact wíth
the PLO, but communícates through a "cut-out," a member of hís famííy. Northrop
aíso stated that Khaííd had been transferríng funds from the Bank of Okíahoma ín
Tuísa to Bank Hapoíím, an Israeíí bank ín |erusaíem:
The sígnatory on thís partícuíar account ín Israeí ís a member of the Nashashíbí
cían, a promínent Paíestínían famííy who ííve ín |erusaíem and the surroundíng
192
area (West Bank). These funds have been used to heíp fínance 'Paíestínían
aspíratíons" (and aíí that ímpííes).
|653|
Whííe thís ínformatíon ín ítseíf ís íargeíy círcumstantíaí, ít begíns to íook íess
excuípatory when combíned wíth other evídence.
In May of 1996, U.S. Customs agents ín Los Angeíes seízed a shípment of weapons
- Semtex píastíc expíosíves and smaíí arms - bound for Fíorída. The North
Korean-manufactured ordínance had been shípped through Maníía, and was bound
for a Hamas group ín Míamí.
The co-founder of Isíamíc |íhad - a cíose cousín of Hamas - Fathí Shíkakí, had
been assassínated ín Syría by the Shín Bet (Israeíí Secret Servíce) ín October of
1995. Isíamíc |íhad now needed a new íeader, and they sought hím ín Professor
Ramadan Abduííah Shaííah, an ad|unct poíítícaí scíence teacher at the Uníversíty of
South Fíorída ín Tampa.
Shaííah co-founded the Woríd and Isíam Study Enterpríse (WISE), íínked to the
Isíamíc Commíttee for Paíestíne, both of whích have been accused by federaí
authorítíes of frontíng for terroríst groups.
Whííe Shaííah vehementíy deníed these aííegatíons, he suddeníy appeared ín Syría
ín November of 1995 as the new head of Isíamíc |íhad.
Cary Gagan cíaíms to have seen Shaííah ín íate 1994 and February of '95 at
Caesar's Paíace and The Racetrack - two Las Vegas casínos. "Who ís thís dude?"
Gagan asked Khaííd about the short, fat, baídíng man wíth a mustache and beard.
Gagan was símpíy toíd he was a professor from Fíorída.
Shaííah aíso appeared ín Teheran ín |une of 1996 as HízbAííah Internatíonaí was
organízíng íts |oínt workíng commíttee to coordínate ínternatíonaí terroríst attacks.
Authorítíes íater díscovered that Shaííah had been |íhad's number two man ín
Tampa.
|654|
Whííe the Fíorída group had made threats over the extradítíon of one of theír
operatíves - Mousa Mohammed Abu Marzuk - to Israeí, the FBI and the |ewísh
communíty hadn't taken them seríousíy. After the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng
however, and the ínterceptíon of the arms shípment ín May, the scenarío changed.
The FBI and the |ewísh communíty were now takíng a keen ínterest ín the Míamí
group.
Back ín Houston, Northrop was checkíng ínto some PLO suspects. He punched up
an ínquíry ínto the Aman (Israeíí mííítary ínteííígence) computer on Hussaín aí-
Hussaíní. It came up empty.
But the FBI had a ííst of 27 PLO and Hamas operatíves ín Fíorída and Okíahoma.
Ten of those índívíduaís had prevíousíy been arrested by the Israeíís ín March of
193
'96, and the FBI needed theír heíp. When an Israeíí agent ín New York named Aví
ran the names through the computer, he notíced Northrop's ínquíry on Hussaíní.
He caííed Northrop and asked hím to fíy to Míamí.
What Northrop díscovered when he arríved was that the same group he had been
ínvestígatíng ín Okíahoma and Houston had been seen ín Míamí. Hussaín aí-
Hussaíní, Sam Khaííd, |affer Oshan, and Haíder aí-Saadí - síx to seven ín aíí -
were posítíveíy ID'd by Israeíí Sayaním ín Ft. Lauderdaíe. They were there,
accordíng to sources, meetíng wíth members of Hamas.
It appears that the Khaííd famííy's actívítíes ín the terroríst underworíd date back at
íeast to 1982. Accordíng to Army CID (Army Crímínaí Investígatíon Dívísíon)
records, Khaííd's brother Míke, (AKA: Ahmed Khaííd, Míke Yousíf, Wahíd S. Yousíf),
was ínvoíved wíth a group of Iraníans ín Huntsvíííe, Aíabama who were romancíng
íocaí femaíe eníísted personneí ín an attempt to procure mííítary secrets.
|655|
Yousíf/Khaííd's míssíon was to court a woman named Waíker from Tuskumbee, AL,
whom he had met ín Okíahoma Cíty ín íate 1982, when they worked together at
Shotgun Sam's Pízza Paríor. Waíker's brother, |ímmy, was the pííot for Generaí
Robert L. Moore, Commander of the Redstone Arsenaí U.S. Army Míssííe Command
ín Huntsvíííe. As commander, Moore had responsíbíííty for the Army's míssííe
program worldwide.
|656|*
"What he had wanted, accordíng to her," saíd a retíred Army crímínaí ínvestígator
who wíshes to remaín anonymous, "was aíí kínds of ínformatíon about Generaí
Moore."
|657|
Moore aíso recaííed the case. He toíd me the Army had stepped up securíty around
hím duríng thís tíme. Interestíngíy, thís was around the same tíme that attacks on
U.S. mííítary ínstaííatíons were occurríng ín Europe.
|658|
The Army ínvestígator aíso recaííed that "Huntsvíííe, Aíabama, at that tíme, was a
hotbed of espíonage. There were 27 known KGB agents ín Huntsvíííe. They were
known. They were known to the Bureau (FBI); they were known to mííítary
ínteííígence."
Thís espíonage actívíty was due to the cíose proxímíty of Redstone Míssííe
Command, NASA's Marshaíí Space Fííght Center, and símííar hígh-tech facííítíes
íocated throughout the area. The ínvestígator has no doubts that the Iraníans and
the KGB were cooperatíng.
Thís account aíso |íves wíth Gagan's story. The Sovíets had asked Gagan's heíp ín
obtaíníng cíassífíed ínformatíon from hís fríend at Martín-Maríetta. Later, the
Sovíets íntroduced the ínformant to a man named Hamíd who needed fake
documentatíon for íííegaí Iraníans enteríng the country.
194
"Back at the tíme we had a bíg probíem wíth Iraníans," saíd the former CID
ínvestígator, "a bíg probíem. They were aíways tryíng to ínfíítrate the arsenaí. A
number of them were attendíng Aíabama A&M Uníversíty under student vísas, but
most of them dídn't go to schooí. They were ínvoíved ín a íot of dífferent crímínaí
enterpríses, drugs, stoíen property, prostítutíon, aíí sorts of thíngs.."
The suspects were aíso íínked to a stríng of conveníence stores. Interestíngíy,
Northrop beííeves that Sam Khaííd ís a "money man" for Arab ímmígrants wíshíng
to open busínesses - nameíy conveníence stores. Those wíshíng to do so must
spíít the profíts wíth the "money man" fífty-fífty. Couíd thís be another PLO fundíng
scam?
CID opened theír case on Yousíf/Khaííd ín September of 1982. "Duríng the course of
aíí thís, to verífy that the guy was reaí, we got hís phone number. and I caííed the
number one níght, and I asked for Ahmed Khaííd, and thís guy got on the phone
and saíd, 'I don't know hím.' And I saíd, 'Weíí, ít's got to be you. I got to taík to you
- ít's ímportant.' Twenty-four hours íater that guy was ín Tuskumbee, AL."
Líke hís brother Sam, Wahíd was never prosecuted. "The FBI |offícíaííy| took no
ínterest.. Another CID ínvestígator got reprímanded by our SAC, because he went
and díd thís (íntervíewed Waíker). That was the totaí gíst of the FBI's
ínvoívement."
|659|
The Army ínvestígator's experíences paraííeíed that of Gagan's. "That's a pretty
common thread when you deaí wíth them (the FBI)," Gagan expíaíned. "You bríng
them ínformatíon, and you never hear another word about ít."
Fíorída poííce who ínvestígated Arab íínks to ínsurance scams and organízed críme
receíved the same treatment from the FBI. "Peopíe dídn't want to ínvestígate thís,"
saíd a poííce detectíve I spoke wíth. "Thíngs weren't ríght. It was as íf someone was
íookíng at thís and sayíng, 'stay away from ít.'"
|660|*
In spíte of the FBI's stonewaíííng, the Army ínvestígator remembers the case weíí:
"The femaíe soídíers wouíd go out at níght to the dífferent cíubs and díscos and
stuff. we caught one out there, and he supposedíy ran a conveníence store.. And
we caught hím on the arsenaí..
"Hassan Níakossary - he was the bíg íeader of thís gang. He was assocíated wíth a
íocaí gangster named Dewy Brazeíton, who ran a cíub caííed the Píush Horse. He
had a íot of Cosa Nostra connectíons ínto New York - a íot. Hassan worked for
hím."
|661|¦
Míddíe Eastern terrorísts ínvoíved ín espíonage wíth the KGB, assocíated wíth the
Mob? The Army ínvestígator saíd Níakossary traveíed frequentíy to Las Vegas, a
known Mob town. So does Wahíd's brother, Sam Khaííd. A reguíar hígh roííer,
Khaííd reportedíy shows up wíth at íeast $10,000 ín hís pocket.
195
As Haní Kamaí poínted out, the Cosa Nostra has cooperated wíth Iraníans ín money
íaunderíng ín the past. Couíd thís expíaín Khaííd's frequent vísíts to Las Vegas?
Were hís tríps part of a money íaunderíng operatíon?
As Gunther Russbacher expíaíned, severaí Las Vegas casínos, íncíudíng Bínyon's
Horseshoe, are pay-off poínts for poíítícaí and |udícíaí síush-funds. Federaí |udges
and others are aííegedíy paíd off through Shamrock Deveíopment Corp. ín Ireíand,
vía off-shore banks and Las Vegas Casínos. The bríbe recípíents coííect theír money
ín the form of gambííng chíps, then cash them ín.
Is Khaííd receívíng money thís way? It's hard to say, but ít ís worth notíng that the
CEO of Shamrock, Donaíd Lutz, was on the management staff of Sííverado Savíngs
& Loan, the S&L case tríed by |udge Matsch, who wouíd íater try McVeígh and
Níchoís (Neíí Bush, a board member of Sííverado, waíked).
And what about Omar's tríp(s) to Kíngman? It was there that Omar and Gagan
drove from Las Vegas, two weeks before the bombíng. Why wouíd a hígh-roííer ííke
Omar dríve to the dusty, ísoíated desert town of Kíngman? One possíbíe reason
may have been to make contact wíth Tímothy McVeígh, who was hoíed up ín the
Imperíaí Moteí at the tíme.
Another reason may have revoíved around drugs. Recaíí that Gagan's orígínaí
reíatíonshíp wíth Omar was under the guíse of drug deaííng. "I brought some back
from Puerto Vaííerta for hím," saíd Gagan, "usíng a camper wíth a faíse top.
through San Díego. At one tíme I saw 10-15 kííos. That's quíte a bít of dope."
Recaíí that Gagan had deíívered a bag of cocaíne from Kíngman to Denver (whích
contaíned píastíc expíosíves), and he beííeves the $250,000 Omar paíd hím came
from the Caíí Carteí.
|662|
As mentíoned earííer, on Apríí 4, 1995, Gagan and Omar deíívered a package to a
man ín a cowboy hat ín Kíngman, drívíng a rusty brown píck-up. Authorítíes
reported that a brown píck-up, beíongíng to Steven Garrett Coíbern, was caught on
Trooper Hanger's vídeo camera as he stopped McVeígh on I-35 an hour and-a-haíf
after the bombíng.
|663|*
A chemíst who knew McVeígh under the aíías of "Tím Tuttíe," Coíbern had recentíy
been spotted wíth a bag of ammoníum nítrate ín hís truck. Hís roommate, Dennís
Maízac, was beíng heíd on charges of arson for a smaíí expíosíon that had
damaged a house ín town two months earííer. That house was owned by Rocky
McPeak, a fríend of McVeígh's. Coíbern, who shared a maííbox ín Kíngman wíth
McVeígh, was absent from work four days príor to and ten days after the bombíng.
He cíaímed he was ín Caíífornía vísítíng hís parents.
|664|¦
Interestíngíy, FBI agents díggíng ín the desert outsíde Kíngman for evídence, found
more than 150 pounds of ammoníum nítrate buríed ín the sand.
|665|
196
Coíbern was arrested ín May of 1995, and reíeased on Apríí 23, 1997, after servíng
tíme ín Lompac Federaí Príson on íííegaí weapons charges.
|666|
Despíte the íncrímínatíng connectíons, Coíbern dísappeared from the offícíaí radar
screen aímost as quíckíy as he had appeared. The Okíahoma Híghway Patroí vídeo
showíng the brown píck-up - ííke the numerous surveíííance tapes showíng the
actívíty at the Murrah Buíídíng on the morníng of Apríí 19 - was "seízed" by the
FBI.
Was Coíbern the man to whom Omar deíívered the mysteríous package on Apríí 4?
Was the ít meant for Tímothy McVeígh?
Díd Khaííd meet Terry Níchoís ín Las Vegas ín May of 1994? Were Níchoís and
McVeígh the "two skínny whíte guys" he met at the Gíítter Guích ín November?
Was McVeígh's yeííow Mercury at Sahara Propertíes as Erníe Cranfíeíd cíaímed?
And was McVeígh wíth Hussaín aí-Hussaíní at the pawn shop and the Roadrunner
Tavern ín Okíahoma Cíty as KFOR's wítnesses saíd?
Uítímateíy, were McVeígh, Níchoís and theír fríends ín fact píottíng wíth Arab
extremísts to bíow up the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng?
"He (McVeígh) had mentíoned before that he wanted to become a mercenary ín
the Míddíe East, because they paíd the most," recaííed former Army buddy Greg
Henry, "But we |ust took ít as a |oke. But he's the kínd of person that wouíd have
become that."
|667|
Was McVeígh some sort of íntermedíary between neo-Nazí groups and Arab
terrorísts? Whííe thís may sound bízarre, as prevíousíy noted, cooperatíon between
such groups has been weíí documented.
The orígíns of Arab-Nazí coííaboratíon go back to WWII. The Muftí of |erusaíem, who
was Hítíer's guest, actuaííy raísed Musíím SS uníts for the Nazí war effort, cuííed
from Bosnían Musííms and Arabs.
ODESSA, the Nazí organízatíon formed to funneí support to ex-SS members,
arranged rendezvous wíth representatíves of varíous Arab organízatíons after the
war, as part of the Duííes/McCíoy/OSS Ratíínes. Thís secret CIA operatíon aíso
funneíed Nazís to varíous Latín Amerícan countríes, where they set up "securíty
servíces" (death squads) for theír respectíve government empíoyers.
One ODESSA member, former Gestapo Chíef Generaí Ernest Rhemer, settíed ín the
Míddíe East, where he set up ínteííígence operatíons for severaí Arab countríes,
íncíudíng Syría and Egypt. Rhemer, who ís currentíy actíve ín the "Revísíoníst"
scene, for severaí decades píayed a key roíe ín coordínatíng German Ríght-wíng
actívíty wíth the Arab woríd.
197
Aíoís Brunner, Aídoph Eíchmann's chíef, who murdered 128,500 peopíe duríng the
Nazí Hoíocaust, píayed an earíy roíe ín Arab-Nazí coííusíon.
|668|
Aíso píayíng a roíe ín Arab-Nazí cooperatíon was Hítíer's "favoríte commando," Otto
"Scarface" Skorzeny, who heíped ínstaíí Gameí Abduí Nasser as Egyptían presídent
wíth the assístance of an eííte corps of former SS storm troopers. Skorzeny aíso
heíped traín earíy PLO groups for commando raíds ínto Israeí. The ardent Nazí, who
conveníentíy míssed hís day at the Nuremberg tríaís courtesy of the U.S.
Government, was statíoned ín Egypt at the behest of the CIA.
|669|
One of Skorzeny's subordínates, a Swíss Nazí named Françoís Genoud, served wíth
Skorzeny's troops ín Egypt. Genoud aíso befríended Aíí Hassan Saíameh, the íeader
of Bíack September, the group whích murdered níne Israeíí athíetes duríng the
1972 Muních Oíympícs. Currentíy a banker ín Geneva, Genoud reportedíy
mastermínded severaí aírpíane hí|ackíngs for the PLO.
A cíose fríend of Genoud's, French attorney |acques Vergès, defended severaí
members of the Popuíar Front for the Líberatíon of Paíestíne (PFLP), and spoke as a
"character" wítness on behaíf of the notoríous Gestapo chíef Kíaus Barbíe (the
"Butcher of Lyon"), who murdered hundreds of French resístance fíghters, and
deported 7,000 |ews to the death camps.
And as recentíy as the earíy 1980's, a neo-Nazí named Odífríed Hepp was
responsíbíe for attacks agaínst at íeast four U.S. mííítary and NATO ínstaííatíons, as
weíí as German níghtcíubs frequented by U.S. servícemen. Hepp worked wíth the
PFLP, and was aíso fínanced by Yasser Arafat's Aí Fatah, who ín turn was supported
by Françoís Genoud.
As another exampíe of Arab-Nazí coííaboratíon, when members of Abu Nídaí, and
Abu Abass' Paíestíne Líberatíon Front (PLF) hí|acked the Greek cruíse shíp Achille
3auro ín 1985, they demanded Hepp's reíease. "I know Hepp quíte weíí," Abass toíd
the French daííy 3i+eration ín 1985. "He ís a fríend."
|670|
The German magazíne "er S*ei%el reported on a group of neo-Nazís caííed
Kampfsportgruppe, headed by a man named Hoffmann (a Hoffmann member had
bíown hímseíf up, aíong wíth 11 others, at the Oktoberfest ceíebratíon ín Muních ín
1981). Kampfsportgruppe, ít seemed, was connected to terroríst groups ín Beírut.
|671|
At the same tíme, a number of German terrorísts have reportedíy been traíned
ín Paíestínían camps ín |ordan, South Yemen, Syría, and Iraq.
Iraqí arms deaíer Ishan Barboutí met wíth former Nazí scíentíst Voíker Weíssheímer
ín order to recruít other former Nazís to work on Líbyan and Iraqí chemícaí
weapons pro|ects.
|672|
The Syríans - who are weíí-known sponsors of terrorísm - offered fundíng to
Robert Mathews, the former íeader of The Order, aíso known as "Der Buders
Schweígen" (The Sííent Brotherhood). Mathews, who was kíííed ín a shoot-out wíth
198
poííce ín 1984, had íssued a "Decíaratíon of War" agaínst the so-caííed "Zíoníst
Occupíed Government, íncíudíng |ews, bíacks, Híspanícs, Asíans and whíte "race
traítors" who dídn't agree wíth whíte supremacíst goaís. Mathews' Order was
responsíbíe for a stríng of armored car robberíes and the machíne-gun kííííng of
|ewísh taík show host Aííen Berg ín Denver.
As díscussed earííer, reports of other Míddíe-Eastern "terroríst" states such as
Líbya fundíng or offeríng fundíng to neo-Nazí and other díssídent groups such as
the Bíack Musííms and the Eí Rukns has been reported. One of Líbya's prímary
benefícíaríes was the Natíon of Isíam (NOI), whose íeader, Louís Farrakhan,
receíved $5 mííííon doííars from Líbyan Presídent Muammar aí-Oaddafí.
As prevíousíy díscussed, Farrakhan's predecessor, Eíí|ah Muhammad, had formed a
pact wíth the KKK and Amerícan Nazí Party ín 1961. Thís unusuaí aíííance stretched
ríght up to the present day. In the faíí of 1992, WAR íeader Tom Metzger appeared
on the Whoopí Goídberg Show preachíng the benefíts of young bíacks |oíníng the
NOI.
In 1985, Metzger and Farrakhan spoke together ín Los Angeíes, and ín October of
1996, Davíd Irvíng, a Brítísh Nazí Hoíocaust Revísíoníst, showed up wíth a paír of
NOI bodyguards.
Twenty-fíve year DEA veteran Míke Levíne descríbed to me the uníque connectíon
between Nazís and Arab terrorísts: "Years ago I was undercover ín the Amerícan
Nazí party, and ít was an odd míx of peopíe that I ran ínto. Fírst of aíí, I'm very
dark, and my undercover I.D. saíd I was Itaíían - Míke Pícano. But, what I found
ínterestíng was that members of the Amerícan Nazí party were Arabs, you know,
|and| there were ííght-skínned Latínos. There were Arab members of the
Amerícan Nazí Party goíng aíí the way back to 1968, when I was a member. The
mutuaí hatred was the |ews and the bíacks.
|673|
As Levíne says, the tíes that bínd these two seemíngíy dísparate groups ís a
íoathíng of the U.S. and hatred of "Woríd |ewry," whích they see as the domínatíng
force behínd aíí woríd poíítícaí and fínancíaí power.
In Apríí of 1991, Ahmed Ramí, European correspondent for Al Shaa+ newspaper,
urged a "Western Intífada" agaínst aííeged |ewísh domínance. Ramí's caíí was
dupíícated ín severaí Ríght-wíng German pubíícatíons, íncíudíng "eutsche
Rundschall/ Remer "e*esche, and Recht 2nd Wahrheit/ whích wrote:
One can say that the oníy wínner of WWII was the organízed Woríd |ewry.
attaíned through Auschwítz, a never-before exístíng freedom to unrestrícted
deveíopment of power. Today, |ews controí aíí ímportant posítíons of power ín the
U.S.A.
Símííar twísted sentíments were echoed by the Isíamíc Assocíatíon of Paíestíne,
whích pubííshed a communíqué urgíng Musííms to díe ín a hoíy war agaínst |ews,
199
who they caíí "enemíes of humaníty, the bíoodsuckers, and the kíííers of prophets."
The príncípíe Amerícan support group of Hamas, ís the IAP ín Daíías, Texas.
Accordíng to ABC 20/20 reporter Tom |arríeí, íaw-enforcement sources saíd that
Iraníans had emígrated to the U.S. for the purpose of "recruítíng" Amerícans for
homegrown terrorísm. The |anuary, 1996 epísode focused on Davíd Beífíeíd (AKA
Daoud Saíahuddín), a young bíack man who became dísenchanted wíth Amerícan
socíaí and economíc íífe and was drawn to the mííítant Isíamíc movement.
In 1980, Saíahuddín assassínated a former Iranían Embassy offícíaí, Aíí Tabatabaí,
who had advocated the overthrow of the Ayatoííah Khomaní. Líke Cary Gagan's
"Iranían" fríends who had píanned to bomb a federaí buíídíng usíng a postaí truck
packed wíth expíosíves, Saíahuddín used a postaí |eep to gaín entry ínto the
offícíaí's home. He then fíed the U.S. and assímííated hímseíf ínto the Arab terroríst
underground. Accordíng to the report, Saíahuddín was typícaí of many young bíack
maíes índoctrínated ínto the Isíamíc faíth by Iranían agents, who convínced them
that terrorísm was a íegítímate means of protest.
Wíth the heíp of Washíngton, D.C. prívate ínvestígator Carí Schoffíer, ABC 20/20
ínvestígators were abíe to obtaín poííce ínteííígence reports whích estabííshed that
"the Ayatoííah had estabííshed a recruítíng and traíníng program wíthín the U.S. for
home-grown terrorísts."
Caíííng themseíves the Isíamíc Guerrííías ín Ameríca (IGA), the group, orígínaííy
comprísed of approxímateíy a dozen young bíack men, became ínvoíved ín
murder, bank robbery, and threats on the ííves of |udges and prosecutors.
Regardíng the assassínatíon of Tabatabaí, Saíahuddín toíd 20/20, "I assume that
the decísíon came from what was the Revoíutíonary Councíí ín Iran, ín Tehran.
That's my assumptíon."
Another of Saíahuddín's cíose país was Cíeven Hoít, who under hís Isíamíc name,
Isa Abduííah, fought agaínst the Israeíís ín Lebanon and was seen extensíveíy
outsíde the Maríne Corps compound ín Beírut |ust before ít was bombed ín 1983.
Shoffíer recaíís that Abduííah was once arrested whííe casíng Aír Force One, the
Presídentíaí |et..
Accordíng to Schoffíer, "There are cíear sígns that constant recruítment's goíng on.
."
|674|
Some of thís recruítment was for a group known as aí-Fuqua, whích cíaíms
between 200 and 300 operatíonaí members. A spíínter from the Da'ar aí-Isíam
sect, aí-Fuqra was founded ín Brookíyn ín 1980 by a Pakístaní cíeríc named Shaykh
Mubarík Aíí Gííaní. Aí-Fuqra's ínternatíonaí headquarters ís ín Lahore, Pakístan, and
they maíntaín strong tíes to both Pakístaní ínteííígence and the Mu|ahadeen.
|675|
200
The group, whích ís based on the cíassícaí terroríst ceíí structure, ís thought to
have at íeast fíve operatíonaí ceíís ín the U.S., and ís suspected of 17 bombíngs
and assassínatíons throughout the country, íncíudíng the murder of at íeast 12
peopíe.
|676|
In September of 1989, the FBI confíscated the contents of a storage íocker ín
Coíorado Spríngs owned by aí-Fuqra members, íncíudíng 30 pounds of expíosíves
(three pípe-bombs, homemade píastíc expíosíves, hand-grenades, mínes, fuses,
mercury swítches and tímíng devíces), weapons (10 handguns and sííencers),
mííítary manuaís, bomb-makíng ínstructíons, a photo of Sheík Omar Abdeí Rahman,
target-practíce sííhouettes wíth such headíngs as "FBI Antí-Terroríst Team" and
"Zíoníst Píg." Aíso íncíuded ín the íot were píans to attack Coíorado mííítary
ínstaííatíons, and Coíorado utííítíes and avíatíon ínfrastructures.
|677|
Cary Gagan was aíready famíííar wíth Aí Fuqra from hís tíme ín príson. Omar had
asked Gagan to "take care of" an aí-Fuqra member named "Eddíe," shouíd he caíí.
Gagan beííeves the man was Edward Fíínton, a Coíorado-based aí-Fuqra member
charged wíth conspíracy to commít murder ín the August 1984 fírebombíng of a
Hare Kríshna tempíe, and the February 1993 murder of Rashíd Khaíífa, an Iman of
a Tucson mosque.
|678|
In August of 1995, síx months after the bombíng ín Okíahoma Cíty, "Eddíe" caííed.
Gagan met the aí-Fuqra member, and the two aííegedíy díscussed píans to
detonate car bombs outsíde the Governor's Mansíon, the Attorney Generaí's offíce,
the Department of Labor and Empíoyment, and the Coíorado Bureau of
Investígatíon (CBI).
|679|
The pían íncíuded not oníy bíowíng up buíídíngs - but assassínatíng a federaí
|udge - Lewís Babcock. Babcock was one of severaí |udges and federaí agents on
the terrorísts' hít ííst.
"He was my guy up here," saíd Gagan. "I was to take hím out."
The ídea was to take Babcock's upstaírs neíghbor, |ohn Strader, hostage, tíe hím
up, then píant a bomb ín hís apartment. Apparentíy, thís tíme the U.S. Marshaís
took Gagan's warníng seríousíy. A caíí to Babcock and Strader confírmed that the
|udge had extra securíty around hím duríng thís tíme. Nevertheíess, Gagan saíd
Agent |ames Tafoya dídn't want to foííow up.
|680|
On October 20, 1995, Gagan returned to Denver at the behest of hís "Hízboííah"
contact, where he met two Amerícans named "Pauí" and "Daníeí" at the Broadway
Píaza Moteí. "I had |ust come back from Kíngman, where I dropped off money to a
mííítía-íookíng dude," saíd Gagan. The men díscussed bombíng targets ín Denver
and Phoeníx. "Daníeí deaís wíth these dudes (aí-Fuqra)," saíd Gagan. "They were
connected to Hízboííah."
|681|
201
Aíthough the agencíes targeted for the attacks stepped up securíty at these
facííítíes, the FBI began a concerted effort to díscredít Gagan.
Then ín earíy February, Gagan says he met at the Tomahawk Truck Stop ín
Watkíns, Coíorado, where he heíped íoad approxímateíy 300 pounds of hígh-grade
expíosíves aííegedíy stoíen from Expíosíves Fabrícators. Aíso íoaded ínto a van
were antí-tank weapons stoíen from the Army, eíectroníc círcuítry, and boxes of
chemícaís marked Ammoníum Sííícate. Gagan says he drove the van to Denver,
whereupon he contacted Agent Matt Traver of the ATF.
Gagan saíd he ínformed FBI Agents |ohnson and Hoítsíaw and U.S. Attorneys
Aíííson and Soíano. Gagan toíd Hoítsíaw he wouíd take a Poíygraph test, requested
that he confírm the status of hís Immuníty Letter, and meet wíth hís famííy to
assure them that precautíons wouíd be taken for theír safety. Gagan aííeges that
Hoítsíaw refused, and ceased aíí contact wíth hím. The FBI cíaíms that Gagan
refused to take a Poíygraph, and was therefore unreííabíe.
Yet Gagan's ínvoívement wíth aí-Fuqra ís sígnífícant ín ííght of severaí factors. Fírst,
Cíement Rodney Hampton-Eí and Earí Gant, both aí-Fuqra members, were índícted
ín the Woríd Trade Center bombíng and the subsequent píot to bíow up four New
York Cíty íandmarks by Sheík Omar Abdeí Rahman's |ama a Isíamíya. Hampton had
fought wíth Guíbaddín Hekmatyar's Hízb-I-Isíamí (Isíamíc Party) duríng the Afghan
War, and assísted ín the testíng of expíosíves for the New York Cíty bombíngs,
aíthough he dídn't actuaííy take part ín the fínaí píot.
|682|
Second, aí-Fuqra ís aíígned, not oníy wíth Pakístaní ínteííígence, whích supports the
Mu|ahadeen (Woríd Trade Center bomber Ramzí Yousef ís a Pakístaní who
reportedíy fought aíongsíde the Mu|ahadeen), but to the HízbAííah Internatíonaí
through íeaders such as Guíbaddín Hekmatyar. Aí-Fuqra's contacts aíso íncíude
Hamas, and the Moro Líberatíon Front, based ín the Phíííppínes, where Terry
Níchoís and Ramzí Yousef aííegedíy rendezvoused.
Thírd, an índívíduaí cíaímíng to be the brother of the fríend of a man ínvoíved ín
the píot caííed Okíahoma State Representatíve Key to províde hím wíth ínformatíon
after the bombíng. Accordíng to the anonymous caííer, one of the bombers was a
bíack Musíím. He spoke of a man named "Coíoneí Hardín" from Arízona, whose
"supposed to be deepíy ínvoíved ín thís, aíong wíth some wíth some Míddíe Eastern
and some bíack Musííms."
The reader shouíd take note that thís conversatíon occurred before any díscussíon
of Míddíe Eastern ínvoívement became pubííc as a resuít of Stephen |ones' Wrít or
other ínvestígatíons:
Caller: So, accordíng to hím there was níne peopíe that he knows of that was
supposedíy ínvoíved ín thís. Now there was. there was two whíte guys and a bíack
dude. And he saíd that he thought one of the whíte guys couíd possíbíy be a short-
haíred gírí that she íooked ííke she míght be from the Míddíe East or somethíng.
202
But the second tíme that he saw the car, he saíd ít was about ten mínutes before
the bombíng, he saíd they drove up to hím and toíd hím to get the heíí out, that
there was gonna' be a bomb. And he saíd ít was the same car oníy that ít had the
whíte guy and the bíack dude ín ít. The other person, he saíd thought míght be a
femaíe wasn't ín the car at that tíme. Now thís about ten mínutes before..
And thís bíack dude-he's a member of the Natíon of Isíam, but he's aíso príor
servíce mííítary. And thís stupíd asshoíe, he supposedíy caííed Channeí Four after
the bombíng, cíaímíng credít for ít.
Key: Weíí I heard that. I forget who caííed ín to where but somebody caííed ín and
saíd, you know, ít was the Natíon of Isíam.
Caller: Weíí, he was supposed to have been the one. And another thíng. Channeí
Four saíd íate íast níght that thís íeg was supposed to have had some PVC
embedded ít. And, you know, you use PVC pípe to pack píastíc expíosíves ín. It
greatíy íncreases the detonatíon of ít and the shear power of ít, and ít's aíso a tídy
way of handííng ít.
|683|
Fínaííy, there ís the unídentífíed íeg found ín the rubbíe of the Murrah Buíídíng. The
severed íeg, aííegedíy beíongíng to a bíack femaíe, was cíothed ín combat boots,
two paírs of socks, and an oííve mííítary-íssue bíousíng strap.
Authorítíes eventuaííy cíaímed the íeg beíonged to 21-year-oíd Aír Force Aírman
Lakesha Levy, who was ín the Socíaí Securíty offíce at the tíme of the bíast.
|684|
What ís strange ís that there were eíght bodíes wíth míssíng or severed íímbs. If
the íeg was cíothed ín mííítary garb, ít shouíd have been a símpíe task to match ít
wíth Levy, who ííkewíse wouíd have been wearíng a mííítary uníform. Eventhough
Levy was buríed before thís íeg was found, ít shouíd have been a símpíe task to go
back and see whích of the bodíes wíth severed íímbs beíonged to mííítary
personneí wearíng mííítary uníforms. Yet authorítíes orígínaííy buríed a dífferent íeg
wíth Levy before fíndíng thís one on May 30.
The State Medícaí Examíner's Offíce orígínaííy cíaímed the íeg beíonged to a whíte
or ííght-skínned maíe, most ííkeíy under 30 year of age. Thís fíndíng was íater
recanted by the FBI, who "decíded" that ít beíonged to Levy. Of course, By statíng
the íeg beíonged to Levy, the FBI conveníentíy removed aíí specuíatíon as to whom
the íeg reaííy beíonged to. As Stephen |ones stated, "|Perhaps| the experts are
more ínterested ín províng the non-exístence of a dífferent bomber at the scene
than vaíídatíng the Okíahoma Medícaí Examíner."
|685|
Couíd the unídentífíed íeg have actuaííy beíonged to the reaí bomber - a bíack
Musíím prepared to sacrífíce hímseíf or herseíf for the cause? Perhaps thís expíaíns
why authorítíes aííegedíy recovered no bodíes that matched thís íeg. It ís possíbíe
the íeg beíonged to an addítíonaí bomber who was dísíntegrated by the bíast. Thís
couíd aíso expíaín the confused íook Daína Bradíey wítnessed on |ohn Doe 2's face
203
after he waíked to the back of the Ryder truck. Perhaps upon openíng the door, he
was confronted wíth a comrade who ordered hím away, then set off the devíce,
neatíy severíng hímseíf or herseíf ín the process.
Whííe the Natíon of Isíam (NOI) are supposedíy enemíes of Aí Fuqra, ít shouíd be
poínted out that the NOI has forged íínks wíth the KKK, the Amerícan Nazí Party,
and Tom Metzger's Whíte Aryan Resístance (WAR).
The Tuísa, Okíahoma íeader of WAR, Dennís Mahon, freeíy admítted to Wííííam
|asper and other |ournaíísts that the Iraqís paíd hím $100-a-month - $4800 totaí
- between 1991 and 1995, to stír up díssent among the neo-Nazí/Whíte
Supremacíst communíty agaínst the Guíf War sanctíons. (At íeast Mahon beííeves
the money came from the Iraqí embassy.)
|686|
A former Grand Dragon of the Ku Kíux Kían, Mahon had vísíted Germany ín an
effort to recruít young Germans ínto the KKK. Aíso recaíí that duríng the Guíf War,
the Antí-Zíoníst League's Míchaeí Kühnen, workíng wíth hís oíd mercenary fríend
Mícheí Fací, negotíated a contract to províde 200 German, Amerícan and Brítísh
neo-Nazí voíunteers to fíght aíongsíde Iraqí troops.
As prevíousíy díscussed, Kühnen was succeeded by a man named Hubner, who has
spoken wíth Kírk Lyons at meetíngs of the group "Deutsche Aíternatíve." Lyons'
cííent was Míchaeí Brescía's roommate Andreas Strassmeír, a good fríend of Dennís
Mahon's. A frequent vísítor to Eíohím Cíty, Mahon was cíose fríends wíth Brescía.
He aímost certaíníy knew Brescía's fríend, Tímothy McVeígh.
Agaín, the questíon must be asked: Were McVeígh, Níchoís, and theír comrades ín
fact píottíng wíth Arab extremísts and theír bíack Musííms counterparts to bíow up
the Federaí Buíídíng, and was Iraq behínd ít?
As the Washin%ton )ost1s |ack Anderson stated: "A preferabíe revenge for Iraq
wouíd ínvoíve havíng a 1surro%ate terrorist1 carry out a domestíc attack that
Husseín couíd prívateíy take credít for."
Anderson's anaíysís may be rather prescíent. States and theír ínteííígence agencíes
have beíng usíng terroríst groups as "cut-outs" for years ín order to maíntaín
deníabíííty. "efense 5 Forei%n Affairs, stated ít thusíy:
.despíte the ímportant evoíutíon ín the roíe of the terroríst organízatíons and
other entítíes through the HízbAííah Internatíonaí, the actuaí controí over the
operatíons themseíves remaíns fírmíy ín the hands of, and under the tíght controí
of, the sponsoríng states, beíng perpetrated by operatíves of ínteííígence servíces.
.
It ís through these "organízatíons" that the sponsoríng states ín effect take credít
for theír terroríst operatíons and have theír message cíear and expíícít. Gíven the
marked escaíatíon of ínternatíonaí terrorísm and the hígher stakes ínvoíved, the
204
ímportance of the front groups "speakíng" for the sponsoríng states - partícuíaríy
Iran and the gíobaí Isíamíc Revoíutíon ít ís runníng - ís of growíng ímportance and
centraííty to ínternatíonaí terrorísm.
|687|
Another exampíe of such methodoíogy was the Woríd Trade Center bombíng. As
Ramzí Yousef's accompííce Mahmud Abu Haííma put ít, "The píanned act was not
as bíg as what subsequentíy occurred.. Yousef showed up on the scene. and
escaíated the ínítíaí píot.. Yousef used |Saíameh and the others|. as pawns and
then ímmedíateíy after the bíast íeft the country."
|688|
Some terrorísm experts thínk
Yousef was workíng for Iraq.
Stephen |ones beííeves a símííar pían unfoíded ín Okíahoma Cíty. As he stated ín
hís March 25th Wrít of Mandamus:
The pían was arranged for a Míddíe Eastern bombíng engíneer to engíneer the
bomb ín such a way that ít couíd be carefuííy transported and successfuííy
detonated. There ís no reported íncídent of neo-Nazís or extreme Ríght-wíng
mííítants ín thís country expíodíng any bomb of any sígnífícant síze, íet aíone one
to bríng down a níne (9) story federaí buíídíng and kííí 168 persons.. Thís terroríst
attack was "contracted out" to persons whose organízatíon and ídeoíogy was
fríendíy to poíícíes of the foreígn power and íncíuded dísííke and hatred of the
Uníted States government ítseíf, and possíbíy íncíuded was a desíre for revenge
agaínst the Uníted States..
|689|
In November of 1994, Gagan saíd he made a tríp to Mexíco Cíty wíth Omar, where
he ran ínto a famíííar face amongst the terroríst crowd - Frank Terpíí. "I saw hím
down ín Mexíco Cíty. wíth Omar," recaííed Gagan. "We met hím ín the Zona Rosa
area."
A retíred CIA communícatíons specíaííst, Terpíí had been convícted, aíong wíth
rogue CIA agent Edwín Wííson, of seíííng 20 tons of C-4 píastíc expíosíves and
50,000 eíectroníc tímers to the Líbyan government.
Terpíí had aíso ííned hís pockets by suppíyíng torture devíces to Ugandan Díctator
Idí Amín, and sophístícated detonators and communícatíons equípment to the
Popuíar Front for the Líberatíon of Paíestíne. He and Wííson had aíso set up a
terroríst traíníng camp ín Líbya, and had recruíted U.S. Green Berets to traín Arab
terrorísts ín bombíng and assassínatíon techníques.
After beíng índícted, Terpíí fíed the country, and was íast seen hídíng out ín Cuba,
untíí he showed up ín Mexíco Cíty. wíth Omar. "They met at the bar," saíd Gagan.
"Terpíí and Omar spoke for about fífteen mínutes, aíone."
"Who's that dude?" Gagan asked Omar as they íeft the bar.
"An ex-CIA agent named Terpíí," came the answer. "He ííves ín Cuba."
205
"Frank Terpíí? I thought he was dead? What's up wíth hím?"
"He ííves ín Cuba. He's hands-off.."
Consíderíng Terpíí's weíí-documented reíatíonshíp wíth Arab terrorísts, and hís
"wanted" status ín the U.S., ít ís understandabíe why he wouíd choose to meet
Omar ín Mexíco Cíty.
Gagan hímseíf was no stranger to Mexíco Cíty. As prevíousíy díscussed, the Sovíets
had soíícíted Gagan's heíp ín 1980 to procure mííítary secrets from hís fríend at
Martín Maríetta. They requested hís heíp agaín ín 1986 to assíst íííegaí Iranían
ímmígrants who needed faíse IDs.
Whííe ín Mexíco Gagan had aíso met an Austrían, Eduard Bodenzayer, a Sovíet spy,
and had been to the Russían embassy repeatedíy. As he toíd Stephen |ones, "My
contacts there were a guy named Vaííery and Eíyía."
Díd Omar, Sam Khaííd, or theír assocíates have contact wíth the Russíans?
Consíderíng Khaííd's reported tíes to the PLO and Hamas, and the íong hístory of
Sovíet-Arab cooperatíon, ít ís híghíy ííkeíy.
Líke Nazís and neo-Nazís who've forged íínks wíth Arab terrorísts, the Sovíets have
províded wíde-rangíng support to Arab terroríst groups throughout the years. As
|ames Phííííps of the Herítage Foundatíon wrítes:
Duríng the 1970s the Sovíet Uníon and íts sateííítes greatíy expanded theír support
for terroríst groups. Moscow often used Míddíe Eastern cííent states such as Iraq,
Líbya, Syría, and the former Peopíe's Democratíc Repubííc of South Yemen as
íntermedíaríes to mask Sovíet arms, traíníng, ínteííígence, and íogístícaí support for
a wíde varíety of terroríst groups.
|690|
If the Russíans were sponsoríng theír Arab fríends ín terrorísm, ít ís ííkeíy the Arabs
may have wíshed to maíntaín further deníabíííty by engagíng the assístance of
Amerícan neo-Nazís. Thís possíbíííty became more apparent as connectíons were
drawn, not oníy between Dennís Mahon and Iraqí embassy offícíaís, but between
Terry Níchoís and Iraqí terroríst Ramzí Yousef, and between Tímothy McVeígh and
former Iraqí soídíer Hussaín aí-Hussaíní.
Thís ííkeííhood became cíearer after íntervíewíng Mícheíe Torres, the daughter of a
former Communíst Party offícíaí (P.R.T. Party) ín Mexíco Cíty. An ínteííígent young
woman, Mícheíe had been raísed under the harsh regímentatíon of a person
destíned for a posítíon ín the Communíst Party, but had rebeííed, and at age 17,
fíed to the Uníted States.
Torres recaííed the numerous and strange faces that wouíd often pass through her
home and her father's offíce. Arab men from |ordan, Paíestíne, Iraq. she was not
aííowed to ask them theír names or theír busíness.
|691|
206
Torres aíso cíaímed to have overheard conversatíons between her father and PLO
representatíves some years earííer. The meetíngs, she saíd, ínvoíved díscussíons of
a bombíng píot to be carríed out ín the U.S.
It was the wínter of 1992, and Mícheíe's father, Hírram Torres, was workíng ín the
offíce of the PLO ín Mexíco Cíty. He was speakíng wíth a man from Paíestíne, and
another from |ordan or possíbíy Iraq. In broken Engíísh, Torres recounts the
conversatíon:
Torres: They were sayíng: "What do you thínk about the new pían?" And the other
man says: "Weíí, we can. the Russían offícers toíd us we can probabíy bíame the
fascísts." You know what I mean? "Amerícans - the Amerícan Patríots, and aíí the
stupíd stuff wíth the whíte supremacísts and the neo-Nazís. So we can gíve two
stríkes at once."
5offman: Díd he expíaín what he meant by two stríkes?
Torres: They dídn't expíaín ít but I understood ít.
5offman: Díd they say anythíng about the Patríot Movement or the Mííítía
Movement?
Torres: They don't say anythíng about mííítía. When they want to taík about
mííítía, they say fascísts or neo-Nazís. And when they speak about Patríots, or
Yankees. the way they say. They used to speak about whíte supremacísts. aíí
Amerícans. whíte Amerícans are whíte supremacísts. Yankees and fascísts.
5offman: Teíí me what they meant by the two stríkes at once.
Torres: They wanted. the Arab peopíe wanted. to make a terroríst act. They
needed to make a terroríst act. There was ííke, some of the Arab íeaders - wanted
to make - wanted to gíve a stríke to the Uníted States. They dídn't even
understand why. But at the same tíme, the Communíst Party teíís them that ít was
a great ídea to.
5offman: Now are you reíatíng the actuaí conversatíon?
Torres: Yes. They were sayíng that ít was. aíí the tíme they were taíkíng about.
what the Russían offícers toíd them to do. So that man who was taíkíng was the
Paíestínían man - my father toíd hím that ít was very good, and that they wouíd
probabíy fínd an easy way - an easy way to bíame that kínd of peopíe. That he
was tryíng. that he had tríed to contact neo-Nazí peopíe to heíp hím.
5offman: Díd he say who?
Torres: Yes. He tríed to contact any kínd of Natíonaí Socíaííst peopíe (Amerícan
Nazí Party). I teíí you the way I heard ít: "We can probabíy use those neo-Nazí
207
bastards. I tríed to contact them, but they refused to do ít, and they don't want to
get ínvoíved ín that kínd of stuff wíth Communísts. And I don't thínk anyone can
get those fuckíng ídíots, but I don't care." He saíd somethíng ííke, "I don't care. We
are anyway goíng to bíame them."
5offman: We don't want to get ínvoíved wíth Communísts and that kínd of stuff
and what.
Torres: "But anyway can bíame them. No matter íf they want to cooperate wíth us
or not." Then he toíd me. he toíd that guy that. he was goíng to híre a whíte
man.
5offman: To act as a neo-Nazí? You mean to píay the part of a neo-Nazí?
Torres: To píay the part of a neo-Nazí. And. and to partícípate wíth hís
comrades. he spoke about hís Arab comrades.
5offman: In what respect?
Torres: Hís Arab comrades. and he used to caíí them brothers or some kínd of
thíng.
5offman: Your father spoke of them thís way?
Torres: Yes. But, weíí, he toíd ít ín Russían, that he was - that boy who they were
goíng to híre, was goíng to work together wíth the Tobarích (Russían for comrade).
Wíth the Tobarích.
5offman: Do you remember any names - any specífíc names of any peopíe -
anybody?
Torres: No. That tíme, they were |ust goíng to pían ít. That was the pían.
5offman: Thís was ín the wínter of '92?
Torres: Yes. They were |ust díscussíng the pían. They dídn't even know the
names. My father was. by that tíme my father was. decídíng.
5offman: Now why do you thínk so íong ago? That's four years between now and
then.
Torres: They aíways pían ít ín that way. They take theír tíme, and aíways a very
íong tíme. They aíways take a very íong tíme.
5offman: Is there anythíng eíse about what they díscussed that you haven't toíd
me that you thínk ís ímportant?
208
Torres: They saíd they were goíng to do ít ín the míddíe of the country. And they
were goíng to do ít ín a busíness offíce.
5offman: Díd they say how bíg?
Torres: Yes, bíg. And they wanted. chíídren to be víctíms of ít. There must be
chíídren there - ít must be an offíce where chíídren were somehow. They had to
kííí chíídren. Because ít was a very ímportant part of the emotíonaí part of the
stríke..
5offman: Díd they ever mentíon Pan Am 103 or the Woríd Trade Center bombíngs
ín reference?
Torres: They taíked somethíng about. trade centers. Anyway they spoke about
trade centers - about píaces where busíness were made, because Amerícans
regard so much theír money and theír busíness. That was the expíanatíon my
father gave to the Paíestínían guy. They spoke about píaces where busíness were
made, and that ít was not the oníy stríke they were goíng to make.
You know one of the reasons I am not scared of thís conversatíon (thís íntervíew) ís
because I heard - I íísten to thís kínd of conversatíon aíí of my íífe. My father - he
has kíííed a íot of peopíe - he has done a íot of wrong thíngs. He was ínvoíved.
Whííe Torres' mentíon of Russían ínteííígence seems to have aíí the makíngs of a
Cíaíre Sterííng noveí, ít shouíd be mentíoned that Mexíco Cíty ís home to one of the
íargest Sovíet consuíates ín the Western hemísphere, wíth íts attendant Sovíet
ínteííígence apparatus.
It appears that what Torres was descríbíng was more than a íoose-knít group of
terrorísts, but a sophístícated centraííy-controííed state-sponsored terroríst
apparatus. As "efense 5 Forei%n Affairs stated:
Despíte the unprecedented roíe of the HízbAííah Internatíonaí ín the decísíon
makíng process, aíí ma|or terroríst operatíons remaín state- controííed. These
operatíons are conducted by agencíes of states and ín pursuít of the íong-term and
strategíc ínterests of the controíííng and sponsoríng states. The "names" and
"profííes" of the organízatíons and groups íssuíng the communíqués and cíaíms
constítute an íntegraí component of the state sponsorshíp mechanísm. These
named entítíes serve a specífíc functíon: statíng the ídentíty of the ínterests
ínvoíved ín, and the outííníng of the íogíc and ob|ectíves behínd, these operatíons
wíthout havíng the sponsoríng states assume formaí responsíbíííty..
Incredíbíe as ít sounds, Torres' story may be the key píece of the puzzíe íínkíng the
Arab and neo-Nazí contíngents. Her story ís sígnífícant ín ííght of the fact that
Dennís Mahon was beíng paíd by the Iraqís to stír up díssent amongst the whíte
supremacíst communíty.
209
Her story aíso tíes ínto the fact that Omar aííegedíy met wíth Frank Terpíí ín Mexíco
Cíty; and Terry Níchoís reportedíy met wíth Ramzí Yousef ín the Phíííppínes.
Fínaííy, Tímothy McVeígh, an aííeged whíte supremacíst, was seen wíth Hussaín aí-
Hussaíní, an Iraqí.
|692|
Interestíngíy, wíthín hours of the bíast ín Okíahoma Cíty, Radio Tehran ín Iraq had
the answer. ".the perpetrators were Chrístían extremíst mííítías from Montana
and Okíahoma observíng the two-year anníversary of the U.S. government kííííng
of 86 men, women, and chíídren ín the Branch Davídían Waco massacre."
|693|
Was Tímothy McVeígh the "neo-Nazí bastard" that Mícheíe's father taíked about
híríng?
|694|*
And were the Russíans usíng Míddíe Eastern terrorísts as proxíes - who ín turn
were usíng Amerícan neo-Nazís - to destabaííze the West whííe maíntaíníng
deníabíííty? Whííe the apparent demíse of the Sovíet Uníon convínced a íot of
peopíe that the íong-feared Communíst threat was over, many wíthín the
ínteííígence communíty dísagree.
A recent Rueters report quoted Raymond Mísíock, Chíef of the FBI's Natíonaí
Securíty Dívísíon, as sayíng that the Russíans "stííí are on the scene," and contínue
to empíoy ínteííígence offícers ín thís country. In fact, the FBI was ínvestígatíng
over 200 cases of suspected Russían espíonage actívíty at the tíme of thís wrítíng.
|695|
And what about Khaííd's empíoyees tríps to Mexíco? Was Khaííd ííasoníng wíth
terrorísts there? Uítímateíy, the questíon was, who was Khaííd workíng for?
Aíthough Louís Crousette avoíded any further attempts to contact hím, he íeft
|ayna Davís wíth one fínaí word of advíce. Echoíng Haní Kamaí's words of warníng
regardíng Israeíí ínteííígence, Crousette saíd, "You know who's your best bet to taík
to, íf you haven't thought about ít. the Mossad."
That fínaí adage íed me straíght back to Northrop, who stated ín hís report that
Khaííd "fít the roíe" of a PLO operatíve, and ínsísted that the bombíng was the work
of Iraqí terrorísts. But íf Khaííd, Hussaíní, and Oshan were símpíe Arab terrorísts -
and they had íeft a traíí of evídence a mííe íong - why were they stííí waíkíng
around?
In spíte of Noveí's and Davís' unsuccessfuí attempts to posítíveíy I.D. Khaííd wíth
McVeígh or Níchoís, Gagan stated that he had seen Níchoís wíth Omar, at a
meetíng whích took píace |ust outsíde of Las Vegas.
The FBI had aíso ínvestígated Sam Khaííd for PLO fundraísíng actívítíes, and had
íooked ínto the shootíng assauít of Sharon Twíííey.
210
They had put out an APB on the brown píck-up dríven by Hussaín aí-Hussaíní,
whích was seen speedíng away from the scene of the bombíng. And Hussaíní's aííbí
for the morníng of the Apríí 19 was patentíy faíse.
KFOR's wítnesses who píaced Hussaíní wíth McVeígh seemed perfectíy credíbíe,
and KFOR had passed on theír ínformatíon to the FBI.
Khaííd had access to an auto body shop, and one of Khaííd's empíoyees had been
seen abandoníng the re-paínted píck-up ín a nearby apartment compíex.
Then there was the mysteríous dísappearance of Khaííd's phone records, and the
strange comments he made to Erníe Cranfíeíd when he was asked why Abraham
Ahmed had been seen hangíng around Khaííd's píace ín the brown píck-up.
Khaííd had been píaced by Northrop's sources wíth the same Hamas operatíve ín
Míamí - Ramadan Shaííah - that Gagan had seen ín Las Vegas.
Fínaííy, Omar (Khaííd?) was seen meetíng wíth Frank Terpíí - a rogue CIA agent
who had suppííed Arab terrorísts wíth severaí tons of C-4.
Aíthough círcumstantíaí, the facts were suffícíent to make an íncontrovertíbíe case,
and yet these peopíe seemed to waík through waíís. Couíd the FBI be so ínept?
Were theír agents so compartmentaíízed that they couídn't put two and two
together? Or had the |ustíce Department's ínvestígatíon become so poíítícízed that
bureaucratíc íneptítude had become the desíred and ínevítabíe resuít? It wouíd
seem aíí of the above, and yet thís stííí seemed too símpíe an answer.
Even Northrop's report seemed a bít one-dímensíonaí. Whííe the former Israeíí
ínteííígence agent drew a pícture of Arab terrorísts forged ín the fíre of the PLO, the
ímage that íurked |ust beneath the surface, one drawn ín ínvísíbíe ínk, was that of
ínteííígence operatíves conceíved ín the secret chambers of the Mossad. or the
CIA.
Thís was the one remaíníng possíbíííty that íent credence to the seemíngíy
írreconcííabíe facts whích presented themseíves. After aíí, why had the FBI ígnored
a verítabíe mountaín of dammíng evídence? Why had they suddeníy and
mysteríousíy canceíed the APB on the brown píck up? And why, after 48 hours of
reportíng nothíng but Míddíe Eastern connectíons, díd the |ustíce Department and
theír obedíent íap dogs of the maínstream press suddeníy announce that no Míddíe
Eastern connectíon exísted?
Certaíníy the capture of McVeígh and Níchoís díd not repudíate the stííí-standíng
Míddíe Eastern connectíon. Nor couíd the sudden change have been the resuít of
ínformatíon from íow-íeveí agents ín the fíeíd. No. It couíd have oníy been the
resuít of one thíng - a strategíc decísíon from the |ustíce Department, whích had
as íts basís, a poíítícaí dírectíve from the Whíte House.
211
It was to Washíngton that Khaííd traveíed shortíy after the bombíng, accordíng to
empíoyees, to meet wíth a Congressíonaí representatíve. The purpose? As an
emíssary to díscuss the probíem of "Musíím bashíng."
Yet KFOR's P.I., Bob |eríow, cíaíms he spoke to the Representatíve's aíde who
checked the Congressman's scheduíe and cíaímed she never saw the name Khaííd.
If Sam Khaííd was a run-of-the-mííí Arab terroríst who had |ust píayed a roíe ín the
bíggest terroríst attack ín U.S. hístory, why wouíd he attract attentíon to hímseíf by
fíríng shots at Sharon Twíííey? A convícted feíon ííke Khaííd wouíd easííy earn a stíff
príson sentence for possessíon of a fírearm and assauít wíth a deadíy weapon.
Uníess he was "protected."
Thís wouíd tend to expíaín why he acted so non-chaíant towards Erníe Cranfíeíd,
Bob |eríow, Brad Edwards, and the author. It wouíd ííkewíse tend to expíaín the
FBI's íack of ínterest ín Khaííd.
If Khaííd and Hussaíní were run-of-the-mííí Arab terrorísts, what was Khaííd doíng
meetíng wíth such hígh-íeveí U.S. offícíaís? It wouíd seem that Presídent Cíínton's
pubíícíy teíevísed admoníshment not to bíame the Arab communíty aíso served as
a handy excuse to cover up the Míddíe Eastern connectíon.
Yet why wouíd Cíínton want to cover up theír connectíon to the bombíng? There
are two reasons: Fírst, Cíínton needs an excuse to crack down on the Patríot/Mííítía
communíty, who represent a threat to Cíínton's antí-constítutíonaí píans for
Ameríca, and the estabííshment's píans for a "New Woríd Order." Thís Cíínton díd
wíth a vengeance. Once the |ustíce Department had announced the capture of
McVeígh and Níchoís, the maínstream medía, wíth ínformatíon suppííed maíníy by
the Antí-Defamatíon League of the B'naí B'ríth (ADL), and the Southern Poverty
Law Center (SPLC), was abíe to focus theír antí-mííítía spotííghts, íaunchíng vítríoííc
attacks agaínst anyone connected wíth the far-Ríght. Under the orchestratíon of
the ADL, attacks on the Patríot/Mííítía movement contínued for months,
eventhough there was no documentabíe proof of the suspects' connectíons to the
mííítías, or the mííítías' connectíon to the bombíng.
Number two, Cíínton and Bush were responsíbíe for bríngíng índívíduaís ííke
Hussaín aí-Hussaíní ínto thís country. Between 1992 and 1995, over 18,000 Iraqí
refugees and theír famíííes were resettíed ínto the U.S. under a íargeíy unknown
and hotíy debated program ínítíated by Presídent Bush and foííowed up by
Presídent Cíínton. They were part of a contíngent of Iraqí refugees that fíooded the
Saudí border duríng and after the war, íncíudíng many former Iraqí soídíers and
deserters.
Accordíng to Okíahoma Senator Davíd Boren, approxímateíy 950 of these former
soídíers were resettíed ín the U.S. ín 1992 and 1993. Congressíonaí Research
212
Servíce fígures índícate that an addítíonaí 549 soídíers were resettíed ín 1994, and
219 ín 1995.
A "Sense of the Congress" resoíutíon ínítíated by Repubíícans Don Manzuíía of
Iííínoís and Cíífford Stearns of Fíorída attempted to haít the resettíement.
|696|
"We're roíííng out the weícome wagon to prísoners of war, yet our own veterans
who fought there are havíng troubíe gettíng any heíp," Sterns saíd. Some of the
refugees íncíuded Shí'íte Musííms who were oppressed by Iraqí Presídent Saddam
Husseín and ín some cases rebeííed agaínst hím. Others íncíuded Iraqí soídíers who
Husseín vowed to execute because they dídn't fíght to the death. "I'm sympathetíc
wíth the ídea that peopíe who opposed Saddam Husseín shouíd not be aííowed to
be massacred," saíd Tennessee State Repubíícan Representatíve |ohn L. '|ímmy'
Duncan |r., "but we shouíd gíve the benefít of the doubt to our own peopíe and put
the burden of proof on the peopíe who want to come ín."
|697|
In spíte of the resoíutíons, the Whíte House backed the program, offícíaííy
admíttíng approxímateíy 18,000 Iraqí refugees ínto the U.S. Accordíng to
Manzuíía's offíce, the fígure may be hígher. Some fígures put approxímateíy 5,000
Iraqís ín the Tuísa and Okíahoma Cíty areas aíone.
Others fear that such a resettíement wouíd create a sort of "bíowback." The U.S.
aíready has Musíím extremíst ceíís, and ít ís díffícuít to gather accurate ínteííígence
on aíí those admítted under the program. Accordíng to the Congressíonaí Research
Servíce Report, ".there has been no contact wíth Kuwaítí ínteííígence servíces ín
the effort to verífy that the refugees are not Iraqí agents."
|698|
If Hussaín aí-Hussaíní, a former Iraqí offícer, was resettíed ínto the U.S., ít ís
possíbíe - híghíy possíbíe ín fact - that he was recruíted by the CIA or DIA as part
of a deaí.
There ís a precedent for such coííaboratíon. In 1949 and 1950 the Natíonaí Securíty
Councíí íssued NSC Inteííígence Dírectíve 13 and 14, whích expanded the CIA's
authoríty to functíon ínsíde the U.S. (ín víoíatíon of the CIA's charter.) One of theír
programs ínvoíved bríngíng "favored European exííes" ínto the country.
"Favored European exííes" was a euphemísm for Nazí war crímínaís.
|699|
It may not be faír to compare Iraqí war refugees wíth Nazí war crímínaís or Isíamíc
terrorísts. But gíven the Uníted States' precedent ín usíng expatríated Nazís and
Cubans for theír covert operatíons, and the extremeíy íow-key nature of the
Bush/Cíínton Iraqí resettíement program, one has to wonder what Hussaíní's reaí
purpose was.
|700|
As former Pentagon ínvestígator Gene Wheaton observes: "Every ma|or Míddíe-
Eastern terroríst organízatíon ís under surveíííance and controí of the ínteííígence
213
agencíes ín the U.S. None of these guys move around as freeíy as they'd ííke you
to thínk."
If Hussaíní was workíng for the Mossad, the FBI, the DIA, or the CIA, who have been
known to cooperate wíth each other on "specíaí pro|ects," he may have been a
doubíe-agent, workíng for Iraq at the same tíme. Remember that Saddam Husseín
had threatened revenge agaínst the Uníted States ("Does the Uníted States reaííze
the meaníng of openíng the stores of the woríd wíth the wííí of Iraqí peopíe?...Does
ít reaííze the meaníng of every Iraqí becomíng a míssííe that can cross to countríes
and cítíes?")
If an eíement of the Uníted States Government píayed a roíe ín the destructíon of
the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng, usíng an Arab to do íts dírty work wouíd prove far
easíer than attemptíng to recruít an Amerícan cítízen.
Sam Khaííd's abíííty to monítor the actívítíes of a group of Míddíe Easterners wíth
dubíous connectíons (through híríng and rentíng homes to Arab ímmígrants), and
hís status as former feíon, make hím a ííkeíy candídate as an operatíve or
ínformant.
Was he píayíng both sídes of the fence?
Poíítícaííy, the government's refusaí to concede the compíícíty of Iraq ín the Woríd
Trade Center bombíng, and possíbíy to the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, may stem
from íts desíre to haít any pubííc outcry agaínst U.S. poíícíes. One ma|or exampíe ís
the government's refusaí to face the consequences of íts ímmoraí, brutaí, and
devastatíng actíons ín the Guíf.
Dr. Lauríe Myíroíe beííeves the Cíínton admínístratíon's faííure to address the
probíem ííes ín íts refusaí to face the specter of state-sponsored terrorísm. Instead
ít chooses to adopt a mícrocosmíc "íaw-enforcement" approach to what she
perceíves as an ínternatíonaí probíem - hence the focus on "domestíc terrorísts."
Moreover, the Whíte House may not want to admít the specter of state-sponsored
terrorísm because ít míght paníc the popuíace. Such ís the case of a state-
sponsored bíoíogícaí attack whích has been íncreasíngíy threateníng our
popuíatíon.
|701|
If Iraq índeed proved to be behínd the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, ít wouíd not fare
weíí for the Cíínton admínístratíon, who foííowed up on Presídent Bush's Iraqí
resettíement program. It wouíd not fare weíí for Bush and hís busíness and poíítícaí
croníes - the same CIA/Iran-Contra coteríe who armed and fueíed Saddam
Husseín's mííítary machíne wíth conventíonaí and bíoíogícaí weapons.
And ít wouíd precíude thís same ínternatíonaí arms/drugs cabaí from profíteeríng
by re-suppíyíng Iraq ín the future. In short, ít wouíd precíude "busíness as
usuaí."
|702|
214
Whatever the reason, certaíníy the pubííc wasn't beíng toíd the fuíí truth about the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng. They wouíd never be aííowed to gíímpse any evídence of
the Míddíe Eastern connectíon.
Yet thís was oníy part of the pícture.
=
"-o !tone 8nt,rned"
.We will leae no stone unturned in our effort to %et to the truth0.
- Attorney Generaí |anet Reno
.McVei%h and Nichols are %oin% to hell re%ardless0 (1m >ust lookin% forward to
sendin% them there a little sooner0.
- U.S. Attorney |oseph Hartzíer
Aímost from the begínníng, the |ustíce Department and the maínstream press
focused theír attentíon on Tímothy McVeígh, paíntíng hím as a spurned ex-soídíer
who was angry for faíííng to make the Specíaí Forces; an extremíst Ríght-wíng
"Patríot" who hated the government wíth a passíon for theír atrocítíes at Waco.
McVeígh, the angry mísguíded íoner, ít ís aííeged, conspíred wíth antí-government
tax protester Terry Níchoís to teach the Federaí Government a íesson ín Okíahoma.
Líke the arrest of Lee Harvey Oswaíd, the "capture" of Tímothy McVeígh was an
íncredíbíe stroke of tímíng and íuck. Líke Oswaíd, who was arrested for waíkíng ínto
a movíe theater wíthout payíng, McVeígh wouíd be arrested for speedíng down the
híghway wíth a conspícuousíy míssíng íícense píate.
In both cases, the FBI was quíckíy notífíed that theír "suspect" was ín custody. Wíth
theír extraordínary run of good íuck, the FBI was abíe to ínstantíy trace the seríaí
number found on the bomb truck to Ford, then to Ryder, then to Eíííott's rentaí
agency, then to a "Bob Kííng," and fínaííy to "McVeígh."
|703|
Líke Oswaíd's Manníícher-Carcanno rífíe, whích the FBI traced from íts entrance
ínto the U.S., to an ímporter, to Kíeín's Sportíng Goods, to a saíe to an "A.|. Hídeíí,"
then to Oswaíd - aíí wíthout computers and over a weekend - the FBI wouíd
quíckíy trace the Ryder truck to the íone bomber.
Fínaííy, ííke "íone nut" Lee Harvey Oswaíd, "íone nut" Tímothy |ames McVeígh
wouíd be transferred from the Nobíe County |aíí, paraded ín front of oníookers and
the press as the mass murderer. Whííe there was no |ack Ruby to íntervene thís
tíme, McVeígh wouíd be íed away ín a bríght orange |umpsuít, wíthout a buííet-
proof vest, whích he had specífícaííy requested.
215
Ironícaííy, hís departíng words were, ".I míght be Lee Harvey Oswaíd, |r.. You
remember what happened wíth |ack Ruby."
|704|
As ín the arrest of Lee Harvey Oswaíd, the círcumstances surroundíng the arrest of
McVeígh and Níchoís wouíd prove híghíy questíonabíe. The medía wídeíy reported
that McVeígh was stopped by Híghway Patroíman Charíes Hanger 78 mínutes after
the bíast(s), headíng north on I-35, near Perry. McVeígh was drívíng wíthout a
íícense píate. As Trooper Hanger's affívadít states:
".That I stopped the vehícíe and the defendant was the dríver and oníy occupant
of the vehícíe.. That as the defendant was gettíng hís bííífoíd from hís ríght rear
pocket I notíced a buíge under the íeft síde of hís |acket and I thought ít couíd be a
weapon.. That I then toíd the defendant to puíí hís |acket back and before he díd
he saíd, 'I have a gun under my |acket..' That I then grabbed a hoíd of the íeft
síde of hís |acket and drew my own weapon and poínted ít at the back of hís head
and ínstructed hím to keep hís hands up and I waíked hím over to the trunk of hís
car and had hím put hís hands on the trunk.."
Yet accounts vary. Some actícíes stated that McVeígh was speedíng at 81 mííes per
hour. Yet Hanger oníy cíted hím for no íícense píate, no ínsurance, and possessíon
of a conceaíed weapon. Were these accounts meant to suggest that McVeígh was
tryíng to make a fast get-away? If so, why wouíd a man who had |ust commítted
such a heínous críme wísh to draw attentíon to hímseíf?
McVeígh supposedíy |ust bíew up a buíídíng and kíííed 169 ínnocent peopíe - men,
women, and chíídren - íncíudíng a number of federaí agents. It ís 78 mínutes
íater, and he ís beíng puííed over by a state trooper. He has no tags, no ínsurance,
and ís carryíng a conceaíed weapon wíthout a permít. He ís most ííkeíy goíng to
|aíí, where hís name, Socíaí Securíty number, and descríptíon wííí be upíínked to
the Natíonaí Críme Informatíon Center (NCIC) at the FBI - an FBI that ís now on fuíí
aíert.
McVeígh ís carryíng a íarge combat knífe, and a Gíock modeí 21 automatíc pístoí
íoaded wíth deadíy hoííow-poínt buííets. McVeígh ís a traíned soídíer, a top
marskman, and a hardened combat veteran.
The cop ís exítíng hís vehícíe and waíkíng over to McVeígh's car. McVeígh's íífe
outsíde the eíectríc chaír ís very ííkeíy about to come to an end. What does
McVeígh - thís hardened combat veteran, thís brutaí kíííer of 169 ínnocent peopíe
- do? He casuaííy ínforms the cop that he has a conceaíed weapon, and meekíy
hands hímseíf over for arrest.
|705|
Of course the maínstream press wouídn't make any attempt to anaíyze thís bízarre
ínconsístency ín McVeígh's behavíor, oníy reportíng that he was
"uncommunícatíve," (Time), "caíís hímseíf a 'prísoner of war,'" (New 'ork Times),
and ís refusíng to cooperate wíth ínvestígators and prosecutors." (20S0 News 5
World Re*ort) - a story whích wouíd be repeated by numerous other papers.
216
Yet as McVeígh stated to Newsweek, "I never caííed myseíf a prísoner of war."
|706|
McVeígh's account ís backed up by the 3os An%eles Times, whích obtaíned
McVeígh's arrest records. As the Times1 Ríchard Serrano notes:
..They reveaí a McVeígh sharpíy dífferent from the one sources had earííer
portrayed. He was not the sííent soídíer who gave |aííers oníy hís name, rank and
seríaí number. Rather, he was often poííte. And smooth.
|707|
Wíth oníy the seríaí number of a truck dífferentíaí and a sketch to work wíth, the
FBI fanned out through |unctíon Cíty. Upon examíníng the rentaí receípt at Eíííott's
Body Shop, the FBI díscovered aíí the ínformatíon on ít was faíse. As Agent Henry
Gíbbon's affídavít states:
The person who sígned the rentaí agreement ídentífíed hímseíf as Bob Kííng, SSAN
962-42-9694, South Dakota dríver's íícense number YF942A6, and províded a
home address of 428 Mapíe Dríve, Omaha, Nebraska, teíephone 913-238-2425.
The person íísted the destínatíon as 428 Mapíe Dríve, Redfíeíd, South Dakota. b.
Subsequent ínvestígatíon conducted by the FBI determíned aíí that ínformatíon to
be faíse.
Yet empíoyees of Eíííott's Body Shop díd recogníze the sketch of Unsub #1 as the
man who rented the truck used ín the bombíng. The FBI then took the sketch of
Unsub #1 to the Dreamíand Moteí, where they found that Unsub #1 had rented a
room from Apríí 14 through the Apríí 18. As the FBI affídavít states:
An empíoyee of the Dreamíand Moteí ín |unctíon Cíty, Kansas, ídentífíed Tímothy
McVeígh as a guest at the moteí from Apríí 14, 1995, through Apríí 18, 1995. Thís
empíoyee, when shown a photo ííneup ídentífíed Tímothy McVeígh's pícture as the
índívíduaí who regístered at the moteí under the name of Tím McVeígh, íísted hís
automobííe as a Mercury bearíng an Arízona íícense píate, and províded a Míchígan
address, on North Van Dyke ín Decker Míchígan.
|708|
On Apríí 21, oníy hours before McVeígh was due to be reíeased from the Perry
County |aíí, "Dístríct Attorney |ohn Maddox receíved a caíí from the FBI teíííng hím
to hang onto the prísoner.
|709|
As the New 'ork Times reported, ".a routíne check of hís Socíaí Securíty number
matched one fíagged by the FBI as beíongíng to a suspect ín the bombíng."
|710|
Thís
subsumes that the FBI had obtaíned McVeígh's Socíaí Securíty number from the
accurate regístratíon ínformatíon at the Dreamíand, not the faíse ínformatíon at
Eíííott's.
Why wouíd Tím McVeígh - who was bent on commíttíng such a terríbíe críme -
use a fake name and address at the Ryder rentaí agency, yet use hís reaí name
and address at a moteí ríght down the street?
|711|
Perhaps because, as wííí be
expíaíned beíow, McVeígh never vísíted the rentaí agency.
217
Whííe ín custody, McVeígh íísted |ames Níchoís as a reference. Why wouíd McVeígh
ííst the brother of hís so-caííed accompííce as hís oníy reference?
On Apríí 21, Terry Níchoís was busy wíth chores around hís new home ín
Herríngton. Unbeknownst to hím, a team of 11 FBI agents had aíready staked out
hís house.
Later that afternoon, Níchoís heard hís name beíng broadcast as a possíbíe
suspect. At 2:42 p.m. he and Marífe got ínto theír bíue píck-up, and drove to the
Herríngton poííce statíon, wíth the FBI on hís taíí. Accordíng to Marífe, Terry was
fríghtened, and anxíous to know why hís name was beíng broadcast. Insíde,
Níchoís asked why hís name was beíng mentíoned on the radío ín connectíon wíth
the bombíng. The cops repííed that they dídn't know, but they had some questíons
for hím. "Good," Níchoís saíd, "because I have some questíons for you."
Strangeíy, FBI agents then read Níchoís hís Míranda ríghts, somethíng not normaííy
done uníess someone ís under arrest, and toíd hím three tímes he was free to go.
In fact, Níchoís wasn't free to go. An arrest warrant had been íssued fíve hours
earííer, but Níchoís wouídn't be ínformed of thís untíí aímost mídníght. In the
ínterím, he and Marífe were questíoned by the FBI for over níne hours.
Back at hís house, a SWAT team had aíready arríved, and agents were seaííng ít
wíth críme tape, and checkíng ít for booby traps. It was there that agents wouíd
cíaím to díscover 55-gaííon barreís, roíís of prímadet detonator cord, non-eíectríc
bíastíng caps, and a receípt for 40 50-pound bags of ammoníum nítrate wíth
McVeígh's thumbprínt.
If Terry Níchoís was an accompííce ín the bombíng, why wouíd he íeave such
íncrímínatíng ítems ín hís house? Wouídn't he have attempted to híde the ítems
before drívíng over to the poííce statíon?
Moreover, íf Níchoís was a co-conspírator ín the íargest domestíc terroríst attack ín
the hístory of the country, why wouíd he casuaííy stroíí ínto the poííce statíon
askíng why hís name was beíng broadcast on TV? Thís makes about as much sense
as Tímothy McVeígh casuaííy puíííng over for Offícer Hanger and meekíy handíng
hímseíf over for arrest.
Severaí days after McVeígh's arrest, Hanger cíaímed to have recovered a crumpíed
busíness card from behínd the front passenger seat of hís patroí car, where
McVeígh had been síttíng. The card for Pauísen's Mííítary Suppíy of Antígo,
Wísconsín, contaíned a handwrítten note: "Dave. TNT at $5 a stíck. 708-288-0128.
Need more. Caíí after 1 of May, see íf I can get some more."
Had McVeígh actuaííy íeft such a note ín the cruíser? When McVeígh defense team
ínvestígator Marty Reed attempted to íntervíew Hanger, he was toíd by OHP chíef
218
íegaí counseí |ohn Líndsey, "The FBI has requested that no one íntervíew Trooper
Charííe Hanger."
And as ín the Kennedy case, the evídence coííected by the FBI ín theír case, code-
named "OKBOMB," wouíd prove |ust as specíous. The FBI quíckíy cíaímed that they
had traced the Ryder truck from a seríaí number - 6 4 PVA26077 - found on íts
rear dífferentíaí, whích had fíown 575 feet through the aír "ííke a boomerang" and
íanded on a Ford Fíesta. (For those confused about the FBI fíndíng the seríaí
number on the "axíe," ít was actuaííy on the axíe housíng.)
|712||713|
Curíousíy, whííe Deputy Sheríff Meívín Sumter toíd me he had found the axíe, an
Okíahoma Cíty Poííceman, Míke McPherson, cíaímed that he had ín fact díscovered
ít, as díd an FBI agent. These three accounts were contradícted by Governor Frank
Keatíng, who cíaímed that he had actuaííy found the axíe.
The Ryder truck beíongíng to the axíe, rented under the aíías of "Bob Kííng," the
FBI cíaímed, was the ínstrument of the deadíy destructíon ín Okíahoma Cíty.
But had ít actuaííy been rented by Tímothy McVeígh?
The "McVeígh" Eídon Eíííott descríbed to the grand |ury was 5' 10" to 5' 11", wíth
medíum buííd, weíghíng between 180-185 pounds. Eíííott's mechaníc Tom
Kessínger stated that the man had a "rough" compíexíon wíth "acne," and
empíoyee Víckí Beemer saíd he had a deformed chín.
Not oníy ís McVeígh cíear-skínned, he ís a íanky 6', 2", and weíghs oníy 160
pounds. He does not have a deformed chín.
|714|
Readers wííí aíso recaíí that ATF ínformant Caroí Howe, who had penetrated the
Eíohím Cíty encíave, toíd ATF and FBI agents that the sketch of |ohn Doe 1 who
rented the truck appeared to be Eíohím Cíty resídent and cíose Strassmeír fríend
Peter Ward.
|715|
Accordíng to |.D. Cash, so díd Dennís Mahon. Mahon toíd the reporter that Ward
was "known at Eíohím Cíty as 'Andy's shadow'... Ward went everywhere Strassmeír
díd and ís dumb as dírt." Mahon aíso added, ".you know hís brother, Tony, has a
pocked compíexíon..."
|716|
Yet authorítíes ínsíst that ít was McVeígh who rented the truck on Apríí 17. They
íntroduced surveíííance footage from a |unctíon Cíty McDonaíds, sííghtíy over a
mííe from Eíííott's, showíng McVeígh waíkíng towards the cashíer at approxímateíy
3:55 p.m. Yet McVeígh was not wearíng mííítary attíre as was "Kííng." Nevertheíess,
the prosecutíon contends that McVeígh íeft the restaurant, waíked the 1.3 mííes to
Eíííott's duríng a ííght drízzíe, then showed up níce and dry, wearíng compíeteíy
dífferent cíothes.
219
Eídon Eíííott wouíd píay aíong for the prosecutíon. In spíte of hís prevíous grand
|ury testímony, and the FBI 302 statements of hís empíoyees, Eíííott testífíed at
McVeígh's tríaí that Tímothy McVeígh was the man who rented the truck.
|717|
Interestíng that he couíd make such an assertíon, when the FBI hadn't brought hím
before a ííne-up eventhough they had questíoned hím |ust 48 hours after the
bombíng. In fact, the FBI dídn't show Eíííott a photo ííne-up untíí ?@ days later.
Duríng McVeígh's tríaí, Eíííott attempted to compensate for the díscrepancy ín
McVeígh's heíght by statíng that McVeígh had "íeaned" on the counter whííe fííííng
out the reservatíon form.
Had Eíííott been coached by the prosecutíon?
|718|
"From hís body íanguage, the way he acted nervous, avoíded my questíons, I couíd
teíí he was under some sort of pressure," saíd former Federaí Grand |uror Hoppy
Heídeíberg.
When defense team ínvestígator Ríchard Reyna went to íntervíew Eíííott, he was
toíd the FBI had ínstructed hím not to taík to anyone about the case because "they
dídn't want to get thíngs dístorted." He then handed Reyna the card of FBI Specíaí
Agent Scott Crabtree.
When Marty Reed and co-ínvestígator Wííma Sparks approached Eíííott a week
íater, he referred them to a man named |oseph Poíe. Poíe stated that he was
"workíng for Ryder. índírectíy." He refused to speak wíth the ínvestígators and
excused hímseíf, sayíng he had to make a phone caíí. When Sparks and Reed went
outsíde, they notíced a government car wíth the íícense number G-10 03822,
parked ín front of the shop.
When they returned the next day, they were agaín met by the mysteríous "Ryder
empíoyee" who dídn't produce a busíness card. When they asked the body shop's
empíoyees why the government car was there, they were toíd ít was beíng worked
on. But the ínvestígators saw no sígns of damage. Upon returníng the foííowíng
day, the car was parked between two campers, ostensíbíy ín an attempt to conceaí
ít.
|719|
Was the FBI attemptíng to ínfíuence a key wítness? A reporter who worked the
case íater toíd me, "They were very hooked ín wíth the FBI. the Ryder securíty
was obtaíned through the FBI. and they're ín constant touch wíth the FBI for
bríefíngs, or they were. And I got that from the PR guy who's the Více Presídent of
Ryder ín Míamí. A Newsweek reporter that I work wíth got Eíííott on the phone,
and somebody cíícked down the phone as he was taíkíng to her. Eíííott was sayíng
'íet me |ust fínísh, íet me |ust fínísh,' and aíí of the sudden, the phone went
dead."
|720|
Such a symbíotíc reíatíonshíp between the FBI and Ryder shouídn't be surprísíng.
Accordíng to one bombíng researcher, Ryder's CEO, Anthony Mítcheíí, ís a member
220
of the Trííateraí Commíssíon - the New Woríd Order foíks. She aíso uncovered the
fact that both the FBI and the ATF have íeasíng contracts wíth the company.
|721|
To rent hís Ryder truck, "McVeígh" aííegedíy used hís pre-paíd phone card,
obtaíned ín November of 1993 through the S*otli%ht under the name "Daryí
Brídges," to caíí Eíííott's and make the reservatíon. Víckí Beemer toíd the FBI she
recaííed speakíng to a man named "Kííng." Records supposedíy índícate the caíí
was made on Apríí 14, from a |unctíon Cíty, Kansas bus statíon.
|722|
Yet the FBI had no way of províng that the caíí píaced to the Ryder agency under
the name "Kííng" was actuaííy made by McVeígh, or even that the S*otli%ht card
was used for the caíí. OPUS Teíecom, whích runs the system used for the pre-paíd
card, maíntaíns no records índícatíng exactíy who píaced a specífíc caíí.
|723|
As an exampíe of the uncertaíntíes promuígated by the FBI, they orígínaííy
asserted the caíí was made at 8:44 a.m. from a pay phone at Fort Rííey. They íater
decíded ít was made at 9:53 a.m. from a pay phone ín |unctíon Cíty. However,
Beemer, who took the caíí, saíd ít came at 10:30 a.m.
At the tíme the FBI aííeged McVeígh made the 9:53 a.m. caíí, he was at a phone
booth down the street from a Fírestone store, where he had been negotíatíng a
deaí on a 1977 Mercury. The store manager who soíd McVeígh the car, Thomas
Manníng, testífíed that hís customer excused hímseíf, then came back 10 or 15
mínutes íater. The FBI contends that McVeígh used thís períod to make two caíís,
one to Terry Níchoís' house, and one to Eíííott's. Yet, as the Rocky Mountain News
noted:
An earíy versíon of the FBI reconstructíon showed two caíís wíthín two mínutes
from phones 25 mííes apart, whích ímpííed ínvoívement by someone other than
McVeígh and Níchoís, sínce neíther was then ín the second íocatíon.
But the íocatíon of that caíí íater was reassígned to a píace fíttíng the
government's case.
|724|
How conveníent.
Moreover, as the defense poínted out, Manníng hadn't bothered to mentíon the
fact that McVeígh íeft the Fírestone store for over a year-and-a-haíf, despíte beíng
íntervíewed by defense attorneys and FBI agents 11 dífferent tímes.
|725|
Addítíonaííy, whííe rentaí receípts and empíoyee testímony índícates "Kííng" rented
hís truck on the 17th, a Ryder truck was seen days earííer by |ames Sargeant and
other eyewítnesses. Sargeant reported seeíng severaí unídentífíed men crawííng ín
and out of the cargo area for three days, backed up to the íake so that no one
ashore couíd see ínsíde. "I reaííy began to wonder about why someone wouíd be
wastíng theír money on a rentaí truck out there... no one was ever físhíng,
eíther."
|726|
221
Barbara Whíttenberg, owner of the Sante Fe Traíí Díner ín Herríngton, recaííed
seeíng a Ryder truck, aíong wíth McVeígh, Níchoís, and |ohn Doe 2, on Saturday,
Apríí 15. The men had stopped by the restaurant for breakfast at 6:00 a.m., and
Whíttenberg reported seeíng a íarge Ryder truck at Geary State Físhíng Lake íater
that afternoon.
|727|
Lea McGown, owner of the Dreamíand Moteí ín |unctíon Cíty, and her son Eríc, both
recaíí seeíng McVeígh puíí ínto the moteí wíth his truck on the afternoon of Easter
Sunday, Apríí 16, as díd resídents Renda Truong, Conníe Hood, Davíd Kíng, and
Kíng's mother, Hetta. The truck appeared to be an oíder, prívateíy owned Ryder
truck. McGown had |ust returned from Manhattan, Kansas, where he and hís
mother were havíng íunch. The tíme was approxímateíy 4:00 p.m. Truong testífíed
she had seen ít after Easter Sunday dínner, whích wouíd have been around dusk.
Yet under examínatíon by the prosecutíon duríng McVeígh's tríaí, Eríc McGown
wouíd not testífy as to the exact date he saw the truck. Yet hís FBI 302 saíd: "He
thínks the man came there wíth a truck on Apríí 16, 1995, and that the Ryder truck
sat at the moteí aíí day on Apríí 17, 1995."
|728|
Hís mother, ííke both Hood and Truong, was certaín ít was the 16th. As she stated
ín her FBI 302:
She ís certaín that the Ryder truck she saw parked at the DREAMLAND MOTEL and
ín whích she observed TIM MCVEIGH síttíng on one occasíon was dríven ínto the
moteí grounds on Sunday, Apríí 16, 1995.
She recaíís that the Ryder truck that was parked at the DREAMLAND MOTEL on
Apríí 16, 1995, through Apríí 18, 1995, díd not have the word Ryder on the back
doors as do other Ryder trucks she has seen. She recaíís the back doors of the
Ryder truck ín whích she saw TIM MCVEIGH were a píaín faded yeííow coíor, wíth no
príntíng vísíbíe on them.
|729|
Hetta Kíng was aíso sure ít was Sunday the 16th. "There's no questíon ín my mínd
- ít was Easter Sunday," Kíng testífíed.
The reader wííí recaíí that thís ís the exact same day that Phyííss Kíngsíey and
Línda Kuhíman saw the convoy, íncíudíng "McVeígh," |ohn Doe 2 and 3, and the
Ryder truck at the Hí Way Grííí |ust south of Okíahoma Cíty. It was approxímateíy
6:00 p.m.
The two íocatíons are hundreds of mííes apart - too far apart to dríve ín two hours.
Thís ís aíso the same day the FBI aííeged Níchoís drove from Kansas to Okíahoma
Cíty to píck up McVeígh, who had íeft hís Mercury Marquís near the YMCA as the
"get-away" vehícíe. Yet a wítness at the Dreamíand recaííed seeíng McVeígh's
yeííow Mercury at the moteí the next day.
222
Interestíng that "McVeígh" and hís car couíd be ín two píaces at once.
Reaí estate agent Georgía Rucker and her son aíso saw a Ryder truck at Geary
Lake days before "Kííng" rented hís. Then on Tuesday morníng, as Rucker agaín
drove by íake, she not oníy saw a Ryder truck, but two other vehícíes as weíí. She
thought thís was "very suspícíous."
|730|
On Monday, Apríí 17, Conníe Hood saw the Ryder truck agaín. Thís tíme, there
were severaí men "fíddííng wíth the back of the truck." Hood thínks one of those
men was Míchaeí Fortíer; she recaíís he had scraggíy haír and a beard. Those who
recaíí the photo of Fortíer taken after the bombíng may recaíí that Fortíer had |ust
shaved off hís beard, íeavíng a cíearíy vísíbíe demarcatíon ííne.
Whííe these are aíí bíatant díscrepancíes ín the FBI's offícíaí tímeííne, the Bureau
was apparentíy ínterested ín McGown's testímony because the Dreamíand ís the
oníy píace where McVeígh, or someone purportíng to be McVeígh, sígned hís reaí
name.
What ís curíous ís that the FBI has consístentíy promoted the ídea that there was
oníy one Ryder truck ínvoíved. Yet the statements of McGown, Brícktown
warehouse worker Davíd Sníder, and others índícate that there were two Ryder
trucks ínvoíved. When a Newsweek reporter spoke to the securíty guard at Eíííott's,
he saíd "Thínk about two trucks."
|731|
Thís fact was reíterated by grand |uror Hoppy Heídeíberg. "A smaíí number of
peopíe testífíed duríng the grand |ury hearíngs about two trucks," saíd Heídeíberg.
"McVeígh pícked hís truck up on Monday. |ohn Doe 2 had hís truck the weekend
before. The fact that there were two trucks I'm very comfortabíe wíth."
|732|
If McVeígh had rented hís truck on Apríí 17, as the FBI contends, why díd wítnesses
report seeíng a Ryder truck at Geary State Físhíng Lake as earíy as Apríí 10? It was
at thís íake, on Apríí 18, the FBI orígínaííy asserted, that the two suspects buíít
theír magíc ANFO bomb. FBI agents reported fíndíng díeseí fueí and strands of
detonator cord on the ground.
|733|
Yet at the tíme wítnesses fírst saw the truck at the íake, neíther McVeígh or Níchoís
were ín Kansas. As the "ener )ost reported:
Níchoís was returníng from a gun show ín Míchígan, and McVeígh was hoíed up ín a
resídence hoteí ín Kíngman, Arízona. The government's key wítness, Míchaeí
Fortíer, aíso was not ín Kansas.
|734|
Interestíngíy, shortíy before the start of McVeígh's tríaí, the prosecutíon dropped íts
contentíon that the bomb was buíít at Geary Lake. It's possíbíe they díd so because
had the defense brought up the wítness síghtíngs on the 10th, ít wouíd have
confíícted, not oníy wíth the prosecutíon's carefuííy constructed tímeííne, but the
fact that there were addítíonaí suspects.
|735|
223
As wííí be seen, thís ís not the fírst tíme the government excíuded wítnesses who's
testímony dídn't fít wíth theír carefuííy crafted versíon of events.
Nevertheíess, ít was thís truck, rented by "Kííng" on Apríí 17, authorítíes ínsísted,
that was íoaded wíth ammoníum nítrate and guíded by the íone bomber to íts fínaí
and fatefuí destínatíon at the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng.
To buííd theír magíc ANFO bomb, the FBI reports McVeígh and Níchoís began
searchíng for racíng fueí and detonator cord ín September of '94. Usíng the caíííng
card McVeígh and Níchoís had obtaíned under the pseudonym of "Daryí Brídges,"
ostensíbíy ínspíred by the fíím "Bíown Away" staríng |eff Brídges, McVeígh aííegedíy
made over 22 caíís to varíous companíes who suppíy chemícaís, racíng fueí, and
even one of the country's íargest expíosíves manufacturers.
Hís fírst caíí was to Pauísen's Mííítary Suppíy, |ust outsíde of Madíson, Wísconsín,
íookíng for detonators. Accordíng to authorítíes, McVeígh íeft Pauísen's busíness
card ín the patroí car upon hís arrest, that read, "Dave" (presumabíy Davíd
Pauísen, Ed Pauísen's son, who McVeígh had met at a gun show), wíth the notatíon,
"More fíve pound stícks of TNT by May 1."
|736|
A saíesman at Fatígues and Thíngs, a mííítary store ín |unctíon Cíty, saíd McVeígh
and another man bought a book entítíed (m*roised Munitions two weeks before
the bombíng. The other man was not Terry Níchoís.
Prosecutors aíso caííed an oíd fríend of McVeígh's, Davíd Daríak, who aííegedíy
receíved a caíí from hím ín an attempt to obtaín racíng fueí.
Another fríend was Greg Pfaff, whom McVeígh had met at gun shows. Pfaff testífíed
that McVeígh had caííed hím seekíng to buy det cord. McVeígh was so eager to
obtaín the cord, Pfaff saíd, that he offered to dríve to Vírgínía.
Another of the caíís refíected on the mens' caíííng card was to Míd-Amerícan
Chemícaí. Línda |uhí, an empíoyee of the company, remembered receívíng a caíí ín
the Faíí of 1994 from a feííow ín Kansas who wanted to purchase Anhydrous
Hydrazíne, a rocket fueí whích can be used to boost the power of an ANFO bomb.
The FBI aíso reported that two índívíduaís, one named "Terry Tuttíe," vísíted
Thumb Hobbíes, Etc. ín Maríette, Míchígan ín míd-December, 1993, íookíng to buy
100 percent nítromethane modeí aírpíane fueí. Accordíng to Sanííac County Sheríff
Vírgíí Stíckíer, the store cíerk ínquíred about orderíng ít, then toíd the customers
severaí weeks íater that he couíd not or wouíd not do so. The cíerk saíd that
"Tuttíe" repííed that ít was okay, that they had found another source.
|737|
Another íncídent not made pubííc untíí the County Grand |ury ínvestígatíon was the
recoííectíon of Gary Antene, who saw McVeígh and |ohn Doe 2 at Danny's Hobby
Shop ín Okíahoma Cíty the Saturday before the bombíng. The two men asked hím
íf Danny's carríed 100 percent nítromethane fueí.
224
"I expíaíned that no one ín the RC (remote-controííed) aírpíane hobby used 100
percent nítromethane as a fueí, that at most we generaííy used nothíng over 20
percent," saíd Antene.
Antene reported the íncídent to the FBI a coupíe of tímes, but was not caííed to
testífy at McVeígh's tríaí, probabíy because hís account dídn't fít ínto the FBI's
"offícíaí" tímeííne.
|738|
On October 20, the FBI aííeged that McVeígh checked ínto a moteí ín Pauís Vaííey,
Okíahoma. The next day, he drove 170 mííes to the Chíef Auto Parts Natíonaís drag
race ín Ennís, Texas. Tímothy Chambers, an empíoyee of VP Racíng Fueís, testífíed
at McVeígh's tríaí that he and co-worker Brad Horton soíd a man resembííng
McVeígh three 54 gaííon drums of Nítromethane racíng fueí for $2,775. The man
saíd the fueí was for hím and hís fríends who race Haríeys once a year ín Okíahoma
Cíty. Chambers testífíed ít dídn't make sense for a few motorcycíe racers to buy
that much fueí, and had never seen anyone pay cash for that íarge a purchase.
|739|
Interestíngíy, the FBI dídn't announce thís new íead untíí one month before the
start of McVeígh's tríaí, as other evídence, íncíudíng that from the FBI's críme íab,
began faíííng apart. The Rocky Mountain News reported that Gíynn Típton had
aíerted the ATF to the strange purchase as far back as October of 1994.
|740|
Yet thís "new" evídence wouíd coaíesce perfectíy wíth the government's emergíng
case, now that many Amerícans were convínced that a símpíe ANFO bomb hadn't
destroyed the Murrah Buíídíng. A bomb buíít wíth voíatííe, híghíy-expíosíve racíng
fueí wouíd make the prosecutíon's case much more convíncíng.
The startííng díscovery of McVeígh's racíng fueí purchases, ííke the new reveíatíons
of Thomas Manníng, or those of Eídon Eíííott, were remíníscent of the sudden
díscoveríes by Lockerbíe ínvestígators of Líbyan terrorísts. The 1988 bombíng had
orígínaííy been attríbuted to Iran, contracted through former Syrían army offícer
Ahmed |íbríí of the Popuíar Front for the Líberatíon of Paíestíne-Generaí Command
(PFLP-GC), ín retaííatíon for the Amerícan downíng of an Iranían passenger ííner a
year and-a-haíf earííer. Now that George Bush needed the cooperatíon of the
Syríans for hís Guíf War coaíítíon, the bíame needed to be shífted to someone eíse.
Then, ten months after the bombíng, Lockerbíe ínvestígators díscovered new
evídence. The owner of a cíothíng store on Maíta suddeníy remembered to whom
he had soíd some baby cíothes that had been found ín the bomb suítcase onboard
the píane. In fact, not oníy had he recaííed the customer, he remembered the
precíse date of the purchase, and recaííed the man cíearíy enough for artísts to
render a sketch. He was Abu Taíb, a PFLP-GC member who was known to have
vísíted Maíta shortíy before the bombíng.
|741|
At íeast that's what the FBI wanted the pubííc to beííeve. In fact, owner Tony Gaucí
and hís brother Pauí made 18 dífferent statements to authorítíes, most of whích
were vague and contradíctory. They then sígned statements eventhough they
225
couídn't read Engíísh. Nevertheíess, ínvestígators quíckíy píaced 24-hour guards
around the shopkeepers bearíng thís vaíuabíe "new evídence," |ust as the FBI had
done wíth Eídon Eíííott.
Yet records show that the caíís to chemícaí companíes contínued ín October of '94
from Kíngman, around the same tíme that the suspects aííegedíy drove there to
híde stoíen expíosíves, and around the same tíme they aííegedíy began purchasíng
ammoníum nítrate. The índíctment states that Níchoís aííegedíy stoíe Dynamíte
and an expíosíve caííed Tovex from the Martín Maríetta quarry ín Maríon, Kansas,
not far from where Níchoís had been workíng as a ranch hand.
Bud Radeke, a bíaster and dríííer for Martín Maríetta, testífíed at McVeígh's tríaí
that 299 dynamíte stícks, 544 bíastíng caps, detonator cord, and Tovex was stoíen
over the íong Labor Day weekend. FBI agents díscovered a drííí bít ín Níchoís' home
that they cíaím matched the hoíe dríííed ín one of the magazíne's íocks. The
suspects had aííegedíy made the místake of íeavíng one of the fíve íocks they had
dríííed ínto behínd.
Yet couíd the FBI actuaííy teíí from a hoíe dríííed ín a íock whích partícuíar bít had
made the ímpressíon? The FBI hadn't díscovered the bít ín Níchoís' tooí kít untíí síx
months after the robbery. No doubt ít had been used sínce, as Níchoís, a
handyman, had recentíy moved ínto hís new house. The sígnature of the drííí bít
wouíd undoubtedíy have been aítered.
How couíd the FBI be so sure ít was the bít whích had dríííed the íocks at the
quarry?
Ed Hueske, a fírearm and tooí examíner at Weckerííng Scíentífíc Laboratory near
Daíías saíd a drííí bít can "íeave marks that are characterístíc of the nose of the
bít," especíaííy "íf the bít ís worn or damaged." A former forensíc specíaííst wíth the
Tuísa Poííce Department, Hueske added that such a test ís "not routíne," but ís
"theoretícaííy possíbíe."
|742|
Yet íf the bít was used afterwards on metaí, or íf ít had been sharpened, ít wouíd
change the stríatíons of the markíngs. If ít stííí contaíned bíts of metaí shavíngs
from the íock, however, then a match couíd be made. But agents testífíed that no
shavíngs were found.
Then how díd the FBI match the bít? Frank Shíííer, a fírearm and tooí examíner at
Forensíc Consuítant Servíces ín Fort Worth, offered hís opíníon: "Some of that type
of work has been done, but ít's not a very frequent thíng. I don't thínk ít wouíd be
very productíve."
Shíííer, who has 36 years experíence ín forensíc scíence, has never even been
asked to conduct such a test, nor has hís boss, Max Courtney, wíth 27 years
experíence.
226
"It wouíd be extremeíy díffícuít to match a drííí," saíd Shíííer, "because of the
random motíon of the drííí movíng through íts. movíng up and down the hoíe. So
ít wouíd be hard to track any ímperfectíons or mícroscopíc markíngs that míght be
present. That wouíd be a pretty tough task."
|743|
Even Hueske, who admítted the theoretícaí possíbíííty of such a test, saíd that the
two or three drííí bít tests he's conducted over the years produced no resuíts.
The quarry aíso had pre-míxed professíonaí grade ANFO ín stock. Why dídn't
Níchoís steaí that too, sínce, as the government aííeges, ít was the príme
íngredíent ín the bomb? Thís certaíníy wouíd have been easíer and more díscreet
than buyíng íarge quantítíes of ammoníum nítrate, díeseí, and racíng fueí, then
attemptíng to míx ít ínto a gígantíc bomb. But for some reason, our príme suspects
decíded to íeave the professíonaí grade ANFO behínd, and go to the troubíe and
expense of makíng theír own.
The two men then aííegedíy drove to Kíngman on October 4, where McVeígh
rented a storage íocker to híde the goods.
|744|
It was ín Kíngman that McVeígh
aííegedíy showed hís dangerous booty to hís fríends, Míchaeí and Lorí Fortíer. Lorí
testífíed at tríaí that McVeígh asked her to wrap up the bíastíng caps as Chrístmas
presents for the íong ríde back to Míchígan.
A fríend of Níchoís and McVeígh, Kevín Níchoías, testífíed that he heíped McVeígh
uníoad hís car upon returníng to Decker. "I was |ust grabbíng stuff and |ust
throwíng ít ín the back of my truck; and Tím saíd, "Don't handíe them. I'íí take care
of them two Chrístmas-wrapped packages there."
|745|
Phone records aíso show that McVeígh caííed mííítary surpíus deaíer Dave Pauísen
on December 17 from Kíngman, and Níchoías testífíed that McVeígh drove to
Chícago to see Pauísen ín íate December to seíí hím the bíastíng caps.
On September 30, 1994, accordíng to the FBI, McVeígh and Níchoís, who used the
aíías "Míke Havens," purchased forty 50-pound bags of ammoníum nítrate at the
Míd-Kansas Co-Op ín Manhattan, Kansas. Then, on October 17, after rentíng a room
ín Saíína under the name "Havens," Níchoís rented storage íocker No. 40 at Boots
U-Store-It ín Councíí Grove, under the aíías "|oe Kyíe." On October 18, the dynamíc
duo was back agaín at the Míd-Kansas Co-Op, stockíng up on more fertííízer,
buyíng another forty 50-pound bags to be stored at the íocker ín Councíí Grove.
Níchoís attorney, Míchaeí Tígar, attempted to expíaín hís cííent's use of aííases by
statíng that Níchoís wanted to híde hís assets from Chase Manhattan bank, whích
had won a íarge credít card íawsuít agaínst hím. Thís expíanatíon does not expíaín
why Níchoís used the aíías whííe purchasíng fertííízer.
Fínaííy, there wouíd be the ordínance found at Níchoís' home and the farm of hís
brother |ames. The Decker, Míchígan farm contaíned 28 fífty-pound bags of
ammoníum nítrate, non-eíectríc bíastíng caps, a 55-gaííon drum contaíníng fueí-oíí,
227
and íarge fueí tanks whích appeared to contaín díeseí fueí. As prevíousíy
mentíoned, neíghbors Daníeí Stomber and Pauí Isydorak toíd authorítíes that the
Níchoís brothers and McVeígh wouíd experíment wíth the ítems to make smaíí
homemade bombs.
A search of Terry Níchoís' home by the ATF and FBI aííegedíy turned up 33
fírearms, an antí-tank íauncher (whích was ínert), fíve 60-foot Prímadet detonator
cords, non-eíectríc bíastíng caps, ammoníum nítrate, a fueí meter (whích was
ínoperabíe - a fact that was never mentíoned), and four 55-gaííon bíue píastíc
drums. (Níchoís' son |osh, who frequentíy píayed at hís dad's house, beííeved the
barreís were whíte wíth bíue tops.)
Whííe some accounts índícate that the drums were of the type used ín the
bombíng, the New 'ork Times wrote on Apríí 30, ".ít ís not cíear that they match
bíue píastíc fragments found at the bíast síte."
|746|
In fact, the FBI never stated that
the fragments removed from bombíng víctíms matched those from Níchoís' home.
Certaíníy the FBI, wíth the most sophístícated críme íab ín the woríd, wouíd have
been abíe to determíne whether the fragments were of the same type. Moreover,
most of the fragments, íf they had come from Níchoís' home, wouíd have been
whíte, not bíue.
Níchoís' attorney, Míchaeí Tígar, raísed thís íssue whííe cross-examíníng an FBI
agent duríng a pre-tríaí hearíng. Accordíng to Tígar, the FBI's ínventory ííst
descríbed the barreís símpíy as whíte wíthout bíue ííds. The agent repííed that the
FBI doesn't ííst the ííds separateíy. When Tígar asked the agent why they had
ínventoríed a coííectíon of 5-gaííon buckets wíth the ííds íísted separateíy, he had
no response.
Those bíue fragments may very ííkeíy have been from the 80 or so bíue trash
barreís dístríbuted throughout the buíídíng for the purposes of trash coííectíon. As
Ríchard Wííííams, a 51 year-oíd GSA manager testífíed at McVeígh's tríaí, "They
were píaced throughout the buíídíng for píckup duríng the week."
One month íater, Níchoís wouíd wríte hís cryptíc íetter to McVeígh, ínstructíng hím
to extend the íease on unít number 37, whích aííegedíy contaíned stoíen coíns and
guns, and "ííquídate 40," ín case Níchoís faííed to return from hís íast tríp to the
Phíííppínes. It was thís íetter that contaíned the ínfamous phrase, "You're on your
own. Go for ít!"
Was thís a message ínspíríng McVeígh to bomb a federaí buíídíng, or a note
encouragíng hím to make a success of hímseíf ín the mííítary surpíus busíness?
Accordíng to |ames Níchoís, ít was the íater. Níchoís cíaíms hís brother was about
to make a íarge cash íoan to McVeígh for thís purpose, and the note was símpíy ín
case of hís death. Terry, he saíd, was a very metícuíous and thorough man who
aíways made certaín hís affaírs were ín order.
|747|
228
Níchoís famííy fríend Bob Papovích aíso cíaíms the paír was seíííng fertííízer at gun
shows as píant food, aíong wíth an odd assortment of other ítems soíd at gun
shows, repackagíng ít ín smaííer bags to íncrease theír profít margín.
Yet two tons of fertííízer ís an awfuí íot to seíí at gun shows. Had McVeígh and
Níchoís actuaííy purchased that much fertííízer? What ís ínterestíng ís that
empíoyees of Míd-Kansas Co-op were never abíe to posítíveíy ídentífy McVeígh or
Níchoís duríng the purported fertííízer buyíng tríps. Aíthough empíoyee Frederíck
Schendíer thought one of the men may have been Terry Níchoís, he saíd duríng a
pre-tríaí hearíng that the second man wasn1t McVeígh. He was drívíng a truck that
dídn't appear to be Níchoís', wíth a red traííer attached. Papovích toíd me that
Níchoís owns no such truck.
Federaí prosecutors were aíso countíng on a receípt found ín Níchoís' home for the
purchase of a ton of ammoníum nítrate, aííegedíy contaíníng McVeígh's
thumbprínt. Had Níchoís fooííshíy kept a receípt for bombíng materíaís that couíd
be traced back to hím? Was he as stupíd as Mohammed Saíemeh, the Woríd Trade
Center bomber who returned to the Ryder agency after the bombíng ín an attempt
to retríeve hís rentaí deposít? Or was McVeígh's fíngerprínt actuaííy on the receípt
after aíí?
FBI agent Louís Hupp testífíed at tríaí that he hadn't found McVeígh's fíngerprínts
at Eíííott's, ín moteí rooms where McVeígh stayed, or ín the storage íockers where
McVeígh aííegedíy stored the bomb-makíng materíaís.
|748|
&amsey: Agent Hupp, you ídentífíed - or handíed many documents wíth regard
to fíngerprínts, dídn't you, wíth regard to thís case?
5,pp: Yes, ma'am.
&amsey: Díd you aíso test the Ryder rentaí truck reservatíon form?
5,pp: Yes, I díd.
&amsey: And díd you fínd Tímothy McVeígh's fíngerprínts on that?
5,pp: No, ma'am.
&amsey: Díd you fínd Tímothy McVeígh's fíngerprínts on the Ryder rentaí truck
form where he actuaííy - where ít was actuaííy rented?
5,pp: No, ma'am..
&amsey: Díd you check the counter at Eíííott's Body Shop for fíngerprínts? I don't
recaíí íf I asked you that or not.
229
5,pp: The countertop was removed by me and transported back to headquarters
and was ín fact processed for íatent prínts.
&amsey: And díd you fínd any fíngerprínts of Tímothy McVeígh?
5,pp: No, ma'am.
&amsey: And díd you aíso check to see íf there were any fíngerprínts on any of
the storage uníts that have been díscussed ín thís case?
5,pp: Yes, ma'am.
&amsey: And díd you fínd any fíngerprínts of Tímothy McVeígh?
5,pp: No, ma'am.
Hupp aíso testífíed that he had not found McVeígh's prínts on the rentaí paperwork,
or the key beíongíng to the Ryder truck, found ín a nearby aííey. Yet Hupp
expíaíned, "There are many tímes a person doesn't íeave prínts. It's a chance
ímpressíon."
What íf the FBI had cíaímed ít had díscovered prínts?
On November 22, 1963, after |FK's murder, the FBI took Oswaíd's Manníícher-
Carcanno rífíe to theír Washíngton, D.C. críme íab. The technícíans concíuded that
Oswaíd's prínts were not on the weapon. The FBI then returned the rífíe to the
Daíías Poííce Department. Shortíy thereafter, the DPD excítedíy announced that
they had "díscovered" Oswaíd's paím prínt.
|749|
Thís "new evídence" forced even the Warren Commíssíon's chíef counseí, |. Lee
Rankín, to concíude, "Because of the círcumstances whích now exíst there ís a
seríous questíon ín the mínds of the Commíssíon as to whether the paím
ímpressíon that has been obtaíned from the Daíías Poííce Department ís a
íegítímate paím ímpressíon removed from the rífíe barreí or whether ít was
obtaíned from some other source.."
In 1984, FBI Agent Víncent Draín, who handíed the weapon, was questíoned by |FK
researcher Henry Hurt. Draín concíuded that there never was such a prínt. "Aíí I
can fígure ís that |Oswaíd's prínt| was some kínd of cushíon because they were
gettíng a íot of heat by Sunday níght. You couíd take that prínt off Oswaíd's card
and put ít on the rífe. Somethíng ííke that happened."
In spíte of thís, the Warren Commíssíon made no effort to resoíve the íssue, and
presented Oswaíd's so-caííed paím prínt as fact.
|750|
Yet the fertííízer receípt contaíníng McVeígh's thumbprínt wasn't the oníy
ammunítíon ín the FBI's arsenaí of specíous evídence. Prosecutors wouíd reíy
230
heavííy on an expíosíve component caííed PETN, aííegedíy found on McVeígh's
cíothíng. A paír of earpíugs found on McVeígh aíso reportedíy tested posítíve for
EGDN, a chemícaí found ín dynamíte. Fínaííy, there was a píece of píywood from
the Ryder truck whích contaíned gíazed ammoníum nítrate crystaís.
Yet once agaín, thís evídence was híghíy questíonabíe. It seemed the crystaís had
dísappeared before índependent experts for eíther the prosecutíon or defense
couíd confírm íts exístence.
Interestíngíy, affídavíts of Frederíck Whítehurst, a Specíaí Agent ín the FBI's íab
dívísíon, announced to an íncreduíous pubííc ín September of 1995 that the Bureau
had been míshandííng evídence and síantíng resuíts to favor prosecutors for years.
|751|
As one FBI íab technícían toíd the New 'ork Times, "You get an ínadvertent
bondíng of ííke-mínded índívíduaís supportíng each other's faíse concíusíons."
After federaí agents searched the resídence of Ríchard |eweíí, a prívate securíty
guard who was an earíy suspect ín a bombíng at the Atíanta Oíympícs. FBI
scíentísts and other specíaíísts warned that "you've got the wrong guy," an FBI
íaboratory offícíaí saíd. But theír cautíonary remarks, based on the absence of even
trace amounts of expíosíve materíaís, went unheeded for months.
|752|
In March of 1997, the 3os An%eles Times reported the fíndíngs of the |ustíce
Department Inspector Generaí's offíce, whích concíuded that the íab made
"scíentífícaííy unsound" concíusíons that were "bíased ín favor of the prosecutíon"
ín the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng case.
The stííí-secret draft report, obtaíned by the paper, aíso concíudes that supervísors
approved íab reports that they "cannot support" and that FBI íab offícíaís may have
erred about the síze of the bíast, the amount of expíosíves ínvoíved and the type of
expíosíves used ín the bombíng.
Accordíng to the Times, the draft report shows that FBI examíners couíd not
ídentífy the tríggeríng devíce for the truck bomb or how ít was detonated. It aíso
índícates that a pooríy maíntaíned íab envíronment couíd have íed to
contamínatíon of crítícaí píeces of evídence, the Times saíd.
|753|
Whítehurst aíso toíd the Inspector Generaí that the agents who conducted the tests
ín Okíahoma Cíty, íncíudíng Tom Thurman, Chíef of the Expíosíves Unít, and Roger
Martz, Chíef of the Chemístry and Toxícoíogy Unít, were not even quaíífíed to do
so.
|754|
Duríng the 1993 Woríd Trade Center bombíng ínvestígatíon, Whítehurst decíded to
secretíy test effícíency and procedures at the íab. He míxed human uríne wíth
fertííízer and added ít to some of the bomb materíaí beíng tested. Martz
subsequentíy excítedíy ídentífíed the uríne-fertííízer míxture as an expíosíve.
|755|
231
Whítehurst aíso contended that Martz's examíníng room was contamínated,
makíng ít ímpossíbíe to accurateíy test for expíosíves and other substances,
íncíudíng the PETN aííegedíy found on McVeígh's cíothes.
|756|
Duríng the prosecutíon's cíosíng argument, Martz made an ínterestíng Freudían
Sííp: "The evídence shows that Mr. McVeígh's cíothíng was contamínated wíth.
excuse me, Mr. McVeígh's cíothíng was fíííed wíth bomb resídue."
Whítehurst aíso cíaímed that Martz had per|ured hís testímony ín príor cases.
Whítehurst hímseíf was even asked to aíter hís reports. Materíaís-anaíysís-unít
chíef Corby "had me come ínto hís room one day and toíd me they - I don't know
who 'they' were - wanted me to take statements out of my report.... Whítehurst
refused.
|757|*
Duríng the 1991 tríaí of Waíter Leroy Moody, convícted of kííííng Federaí |udge
Robert Vance wíth a íetter-bomb, both Thurman and Martz "círcumvented
estabííshed procedures and protocoís. |and| testífíed ín areas of expertíse that
|they| had no quaíífícatíons ín, therefore fabrícatíng evídence ín |theír| testímony,"
Whítehurst wrote ín a memorandum to the Bureau's Scíentífíc Anaíysís Chíef |ames
Kearny.
Both Martz and Thurman were fuííy aware of the fact that they were ín víoíatíon of
procedures and protocoís of the FBI Laboratory and díd knowíngíy and purposeíy
commít per|ury and obstructíon of |ustíce ín thís matter.
|758|
Interestíngíy, the chíef prosecutor ín the case was none other than Louís Freeh,
who was an Assístant U.S. Attorney at the tíme. Accordíng to Whítehurst, Freeh díd
not have a síngíe píece of evídence tyíng Moody to the críme. Thurman got around
thís ííttíe ínconveníence by sendíng the evídence to hís fríend Roger Martz, who,
ííke Thurman, was not quaíífíed to perform the examínatíon. Both Thurman and
Martz were recentíy removed from theír posítíons due to aííegatíons of faísífícatíon
of evídence and per|ury.
Thurman's orígínaí cíaím to fame was the Pan Am 103 case. He had concíuded that
a tíny fragment of mícrochíp, amazíngíy díscovered two years after the bombíng,
was part of a batch of tímers soíd to the Líbyans by the Swíss fírm MEBO. Thís "new
evídence" aííowed the U.S. government to poínt the fínger of bíame at Líbya,
conveníentíy íettíng Syría - orígínaííy ímpíícated ín the bombíng - off the hook.
After the assassínatíon of |FK, nítrate tests conducted on Lee Harvey Oswaíd
concíuded that he had not fíred a rífíe on November 22. Yet thís fact, ííke the faíse
paím prínt, was kept secret for 10 months, then buríed deep ínsíde the Warren
Commíssíon Report.
|759|
In the Moody case, Freeh possessed copíes of reports that dísproved the
prosecutíon's aííegatíons, but díd not even make them avaííabíe, or known, to the
|ury. Freeh aíso faííed to ínform the |ury that hís chíef wítness, Ted Banks, faííed a
232
ííe-detector test regardíng hís assocíatíon wíth Moody. In 1995, Banks testífíed at
an appeaí hearíng that Freeh had threatened and coerced hím ínto testífyíng
agaínst the defendant.
|760|
In the Woríd Trade Center case, Whítehurst testífíed that he was toíd not to províde
any ínformatíon or evídence, such as aíternate expíanatíons to the urea-nítrate
theory, that couíd be used by the defense to chaííenge the prosecutors' hypothesís
of guíít.
|761|
In Okíahoma, Whítehurst conducted a test on McVeígh's cíothes, but found
nothíng.
Whííe the FBI cíaímed ít found traces of PETN ín McVeígh's pants pocket, on hís
shírts, and on a set of earpíugs, Agent Burmeíster acknowíedged on cross-
examínatíon that no PETN or ammoníum nítrate was found at the bíast scene.
Nor was ammoníum nítrate found ín McVeígh's car, hís personaí effects, hoteí
rooms he had stayed at, the varíous storage sheds the suspects aííegedíy used to
store the bomb-makíng components, or ín Níchoís' Heríngton, Kansas home. The
Bureau aíso found no evídence of expíosíves resídue ín sampíes of McVeígh's haír,
or scrapíngs from hís fíngernaíís.
|762|
Burmeíster aíso testífíed that crystaís of ammoníum nítrate, whích he found on a
píece of wood paneííng from the Ryder truck, íater vaníshed.
"That píece has gone through a íot of hands sínce the tíme that I've seen ít,"
Burmeíster testífíed, "and I can't speak to how they couíd have dísappeared."
|763|
As Canadían County Sheríff Deputy Cíínt Boehíer saíd, "The FBI dísturbed and
removed evídence. They don't teíí anybody eíse; they don't work wíth anybody
eíse.. How díd they know ít was the truck? They never íooked at so many obvíous
thíngs."
|764|
Yet, as ín the Kennedy case, Federaí Prosecutors went to tríaí armed wíth
deííberate ííes and other dístortíons that favored theír somewhat questíonabíe
versíon of events.
Whííe the FBI's evídence procedures wouíd be caííed ínto questíon, prosecutors
wouíd seek to ímpress the |ury wíth evídence of the suspects' mííítant Ríght-wíng
íeaníngs. Prosecutors began wíth íetters McVeígh sent to hís síster |ennífer,
expressíng hís rage over the events at Ruby Rídge and Waco, at the same tíme
mííííons of Amerícans were expressíng the very same anger.
"The Federaí Government was absoíuteíy out of controí," saíd Sarah Baín, the San
Antonío schooí teacher who served as forewoman of the |ury that acquítted the
|Davídían| sect members of most of the seríous crímes they were charged wíth.
233
"The wrong peopíe were on tríaí," Baín compíaíned. "It shouíd have been the ones
that píanned the raíd and orchestrated ít."
|765|
But ít was other evídence - more íncrímínatíng and dísturbíng - that wouíd
províde the crítícaí eíements needed to convínce the |ury of McVeígh's maíícíous
íntent. In November of '94, McVeígh vísíted hís famííy ín Lockport, New York, where
he confíded to hís síster |ennífer that he had been drívíng around wíth 1,000
pounds of expíosíves.
In a íetter sent to her ín March, a month before the bombíng, McVeígh wrote,
"Somethíng bíg ís goíng to happen ín the month of the buíí."
Fínaííy, to prove McVeígh's maíevoíent íntentíons, prosecutors íntroduced a íetter
stored on |ennífer's computer. The íetter, addressed to the ATF, warned, "ATF, aíí
you tyrannícaí motherfuckers wííí swíng ín the wínd one day, for your treasonous
actíons agaínst the Constítutíon and the Uníted States. Remember the Nuremberg
War Tríaís. But... but... but... I was oníy foííowíng orders!...... Díe, you spíneíess,
cowardíce bastards!"
|766|
McVeígh aíso supposedíy íeft a íetter to a "gírífríend" (whích medía
psycho|ournaíísts cíaímed he dídn't have) ín the gíove compartment of hís car,
outííníng píans to bomb addítíonaí targets.
Had McVeígh actuaííy íeft such a íetter ín hís vehícíe, and dropped Pauísen's
busíness card ín the patroí car? Whííe ít ís possíbíe, such scenes are remíníscent of
the doctored photograph of Lee Harvey Oswaíd hoídíng a rífíe and Communíst
newspaper, or Earth Fírst! actívíst |udí Barí hoídíng a machíne gun, whích was
íoaned to her for the photo by an FBI ínformant - a photo whích he took.
In Okíahoma Cíty, as ín aíí crímínaí conspíracíes, the oíd adage, "foííow the money"
wouíd appíy. Certaíníy a paír of íone nuts wíth a fertííízer/fueí bomb wouídn't need
much - a coupíe of thousand doííars at most - consíderíng they dídn't have to
pay off a web of co-conspírators.
A November '94 robbery ín Arkansas wouíd prove to be |ust the críme ínvestígators
needed to put the fínaí píece of the puzzíe ín píace. When the índíctments were
returned, the grand |ury concíuded the bombíng was fínanced by the robbery of
gun deaíer Roger Moore (AKA: Bob Anderson), who had known McVeígh and íet hím
stay at hís home.
Yet what ís ínterestíng ís that the FBI had aíready come to the concíusíon that the
bomb components were aíready purchased or stoíen by the date of the robbery.
The índíctment was aíso íncongruousíy worded: "McVeígh and Níchoís "caused" the
robbery of $60,000 worth of guns, coíns and precíous metaís. Exactíy how had they
"caused" the robbery? The prosecutíon fírst presented the testímony of McVeígh's
fríend Kevín Níchoías:
234
-icholas: He saíd that he screwed hím some way out of some money or
somethíng.
Mac$ey: Who ís "he"?
-icholas: That Bob díd for when Tím worked for hím.
Mac$ey: And as a resuít?
-icholas: He saíd he - that he'd be an easy guy to rob because he ííved way
back ín the stícks and, you know, there was woods around hís house and stuff.
Yet McVeígh had a soííd aííbí. He was at a gun show ín Kent, Ohío on November 5.
Stííí, the government attempted to have Míchaeí Fortíer ímpíícate hís fríends at
tríaí by testífyíng that McVeígh caííed hím and saíd, "Níchoís got Bob!" Thís íargeíy
hearsay testímony wouíd not be backed up by further evídence.
Authorítíes never proved that McVeígh or Níchoís actuaííy robbed Moore, but díd
prove that on November 7, 1994, Níchoís rented a storage íocker - number 37 -
ín Councíí Grove, under the aíías "Ted Parker" to store some of the stoíen ítems.
In hís "confessíon" to authorítíes, Fortíer saíd that McVeígh met hím ín Kíngman on
the 15th, whereupon they drove to Kansas. On the way, Fortíer testífíed, McVeígh
poínted out the Murrah Buíídíng as the target of the upcomíng attack. When they
reached the storage íocker, they íoaded 25 guns ínto Fortíer's rented car.
|767|
Back ín Kíngman, Fortíer pawned the weapons, or soíd them to fríends, íncíudíng
hís neíghbor, |ames Rosencrans.
On November 16, Níchoís rented íocker O-106 at AAAABCO Storage ín Las Vegas,
where ex-wífe Lana Padííía díscovered goíd and sííver bars, |ade, aíong wíth wígs,
masks, and pantyhose. A safety deposít box key beíongíng to Moore was found at
Níchoís' home.
The 60-year-oíd Moore cíaímed he was surprísed one morníng shortíy after 9:00
a.m., when two masked men accosted hím outsíde hís kítchen door. The men,
wearíng woodíand-styíe camoufíage fatígues, bound hím and ransacked hís house,
takíng guns, coíns, |eweís, and personaí effects.
What ís strange ís that the thíeves íeft a number of expensíve handguns and íarge-
capacíty magazínes, both híghíy desírabíe ítems. The prívate gun deaíer, who had
enough weapons to suppíy a píatoon, díd not have an ínsurance ríder for the guns,
and most of the seríaí numbers weren't regístered.
Moore toíd the author he dídn't have a ríder because he was afraíd some ínsurance
company secretary wouíd see hís íarge coííectíon and teíí her boyfríend, who wouíd
235
then come and rob hím. A curíous expíanatíon for faíííng to ínsure a híghíy vaíuabíe
coííectíon. Moore cíaíms he oníy got a íímíted settíement - approxímateíy
$10,000.
Interestíngíy, one weíí-connected source I spoke to asserted that "the |Moore|
robbery was staged.. that's the truth.. He (Moore) used a íot of aííases, he had
eíght dífferent socíaí securíty numbers, eíght dífferent dates of bírth, and that's
oníy the ones that I know about.."
Thís source aíso cíaímed, íong before defense attorney Míchaeí Tígar's aííegatíons
were made pubííc, that the motíve of the "robbery" was ínsurance fraud, staged
wíth the heíp of Níchoís and McVeígh. "Níchoís had símpíy bought weapons |from
Moore|.. Moore approached Níchoís about the fraud orígínaííy.. Moore took
payment of some odd ítems that wínds up ín Terry Níchoís' |storage íocker|."
Thís assertíon was reínforced at Níchoís' tríaí, when Tígar questíoned Moore's
gírífríend, Karen Anderson, about why she had íncíuded on her ííst - a ííst she
cíaímed had been drawn up ín íate 1992 or earíy 1993 - a gun that hadn't been
purchased untíí íate 1994!
|768|
When I spoke to Moore's fríend and neíghbor, Nora Waye, she toíd me Moore had
compíaíned to her that the íocaí Sheríff who ínvestígated the robbery, "bíew
|Moore's| cover."
Couíd a phony robbery set-up expíaín the wígs, masks, and pantyhose ín Terry
Níchoí's storage íocker? Gíven the reíatíonshíp between McVeígh and Moore, ít ís
possíbíe the two men made some sort of deaí.
Former grand |uror Hoppy Heídeíberg ís another person who had doubts about
Moore: "Somethíng wasn't ríght about hím," saíd Heídeíberg. "It wasn't that hís
testímony wasn't beííevabíe. He was |ust cocky. He had a strange attítude for a
man testífyíng before a grand |ury. He was so casuaí about ít, that was strange. He
testífíed ííke a man who had done ít many tímes before.. It wasn't anythíng he
saíd, ít was hís attítude. You'íí see the same attítude ín an FBI agent whose
testífyíng."
|769|
"Moore's beíng protected," saíd my source. "No matter how thís thíng's goíng to
get píayed out. He'íí taík to you aíí day íong and won't teíí you a thíng. He knows
how to taík."
<ohn 2oe Who>
.We hae no information showin% anyone other than Mr0 McVei%h and Mr0 Nichols
are the masterminds. - 20S0 Attorney $eth Wilkinson
On the day of the deadíy attack, Attorney Generaí |anet Reno announced, "The FBI
and the íaw enforcement communíty wííí pursue every íead and use every possíbíe
236
resource to bríng these peopíe responsíbíe to |ustíce.. It ís very ímportant that we
pursue each íead. ít ís goíng to be very ímportant that we íeave no stone
unturned."
In fact, numerous stones were íeft unturned.
Whííe the |ustíce Department (Do|) focused íts efforts on McVeígh and Níchoís,
scant attentíon was focused on other suspects - |ohn Doe 2, the mysteríous entíty
who was seen wíth McVeígh, and had accompaníed hím the morníng of the
bombíng. Wítnesses aíso saw hím wíth McVeígh ín the Murrah Buíídíng, ín stores, at
restaurants, at a bar, and at the truck rentaí shop before the bombíng. Stííí others
cíaím to have seen hím speedíng away from the scene. Aíí ín aíí, there are aímost
two-dozen wítnesses who reported seeíng |ohn Doe 2.
The FBI made a bíg show of trackíng down thís íííusíve, menacíng-íookíng suspect.
"The FBI has conducted over 9,000 wítness íntervíews and has foííowed every
possíbíe íead ín an íntensíve effort to ídentífy and bríng to |ustíce anyone who was
ínvoíved ín thís dísaster," stated U.S. Attorney Patríck Ryan ín a íetter to the
víctíms' famíííes.
|770|
The search for |ohn Doe 2 quíckíy became the bíggest man-hunt ín FBI hístory.
What authorítíes weren't sayíng however, was that not oníy was there a |ohn Doe
2, there were íeast four |ohn Does! Yet the íssue was quíckíy and quíetíy narrowed
down to |ust one |ohn Doe 2.
On Apríí 23, four days after the bombíng, The Washin%ton )ost quoted a seníor íaw
enforcement offícíaí who saíd "at íeast four" men were ínvoíved ín the terroríst act
íast week and "there very weíí couíd be more."
|771|
The FBI then requaíífíed íts posítíon on May 15: "Wherever we íook, ít's Terry and
Tímmy, Terry and Tímmy - and nobody eíse," quípped an unnamed FBI offícíaí ín
Time magazíne.
Yet on |une 11, another FBI offícíaí was quoted ín the )ost as sayíng, "I thínk when
thís ís over we'íí have at íeast síx or eíght guys índícted and ín custody. It's |ust too
bíg for two guys to puíí off."
|772|
Then on |une 15, the FBI backtracked agaín. "Períodícaííy you |ust get somethíng ín
an ínvestígatíon that goes nowhere. |ohn Doe 2 goes nowhere. It doesn't show up
ín assocíatíons, ít doesn't show up ín phone caíís. It doesn't show up among the
Army buddíes of McVeígh."
|773|
The prevíous day, the FBI put out a story that |ohn Doe 2 may have actuaííy been
Todd Buntíng, a soídíer at Fort Rííey, Kansas who had rented a truck at the same
deaíer McVeígh had. The FBI stated that Buntíng wore cíothíng símííar to that
ascríbed to |ohn Doe 2, that he had a tattoo ín the same píace, and that he wore a
hat símííar to |ohn Doe 2's.
237
Yet Eíííott's empíoyees dísmíssed Buntíng as the person who was seen wíth
McVeígh, and Buntíng heíd a press conference statíng that he had ín fact rented a
truck at Eíííott's - 24 hours after McVeígh aííegedíy rented hís.
The Buntíng story was offícíaííy dropped.
Then, on |anuary 28, 1996, the prosecutíon swítched tracks agaín, offícíaííy
resurrectíng the Todd Buntíng story. In a íong bríef, the government díscíosed that
Eíííott's empíoyee Tom Kessínger was the oníy one who couíd recaíí |ohn Doe 2
weíí enough to descríbe hím.
Now, after a November íntervíew wíth a prosecutor and two FBI agents, Kessínger
was "confídent that he had Todd Buntíng ín mínd when he províded the descríptíon
for the |ohn Doe 2 composíte." Kessínger, the bríef contínued, ís "now unsure"
whether anyone accompaníed McVeígh. But hís two co-workers "contínue to
beííeve that two men came ín to rent the truck."
In that bríef, the prosecutíon specuíated that the defense míght use "Kessínger's
admítted confusíon" to chaííenge hís ídentífícatíon of McVeígh.
It seemed ít was íess "Kessínger's admítted confusíon" than a deííberate
fabrícatíon by prosecutors and the FBI to cover up the exístence of |ohn Doe 2. As
Kessínger toíd bombíng víctím Gíenn Wííburn, who conducted hís own
ínvestígatíon, "I don't know how they came up wíth that one."
Kessínger íater changed hís story at the urgíng of federaí prosecutors Patríck Ryan
and |oseph Hartzíer. Duríng a pretríaí conference, |ones chaííenged Kessínger:
"How can you be so wrong 60 hours after the event and so ríght a year and a haíf
íater?" |ones asked hím. "Couíd you be changíng your mínd because the
government wants you to?"
"No," Kessínger repííed.
|774|
Yet on March 25 and Apríí 5, Hartzíer had wrítten |ones that "The exístence and
ídentíty of thís |ohn Doe 2, whom we are confídent ís not Mr. Buntíng, ís the sub|ect
of a contínuíng ínvestígatíon."
And ín a May 1, 1996 íetter wrítten by Hartzíer, the government prosecutor
ínformed |ones that Kessínger and Beemer had been shown a pícture of the cap
Buntíng wore when he pícked up a truck on Apríí 18. "They both stated that the
cap was not the same one they saw on |ohn Doe II," Hartzíer wrote, "and they
reaffírmed that thís second índívíduaí accompaníed 'Kííng' when he rented the
truck."
|775|
238
Yet at a hearíng on Apríí 9, federaí prosecutor Beth Wííkínson stated that the
government "has no ínformatíon showíng anyone but Mr. Níchoís and Mr. McVeígh
were the mastermínds of thís bombíng."
|776|
"They keep teíííng us they're íookíng for |ohn Doe No. 2, but then they turn around
and gíve statements índícatíng that they don't beííeve there ís a |ohn Doe No. 2,"
saíd a woman whose husband was kíííed ín the bombíng.
|777|
Other víctíms, ííke naíve chíídren, bííndíy píaced theír faíth ín the government's
dubíous assurances. Hartzíer heíd one meetíng wíth bombíng víctíms ín whích he
"díscussed and dísposed of some of the more bízarre theoríes."
"I |ust got a better feeííng about what's goíng on," saíd Bud Weích, whose
daughter, |uííe, díed ín the attack. "The prosecutíon assured us that there was no
evídence that was suppressed. We reaííy dídn't know that," added Weích.
"We know what's goíng on now and that they're there for us," Pameía Weber-Fore
saíd of the prosecutors.
|778|
Other víctíms weren't as easííy fooíed. "I don't thínk that there's any questíon
about the fact that they're coveríng up who was ínvoíved ín the bombíng," saíd
V.Z. Lawton, a HUD worker who was ín|ured ín the bíast. "I've taíked to fíve
wítnesses myseíf who saw McVeígh wíth |ohn Doe number two ín Okíahoma Cíty
that morníng, wíthín fífteen mínutes of the bíast... teíís me that there ís somethíng
wrong."
|779|
As Níchoís' attorney Míchaeí Tígar saíd, "It's strange that the offícíaí versíon has
focused on Níchoís and McVeígh, and that the government ís now busííy engaged
ín denyíng aíí possíbíííty that there couíd be anybody eíse."
|780|
9rand <,ry Bypass
.The F$( has thorou%hly inesti%ated all leads and ( am confident in the
inesti%ation0.
-
lead *rosecutor Jose*h 8art-ler
Naturaííy, whííe many eyewítnesses stepped forward to teíí the FBI they had seen
addítíonaí suspects, not one was ever caííed before the grand |ury.
Yet federaí prosecutors stííí had one hurdíe to overcome before they couíd make
theír case. They had to deaí wíth Hoppy Heídeíberg. Heídeíberg, who often quoted
from the grand |uror's handbook, was aware that the grand |ury was charged wíth
the task of determíníng the reíevance of the evídence, and askíng those questíons
pertínent to the case. So far, aíí the evídence centered around Tímothy McVeígh
and Terry Níchoís. Heídeíberg wanted to know why prosecutors had not
subpoenaed the many wítnesses who had seen |ohn Doe 2.
239
"No one who saw McVeígh wíth other suspects, was ever aííowed to testífy before
the federaí grand |ury," saíd Heídeíberg. The obvíous ínference beíng that those
who saw McVeígh wouíd have aíso seen |ohn Doe 2.
But Patríck Ryan seemed to be controíííng the |ury. He díd not ííke Heídeíberg's
tendency to go agaínst the fíow. In a íetter to the víctíms' famíííes, Ryan states:
The Uníted States has never maíntaíned or even suggested, that no other person
or persons were ínvoíved wíth McVeígh and Níchoís ín the commíssíon of these
crímes. As stated earííer, the questíon of ínvoívement of others ís the sub|ect of
íntensíve ínvestígatíon by federaí ínvestígators and prosecutors who are totaííy
devoted and commítted to ídentífyíng and prosecutíng aíí persons ínvoíved ín the
píanníng or commíssíon of these crímes.
Yet, as ín the Kennedy assassínatíon, federaí prosecutors símpíy paraded before
the grand |ury those wítnesses favorabíe to theír preordaíned víew of the case,
ígnoríng íeads and wítnesses that confíícted wíth theír híghíy dubíous versíon of
events.
Aíthough Heídeíberg attempted to questíon grand |ury wítnesses, he was
repeatedíy stonewaííed by prosecutors. In an íntervíew wíth |ournaííst |on
Rappaport, Heídeíberg stated, "They saíd I'd have to get the prosecutíng attorney's
okay for each questíon I wanted to ask. But you know, ín díaíog one questíon íeads
to another ríght away, so you can't cross-examíne that way.
"They kept promísíng and promísíng to answer aíí my questíons, but uítímateíy
they staííed me. I was had."
|781|
In an íntervíew on CBS Thís Morníng, Stephen |ones saíd, ".what ís troubííng here
ís that the prosecutors, ín effect, accordíng to thís grand |uror's aííegatíon, took
away from the grand |ury theír duty to go after the full story, not |ust concentratíng
on the two peopíe that had aíready been arrested."
|782|
Not buyíng the government's story of a coupíe of píssed-off whackos wíth a
fertííízer bomb, Heídeíberg aíso asked that bomb experts be caííed ín to ídentífy
the type of bomb used. "Let's get the answer. Let's get the archítects and
engíneers who buíít the buíídíng ín there and questíon them," Heídeíberg toíd
Rappaport.
"Díd you request that?" asked Rappaport.
"Of course! I demanded bomb experts aíí aíong. And engíneers and geoíogísts.
They saíd - do you want to know what they saíd? They dídn't have the money! I
saíd I'd go down to the Uníversíty of Okíahoma and bríng some geoíogísts back
myseíf for free. They wouídn't íet me.
"The bomb ís the key to the whoíe case."
|783|
240
In order to satísfy the grand |ury that an ANFO bomb bíew up the buíídíng,
prosecutors caííed ín one bomb expert - Robert Hopíer. Hopíer, ít turns out,
recentíy retíred from Dyno-Nobeí, an expíosíves manufacturer ín Saít Lake Cíty.
Dyno-Nobeí used to be Hercuíes Powder Company - a reputed CIA front.
"I knew he was CIA," saíd Heídeíberg. "It was pretty obvíous to me and most of the
|ury."
|784|
|udge Davíd Russeíí eventuaííy dísmíssed Heídeíberg from the grand |ury for
havíng the audacíty to questíon the government's case. In a íetter to Heídeíberg
dated October 24, 1995, Russeíí states:
Effectíveíy ímmedíateíy, you are dísmíssed from the grand |ury. Your obíígatíon of
secrecy contínues. Any díscíosure of matters that occurred before the grand |ury
constítutes a contempt of court. Each víoíatíon of the obíígatíon of secrecy may be
puníshed cumuíatíveíy.
The government's excuse for dísmíssíng Heídeíberg was an anonymous íntervíew
he supposedíy gave to Lawrence Myers of Media $y*ass magazíne. As prevíousíy
noted, Heídeíberg never consented to be íntervíewed by Myers, and ín fact, Myers
had surreptítíousíy obtaíned the content of an íntervíew conducted by the
ínvestígator for Heídeíberg's attorney, |ohn DeCamp.
But Heídeíberg cíaíms the reaí reason was a íetter he wrote to |udge Russeíí dated
October 5th, ín whích Heídeíberg states:
The famíííes of the víctíms deserve to know who was ínvoíved ín the bombíng, and
there appears to be an attempt to protect the ídentíty of certaín suspects, nameíy
|ohn Doe 2..
"I thínk they (the government) knows who |ohn Doe 2 ís, and they are protectíng
hím," saíd Heídeíberg ín an íntervíew ín Ju+ilee Ma%a-ine. "Thís ís because |ohn
Doe 2 ís eíther a government agent or ínformant and they can't afford for that to
get out."
|785|
Eventuaííy, the FBI dropped the |ohn Doe 2 íead aítogether. |ohn Doe 2 had been a
red herríng, a faíse íead, the |ustíce Department cíaímed. |ohn Doe 2 had never
reaííy exísted.
|786|
Dozens of credíbíe wítnesses thínk otherwíse.
Catína Lawson, who was fríends wíth McVeígh, remembered |ohn Doe 2 from the
Summer of '92, when she and her fríends wouíd hoíd partíes and ínvíte soídíers
from nearby Fort Rííey. McVeígh showed up wíth Andy Strassmeír, Míke Fortíer, and
Míchaeí Brescía. In fact, Lawson's roommate, Líndsay |ohnson, dated the
handsome, weíí-buíít Brescía.
241
Two days after the bombíng, Lawson caííed the FBI and toíd them that Brescía
cíoseíy resembíed the sketch of |ohn Doe 2.
Yet ín spíte of overturníng 21,000 stones, the FBI never even bothered to foííow up
on her story.
Robert Gohn, who ííved across the road from McVeígh ín Kíngman, recaííed seeíng
one of the mysteríous |ohn Does around the earíy Summer of '94. Accordíng to
Gohn, one day a short, stocky man who íooked "ííke a weíght íífter" arríved at
McVeígh's traííer wíth Terry Níchoís.
|787|
On Apríí 7, Dr. Pauí Heath was workíng ín hís offíce at the Murrah Buíídíng when
"McVeígh" and two of hís companíons stopped by for a chat. Heath recaííed one of
the men as "Amerícan-Indían íookíng" and "handsome."
|788|
As the Assocíated Press reported on Apríí 27, 1995:
. |U.S. Attorney Randy| Rathburn saíd neíghbors of Níchoís'. reported that
Níchoís spent Apríí 12-14 wíth McVeígh and severaí unídentífíed men. One of the
men resembíed sketches of |ohn Doe 2..
|789||790|
On Saturday, Apríí 15, Barbara Whíttenberg served breakfast to three men at the
Sante Fe Traíí Díner ín Herríngton, Kansas. One of the men was dark-skínned and
handsome. When he toíd her they were on theír way to Okíahoma Cíty, McVeígh
shot hím a hard íook that saíd "keep quíet."
|791|
Earíy the next day, around 1:00 a.m., Meíba was workíng the deíí counter at
Aíbertson's Supermarket on South May ín Okíahoma Cíty, when "McVeígh" and
|ohn Doe 2 stopped by for sandwíches.
|792|
"McVeígh," ít seems, was stííí ín town when Phyííss Kíngsíey and Línda Kuhíman
saw three vehícíes puíí ínto the Hí-Way Grííí, |ust south of Okíahoma Cíty, around
6:00 p.m. on Sunday. McVeígh came ín and ordered hamburgers and fríes to go,
and was accompaníed by a short, stocky, handsome man, of eíther Mexícan or
Amerícan Indían descent. The man cíoseíy resembíed the FBI sketch of |ohn Doe 2.
|793|
That same day, back at the Dreamíand Moteí ín |unctíon Cíty, Conníe Hood was
returníng to her room around 12:45 a.m. when a man ín room 23 quíckíy opened
the door as íf expectíng a vísítor, then quíckíy cíosed ít when he saw Hood. The
man, who startíed her, was ín hís earíy 20s, about 5'8" taíí, 180 íbs., wíth dark haír
brushed straíght back and an oííve compíexíon. Hood recaíís he cíoseíy resembíed
the sketch of |ohn Doe 2, but wíth sííghtíy fuííer features. She descríbed hím as a
"foreígner."
|794|
242
The foííowíng day, Hood and her husband Donaíd returned to the Dreamíand to
vísít theír fríend Davíd Kíng ín room 22. A Ryder truck puííed up at the same tíme
they díd, the dríver strongíy resembííng the man Hood saw the prevíous day.
Shane Boyd, a heíícopter mechaníc who was aíso stayíng at the Dreamíand, íater
toíd reporters and ínvestígators that he saw a bushy-haíred man resembííng the
|ohn Doe 2 sketch ín the parkíng íot near room 25 - Tímothy McVeígh's room.
One exít away from the Dreamíand Moteí síts the Great Western Inn. Accordíng to
the manager, a Míddíe Eastern man stayed at the moteí on the 17th. "He spoke
broken Engíísh," saíd the manager. "|He| gave a foreígn name and was drívíng a
Ryder truck." The man cíoseíy resembíed the FBI's sketch of |ohn Doe 2.
"Sometíme on Monday," recaííed Conníe Hood, "those two - McVeígh and the
foreígner - íoaded up together, ín a Ryder truck, and puííed out of the Dreamíand
parkíng íot together. that was the íast I saw of them."
|795|
Later that day, |anítors Katheríne Woodíy and Martín |ohnson were workíng the 5-9
p.m. shíft ín the Murrah Buíídíng when they saw "McVeígh" and |ohn Doe 2.
McVeígh spoke to Martín about a |ob, and |ohn Doe 2 nodded to Woodíy.
|796|
At 3:00 p.m. on Monday, or possíbíy Tuesday, |errí-Lynn Backhous and Dorínda
Hermes were workíng at the Easy-Mart ín Newkírk, 100 mííes north of Okíahoma
Cíty, when a convoy puííed ín. One of the vehícíes - a ííght bíue píck-up wíth a
camper top - was beíng dríven by Terry Níchoís. Backhous recaííed Níchoís'
passenger as average heíght, dark-skínned, wíth bíack haír and a muscuíar buííd.
"He íooked |ust ííke the |ohn Doe 2 sketch," she saíd.
|797|
Debbíe Nakanashí was workíng at the Post Offíce across the street from the Murrah
Buíídíng around on Monday or Tuesday when "McVeígh" and |ohn Doe 2 stopped ín
and asked where they míght fínd federaí |ob appíícatíons. Nakanashí heíped
províde the descríptíon for the weíí-known profííe sketch of |ohn Doe 2 ín the
basebaíí cap.
Guy Rubsamen, a securíty guard at the Murrah Buíídíng saw a íarge Ryder truck
puíí up to the curb ín front of the buíídíng around 4:00 p.m. on Monday, the 17th.
Rubsamen íater concíuded ít was a dress rehearsaí.
"There was eíther two or three men, but one |umped out the dríver's síde, and one
or two out the passenger síde," Rubsamen toíd the Rocky Mountain News. "The
fírst thíng that struck me was how quíckíy they |umped out. Those guys were ín a
hurry."
|798|
The Ryder truck wouíd make íts appearance the foííowíng eveníng at the Cattíe
Baron's Steakhouse ín Perry, Okíahoma. |eff Meyers and another customer recaííed
seeíng McVeígh and a companíon, who stopped by for a few beers. The man was
243
approxímateíy síx feet taíí and weíghed 260 pounds - a descríptíon not befíttíng
the |ohn Doe 2s descríbed by other wítnesses.
|799|
Ríchard Sínnett, the assístant manager of the Save-A-Tríp conveníence store ín
Kíngman, Kansas, soíd fueí to McVeígh and three other men at approxímateíy 1:30
a.m. on Apríí 19. Sínnett saw three vehícíes ín aíí, íncíudíng a Ryder truck, an oíder
brown píck-up (possíbíy beíongíng to Steven Coíbern?), and a ííght coíored car.
Sínnett descríbed |ohn Doe 2 as muscuíar, 170 to 180 pounds, wíth short ííght
brown haír and a ííght compíexíon. He recaííed the Ryder truck was towíng a traííer
that contaíned a íarge, round tank fíííed wíth cíear ííquíd. The store ís about 175
mííes north of Okíahoma Cíty.
|800|
Fred Skrdía, a cashíer at a 24-hour truck stop near Bííííngs, toíd the FBI he soíd fueí
to McVeígh between 1 and 3 a.m. on Apríí 19. The statíon ís about 80 mííes north
of Okíahoma Cíty.
As the sun rose, McVeígh and a fríend sat down for coffee at |ackíe's Farmers Store
ín Muíhaíí, Okíahoma. Muíhaíí Postmaster Mary Hunnícutt stood ríght next to
McVeígh as he ordered hís coffee. She was "advísed" not to díscuss what she had
seen, íest she be summoned before the Federaí Grand |ury. She wasn't.
|801|
Ten mínutes before the bíast, Leroy Brooks was síttíng ín hís car at the Sooner Post
Offíce across from the Murrah Buíídíng, when a Ryder truck puííed up across the
street, traííed by a yeííow Mercury. The drívers of both vehícíes got out and waíked
to the back of the truck, where they spoke for a few seconds, and exchanged a
smaíí package. After Brooks came out of the Post Offíce, he saw that the Ryder
truck, whích contaíned a passenger, had moved ín front of the Murrah Buíídíng.
"McVeígh" was waíkíng brískíy across 5th Street towards the |ournaí Record
buíídíng.
Danny Wííkerson soíd "McVeígh" a pack of cígarettes (McVeígh doesn't smoke) and
two soft drínks at a deíí ínsíde the Regency Towers apartments a bíock from the
Murrah Buíídíng. Wííkerson recaííed a passenger síttíng ín the cab of the Ryder
truck, whích had a cab overhang, and was shorter than the 24-foot modeí the FBI
cíaímed McVeígh had rented.
|802|
Federaí authorítíes had stííí more wítnesses to caíí on had they wanted to. Míke
Moroz, who was at work at |ohnny's Tíre Store on 10th and Hudson, on Apríí 19,
íooked up to see a Ryder truck puíí ín at 8:40 a.m. The occupants were íookíng for
dírectíons to the Murrah Buíídíng. Moroz caught a gíímpse of the passenger - a
stocky man wíth dark curíy haír wearíng a baíí cap, and a tattoo on hís upper íeft
arm.
Severaí mínutes earííer, Davíd Sníder was waítíng for a deíívery ín Brícktown, about
25 bíocks away, when a Ryder truck passed síowíy by, as íf íookíng for an address.
However, thís tíme the dríver was a dark-skínned man wíth íong, straíght bíack
244
haír, wearíng a thín mustache and tear-drop sungíasses. The passenger was
"McVeígh." Sínce Sníder's account of the occupants díffered remarkabíy from the
prevíous accounts, couíd thís have been the second Ryder truck descríbed by
wítnesses? If so, díd thís mean there were two "McVeíghs" and two |ohn Doe 2s?
|803|
At approxímateíy the same tíme as Sníder saw the Ryder truck, Tuísa banker Kyíe
Hunt came upon the truck at Maín and Broadway, traííed by a yeííow Mercury. Hunt
saíd the Mercury dríver was Tímothy McVeígh. "He gave me that ícy, go-to-heíí
íook," saíd Hunt. "It kínd of unnerved me."
|804|
Whííe Hunt dídn't see the occupants
of the truck, he díd recaíí two passengers ín the car. One of them, he saíd, had
íong haír, símííar to the man Phyííss Kíngsíey saw on Sunday at the Hí-Way Grííí.
None of the men was Terry Níchoís, who was ín Herríngton that morníng.
|ust outsíde the Murrah Buíídíng, Dennís "Rodney" |ohnson was drívíng hís cateríng
truck, when he suddeníy had to brake to avoíd híttíng two men who were runníng
towards the parkíng íot across the street.
|805|
The men, who were ín "a fast íockstep" wíth each other, appeared to be Tímothy
McVeígh and |ohn Doe 2. |ohnson descríbed McVeígh's companíon as "Mexícan or
Amerícan-Indían." He was "dark-skínned. probabíy about 5-8 and maybe 160
pounds," |ohnson saíd. "He was wearíng bíue |ogger pants wíth a strípe across the
síde. He had síícked-bíack haír."
|806|
Then there was Gary Lewís. A pressman for the Journal Record/ Lewís stepped
outsíde to smoke hís pípe |ust mínutes before the bíast. As stood ín the aííey
across from the Murrah Buíídíng, a yeííow Mercury peeíed away from íts spot and
bore down on hím. The dríver, whom he made bríef eye-contact wíth, appeared to
be Tímothy McVeígh. And hís passenger resembíed the sketch of |ohn Doe 2. The
car had an Okíahoma tag (not an Arízona tag as authorítíes cíaímed) dangííng by
one boít.
Even FBI Agent |ohn Hersíey had testífíed before the Federaí Grand |ury that ".
severaí wítnesses spotted a yeííow car carryíng McVeígh and another man
speedíng away from the parkíng íot near the. |buíídíng| before the bíast."
|807|
Fínaííy there was Daína Bradíey. A young mother, Bradíey was standíng by the
wíndow of the Socíaí Securíty offíce seconds before the bíast, when she saw a man
get out of the passenger síde of the Ryder truck. Moments íater, Bradíey's woríd
turned to bíackness, smoke and dust as she was showered by faíííng concrete.
Bradíey, who íost her íeg, her mother, and her two chíídren ín the bombíng, stííí
cíearíy recaíís the man who got out of the truck. He íooked ííke |ohn Doe 2.
Of course, federaí "ínvestígators" wouíd show as ííttíe ínterest ín these and other
díscrepancíes as they wouíd ín the numerous |ohn Does. Some of these wítnesses
were never even contacted by the FBI, eventhough aíí of them had repeatedíy
tríed to aíert the Bureau. Oníy after federaí prosecutors had coerced Daína Bradíey
245
ínto changíng her story, díd she testífy at McVeígh's tríaí. None of the others were
ever caííed.
"I know I wasn't caííed because I wouíd have to testífy that I díd see |ohn Doe 2. I
know I saw |ohn Doe 2," saíd Rodney |ohnson.
|808|
Then ín March of 1997, after changíng ít's mínd haíf a dozen tímes about the
exístence of |ohn Doe 2, ít was "íeaked" to the press that the FBI was searchíng for
a |ohn Doe. Hís name was Robert |aques.
Thís "new" |ohn Doe 2 had appeared at the offíce of reaí estate broker Wííííam
Maíoney, of Cassvíííe, Míssourí, ín November of '94, aíong wíth Terry Níchoís and a
man who íooked ííke McVeígh. They were there to díscuss purchasíng a remote
píece of íand. |oe Lee Davídson, a saíesman ín Maíoney's offíce, recaííed the
encounter wíth |aques: "The day he was here, he seemed to be the one that was ín
controí and ín charge of what was goíng on," saíd Davídson. "Níchoís never saíd a
whoíe íot and McVeígh never díd come ín.."
|809|
Maíoney descríbed |aques as muscuíar, wíth a broad, dark face, símííar to, but not
quíte ídentícaí as, the orígínaí FBI sketch of |ohn Doe 2.
Is ít possíbíe the sudden announcement of |aques was a díversíon, to satísfy a
pubííc íncreasíngíy savvy about the exístence of |ohn Doe 2?
Nevertheíess, a month after thís new íead was announced, the government went
ahead wíth the tríaí of McVeígh, makíng no attempt to íntroduce any addítíonaí
suspects.
They aíso dropped the íead on Steven Coíbern, ín spíte of the fact that hís píck-up
was seen stopped ahead of McVeígh 90 mínutes after the bombíng.
|810|
The Míddíe-Eastern íead was aíso dropped. The FBI deníed puttíng out the APB on
the brown píck-up contaíníng the three Míddíe Eastern maíes seen speedíng away
from the bombíng. And whííe the FBI knew about Sam Khaííd, they díd nothíng but
ask hím some questíons.
An affídavít submítted by FBI Agent |ohn Hersíey stated: "A wítness to the bombíng
saw two, possíbíy three persons ín a brown Chevroíet píckup - fíeeíng the area of
the críme - |ust príor to the bíast." Aíthough agents íntervíewed the wítness who
saw Hussaín aí-Hussaíní drívíng the brown píck-up, she was never brought before a
ííne-up, and never caííed to testífy before the Federaí Grand |ury. Hussaíní's fríend
Abraham Ahmed was turned íoose as weíí.
|811|
As ín the Kennedy assassínatíon, the FBI sent thousands of agents híther and
yonder to scour the country, searchíng out even the most obscure íeads. Agents
swarmed through Kíngman, conductíng warrantíess searches, arrestíng ínnocent
peopíe, and wreckíng havoc. Dozens more swooped down on Terry Níchoís 12-
246
year-oíd son |osh, whom they thought may have been |ohn Doe 2. Agents were
sent to the Phíííppínes to ínvestígate Níchoís' actívítíes there, and thousands more
had detaíned and questíoned anyone even remoteíy suspícíous.
Yet, as ín the Kennedy case, few agents actuaííy knew |ust why they were foííowíng
up on any gíven íead. Very few ever were ever aííowed to compare notes, or catch
a gíímpse of the "bíg pícture."
More ímportantíy, those índívíduaís who shouíd have been príme suspects for
questíoníng were never even detaíned. No agents were sent to Eíohím cíty to
íntervíew Andreas Strassmeír or Míchaeí Brescía, or Peter and Sonny Ward.
Líkewíse, none of the Míddíe Eastern suspects prevíousíy mentíoned were arrested.
Had any FBI agents actuaííy attempted to foííow up on any of these íeads, ííke theír
predecessors ín Daíías, they wouíd have been quíckíy reassígned to other cases by
Washíngton.
The same heíd true for íocaí íaw-enforcement. FBI SAC Bob Rícks - who doíed out
a mendacíous dose of propaganda duríng the Waco massacre - was appoínted
Pubííc Safety Dírector after the bombíng, puttíng hím ín charge of the OHP.
The OSBI were made coffee boys and drívers for the FBI. Dístríct Attorney Bob
Macy, aíong wíth íocaí poííce, were "advísed" to stay out of the case.
|812|
Síx days before the start of McVeígh's tríaí, Steven |ones fííed a defense motíon
cítíng íaw-enforcement and defense íntervíews wíth a Fííípíno terroríst who
admítted meetíng wíth bombíng defendant Terry Níchoís.
Lead prosecutor |oseph Hartzíer caííed |ones' carefuííy ínvestígated and researched
ínformatíon "puíp fíctíon."
Yet a Washíngton-based terroríst expert who ínvestígated the Woríd Trade Center
bombíng and ís famíííar wíth some the suspects ín |ones' bríef saíd, "The whoíe
ídea that no one but Tímothy McVeígh - that there's nothíng wíder than thís - no
one wouíd beííeve ít íf the government weren't sayíng ít. It's so ímpíausíbíe a story.
"The government has the nerve to caíí ít puíp fíctíon," added the híghíy-respected
source. Their story ís 'puíp fíctíon.'"
|813|
Apparentíy, the government was concerned enough about |ones' reveíatíons to
order aíí the wítness statements seaíed.
In the end, the FBI propounded íts dísíngenuous theory that McVeígh and Níchoís
were the "íone bombers" |ust as quíckíy as they had decíded that Lee Harvey
Oswaíd was the "Lone assassín" twenty-eíght years ago.
Choir Boys
247
.Stated sim*ly/ neither the ATF nor any other federal a%ency had any adance
knowled%e of the deadly +om+ that McVei%h deliered to the Murrah $uildin%0A
The *rosecution is not withholdin% anythin% that een remotely would su**ort
such an outra%eous char%e0. - "e*artment of Justice
.( can assure you that there has +een no %oernment misconduct and the men and
women of the F$( that we1re workin% with are +eyond re*roach0.
- 20S0 Attorney Jose*h 8art-ler
.Our %oernment/ unfortunately/ has shown remarka+le a+ility to lie0.
- Ste*hen Jones
One exampíe of the |ustíce Department's refusaí to admít the possíbíííty of any
suspects other than McVeígh and Níchoís was íts stubborn ínsístence on hoardíng
díscovery documents that ít shouíd have been ríghtfuííy turned over to the defense
under the federaí $rady requírements. In a motíon fííed síx days before the start of
McVeígh's tríaí, |ones aííeged that the prosecutíon not oníy ííed about the avaííabíe
evídence, they deííberateíy obsfucated and dístorted certaín ATF and FBI reports
on Eíohím Cíty, deííberateíy mísspeíííng the names Caroí Howe, Robert Míííar,
Andreas Strassmeír, Dennís Mahon and others so that the defense wouíd be unabíe
to retríeve any documents regardíng these suspects duríng theír computer
searches. As |ones wrote ín hís bríef:
Defense counseí ís convínced that the government has engaged ín a wííífuí and
knowíng cover-up of ínformatíon suppííed to ít by íts ínformant. The defense was
unabíe to íocate thís ínsert usíng a computer because aíí ma|or search terms
contaíned ín the ínsert were mísspeííed. Eíohím Cíty was mísspeííed or
mísídentífíed (Eíohm Cíty), as was Mahon (Mehaun), Strassmeír (Strassmeyer), the
Rev. Robert Míííar (Bob Lamar) and ín addítíon, Caroí Howe was not ídentífíed ín
the ínsert at aíí.
|814|
Thus the defense was unabíe to íocate ímportant ínformatíon that Caroí Howe, a
ATF ínformant, had províded crítícaí warníngs that the Murrah Buíídíng was about
to be bombed. As |ones wrote:
Our patíence ís exhausted. We are no íonger convínced the documents drafted
and furníshed to us, after the fact, by bureaucracíes whose very exístence and
credíbíííty ís chaííenged, can be reííed upon..
248
The government has toíd the dístríct court that ít had 'no ínformatíon" of a possíbíe
foreígn ínvoívement when ít díd. The government has toíd the dístríct court that
"Andreas Strassmeír was never the sub|ect of the ínvestígatíon," when he was..
Statements to the court by the prosecutíon that ít cannot connect Strassmeír and
Mahon to the bombíng are hardíy surprísíng. They díd not try very hard to connect
them because had they been connected, and Caroí Howe's prevíous warníng
díscíosed, the resuítíng furor wouíd have been unímagínabíe..
The repeated practíce of the government and prosecutíon ín thís case when the
shoe gets bíndíng ís to make a partíaí díscíosure, assure the Dístríct Court ít
understands íts $rady obíígatíons, and hoíd íts breath, hopíng the court does not
order further díscíosure, or wííí reíy on the prosecutíon's "good faíth"..
Thís ís a soíemn crímínaí case, not Aííce ín Wonderíand where defínítíons mean
oníy what "the Oueen thínks" and what she thínks ís not known to anyone eíse.
|815|
Lyíng about addítíonaí suspects wasn't the oníy críme the "|ustíce" Department
was guííty of. Manípuíatíng and confíscatíng evídence aíso seemed to be a ma|or
tooí ín theír arsenaí of deceít.
Ríchard Bíeder, the attorney representíng a group bombíng víctíms ín theír
negíígence íawsuít agaínst the government, toíd the 3ondon Tele%ra*h that he had
seen ínternaí ATF documents whích supported many of the cíaíms made by Caroí
Howe. But the reports for December 1994, probabíy the most crítícaí ones, have
vaníshed from the fííes.
|816|
On Apríí 14, 1995, the FBI píaced a caíí to Assístant Chíef Charíes Gaínes at the
Okíahoma Cíty Fíre Department to warn hím of a potentíaí terroríst threat wíthín
the next few days. Yet ííke the FBI's warníngs of the threat agaínst the íífe of
Presídent Kennedy, or Níxon's ínfamous Watergate tapes, the audío íogs of the Fíre
Department's íncomíng caíís were mysteríousíy "erased."
When asked to expíaín thís "accídentaí" erasure, Assístant Chíef |on Hansen
ínteííígentíy repííed, "We made a boo-boo." Hansen then admítted to reporter |.D.
Cash that the tapes had been erased after the natíonaí medía had requested them.
|817|
On Apríí 28th the tape of |ames Níchoís' hearíng was reíeased by court order, and
ít was bíank. Nothíng whatsoever couíd be heard on the tape. It was the oníy
record of the proceedíngs.
On Apríí 19, the seísmíc data monítor at the Omnípíex Museum, four mííes from the
Murrah Buíídíng, had recorded the shock waves of the expíosíon. The seísmograph
readíngs, íncíudíng one from the Uníversíty of Okíahoma 16 mííes away ín Norman,
presented startííng evídence - evídence that the expíosíon that rípped through
249
the Aífred P. Murrah buíídíng may ín fact have been severaí dístínct bíasts. The
ímpíícatíons of thís are omínous.
At a meetíng of the Okíahoma Geophysícaí Socíety on November 20th,
Seísmoíogísts Ray Brown of the Okíahoma Geoíogícaí Survey and Tom Hoízer of
the U.S. Geoíogícaí Survey gathered to díscuss the fíndíngs. Pat Brííey, a seísmíc
programmer, who has índependentíy ínvestígated the bombíng, attended the
meetíng, as díd U.S. Attorney Patríck Ryan and Assístant U.S. Attorney |erome A.
Hoímes.
Aíthough the two scíentísts dísagreed on fíndíngs regardíng the number of bombs,
íess than a thírd of the way through the presentatíon, Ryan got up, waíked to the
back of the room, and began gívíng a prívate press conference:
"I was certaíníy satísfíed that these scíentísts couíd not say that there was
anythíng other than one bomb that caused the seísmoíogy readíng," saíd Ryan, a
statement obvíousíy ínconsístent wíth the díscussíon occurríng at the tíme.
"Ryan ííed very heavííy," saíd Brííey. "Thís guy reaííy ííed."
After the meetíng, Brííey poííteíy asked Ryan to gíve hím the orígínaí seísmogram
ín the FBI's possessíon. Ryan got up, angrííy accused Brííey of workíng for the
defense team, then stammered out of the room.
|818|
Surveíííance cameras íocated ín the parkíng íot across from the Murrah buíídíng,
and on neíghboríng buíídíngs, wouíd have recorded the entíre fatefuí event that
terríbíe morníng. The tapes wouíd have aíso shown the buíídíng coííapsíng. They
wouíd have concíusíveíy proven whether the structure was destroyed by cuttíng
charges, or by a truck-bomb. But ííke Abraham Zapruder's famous footage of the
Kennedy assassínatíon, the tapes were quíckíy confíscated by the FBI.
In an íntervíew wíth |on Rappaport, Hoppy Heídeíberg saíd, "The varíous
surveíííance vídeotapes of the bombíng, tapes from, say, Southwestern Beíí and
the |ournaí Record Buíídíng across the street, we don't know that they showed aíí
the detaíís of the bombíng, íncíudíng the perpetrators, but ít's possíbíe. None of
thís materíaí was shown to us ín the grand |ury."
Certaín segments of the footage was presented by the prosecutíon at tríaí. One cut
íncíuded a shot of a bíue GMC píck-up wíth a whíte camper top (the kínd owned by
Terry Níchoís) drívíng síowíy past the Regency Towers apartments near the Murrah
Buíídíng on Apríí 16 - the day Níchoís aííegedíy drove to Okíahoma to píck up
McVeígh.
The prosecutíon aíso díspíayed a stííí frame of a Ryder truck drívíng by the
Regency Towers on the morníng of the bíast. The tíme was 8:59 a.m. They then
showed a stííí of the truck bíowíng up, stamped 9:02 a.m. Curíousíy, the
250
government was carefuí not to show the |ury any footage whích showed any
suspects gettíng out of the truck.
|819|
Surveíííance footage taken by Trooper Charíes Hanger upon hís arrest of McVeígh
had caught a brown píck-up stopped |ust ahead - thought to beíong to Steven
Coíbern. When researcher Ken Armstrong questíoned the OHP about the tape, he
was toíd ít had been "seízed" by the FBI. The OHP wouíd not comment further.
|820|
On |une 1st, KFOR reporter Brad Edwards sent the |ustíce Department a Freedom
of Informatíon request concerníng the varíous surveíííance footage. In theír repíy,
the FBI stated:
A search of our índíces to the Centraí Records System, as maíntaíned ín the
Okíahoma Cíty Offíce, íocated materíaí responsíve request (síc) to your request.
Thís materíaí ís beíng wíthheíd ín íts entírety pursuant to the foííowíng subsectíon
of Títíe 5, Uníted States Code, Sectíon 552: (b) (7) (A)
When |ones fínaííy fííed a motíon for díscíosure after prosecutors refused to hand
over the tapes, he was gíven 400 hours of footage. Accordíng to defense attorney
Amber McGíaughíín, the tapes díd not reveaí the presence of Tímothy McVeígh.
|821|
Of course, who knows what the FBI actuaííy turned over to the defense. In the
Kennedy case, the most reveaííng evídence was the Zapruder fíím - homemade
footage showíng Presídents Kennedy's head beíng bíasted towards the ríght-rear -
índícatíng the fataí shot came from the Grassy Knoíí, not the Book Deposítory as
the government cíaímed. Yet the FBI confíscated Zapruder's fíím and aítered the
sequence of the íncrímínatíng frames, reversíng them to gíve the ímpressíon that
Kennedy's head had íurched forward. It was oníy íater that experts reveaíed the
tamperíng.
The FBI saíd ít was a "místake."
The Zapruder fíím was fínaííy reíeased ín 1968, the resuít of Dístríct Attorney |ím
Garríson's courageous efforts to reveaí the truth. The questíon ís, when wííí the
Amerícan pubííc get to see the vídeo footage of the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng?
Whííe the FBI díd theír best to keep key evídence from the grand |ury, as ín the
Kennedy case, they even went so far as to convínce severaí wítnesses that theír
former statements were faíse, and to retract them ín ííeu of statements more
favorabíe to the prosecutíon. A prímary exampíe ís Míchaeí Fortíer, who orígínaííy
toíd ínvestígators, "I do not beííeve that Tím |McVeígh| bíew up any buíídíng ín
Okíahoma. There's nothíng for me to íook back upon and say, yeah, that míght
have been, I shouíd have seen ít back then - there's nothíng ííke that.. I know
my fríend. Tím McVeígh ís not the face of terror as reported on Time magazíne."
But after the FBI raíded hís home, Fortíer reversed hís statement, sayíng that he
and McVeígh has "cased" the federaí buíídíng, ín response to an offer of a píea
251
bargaín. Fortíer was then transferred to the Federaí Medícaí Facíííty at Fort Worth,
Texas. It ís not known why.
|822|
Accordíng to Heídeíberg, the FBI brought 24-hour-a-day pressure on Fortíer for
months before he was arrested. Consequentíy, Fortíer díd not retaín a íawyer,
dídn't know he needed one, and was subsequentíy buíííed by the Bureau. By the
tíme he managed to retaín a íawyer, Fortíer had aíready been broken.
Lorí Fortíer testífíed that McVeígh tríed to soíícít Níchoís' heíp ín buíídíng the bomb,
but that Níchoís wanted out. He then aííegedíy tríed to soíícít her husband.
Accordíng to her testímony, McVeígh got down on the fíoor of theír traííer and,
usíng soup cans to represent 55-gaííon drums, demonstrated how to make a bomb.
|823|
Were the Fortíers reíayíng accurate testímony? Líke the testímony of Eídon Eíííott
about McVeígh's heíght, or that of Thomas Manníng regardíng McVeígh's phone caíí
to Eíííott's, none of thís ínformatíon was contaíned ín príor statements made by the
Fortíers to the FBI.
As wííí be seen wíth príor íncídents of government wítness tamperíng and
fabrícated testímony, theír testímony ís híghíy círcumspect.
The Fortíers' testímony ís aíso somewhat questíonabíe due to theír drug use.
Accordíng to co-worker Deborah Brown, who testífíed at McVeígh's tríaí, Lorí Fortíer
used crystaí methamphetamíne aímost daííy. Methamphetamíne ís wídeíy known
for íts abíííty to índuce deíusíonaí or even psychotíc states over tíme.
|824|
Fortíer eventuaííy confessed to transportíng and seíííng stoíen fírearms, drug
possessíon, foreknowíedge of the bombíng píot, and faíííng to ínform federaí
authorítíes.
|825|
Saíd grand |uror Hoppy Heídeíberg, "The FBI reííed on a man, Fortíer, who reaííy
couídn't províde anythíng ímportant to them. You need to remember that. That's
ímportant."
|826|
Lorí Fortíer aíso testífíed that "I stííí beííeved he (McVeígh) couídn't reaííy do ít."
|ones then asked her, "Ms. Fortíer, you saíd you thought McVeígh reaííy wouídn't
carry out hís píans, then you saíd you, 'wanted out.' How can you 'want out' íf
there was nothíng to 'be ín'"?
|ones wouíd take thís one step further. On cross-examínatíon, he assíduousíy
questíoned Fortíer's motívatíons:
<ones: Now, ín addítíon, ín your conversatíon you had wíth your brother on Apríí
the 25th, 1995 - that's your brother |ohn?
%ortier: Yes, sír.
252
<ones: Díd you make the foííowíng statement: "I've been thínkíng about tryíng to
do those taík-show círcuíts for a íong tíme, come up wíth some asíníne story and
get my fríends to go ín on ít"?
%ortier: Yes, sír, I made that statement.
<ones: And ín the same conversatíon, díd your brother say to you: "Whether the
story ís true or not, íf you want to sít here and íísten to a fabíe, that's aíí ít was at
the tíme ís a fabíe"? And then díd you say: "I found my career, 'cause I can teíí a
fabíe"? And then díd you burst out íaughíng and say, "I couíd teíí storíes aíí day"?
%ortier: Yes, sír.
<ones: Then do you know an índívíduaí named Gíynn?
%ortier: Yes.
<ones: And hís íast name, sír?
%ortier: I thínk you're referríng to Gíynn Bríngíe.
<ones: Díd you have a conversatíon wíth hím by teíephone on Apríí the 30th?
%ortier: Yes.
<ones: And díd you say, "I want to waít tííí after the tríaí and do book and movíe
ríghts. I can |ust make up somethíng |uícy"? And then díd you íaugh?
%ortier: I'm not sure íf I íaughed or not, but I díd make that statement.
<ones: "Somethíng that's worth The &n9uirer, you know." You made those
statements.
%ortier: Yes, sír.
The obvíous ínference was that the "|ustíce" Department had a hand ín generatíng
the Fortíers' testímony. As |ones poínted out duríng hís cíosíng argument, the
terms of Fortíer's píea agreement províded that any íeníency wouíd be contíngent
upon hís performance ín court.
Not true, accordíng to the FBI, whích spent over 175 hours soíícítíng statements
from the Fortíers; and |oseph Hartzíer, who met wíth hís "star wítness" between 7
and 10 tímes to "make sure he toíd the truth."
|827|
In fact, duríng McVeígh's tríaí, Lorí Fortíer testífíed on cross-examínatíon that she
had arríved ín Denver fíve days before she was scheduíed for tríaí. She testífíed
253
that she spent the better part of Fríday, Saturday, Sunday, and Monday practícíng
for her testímony wíth federaí prosecutors.
Phííadeíphía prosecutors spent a íot of tíme wíth Veroníca |ones to "make sure she
toíd the truth" too - convíncíng her to ímpíícate |ournaííst Mumía Abu-|amaí,
accused of shootíng poííce offícer Daníeí Fauíkner. |ones, who was facíng unreíated
feíony charges at the tíme, orígínaííy toíd poííce she saw two other men fíee the
scene. After threats and promíses from poííce, she changed her story, testífyíng to
the government's versíon of events. Her feíony charges were subsequentíy
dropped.
|828|
Fortíer, whose speech and appearance were magícaííy transformed for hís day ín
court, reportedíy receíved a reduced sentence of three years ín exchange for hís
testímony. Hís wífe Lorí was granted compíete ímmuníty from prosecutíon for
her's.
|ones aíso accused the FBI of harassíng |ennífer McVeígh and her fríends ín the
days after the bombíng, hopíng to obtaín derogatory ínformatíon about her
brother. He saíd the FBI scared peopíe "beyond beííef wíth threats of prosecutíon"
íf they dídn't taík.
|829|
On the fífth day of |ennífer McVeígh's ínterrogatíon, the FBI ushered her ínto a
room wíth huge bíown up píctures of her and her brother (taken off her refrígerator
door), and babíes who díed ín the bombíng. Interspersed between the photos were
statutes from the U.S. Code pertaíníng to treason, wíth phrases such as "Treason ís
puníshabíe by death," and "The penaíty for treason ís "&AT80. (government's
emphasís)
Under cross-examínatíon, |ennífer was asked íf she was aware that treason ís oníy
puníshabíe ín tímes of war. Stunned by thís reveíatíon, she answered, "No."
The FBI aíso trícked |ennífer ínto testífyíng by promísíng her ímmuníty from
prosecutíon íf she cooperated. Duríng a break ín the tríaí, a reporter asked
prosecutor Vícky Behenna why |ennífer needed ímmuníty. "She dídn't," Behenna
repííed," but she wouídn't testífy wíthout ít, so we gave ít to her."
|830|
The FBI aíso trícked Marífe Níchoís ínto sígníng a consent form before they
searched her house. When she was asked íf the agents advísed her of her ríght to
retaín a íawyer or refuse to answer questíons, the 23-year-oíd Fííípíno answered, "I
don't remember. I don't thínk so." Marífe saíd that when she asked whether she díd
need a íawyer, prosecutors and FBI agents díscouraged her. "They toíd me, 'You're
okay as íong as you are teíííng the truth. You don't need a íawyer."
|831|
|ames Níchoís díscovered they were raídíng his house after he heard ít on the
news. "I heard on the radío they were raídíng a house ín Decker, Míchígan. I saíd,
'Wow, that's awfuí cíose to home.' Weíí, wíthín an hour I found out. Míne!"
|832|
254
Níchoís beííeves the ATF, whích raíded hís house, set hím up to be murdered,
eíther as an act of revenge or to prevent hím from testífyíng at tríaí. He toíd
"ateline1s Chrís Hansen that after the agents entered hís home, they asked hím to
retríeve a gun he kept ín hís bedroom. Níchoís responded, "No, I won't go get ít. I
toíd you, send an agent or two ín there to go do ít." 'Aw, go ahead. Go and do ít,'
the agent responded, and they aíí turned theír backs, reaí nonchaíantíy. I saíd,
'Whoa, waít a mínute.' They'd 'a shot me, because they wouíd have |ust saíd 'He
puííed a gun on us.' The fate of Terry and Tím wouíd have been sígned, seaíed and
deíívered. Dead peopíe don't testífy."
|833|
For hís part, Terry Níchoís beííeved that he was not ín custody after he waíked ínto
the Herríngton, Kansas poííce statíon on Apríí 21 to see why hís name was beíng
broadcast on teíevísíon. Apparentíy, the agents were hopíng they couíd get more
out of Níchoís by íeadíng hím to beííeve they had no íntentíon of arrestíng hím.
"Mr. Níchoís was coerced, deceíved, and sub|ected to psychoíogícaí píoys desígned
to overcome hís wííí and make hím confess," hís attorney stated ín a íegaí bríef.
Defense attorneys aíso contend Níchoís was faíseíy promísed he couíd revíew
agents' notes on hís statements for accuracy, and was faíseíy toíd he or hís wífe
couíd be present at searches.
Prosecutors countered that federaí agents acted "wíth remarkabíe dííígence and ín
a manner that honored the Constítutíon."
Sure.
%ran$ Keating: 2amage Control ;nc1
.We are %oin% to im*ose our a%enda on the coera%e +y dealin% with the issues
and su+>ects we choose to deal with0. - Richard M0 !ohan/ Senior )roducer of !$S
News
.The +usiness of the New 'ork >ournalist is to destroy the truth/ to lie outri%ht/ to
*erert/ to ilify/ to fawn at the feet of Mammon/ and to sell his race and his
country for his daily +read0. - John Swinton/ !&O/ New 'ork Times/ New 'ork )ress
!lu+/ A*ril :B/ :CDE.
.The !entral (ntelli%ence A%ency owns eeryone of any si%nificance in the ma>or
media0. - William !ol+y/ former !(A "irector
255
Eíght months after the bombíng, Okíahoma State Representatíve Charíes Key,
díssatísfíed wíth the "offícíaí" ínvestígatíon, attempted to form a state oversíght
commíttee. House Speaker Gíen |ohnson rídícuíed Key's efforts, statíng hís
satísfactíon wíth the |ustíce Department's offícíaí fantasy taíe. Anyone who
subsequentíy attempted to chaííenge the government's offícíaí ííne was pubíícíy
díscredíted by Governor Keatíng, sneered at by Attorney Generaí Drew
Edmondson, and íaughed at by the maínstream press.
|834|
The íocaí medía províded a conveníent píatform for Governor Keatíng to dísmíss
crítícs of the government's handííng of the case, íncíudíng Edye Smíth, Hoppy
Heídeíberg and Representatíve Key. In an attempt to díscredít Heídeíberg, Keatíng
headed a carefuííy orchestrated chorus of medía pundíts, statíng that Heídeíberg
was "off the reservatíon."
Keatíng aíso |oíned KWTV ín attackíng KFOR's coverage of the Míddíe Eastern
connectíon, statíng they íacked íntegríty.
He íabeíed |ím Levíne, an attorney who represented severaí víctíms *ro +ono ín an
attempt to reíease money from the Governor and Mayor's Víctíms Reííef Funds a
"bottom-feedíng" íawyer.
|835|*
For hís courageous efforts ín uncoveríng the truth, Keatíng saíd Representatíve Key
was "bayíng at the moon."
|836|¦
Aíong wíth bombíng víctím Gíenn Wííburn, Key attempted to ímpaneí a County
Grand |ury. Such a |ury, operatíng outsíde the scope of the federaí ínvestígatíon,
wouíd not oníy have the power to ínvestígate facts ígnored by the federaí grand
|ury, but have the power to íeveí crímínaí obstructíon of |ustíce charges agaínst
anybody whom they beííeved míght have ímpeded the ínvestígatíon.
Gíven the aííegatíons of wrongdoíng ín the federaí ínvestígatíon, such charges
couíd conceívabíy be íeveíed agaínst everybody from the ATF to the |ustíce
Department.
In an íntervíew ín the Mc!urtain ,a-ette, Key expíaíned, "Indísputabíe proof exísts
now that the federaí grand |ury was purposeíy shíeíded from wítnesses who saw
Tímothy McVeígh wíth other suspects, both príor to and ímmedíateíy after the
bombíng assauít.. They may have a good motíve for thís, but thus far ít escapes
me - and, I míght add, severaí members of the federaí grand |ury who wítnessed
thís farce."
Keatíng's response, quoted ín the "aily Oklahoman was: "I don't thínk a íegísíatíve
commíttee wouíd contríbute one whít of ínteííígence to thís process."
|837|
The "aily Oklahoman and the Tulsa World, the state's two íargest daíííes, whích
shouíd have íed the pack ín ferretíng out the truth of thís terríbíe tragedy, ínstead
256
íed the íocaí medía chorus wíth edítoríaís such as thís one ín the "aily Oklahoman,
entítíed, "Drop It, Mr. Key."
The "aily Oklahoman has opposed Key's míssíon from the begínníng.. State Rep.
Charíes Key's quest to prove that a government conspíracy píayed some roíe ín the
Murrah Buíídíng bombíng ís a weírd and mísguíded exercíse.. Okíahoma County
Dístríct Attorney Bob Macy ís correct ín appeaííng a court ruííng that aííows Key a
free hand to seek a county grand |ury probe of hís conspíracy theoríes..
|838|
The Tulsa World chímed ín wíth edítoríaís such as "Makíng Tragedy Pay," whích
íabeíed Key as a "dedícated hustíer" peddííng "goofy theoríes" to ríghtwíng-crank
audíences." They aíso accused the representatíve of profít-makíng from the saíe of
hís bombíng vídeos, whích bareíy paíd for themseíves. The fact that Key had
recentíy íost hís ínsurance busíness due to hís tíreíess efforts ínvestígatíng the
bombíng, and was íívíng on hís $33,000-a-year saíary to support a wífe and three
chíídren ín a smaíí, ramshackíe house, was not mentíoned by the yeííow |ournaíísts
of the Tulsa World.
The "truth seekers" of the íocaí medía weren't fíníshed eíther. They eageríy
focused on the efforts of Drew Edmondson, who accused Key of proposíng a
"wastefuí wítch hunt" and of engagíng ín "the worst kínd of paranoíd conspíracy
panderíng." (See Appendíx)
One artícíe reported how Edmondson had convínced the State Dístríct Attorney's
Councíí to oppose Key's ínvestígatíve fundíng bííí.
"Thís ís unprecedented, as far as I know, for the Attorney Generaí to go to such
íengths wíth the Dístríct Attorneys Councíí and to use such íntemperate íanguage,"
the soft-spoken Key toíd The New American.
In fact, íocaí radío poíís reveaíed that an overwheímíng ma|oríty of Okíahomans
supported Key's efforts. Whííe the Tulsa World and the "aily Oklahoman went to
extremes to íabeí Key as a "conspíracy nut," they never bothered mentíoníng that
ííttíe fact.
|839|*
Naturaííy, the CIA-connected Washin%ton )ost wouíd have theír say, comparíng the
"myth" of |ohn Doe 2 to the Loch Ness Monster.
Lead prosecutor |oseph Hartzíer added hís voíce to the ensembíe, caíííng the íeads
"whacky theoríes."
|840|
Key's grand |ury petítíon was quashed on November 6th, 1995 by Dístríct |udge
Daníeí Owens on the grounds that ít wouíd be "re-ínventíng the wheeí."
|841|
Key appeaíed. As hís attorney, Mark Sanford stated, "Legaííy |Owens| dídn't have
the ríght to quash the petítíon. But because he's a |udge he has the power,
whether ít's íegaí or not."
|842|
257
Beveríy Paímer from Bob Macy's offíce argued at the appeaís hearíng ín defense of
Owens, cíaímíng that the petítíon was "ínsuffícíent on íts face," and the request
was dupíícítous of the federaí grand |ury's efforts.
Yet, as Appeaís |udge Ronaíd Stubbíefíeíd poínted out, nowhere díd |udge Owens
state why the petítíon was ínsuffícíent. In fact Stubbíefíeíd was híghíy skeptícaí that
Owens had any facts to advíse hím properíy ín hís decísíon. "I questíon whether
|udge Owens has the díscretíon" saíd Stubbíefíeíd. "He's |ust operatíng on what he
knows about the bombíng. Do you thínk ít's ríght to make a |udgment based on
what he reads ín the newspaper?"
|843|
The same couíd be saíd about DA Bob Macy. At the tíme I íntervíewed hím, he was
coííectíng ínformatíon on the case by readíng Morrís Dees' ,atherin% Storm, and
The Turner "iaries. Thís was a year and-a-haíf after the bombíng - a bombíng that
occurred ríght outsíde hís wíndow. He dídn't know about |ohn Doe 2. He had no
ídea about the Míddíe Eastern connectíon. He had done absoíuteíy no
ínvestígatíon.
"I have not seen these thíngs you are taíkíng about ríght now," Macy toíd me.
"When I see the evídence. I haven't been presented wíth the evídence." Macy
subsequentíy cíaímed he wanted me to work wíth hís so-caííed "task force" that
was "ínvestígatíng" the bombíng, then never caííed me back.
Hís attítude was adequateíy refíected by hís Assístant DA, Beveríy Paímer. Vísíbíy
nervous, Paímer grasped at straws duríng the appeaís hearíng, arguíng that the
grand |ury shouídn't be convened because of the need for "|udícíaí economy," and
that ít contravened "pubííc poíícy concerns."
"What poíícy concerns?" |udge Daníeí Boudreau asked.
|844|
In spíte of the efforts of a group of good oíe' boy poíítícíans to sabotage |ustíce,
|udge Stubbíefíeíd remaíned fírm: "The peopíe have the ríght to círcuíate a petítíon
íf the peopíe fínd that thíngs aren't goíng the way they ought to be," he saíd. "Is ít
not the ríght, by the sanctífíed ríght of the grand |ury ín Okíahoma, to ínquíre
whether a críme ís commítted? Don't they have the ríght to ínvestígate peopíe who
they thínk are ínvoíved? Thís ís a híghíy protected ríght."
The Appeaís Court upheíd Key's ríght to petítíon for a County Grand |ury by a
unanímous vote.
|ust two months before the hearíng Macy cíaímed to thís author that he íntended to
prosecute McVeígh and Níchoís ín a state tríaí on 161 counts of Fírst Degree
Murder. "I don't ííke takíng a second seat to the |federaí| prosecutíon," Macy
stated. "The bombíng kíííed 10 of my fríends."
In a May 24, 1995 íetter to Senator Orrín Hatch, one of the orígínaí drafters of the
Antí-Terrorísm Bííí, Macy wrote:
258
Fírst, ímmedíateíy foííowíng the tríaí or tríaís ín Federaí Court, I shaíí, workíng ín
con|unctíon wíth the Uníted Sates Department of |ustíce and the federaí íaw-
enforcement agencíes ínvestígatíng the bombíng of the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng,
prosecute the cowards responsíbíe for murderíng ínnocent peopíe ín the area
surroundíng the Federaí Buíídíng..
The State of Okíahoma has an overwheímíng, compeíííng ínterest to seek and
obtaín the maxímum penaíty aííowabíe by íaw for the senseíess and cowardíy
kííííngs. Not oníy ís ít ín the ínterest of the State, ít ís my sworn duty to seek those
sanctíons, and I íntend to fuííy carry out my responsíbííítíes..
Every day of deíay represents a víctory for these cowardíy coíd-bíooded kíííers and
another day of defeat and sufferíng for the víctíms and aíí other Amerícans who cry
out for |ustíce.
|845|
Macy aíso ímpressed upon the author hís ínterest ín gettíng at the truth: "I'm
prepared to do what ever ít takes to get to the truth," Macy excíaímed. "My soíe
íntent ís ín íearníng the truth!"
Yet when asked íf he íntended to conduct an ínvestígatíon índependent of the
Feds', he saíd, "Weíí. I don't want to be a party to anythíng that wííí ínterfere wíth
the Feds' prosecutíon. ( "on1t want to o*en u* a new can of worms0.
|846|
After Macy íost the appeaís hearíng, he met wíth Wííburn and Key, expíaíníng that
he actuaííy wíshed to cooperate wíth theír ínvestígatíon. Three days íater, the two
men díscovered that Macy had decíded to contest the Appeaís Court's decísíon.
When a furíous Key confronted Macy, aíí that the courageous, truth-seekíng DA
toíd hím was, .They won1t let me0. When Key demanded to know who "they" were,
Macy |ust íowered hís eyes to the fíoor and repeated, "They won't íet me."
|847|
Key íater íearned from a source at ABC News that Macy had receíved a conference
caíí from |anet Reno's deputy |amíe Gorííck, and the government's íead prosecutor,
|oseph Hartzíer, aíong wíth Governor Keatíng, Okíahoma Cíty Fíre Chíef Gary Marrs,
and |udge Daníeí Owens.
When the grand |ury was fínaííy ímpaneíed, federaí prosecutors quíckíy attempted
to bíock the testímony of federaí empíoyees.
Key aíso accused |Chíef Assístant DA Pat| Morgan and others ín Okíahoma County
Dístríct Attorney Bob Macy's offíce of ínfíuencíng and íntímídatíng wítnesses. "I am
very upset about ít," Key saíd. "Everyone shouíd be outraged because of thís."
|848|
Interestíngíy, duríng a debate wíth Representatíve Key, Keatíng stated, "Nobody
couíd get away wíth a cover-up; ít wouíd not be toíerated by cívííízed Okíahoma
Cíty.. Nobody's afraíd of the truth."
|849|
259
KFOR's |ayna Davís shed some ííght on the "truth-seekíng" efforts of Bob Macy and
the good oíe' boy network of poíítícos from whích he descends. Two years earííer,
after an 8-year-oíd boy was raped, both Davís and the Pubííc Defender demanded
to know why Macy hadn't done anythíng. When Macy thought the camera was off,
he whípped around and sterníy admoníshed the reporter: "Lady, I don't know who
you are or where you came from, but thís ísn't how we do busíness ín
Okíahoma!"
|850|
Representatíve Key eventuaííy took the case to the Okíahoma Supreme Court. In
hís opposíng bríef, Macy agaín argued that ít wouíd be "a waste of the taxpayers'
tíme and money to convene an Okíahoma County Grand |ury when one was
aíready ín sessíon or when a Federaí Grand |ury had aíready heard aíí avaííabíe
evídence."
The Supreme Court díd not agree wíth Macy. They unanímousíy upheíd Key's ríght
to ímpaneí the grand |ury, whích was seated ín |une of '97, and ís hearíng evídence
as of thís wrítíng.
Naturaííy, the Mínísters of Truth at The "aily Oklahoman wasted ííttíe tíme,
pumpíng out more bíand edítoríaí dríveí to muddy the waters. The foííowíng píece,
entítíed "Conspíracy Theoríes," focuses on the fact that the County Grand |ury ís
oníy exacerbatíng the "agony" of some víctíms, who are apparentíy more
concerned wíth some faíry taíe notíon of "cíosure" then ín íearníng the truth:
Whatever the cause, the deíay adds to the agony of those bombíng víctíms who
beííeve the ínvestígatíon ís a waste of tíme.
The Oklahoman shares that beííef, but we are optímístíc the probe may satísfy
many who are suspícíous about events before the bombíng. Yet, we wonder íf the
more conspíratoríaí-mínded wííí ever be satísfíed..
Confííctíng conspíracy theoríes and an oíío of círcumstantíaí evídence abound here.
|urors ín Denver sorted through testímony and found McVeígh guííty. Frustratíng as
ít may be to some, there ís ííttíe more to thís críme than meets the eye. The rest ís
the stuff of fíctíon.
|851|
By the "aily Oklahoman1s account, the numerous credíbíe wítnesses who saw
Tímothy McVeígh wíth other suspects on the morníng of the críme adds up to ííttíe
more than "círcumstantíaí evídence," whííe what prosecutors presented at tríaí -
McVeígh's phone caíís to chemícaí companíes, hís poíítícaí víews, and the
compíeteíy írreíevant emotíonaí taíes from bombíng víctíms - are not.
|852|*
Gíven the íocaí medía's connectíons to the poíítícaí good 'oíe boy network vía the
Washíngton-connected Frank Keatíng, theír posítíon ís hardíy surprísíng. Famed
Watergate |ournaííst Carí Bernsteín put some perspectíve on the matter when he
reveaíed ín a 1977 Rollin% Stone artícíe that over 400 U.S. |ournaíísts were
empíoyed by the CIA.
260
These ranged from freeíancers who were paíd for reguíar debríefíngs, to actuaí CIA
offícers who worked under deep cover. Nearíy every ma|or U.S. news organízatíon
has had spooks on the payroíí, usuaííy wíth the cooperatíon of top management.
The three most vaíuabíe assets the CIA couíd count on were Wííííam Paíey's CBS,
Arthur Suízberger's New 'ork Times and Henry Luce's TimeF3ife empíre. Aíí three
bent over backwards promotíng the pícture of Oswaíd as a íone nut ín the |FK
assassínatíon.
|853|
The poíítícaí good 'oíe boy network wasn't fíníshed tryíng to stop the courageous
efforts of Representatíve Key. On May 7, 1997, Edmondson subpoenaed Key before
a muítí-county grand |ury, aííegíng that he víoíated procedures ín raísíng money for
the bombíng ínvestígatíon. The "aily Oklahoman proudíy procíaímed how ít had
píayed a crítícaí roíe ín bríngíng about the ínvestígatíon of Key:
The Attorney Generaí's actíon ís a resuít of an ínquíry by The Oklahoman about
Key's seven-page soíícítatíon íetter on the Internet. The íetter asks for money to
"secure copíes of the voíumínous (federaí) government documents and to pay
índependent ínvestígators" and other expenses for the county grand |ury
ínvestígatíon....
Bííí Graves, an attorney who represented Key at the grand |ury ínquest, stated:
"The íaw ís pretty cíear that you are not requíred to regíster before you hít the ten
thousand doííar threshoíd, and Charíes |Key| had not hít that íímít so was not
requíred to regíster. Edmondson knows that. They're |ust tryíng to síow Charíes
down or stop hím through harassment."
|854|
"Thís ís aíí about stoppíng us and makíng us shut up, saíd Key. "If I wouíd |ust quít
the grand |ury deaí, thís wouíd aíí go away."
|855|
Says V.Z Lawton, a HUD worker who survíved the bombíng, "You don't have to be
that bríght or íook that hard to see the fraud and hypocrísy ín these charges. For
over a year and a haíf, they've been doíng everythíng ímagínabíe and empíoyíng
the most absurd arguments to prevent Charíes from ímpaneííng a grand |ury to
ínvestígate one of the worst crímes ín our country's hístory. Now, after he's
overcome aíí of theír íegaí chaííenges ín the courts and ís cíose to gettíng a county
grand |ury ínvestígatíon goíng, they drag hím before a muítí-county grand |ury for
what amounts to |aywaíkíng, whííe the bombíng and other genuíne, seríous crímes
go unínvestígated."
|856|
Lawton aíso brought to the attentíon of bombíng ínvestígators a February 5th, fax
transmíssíon to federaí empíoyees on the offícíaí íetterhead of Attorney Generaí
Drew Edmondson. The íetter sought sígnatures from survívors to go wíth íetters
that were to be sent to varíous news organízatíons. The cover sheet saíd ít came
from Ríchard M. Wíntory, Chíef Deputy Attorney Generaí of the Crímínaí Dívísíon.
261
The íetter, entítíed, "A Píea to the Medía from Okíahoma Cíty: Don't O.|. Us!!!"
purports to be a spontaneous response from víctíms askíng the medía not to
"manípuíate" and "expíoít" them "for no purpose other than to enhance theír
ratíngs on the aír and ín pubíícatíons."
|857|
Thís obvíous propaganda counteroffensíve was ín response to ABC 20/20's |anuary,
1996 show about príor knowíedge. It referred to the "so-caííed report" by ABC as
"tabíoíd |ournaíísm" fíííed wíth "unsubstantíated and baseíess cíaíms that have
been repeatedíy debunked."
"We are appaííed at the íack of ínterest ín the truth and the underhanded method
utííízed by 20/20" stated the íetter, whích cíaímed that ABC had wrongfuííy ímpííed
that certaín víctíms agreed wíth the "paranoíd deíusíon" of the "rídícuíous theory of
government conspíracy ín thís críme." It added that "reporters are sometíme
tempted to forget the truth." Uítímateíy, ít stated, "It ís PEOPLE that matter ín thís
íífe, eíther money nor possessíon nor a Puíítzer Príze."
|858|
Thís cíassíc PSYOP píece íaunched by Edmondson (whích he angrííy deníed ín a
íetter to the author) was sígned, "Many Survívors and Famííy Members, Okíahoma
Cíty Bombíng."
Lawton and HUD empíoyee |ane Graham were two survívors who angrííy
denounced the íetter for the sham that ít was. "Sínce the communícatíon was
íoaded wíth ííes and haíf truths, I certaíníy couíd not sígn ít," saíd Lawton, "and I
feít ííke a state Attorney Generaí couíd better spend hís tíme supportíng an effort
to fínd the truth rather than thís transparent effort at heípíng to híde ít."
"I am angry," stated Graham ín a typed response to the íetter, "that the Attorney
Generaí's offíce wouíd píay on the emotíons of thís offíce at HUD under the guíse of
keepíng us posted on how they are proceedíng and píanníng the case, causíng
further emotíonaí turmoíí ín thís offíce between empíoyees."
|859|
Duríng a |une 13, 1997 teíevísíon íntervíew, Edmondson was asked why those
wítnesses who saw McVeígh wíth other suspects were never caííed to testífy at
McVeígh's tríaí. Edmondson repííed that prosecutors usuaííy don't present
wítnesses whose testímony ísn't "credíbíe" or confíícts wíth other wítnesses.
Rodney |ohnson, who saw McVeígh wíth another man ín front of the Murrah
Buíídíng moments before ít expíoded, caííed Edmondson's statement "mísguíded."
"I took those comments to be rather personaí," saíd |ohnson.
|860|
Edmondson's blatant attempt at coercíng the víctíms to pander to the offícíaí
government ííne ís símííar to a íetter from a group of víctíms suggestíng passage of
the Antí-Terrorísm Bííí. The recípíents were urged to caíí Edmondson íf they were
ínterested ín partícípatíng.
262
Of course, whííe Edmondson accused ABC 20/20 of "manípuíatíng" and "expíoítíng"
the bombíng víctíms, ít ís obvíous that Edmondson hímseíf hasn't done anythin% to
manípuíate or expíoít anyone.
|861|
Interestíngíy, severaí months after the scandaíous smear campaígn agaínst
Representatíve Key, Governor Keatíng was accused by the Okíahoma Ethícs
Commíssíon of 32 víoíatíons of usíng state-owned vehícíes for poíítícaí fund-raísíng,
íncíudíng the state's $2.9 mííííon aírpíane. Conveníentíy forgettíng hís own
shamefuí and díshonest smear attacks agaínst Representatíve Key, Keatíng
sanctímoníousíy whíned about how the aííegatíons were "írresponsíbíe, síííy and
compíeteíy un|ustífíed." No doubt the Ethícs Commíssíon was "off the reservatíon,"
and "bayíng at the moon."
In spíte of hís unsuccessfuí attempts to smear honest men ííke Representatíve Key,
Keatíng and hís crooked poíítícaí croníes wasted no tíme ín díscredítíng Edye
Smíth, caíííng her aííegatíons "hysterícaí." Smíth was the mother of two young boys
who períshed ín the bombíng - Chase and Coíton. Smíth ímmedíateíy gaíned the
attentíon of concerned cítízens aíí across Ameríca. Hundreds of thousands of
íetters and checks began pouríng ín, and reííef agencíes used Chase's photo on a
poster memoríaíízíng the dísaster.
On May 23, the day the Federaí Buíídíng was demoííshed, Edye Smíth, ín a ííve
íntervíew on CNN, stated, "There's a íot of questíons that have been íeft un-
answered. We're beíng toíd to keep our mouths shut, not to taík about ít, don't ask
those questíons..."
|862|
CNN's Gary Truchmann asked Smíth to descríbe the nature of the questíons: "We,
aíong wíth hundreds of thousands of other peopíe want to know, where was the
ATF the morníng of Apríí 19th? Aíí of theír empíoyees survíved. They were
supposed to be the target of thís expíosíon and where were they.? Díd they have
a warníng sígn? I mean, díd they thínk ít míght be a bad day to go ín the offíce?
|863|
"They had an optíon to not go to work that day," Smíth contínued, "and my kíds
dídn't get that optíon, nobody eíse ín the buíídíng got that optíon. And we're |ust
askíng questíons, we're not makíng accusatíons. We |ust want to know why and
they're teíííng us, 'Keep your mouth shut, don't taík about ít.'"
|864|
Truchmann quíckíy ended the íntervíew.
Kathy Wííburn was the Grandmother of Chase and Coíton. Wííburn was among the
fírst to arríve at the scene of the bombíng, and she and Smíth, who both worked at
the nearby I.R.S. offíce, had wítnessed the carnage fírst-hand. Now, as she
watched the buíídíng come down, an eeríe sííence fíííed her souí. Later that
afternoon, Kathy Wííburn waíked ínto the empty room where the ííttíe boys had
ííved, pícked up theír stuffed anímaís, and began to cry.
263
Wííburn's husband Gíenn had been a vocaí opponent of the government's
ínvestígatíon, and theír expíanatíon of the bombíng díd not sít weíí wíth hím. The
Grandfather feít the íoss of the two boys keeníy. Wííburn had taken ít on hís own to
ínvestígate the bombíng, and the facts he was comíng up wíth díd not make hím
happy.
On the afternoon the buíídíng was demoííshed, Wííburn receíved a caíí from U.S.
Attorney Patríck Ryan. Ryan wanted to meet wíth hím and speak wíth the famííy.
"They wanted to set our mínds at ease our mínds that there wasn't anythíng
síníster goíng on," saíd Wííburn.
Two days íater Smíth and Wííburn were vísíted by an entourage of federaí agents
íncíudíng Ryan, ATF Agents Chrís Cuyíer and Luke Franey, an IRS Crímínaí
ínvestígator, and a member of Louís |oíyon West's víctím's assístance team.
"They aíí came ín and sat down and saíd 'We want to answer your questíons and
make you feeí good.' I saíd 'fíne.' Then I íooked them ríght ín the eye and saíd, 'You
guys had no índícatíon that Apríí 19th couíd be a dangerous day down there?' They
both answered, 'no sír.'"
"Weíí, two hours íater I tuned on the TV, and CNN ís íntervíewíng ATF Dírector |ohn
Magaw. The íntervíew starts out, "Mr. Magaw, based on the sígnífícance of Apríí
19th, díd you take any precautíons?'"
"Cíearíy there was an ínterest aíí over the country to do that," repííed Magaw. "And
I was very concerned about that. We díd some thíngs here ín headquarters and ín
aíí of our fíeíd offíces throughout the country to try to be more observant.."
"Weíí, íf there was ever a poínt that I was hooked ínto thís thíng, and there was
nothíng that was gonna' stop me," recaíís Wííburn, "that was ít. because by God,
somebody ííed that morníng."
Ryan's concíííatory meetíng wíth the famííy díd not íast íong. The federaí
prosecutor became nervous after Wííburn casuaííy mentíoned that he had taíked to
a famííy íawyer. Ryan quíckíy got up and íeft.
Whííe Edye Smíth was quoted as sayíng that she was "satísfíed" the agents had
expíaíned theír whereabouts, she íater toíd me, "I beííeve they sat theír and ííed to
us."
Unmarked cars soon began showíng up at Gíenn Wííburn's house. When Wííburn
went out to confront them, they sped off.
|865|
Two months íater, Edye Smíth and Kathy Wííburn had theír Workers' Compensatíon
checks cut off. Out of 462 federaí empíoyees affected by the bíast, they were the
oníy two empíoyees who were mysteríousíy "deníed."
264
Moreover, out of thousands of checks sent to Smíth through the Red Cross, none
were ever receíved. Aíí the íetters had been opened, the checks míssíng, íncíudíng
some sent vía the Governor's and Mayor's offíce. "Aíí the maíí that the Red Cross
deíívered to my house, probabíy thousands of píeces of maíí, every síngíe píece
was opened before I got ít. And ít aíí had my name on ít," saíd Smíth.
"We started notícíng that the maíí that came to the house had money ín ít," saíd
Kathy Wííburn, "but the ma|oríty of the maíí that came to us through the Red
Cross. ít was aíí opened and there was never a thín díme ín any of ít."
When Smíth caííed the Red Cross to compíaín, she was toíd that her maíí wasn't
beíng opened, and that no money was beíng taken. When Wííburn confronted the
head of the íocaí Red Cross, she was toíd that theír íetters were beíng opened to
check for "hate maíí." Wííburn toíd her that the expíanatíon was "rídícuíous."
"A mother sent me a ííttíe card that her ííttíe boy drew." saíd Smíth, "She saíd 'my
ííttíe boy saved thís three doííars and wanted you to have ít.' And the three doííars
was gone."
|866|
Keatíng's answer to the míssíng funds? Interníng coííege students were responsíbíe
for the thefts. Perhaps former G-Man Keatíng was traíníng the young íads for
upcomíng counter-ínteííígence operatíons. Such wouíd not be unusuaí tactícs for a
man who worked as an FBI agent duríng COINTELPRO (the FBI's Counter
Inteííígence Program of the íate-60s to míd 70s), where he personaííy ínfíítrated
antí-government actívísts ííke the Weathermen, the Bíack Panthers, and the SDS
(Students For A Democratíc Socíety), and stated he sees ííttíe dífference between
them and the mííítías.
|867||868|
Keatíng aíso served as Assístant Attorney Generaí under Edwín Meese. Meese was
Attorney Generaí duríng the 1985 fíre-bombíng of MOVE headquarters. MOVE was
a group of bíack housíng actívísts íívíng ín a squatted buíídíng ín Phííadeíphía. The
satcheí charge, dropped from a heíícopter by Phííadeíphía's fínest (wíth a ííttíe heíp
from the FBI), resuíted ín the deaths of over 11 peopíe, íncíudíng fíve chíídren, and
destroyed numerous square bíocks of the cíty.
Instead of íaunchíng a proper ínvestígatíon ínto the matter, Meese's response was
"consíder ít an evíctíon notíce."
Meese wouíd íater be ímpíícated ín the October Surpríse scandaí, whích propeííed
Ronaíd Reagan ínto the Whíte House vía a secret deaí to reíease the hostages ín
Iran after the defeat of |ímmy Carter. As hís reward, Meese was appoínted Attorney
Generaí, where he wouíd go on to commít then cover up other crímes, the two
most notoríous beíng Iran-Contra and the Insíaw affaír.
But Keatíng's ínvoívement wíth the scíons of truth and |ustíce doesn't end there.
Keatíng served ín the Bush admínístratíon as Assístant Treasury Secretary duríng
the Iran-Contra ínvestígatíons. Gene Wheaton, a former Tuísa poííce offícer and
265
Army CID ínvestígator who worked for the Chrístíc Instítute, observes that ít was
George Bush who personaííy seíected Keatíng as Assístant Treasury Secretary ín
1985, where he supervísed INTERPOL, the Customs Servíce, The Secret Servíce,
and the ATF.
|869|
As Wheaton wrítes:
The word ín Tuísa ís that Bush ís hís "poíítícaí godfather;" that Keatíng got hís |ob ín
the Treasury Department through Bush's good offíces and that Bush "íoves
Keatíng." The connectíon appears to be an oíd-boy connectíon through the
Southern Hííís Country Cíub ín Tuísa, Okíahoma.
|870|
"In hís posítíon, Keatíng couíd controí both the ínvestígatíve and prosecutoríaí síde
of any scandaí that came hís way," adds )ortland Free )ress pubíísher Ace Hayes.
"1985-88 had guns, drugs, and íííegaí money movíng aíí over the gíobe. Was the
ATF, who couídn't fínd ít's ass wíth both hands, as reaííy as íncompetent as ít
appeared, or was Frank Keatíng there to make sure they díd not?"
|871|
In fact, ít was whííe Keatíng was servíng as Assístant Treasury Secretary that IRS
ínvestígator Bííí Duncan - who was ínvestígatíng Iran-Contra drug-runníng
actívítíes at Mena - was ínstructed to per|ure hímseíf. As Duncan stated ín a
deposítíon before a |oínt Congressíonaí/Arkansas Attorney Generaí ínvestígatíve
commíttee:
2,ncan: In íate December of 1987, I was contacted by |the| Chíef Counseí for the
House |udícíary Subcommíttee on Críme. who toíd me that they were íookíng ínto
the reason why no one was índícted ín connectíon wíth the Mena ínvestígatíons.
The Internaí Revenue Servíce assígned to me díscíosure íítígatíon attorneys, whích
gave me ínstructíons whích wouíd have caused me to wíthhoíd ínformatíon from
Congress duríng my testímony and to aíso per|ure myseíf.
Committee: And how díd you respond to the Treasury Department?
2,ncan: Weíí, I exhíbíted to them that I was goíng to teíí the truth ín my
testímony. And the per|ury, subornatíon of per|ury resuíted ín an - resuíted
because of an aííegatíon that I had receíved, that Attorney Generaí Edwín Meese
receíved a severaí hundred thousand doííar bríbe from Barry Seaí dírectíy. And
they toíd me to teíí the Subcommíttee on Críme that I had no ínformatíon about
that.
|872|
Arkansas State Poííce ínvestígator Russeíí Weích, who províded the ínformatíon to
Duncan, was subsequentíy poísoned. Two months íater, Keatíng was appoínted as
Assocíate Attorney Generaí.
|873|
It seems that Frank Keatíng has served as a poínt-man, weavíng a twísted traíí
through some of Ameríca's most notoríous crímes, íncíudíng Iran-Contra, BCCI,
Iraqgate, the S&L crísís, and. Okíahoma Cíty.
266
Keatíng has aíways been at the nexus brídgíng the agendas of good oíe' boys ííke
George Bush, wíth theír eíítíst agendas, and the subsequent covert-operatíons sub-
cuítures whích they spawned. In an artícíe ín the )ortland Free )ress entítíed
"Another Bush Boy," Wheaton wrítes:
The covert-operatíons "íunatíc frínge" ín Washíngton, whích took over key
operatíons at the natíonaí securíty íeveí, |and| stííí controís them today, was Bush's
1981 agenda, and Keatíng ís the next generatíon to carry ít on.
|874|*
It was oníy three months after Keatíng's ínauguratíon as Governor that the
bombíng of the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng occurred. Gíven hís background and
groomíng, Keatíng was ín a perfect posítíon to dírect "damage controí." As
Wheaton notes:
Keatíng ís an a perfect posítíon to controí the dírectíon and scope of any state
ínvestígatíon whích míght not correspond to the offícíaí federaí ínquíry.
It appeares Keatíng díd |ust that. As Governor, Keatíng was ín a posítíon to haít the
hurríed demoíítíon of the Murrah buíídíng, ordered by federaí authorítíes under the
guíse of "safety." Bob Rícks, the FBI PR fíack who spoon-fed a daííy dose of ííes to
the press duríng the Waco síege, was appoínted Okíahoma Dírector of Pubííc
Safety by Keatíng after the demoíítíon. Keatíng and Rícks were good fríends from
coííege.
The demoíítíon was ordered under the pseudo-psychoíogícaí premíse of provídíng
"cíosure" to the festeríng wound hangíng over the cíty. The demoíítíon aíso
effectíveíy prevented any índependent forensíc ínvestígatíon of the bomb síte.
|875|¦
Saíd a víctím whose spouse was kíííed ín the expíosíon, "I was upset ríght from the
start when there was the bíg rush to destroy the críme scene, to take the buíídíng
down. A íot of ímportant evídence was destroyed that couíd have heíped soíve
thís."
|876|
The feds' decísíon to destroy crucíaí forensíc evídence has an eeríe paraííeí to the
demoíítíon of Mt. Carmeí. The destructíon of the Branch Davídían church prevented
índependent examíners from determíníng that the ATF had fíred ínto the roofs of
the buíídíng duríng the earíy part of the raíd, and that FBI snípers had deííberateíy
shot peopíe tryíng to escape.
The destructíon of the Murrah Buíídíng ís aíso akín to the Secret Servíce's hasty (or
carefuííy píanned) decísíon to íííegaííy remove Presídent Kennedy's body from
Parkíand Memoríaí Hospítaí. Once under controí of mííítary offícíaís, íncíudíng
Generaís who were undoubtedíy ínvoíved ín the assassínatíon píot, Kennedy's
autopsy couíd proceed under carefuííy controííed parameters. Whííe observíng the
autopsy, these mííítary offícíaís prevented a thorough examínatíon of the body,
whích wouíd have reveaíed the presence of muítípíe entry wounds. Back ín Daíías,
Secret Servíce agents carefuííy washed Kennedy's íímousíne to remove aíí traces
267
of buííet fragments, and had Governor Connoííy's cíothes, buííet hoíes and aíí,
cíeaned and pressed.
Saíd |anníe Coverdaíe, who íost her grandsons Aaron and Eíí|ah ín the bombíng,
"Everyone I taík to has the same questíons: What happened? What ís goíng on? We
don't want thís to be another |ohn F. Kennedy deaí, where 32 years íater the reaí
story ís stííí unknown."
The %ederal B,rea, of ;ntimidation
.There is no *lace on earth where you will +e safe from the most *owerful forces of
>ustice0. - F$( director 3ouis Freeh.
In a motíon fííed by Stephen |ones, affídavíts show that numerous wítnesses were
ínstructed by the FBI to "keep quíet" so the facts of the case "wouídn't get
dístorted." Thís aura of secrecy quíckíy turned ínto obstructíon of |ustíce, as FBI
agents routíneíy ínstructed wítnesses not to taík to defense team ínvestígators or
|ournaíísts.
When defense ínvestígator Marty Reed attempted to íntervíew Okíahoma Híghway
Patroíman Charííe Hanger (the patroíman who had arrested McVeígh), he was toíd
by OHP chíef íegaí counseí |ohn Líndsey, "The FBI has requested that no one
íntervíew Trooper Charííe Hanger."
Mítcheíí Whítmíre, who knew McVeígh when they were both ín the Army, was
contacted by defense ínvestígator Neíí Hartíey. Whítmíre toíd Hartíey he was
ínstructed by the FBI not to taík to anyone about the case uníess he obtaíned
permíssíon from the FBI.
|877|
When thís author tríed to íntervíew two members of the Sheríff's Bomb Squad, they
became vísíbíy nervous. They cíaímed no other bombs were puííed out of the
buíídíng, cíearíy contradíctíng news accounts showíng addítíonaí bombs that were
taken away and detonated.
As díscussed prevíousíy, FBI agents put up a protectíve perímeter around Eídon
Eíííott, preventíng hím from taíkíng to |ournaíísts and defense ínvestígators.
KFOR-TV, who took the íead ín ínvestígatíng the case, found ít aímost ímpossíbíe to
íntervíew wítnesses. "We get there and aíí of a sudden they've been toíd to shut
up," saíd Meííssa Kíínzíng, KFOR's former News Dírector.
|878|
A Tuísa fíre captaín toíd ínvestígator Craíg Roberts he saw machínegun-totíng
bíack-cíad agents wíth no markíngs removíng boxes of fííes from the Post Offíce
ten days after the bombíng. When he was subsequentíy íntervíewed by thís author,
he deníed seeíng anythíng.
268
Ann Domín, who orígínaííy toíd a Tuísa poííce offícer she had seen two Míddíe
Eastern maíes íoíteríng near the front of the Murrah Buíídíng |ust before the bíast,
íater deníed sayíng that.
|879|
Accordíng to a conversatíon |on Rappaport had wíth "aily Oklahoman reporter Ann
Defrange, wítness Peter Schaffer toíd Defrange he had seen the Murrah Buíídíng
coííapse ín on ítseíf, suggestíng that cuttíng charges were used. When Rappaport
questíoned Schaffer, he deníed seeíng the buíídíng faíííng down at aíí. When
Rappaport got back to Defrange, she remaíned adamant about what Schaffer toíd
her. "She dídn't budge at aíí," saíd Rappaport.
|880|
"The FBI must have gotten to hím," saíd Heídeíberg. "You know, the FBI has been
abíe to get wítnesses to shut up about ímportant thíngs they know. We've taíked to
some of these peopíe. In certaín ínstances the wítnesses beííeve that conceaííng
evídence ís the ríght thíng to do. They reaííy beííeve ít. The FBI has soíd them a bííí
of goods about natíonaí securíty or somethíng ííke that. In other cases the FBI has
used straíght-out íntímídatíon on wítnesses. They síze up peopíe. On one wítness
they'íí use somethíng ííke natíonaí securíty. On another, they'íí go for
íntímídatíon."
|881|
Heídeíberg's own brush wíth the government dídn't end wíth hís dísmíssaí from the
grand |ury. Severaí mínutes after agreeíng to do an íntervíew wíth |ayna Davís, he
receíved a caíí from U.S. Attorney |oseph Hartzíer teíííng hím that a reporter was
on her way and that he was not to taík to her, or he wouíd be arrested. Obvíousíy,
Heídeíberg's phone was tapped.
|882|
"They tríed everythíng to shut me up," saíd Heídeíberg. "They have saíd they were
goíng to throw me ín |aíí. When that dídn't work, they got down on theír hands and
knees and begged. I mean. they have tríed everythíng to keep me from taíkíng to
the press about thís."
On |uíy 19, FBI agents |on Hersíey and Wííííam Teater appeared at Heídeíberg's
home, |ust hours after |udge Russeíí caííed hím and díscovered that he had taken
hís grand |ury notes home. Apparentíy Teater wasn't too píeased wíth Heídeíberg's
casuaí attítude. At one poínt, he puííed back hís |acket, reveaííng hís gun, whích he
had conspícuousíy stuck ín hís waíst beít.
"They were tryíng to ímpress upon me the seríousness of. they were tryíng to
gíve me the message that thís ís bíg tíme, that thís ís heavy weíght," saíd
Heídeíberg, "and I was supposed to be fríghtened. Guns mean busíness. I was
supposed to behave and be a good boy and not gíve them any troubíe. The
ímpíícatíon was that they were gonna' shoot me, but I knew better than that,"
Heídeíberg saíd.
|883|*
Heídeíberg doesn't feeí he wííí serve any |aíí tíme for hís actíons. "They don't want
me exonerated or índícted," saíd Heídeíberg. "They want me twístíng ín the
wínd."
|884|
269
In February of '97, ABC píanned a foííow-up to theír 20/20 "Príor Knowíedge" píece,
whích íncíuded an íntervíew wíth ATF ínformant Caroí Howe. Hours before the píece
was to aír on "Woríd News Toníght," ít was kíííed.
Accordíng to ABC producer Roger Charíes: "They were uncomfortabíe wíth ít after a
seríes of phone caíís from hígh-íeveí |ustíce Department and ATF peopíe, sayíng
that weíí, yes, the story ís ríght, but you're goíng to draw the wrong concíusíons
uníess we can expíaín ít." Accordíng to an íntervíew wíth ABC conducted by
McVeígh's defense team, the conversatíon went somethíng ííke thís:
<,stice 2ept: "We have to admít now Strassmeír has been ínvestígated."
/BC: "But you have deníed over and over that he was ever the sub|ect of an
ínvestígatíon."
<,stice 2ept: "Weíí, we're undenyíng that now. He has been ínvestígated, but we
couíd not ínvoíve hím specífícaííy ín the bombíng of the buíídíng.. |Regardíng
Howe's reports of others ínvoíved, we| "couíd not fínd anyone who bought
fertííízer, couíd not fínd anyone who rented a truck, so therefore we couíd not
charge them wíth anythíng. |Besídes|, we're not sure the ínformatíon was
credíbíe."
/BC: "But díd you or díd you not send her back out?"
<,stice 2ept: "Yes, she was sent back out."
/BC: "Weíí, what ín the heíí does that mean?"
<,stice 2ept: "She díd go back out, but she was unabíe to deveíop any evídence
that these peopíe had partícípated, |aíthough| essentíaííy your ínformatíon ís
correct."
ABC then saíd the |ustíce Department press spokesman attempted to downpíay the
credíbíííty of Howe by statíng that the government hears these types of statements
aíí the tíme from "Whíte Supremacíst compounds."
/BC: "Yeah, but there's one dífference here."
<,stice 2ept: "What ís that?"
/BC: "The God damn buíídíng bíew up, that's what."
|885|
Not oníy wouíd Howe's testímony have had unfortunate consequences for
authorítíes, ít wouíd not have |íved wíth the FBI's fantasy of the "íone nut" bomber.
It seemed authorítíes were repíayíng the same scenarío they had píayed out 28
years before. In the |FK ínvestígatíon, the FBI focused on the "íone nut" scenarío
too. Wítnesses who díd not support the FBI's case agaínst Oswaíd as íone
270
partícípant were íntímídated, debunked or mísquoted ín reports. Most who saw
shooters other than the one on the 6th fíoor of the Book Deposítory were never
subpoenaed to testífy.
In 1963, |uíía Ann Mercer toíd the FBI and the Daíías Poííce that she saw a man
carry a rífíe case up to the Grassy Knoíí |ust before the shootíng. The FBI took her
statement. Later, when she was íntervíewed by Dístríct Attorney |ím Garríson and
shown the statements she had gíven the Bureau, she began shakíng her head.
"These aíí have been aítered, she saíd. "They have me sayíng |ust the opposíte of
what I reaííy toíd them."
In the Okíahoma Cíty case, wítnesses whose statements dídn't fít the government's
offícíaí tímeííne and scenarío were eíther ígnored aítogether, or íntímídated ínto
changíng their storíes.
|886|
Cheryí Wood, an empíoyee at Love's conveníence store, who saw McVeígh and
|ohn Doe 2 on Apríí 17, toíd FBI agents theír securíty camera had captured ímages
of the two men. The FBI dídn't take the tapes and dídn't want to use Wood's story.
"They tríed to convínce Wood that she was crazy - that she hadn't reaííy seen
them," saíd a Newsweek reporter who íntervíewed Wood. "They rattíed her reaí
good." When the store manager decíded to take the vídeo home hímseíf, the FBI
changed theír mínds, and confíscated the tape.
McVeígh and hís fríends aíso stopped at another conveníence store about 45
mínutes from Love's. As a Newsweek reporter who íntervíewed the empíoyees toíd
me, the FBI dídn't use the statements of those wítnesses eíther, because ít dídn't
fít the FBI's "offícíaí" tímeííne.
|887|
Míke Moroz, the |ohnny's Tíre Shop empíoyee who gave McVeígh and |ohn Doe 2
dírectíons to the Murrah buíídíng on the morníng of the bíast, was íntervíewed by
the FBI severaí tímes. On the íast íntervíew they toíd hím that he had seen
McVeígh dríve ín a dífferent dírectíon than he had orígínaííy stated. The FBI then
cíaímed to the press that Moroz had made a místake and was confused.
Danny Wííkerson, the Regency Towers empíoyee who soíd McVeígh two softdrínks
and a pack of cígarettes 10 mínutes before the bombíng, cíaíms FBI agents tríed
very hard to get hím to change hís story. Wííkerson saw McVeígh and another man
ín an oíder, shorter Ryder truck wíth a cab overhang. FBI agents showed Wííkerson
a cataíog of dífferent Ryder modeís, tryíng to coerce hím ínto statíng that the truck
he saw was bígger and newer than the one actuaííy seen. Wííkerson refused to
change hís story.
As prevíousíy díscussed, Catína Lawson knew McVeígh when he was statíoned ín
Kansas, and saw hím at partíes wíth Andreas Strassmeír and Míchaeí Brescía.
When Lawson saw the artíst's sketch of |ohn Doe 2, she saíd, "That's Míke
|Brescía|. Lawson repeatedíy caííed the FBI to teíí them ít was Brescía, but they
dídn't want to íísten, and stopped returníng her caíís.
271
"I kept teíííng them that the man ín the ||ohn Doe 2| sketch was that Míke guy, a
níce-íookíng guy, dark-skínned. But the FBI made me feeí guííty, then ígnorant, as
íf I dídn't know what I was sayíng. Then, íater, I tríed to caíí ín wíth more
ínformatíon and they wouídn't even taík to me."
Debra Burdíck had seen the yeííow Mercury, the brown píck-up, and the bíue
Chevy Cavaííer at 10th and Robínson on the morníng of the bíast. Burdíck caííed
the FBI and the OSBI, and "they bíew me off. They saíd they dídn't have tíme to get
over there.. they toíd me, 'you dídn't see anythíng.' And that's when I thought I
was goíng crazy.."
|888|
|ane Graham, aíong wíth three other women, had seen a trío of suspícíous-íookíng
men ín the Murrah Buíídíng's underground garage the Fríday before the bombíng.
The men were workíng wíth wíre and a smaíí, putty-coíored bíock whích appeared
to be C-4 píastíc expíosíve.
FBI Agent |oe Schwecke made two appoíntments to íntervíew Graham, but kept
neíther of them. "He never showed up," saíd Graham. "I agaín caííed and set up
another appoíntment for the foííowíng week and that was never kept."
When Schwecke fínaííy spoke to her, he "oníy wanted to know íf I couíd ídentífy
McVeígh or Níchoís. Apparentíy the FBI was not ínterested ín any tíme other than
the Monday or Tuesday - the week of the bombíng!" excíaímed Graham, ".and
oníy íf the responses poínted dírectíy to McVeígh!"
|889|
The manager of the Great Western Inn ín |unctíon Cíty was certaín the Míddíe
Eastern man who had stayed ín room 107 on Apríí 17 was a dead rínger for |ohn
Doe 2. Yet the FBI tríed to díscredít hím, sayíng that the ínquíry there had been a
waste of tíme. If that ís true, why díd the FBI confíscate the hoteí's regíster?
|890|
Barbara Whíttenberg at the Sante Fe Traíí Díner toíd Bííí |asper the FBI tríed to get
her to change her story.
|891|
|eff Davís, who deíívered Chínese food to a man ín room 25 at the Dreamíand
Moteí, had been íntervíewed numerous tímes by the FBI. They appeared ínterested
ín tryíng to get Davís to say that McVeígh was the man he saw.
Duríng tríaí, prosecutor Larry Mackey attacked Davís' credíbíííty, notíng that two
days after the bombíng, he toíd FBI agents that the man was a whíte maíe, 28 or
29, about 6 feet taíí, about 180 pounds wíth short, sandy haír, cíean-cut wíth no
mustache.
|892|
Yet Davís orígínaííy toíd the FBI, "The man to whom I deíívered that bag of Chínese
food ís not Tím McVeígh."
|893|
Stííí, Mackey tríed to shake Davís' confídence ín hís memory, suggestíng that Davís
had toíd a bartender and an ABC sketch artíst that he saw McVeígh.
272
Mac$ey: "You deny that?"
2ais: "Yes, sír, I do,"
In fact, the person Davís saw had "unkempt" haír, a regíonaí accent, possíbíy from
Okíahoma, Kansas or Míssourí, and an overbíte. McVeígh possesses none of those
characterístícs.
|894|
"I was frustrated quíte a bít because they |ust dídn't seem to want to say 'Okay,
there's somebody we may not have.' A íot of ít seemed 'Damn! I |ust wísh he'd say
ít was McVeígh so we couíd be done wíth ít.'"
|895|
Davís toíd The "ener )ost that the FBI never even bothered makíng a composíte
sketch of the man he saw. A TV network fínaííy híred an artíst to do one.
Daína Bradíey had seen oníy one man - oííve-skínned, dark-haíred, wearíng |eans,
|acket, and basebaíí cap - get out of the passenger síde of the Ryder truck ín front
of the Federaí Buíídíng moments before ít bíew up. Yet when she testífíed for the
defense duríng McVeígh's tríaí, she swítched tracks, sayíng she saw two suspects.
What ís ínterestíng ís that ín numerous íntervíews wíth the medía, prosecutors, and
the defense team, Bradíey adamantíy maíntaíned that she had seen oníy one
suspect - |ohn Doe 2. |ust weeks before her testímony, Bradíey agaín toíd U.S.
Attorney Patríck Ryan and defense attorney Cheryí Ramsey she was certaín the
man she saw wasn't Tímothy McVeígh.
Yet shortíy after the start of McVeígh's tríaí - after meetíng wíth federaí
prosecutors - Bradíey suddeníy "changed her mínd."
It seemed that FBI agents were conveníentíy waítíng at the aírport to íntercept
some of McVeígh's defense wítnesses, who wouíd then be "persuaded" to change
theír testímony.
|896|
Under cross-examínatíon by Ryan, Bradíey - who had maíntaíned a rock-soííd
story of |ohn Doe 2 sínce the day of the bombíng - now cíaímed she saw a second
man. Yet duríng tríaí she was nervous and faíteríng, her testímony waveríng
constantíy. At one poínt, she covered her face wíth her hands and quíetíy saíd, "I
want to taík to my íawyer."
Ryan eventuaííy got Bradíey to say she wasn't sure whether the second suspect
was McVeígh, but that there was "nothíng dífferent" between McVeígh's features
and those of the second man.
In addítíon, Bradíey toíd the |ury she thought the truck was parked agaínst the fíow
of traffíc on the one-way street - a íudícrous proposítíon, but conveníent for a
government íntent on convíncíng a |ury that Bradíey saw the suspect - who was
not |ohn Doe 2, but possíbíy McVeígh - get out of the dríver's síde.
|897|
273
Gary Lewís, the Journal Record pressman who was aímost run over by McVeígh and
two of hís assocíates ín the yeííow Mercury shortíy before the bíast, suddeníy
deníed seeíng them at aíí! |ust before he was subpoenaed to testífy before the
county grand |ury, Lewís toíd reporters, "What I seen wasn't a fact, ít wasn't true."
Cíaímíng the FBI had "cíeared up hís confusíon" more than a year ago, Lewís saíd
the FBI showed hím a photograph of McVeígh's dístínctíve battered yeííow Mercury,
and convínced hím ít wasn't the same car he spotted on Apríí 19. "It was reaí
símííar to ít," Lewís saíd. "It was reaí cíose but ít wasn't ít."
Lewís then cíaímed hís eyewítness account, whích had aíready been pubííshed ín
stríkíng detaíí, had been exaggerated by Representatíve Key and Gíenn Wííburn. "I
don't care for |Wííburn| or Charíes Key," Lewís toíd The "aily Oklahoman. "They
kínd of pushed ít aíong for reasons I don't know why. That ís about aíí I have got to
say."
|898|
Thís was quíte a change from the nervous wítness who checked the undersíde of
hís car every morníng for bombs, afraíd he was targeted for assassínatíon by eíther
bombíng suspects or the feds.
|899|
As prevíousíy mentíoned, Dr. Pauí Heath, the VA psychoíogíst, had spoken to
McVeígh and two of hís assocíates at hís offíce severaí weeks before the bíast,
when they approached hím íookíng for "|obs."
Heath was íntervíewed by the FBI no íess than ten tímes. On the íast vísít, "He (the
FBI agent) confronted me sayíng he díd not want me teíííng the story any íonger.
He saíd ít was a faíse story, that I had made ít up, that ít was a fígment of my
ímagínatíon, and that íf I pursued ít, he wouíd pubíícíy díscredít me.
"I saíd to hím, 'that ís the most despícabíe, uncaííed for attítude that I've ever
seen, and I don't know why you saíd that to me, but I can teíí you, you're not goíng
to change my reaííty wíth ít.'"
|900|
Heath, aíready upset by what he wítnessed the day of the bombíng, ís now
uncertaín what wííí happen to hím.
|901|
Lea Moore, a woman who was badíy ín|ured ín the bíast, was contacted by a
reporter from the 30A0 Times. Whííe he was enroute to íntervíew her, she receíved a
mysteríous phone caíí teíííng her not to taík to hím. Moore, a dímínutíve woman ín
her fíftíes, was fríghtened. When the reporter showed up at her door fífteen
mínutes íater, Moore dídn't answer.
Meíba, the Aíbertson's worker who made sandwíches for McVeígh and |ohn Doe 2,
was hostííe and fríghtened when questíoned by thís reporter - too scared to taík.
Conníe Hood, who saw |ohn Doe 2 at the Dreamíand Moteí shortíy after mídníght
on Apríí 16, then agaín the next morníng, was íntervíewed numerous tímes by the
274
FBI. They even went so far as to admíníster severaí poíygraph tests. Hood toíd the
agents exactíy what she saw. On the íast test, the FBI agent "turned around and
got ín her face," recaííed her fríend Davíd Keen, "and saíd, 'You've never seen |ohn
Doe! He never exísted!'"
The experíence of Hood and Keen ís remíníscent of the ínterrogatíon of |FK
wítnesses ín Daíías on November 22, when FBI agents poíntedíy toíd them they díd
not see any shooters on the Grassy Knoíí.
"Thís bíg oíd dude (FBI agent) ríght out toíd me, 'You díd not see that!'" recaííed
Hood. "It got to the poínt where I was sayíng, 'Excuse me, excuse me, there was
someone ín that room next to us. I know for a fact there was someone ín that room
next to us. I díd not ímagíne someone comíng out of that fríckíng room!'"
Hood ís sure of what she saw, and ís furíous about the games the FBI píayed wíth
her. "I'm angry," saíd Hood. "It made my bíood boíí."
|902|
TW/ ?@@ !idebar
The experíences of these wítnesses paraííeís those who saw a míssííe ríse out of
the water to shoot down TWA fííght 800 on |uíy 17, 1996, kííííng aíí 230 peopíe on
board. Over 154 wítnesses on Long Isíand, who wítnessed the attack, descríbed
what appeared to be a míssííe - a gíowíng ob|ect that ímpacted wíth the píane.
These accounts were backed up by FAA (Federaí Avíatíon Admínístratíon) radar
records, whích showed an unídentífíed ob|ect (a "bííp" that was not "squawkíng" a
transponder code) move rapídíy towards, then merge wíth, the íarge |umbo-|et.
|903|
Yet ííke the seísmíc records, and the vídeo surveíííance footage whích wouíd have
shown the Murrah Buíídíng beíng bíown up, these radar tapes wouíd be confíscated
by the FBI.
Naturaííy, the government ííed about the crash. The Natíonaí Transportatíon Safety
board (NTSB) cíaímed that the most probabíe cause was a "spark" ín the center
fueí tank due to "statíc eíectrícíty." Thís ís rídícuíous even to the unínítíated. Saíd
Míchaeí Barr, dírector of avíatíon safety programs at USC, "Aírpíanes don't bíow up
|ust ííke that. I've been foííowíng 747s sínce 1970 and I've never seen one bíow up
ííke that."
|904|
One wítness, Lou Desyron, toíd ABC Woríd News Sunday: "We saw what appeared
to be a fíare goíng straíght up. As a matter of fact, we thought ít was from a boat.
It was a bríght reddísh-orange coíor.... Once ít went ínto fíames, I knew that wasn't
a fíare.
|905|
Another wítness toíd the New 'ork "aily News7 "It íooked ííke a bíg skyrocket goíng
up, and ít kept goíng up and up, and the next thíng I knew there was an orange
baíí of fíre."
|906|
275
Long Isíand resídent Línda Kabot ínadvertentíy snapped a pícture of the míssííe
whííe photographíng fríends at a party. The photo appeared ín the |uíy íssue of
)aris Match.
Eyewítnesses on the ground weren't the oníy ones who saw a míssííe. Vasííís
Bakoynís, a Greek commercíaí aírííne pííot fíyíng behínd fííght 800, toíd the FBI that
he saw what appeared to be a míssííe ríse up from the water and stríke the píane.
"Suddeníy I saw ín the fog to my íeft toward the ocean, a smaíí fíame rísíng quíckíy
toward the sky. Before I reaíízed ít, I saw thís fíame become huge.."
|907|
Prívate pííot Sven Faret reported a "short pín-fíash of ííght |whích| appeared on the
ground, perhaps water," that rose up "ííke a rocket íaunch at a fíreworks
díspíay."
|908|
Ma|or Fred Meyer, the pííot of an Aír Natíonaí Guard heíícopter whích was ín the
area, saíd he saw "a streak of red orange" headíng toward the píane. "...ít arríved
at a poínt ín space where I saw a smaíí expíosíon whích grew to a smaíí fírebaíí,
then a second expíosíon and a huge fírebaíí," the $oston 8erald quoted Meyer as
teíííng a press bríefíng on |uíy 18th.
Meyer's co-pííot, Captaín Chrís Baur, toíd Aiation Week 5 S*ace Technolo%y on
March 10, "Aímost due south, there was a hard whíte ííght, ííke burníng
pyrotechnícs, ín íeveí fííght. I was tryíng to fígure out what ít was. It was the wrong
coíor for fíares. It struck an ob|ect comíng from the ríght |TWA 800| and made ít
expíode."
|909|
Ten days íater, Meyer, a Víetnam veteran, toíd the Rierside )ress-&nter*rise7 "I
know what I saw. I saw an ordínance expíosíon. And whatever I saw, the expíosíon
of the fueí was not the ínítíator of the event. It was one of the resuíts. Somethíng
happened before that whích was the ínítíator of the dísaster."
|910|
Meyer and Baur's account was backed up by Aír Natíonaí Guard C-130 pííot
Cononeí Wííííam Stratemeír, |r., who toíd Aiation Week 5 S*ace Technolo%y what
"appeared to be the traíí of a shouíder-fíred SAM endíng ín a fíash on the 747."
|911|
Yet the government wouíd seek to sííence the hundreds of eyewítnesses who saw
the míssííe. A team of approxímateíy 50 FBI agents, many of the same agents who
worked the Okíahoma Cíty case, wouíd vísít these wítnesses and ask, then
demand, theír sííence.
"There was nothíng I observed that gave me any índícatíon that the streak of ííght I
saw was caused by a míssííe," Meyer wouíd íater quoted as sayíng. "I don't know
what I saw."
|912|
"We díd not see smoke traíís |from a míssííe|, any ígnítíon source from the taíí of a
rocket nor anythíng." saíd Stratemeír four months íater.
|913|
276
Medícaí Examíner Dr. Charíes V. Wetíí orígínaííy toíd reporters that the passengers
ín the forward compartment were hít hardest, índícatíng the ma|or event was ín
the front of the píane, not the center as the government cíaímed. Dr. Wetíí and
others then backed off from theír fíndíngs. An expíosíon had happened and kíííed
peopíe was as much as he couíd say, reported the New 'ork Times.
|914|
Was the government coveríng up evídence of a terroríst míssííe stríke, or the
negíígence of the Uníted States Navy? Whííe the dísíntegratíon of fííght 800's
number three engíne appears to índícate a shouíder-íaunched míssííe, the íarge
gapíng hoíe runníng from |ust underneath the center fueí tank through the top of
the forward cabín suggests a stríke by an unarmed míssííe "drone."
There ís evídence for both theoríes. After denyíng the exístence of any mííítary
operatíons ín the area, the Pentagon eventuaííy admítted that a C-130 mííítary
transport and two HH-60G Bíackhawk heíícopters of the New York Aír Natíonaí
Guard's ANG's 106th Rescue Wíng were operatíng ín the area as part of a níght-
rescue exercíse.
Such a "rescue exercíse" doesn't expíaín the presence of a P-3 Oríon antí-
submaríne warfare píane, whích, contrary to cíaíms by Navy pubííc affaírs, ís
capabíe of carryíng míssííes. The U.S.S. Normandy, an Aegís cíass guíded míssííe
cruíser (símííar to the one that accídentaííy shot down Iran Aír Fííght 655 over the
straíts of Hormuz, kííííng aíí 290 peopíe), was aíso operatíng ín the vícíníty. The
Normandy carríes RIM-67 Standard SM-2ER semí-actíve radar homíng aír defense
míssííes, wíth a range of 93 mííes and an aítítude of 100,000 feet. Was the
Normandy fíríng drones as part of a practíce drííí? Such maneuvers are routíneíy
carríed out off the coast of Long Isíand. Area W-105 was actívated as a "hot zone"
at the tíme of the dísaster.
|915|
Naturaííy, the Navy cíaímed the Normandy was 180 mííes from fííght 800, whích
was ín area W-106, 15 mííes to the Northwest of W-105.
|916|
FBI chíef ínvestígator |ames Kaíístrom cíted cíaíms of mííítary cuípabíííty as
"írresponsíbíe. totaí unaduíterated nonsense," and, echoíng the psychobabbíe
empíoyed by the government ín the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng ínvestígatíon, stated
that such cíaíms are hurtfuí to the víctíms. |ím Haíí, head of the NTSB ínvestígatíon,
backed up Kaíístrom, sayíng the aííegatíons "are causíng íncredíbíe paín and
confusíon for those who íost íoved ones."
"I can teíí you we íeft no stone unturned," Kaíístrom announced, as íf píayíng a bad
re-run of |anet Reno's press conference on Okíahoma Cíty.
|917|
Then ín November, Píerre Saíínger, a former ABC News correspondent and press
secretary for Presídent Kennedy, toíd reporters ín Cannes, France, he had obtaíned
a document from French ínteííígence (there were numerous French cítízens
onboard) detaíííng how the Navy was índeed test fíríng míssííes and accídentaííy
hít Fííght 800 because the píane was fíyíng íower than expected. Saíínger saíd the
277
document wrítten by someone who "was tíed to the U.S. Secret Servíce and has
ímportant contacts ín the U.S. Navy."
|918|
Backíng up Saíínger's report was Lt. Coí. Bo Grítz, a híghíy decorated Víetnam
veteran and Specíaí Forces commander, who reported ín |une that the Army and
Navy were conductíng fínaí acceptance tests of the AEGIS-CEC (Cooperatíve
Engagement Capabíííty) system, ín the wake of the tragíc shootdown of an Iranían
aírbus by the USS Víncennes.
The mííítary chose Area W-105, cíaímed Grítz, ín order to províde a reaíístíc test
usíng a denseíy popuíated area. "W-105 had been especíaííy seíected (and
actívated for ííve fíre) because of íts símííaríty to the Persían Guíf."
The Navy Oríon P-3, a member of the CEC team, was íoaded wíth up-graded gear,
aííowíng íntegratíon of Army and Navy Antí-Aírcraft Artíííery acquísítíon radar. The
equípment was supposed to "díscrímínate between fríend-neutraí-foe eíectroníc
sígnatures, ísoíate the hostííe threat and seíect the weapon best posítíoned for an
assured kííí to íaunch at the target."
The símuíated boogíe was a Navy BOM-74E míssííe drone íaunched from
Shínnecock Bay, east of Ríverhead, Long Isíand by an Army unít shortíy after the
"aíí cíear" at 8:30 p.m..
Through the thíckeníng fog of repíícated hostííe ímages, a shot soíutíon was píotted
and reíayed to the míssííe unít best posítíoned for the kííí. The software then
automatícaííy tríggered the íaunch of a Navy Standard IV Antí-míssííe míssííe..
The antímíssííe was programmed to cíímb rapídíy untíí a "míd-course" correctíon
wouíd be reíayed to the míssííe's on-board computer dírectíng the díve to ímpact.
Fínaí course ad|ustments wouíd be made by the míssííe's "semí-actíve" radar
devíce after "íock-on" was achíeved..
Tragícaííy, the íast radar abíe to see the boogíe through the heavy |ammíng and
target repíícatíon suddeníy and unexpectedíy went bíínd.. Unabíe to receíve
guídance commands to keep ít on an íntercept course wíth the target drone, the
Standard IV reverted to íts own programmíng and began seekíng a target. In a
heartbeat, the ínternaí radar acquíred the TWA 747 weíí above and to the west of
the íntended target.
|919|
Was the 747 destroyed by "fríendíy fíre?" Reports that rocket fueí resídue was
present on seat backs and bodíes of the víctíms, and the íarge entry and exít
hoíes, tend to support these aííegatíons.
|920|
Duríng the 1982 Faíkíands War, an Argentíne AM.39 Exocet antí-shíp míssííe struck
the Brítísh destroyer HMS Sheffíeíd. Aíthough ít was a dud, "the kínetíc energy of
the míssííe, fíyíng at supersoníc speed, was abíe to punch through the huíí and
sííce ínto fueí íínes, aííowíng the stííí-burníng rocket motor to ígníte a deadíy and
278
expíosíve fíre. TWA 800 may have experíenced an aírborne versíon of thís same
fate."
|921|
Grítz' cíaím that the mííítary chose the area off of Long Isíand for testíng |íves wíth
the weíí-documented fact of decades-íong mííítary testíng on unsuspectíng cívíííans
ín hundreds of cítíes across the natíon - íncíudíng everythíng from drugs and
nucíear radíatíon, to chemícaí and bíoíogícaí weapons.
|922|
Interestíngíy, on August 29, síx weeks after the TWA 800 crash, an Amerícan
Aíríínes pííot reported seeíng a míssííe pass by hís 757 whííe fíyíng over Waííops
Isíand, Vírgínía, the síte of the NASA Waííops Fííght Facíííty, whích has a program
for unmanned research rockets. Waííops Isíand ís about 220 mííes south of the
TWA crash síght.
|923|
Fínaííy, as Ian Goddard reported, on May 13, 1997, Long Isíand's Southam*ton
)ress reported that resídent Dede Muma accídentaííy receíved a fax from Teíedyne
Ryan Aeronautícaí íntended for the FBI's offíce ín Caíverton, Long Isíand (the two
have símííar phone numbers). The fax índícated that parts of a Navy míssííe target
drone, a BOM-34 Fírebee I manufactured by Teíedyne, may have been found ín the
wreckage. The fax shows a díagram of what appears to be a míssííe, aíong wíth a
breakdown of íts taíí sectíon and a parts ííst...
|924|
The near dísíntegratíon of the píane's number three engíne, however, supports the
theory of a heat-seekíng SAM, suggestíng that the píane was destroyed by
terrorísts.
Recaíí that two ma|or terroríst conferences were heíd duríng whích ít was
announced that there wouíd be íncreased attacks agaínst U.S. ínterests: one on
|une 20-23 ín Teheran, and the other on |uíy 10-15 ín Pakístan. Inteííígence offícers
and terroríst íeaders from Hamas, HízbAííah, and the PFLP-GC's Ahmed |íbríí, who
carríed out the Pan Am 103 bombíng, were ín attendance. Thís was foííowed on
|une 25 by the truck-bombíng of the mííítary housíng compound ín Dhahran, Saudí
Arabía.
|925|
Aíso recaíí that ímmedíateíy foííowíng the |uíy 16th U.S. Senate resoíutíon for
sanctíons agaínst Líbya and Iran, the al-8ayat newspaper receíved a warníng from
the Movement for Isíamíc Change:
The woríd wííí be astoníshed and amazed at the tíme and píace chosen by the
Mu|ahadeen. The Mu|ahadeen wííí deííver the harshest repíy to the threats of the
fooíísh Amerícan presídent. Everyone wííí be surprísed by the voíume, choíce of
píace and tímíng of the Mu|ahadeen's answer, and ínvaders must prepare to depart
aííve or dead for theír tíme ís morníng and morníng ís near.
The New 'ork )ost aíso reported that the FBI was íookíng ínto an anonymous
threat receíved after convíctíon of Sheík Omar Abdeí Rahman, the spírítuaí íeader
of the Woríd Trade Center bombíng ceíí, convícted of píottíng to bíow up ma|or
279
New York Cíty íandmarks. The threat warned that a New York area aírport or
|etííner wouíd be attacked ín retaííatíon for the prosecutíon of the sheík.
|926|
A warníng was aíso províded to the Israeíís that Iran was ííkeíy to íaunch an attack
agaínst a U.S. aírcraft. Thousands of Stínger míssííes were gíven to the
Mu|ahadeen by the CIA ín the 1980s. Accordíng to former FAA ínvestígator Rodney
Stích, "At íeast a dozen were thus obtaíned by the Iranían Revoíutíonary Guards
from Yunís Khaíís, a radícaí Musíím Afghaní resístance íeader. One of them was
fíred by Iraníans at an Amerícan heíícopter on patroí ín the Persían Guíf on October
8th, 1987."
The U.S. produced nearíy 64,500 of these míssííes for the mííítary and other
countríes sínce 1980, íncíudíng Angoía, Egypt, France, Germany, Iran, Israeí,
Kuwaít, Pakístan, Saudí Arabía and Turkey. The Sovíets are known to have soíd
theír SAM-7 to Chína, North Korea, Indía, Iran, Iraq, Cuba, Laos, Líbya, Sudan and
Syría, among others.
|927|
Stíngers províded to the Mu|ahadeen vía the CIA ín
Peshawar, Pakístan, were often soíd to terrorísts and other groups.
"We have now spent more than a decade tryíng to retríeve those míssííes," saíd
Nataííe Goídríng, a defense anaíyst wíth the Brítísh-Amerícan Securíty Informatíon
Councíí. "Severaí hundred that were transferred duríng the Afghan war are
nowhere to be found. They are very capabíe antí-aírcraft míssííes."
|928|
Accordíng to Stích, the CIA has bumbíed attempts to retríeve the míssííes. In a
íetter to Senator Aríen Specter dated October 20, 1995, Stích wrítes:
Recent ínformatíon províded to me by one or more of my contacts ín the CIA
communíty descríbes the dates, píaces, and peopíe ínvoíved ín offeríng the
míssííes to the Uníted States, and the re|ectíon of thís offer. These sources
províded me wíth precíse detaíís of the negotíatíons to gíve the míssííes to the
Uníted States, the agreement by Afghan rebeí íeader, Generaí Rashíd Dostom, and
a CIA attorney..
|One| possíbíííty for CIA and |ustíce Department re|ectíon of the Stínger míssííes ís
that the CIA wants the míssííes to faíí ínto terrorísts' hands, and actuaííy wants an
aírííner to be shot down. The shoot-down of a commercíaí aírííner couíd then be
used to |ustífy the contínuatíon of CIA actívítíes.
|929|
In fact, Israeí íntercepted unconfírmed reports that 50 of Stíngers were smuggíed
ínto the country ín 1995. A íetter reportedíy presented to members of the Senate
Inteííígence and Armed Servíces Commíttee after the shootdown of fííght 800 not
oníy cíaímed credít for the attack, but províded the seríaí number of the míssííe
that was used.
Naturaííy, government wouíd trot out íts usuaí stabíe of spokesmen to cíaím that
the píane hadn't been downed by a míssííe, especíaííy a shouíder-íaunched SAM,
whích the Pentagon cíaímed couídn't down a |umbo-|et fíyíng at 13,700 feet.
280
"There's no Amerícan offícíaí wíth haíf a braín who ought to be specuíatíng on
anythíng of that nature," saíd Whíte House spokesman Míke McCurry. "There's no
concrete ínformatíon that wouíd íead any of us ín the Uníted States government to
draw that kínd of concíusíon."
Yet the State Department has cataíogued 25 íncídents between 1978 and 1993 ín
whích commercíaí aírííners were shot down by SAMs, kííííng more than 600 peopíe.
(Israeíí commercíaí aírííners, ííke the Presídent's Aír Force One, are equípped wíth
specíaí fíares capabíe of dívertíng surface-to-aír míssííes.) Duríng the Víetnam War,
Russían Graíí míssííes routíneíy shot down píanes at aítítudes of 11,000 and 12,000
feet. Some SAMs - íncíudíng the Stínger, and the Swedísh-buíít Bofors RBS 70 and
90, whích mííítary and avíatíon anaíyst Ronaíd Lewís, wrítíng ín Air Forces Monthly
beííeves was used - are reportedíy capabíe of reachíng aítítudes of between
15,000 and 18,000 feet.
|930|
It ís for precíseíy thís reason that the government kept changíng the aítítude of the
píane, whích they fírst reported at 8,500 feet, then 10,000 feet, and fínaííy at
13,700 feet (Apparentíy they dídn't take ínto account the range of the Bofors). Thís
ís stríkíngíy símííar to theír aíteríng of the síze of the bomb ín Okíahoma, orígínaííy
statíng ít was 1,200 pounds, then 2,000 pounds, then 4,000 pounds, then fínaííy
4,800 pounds, to match theír magíc ANFO theory.
Gíven the overwheímíng evídence to the contrary, however, the taíkíng heads
wouíd modífy theír statements. "They wííí be íookíng at aíí three scenaríos," saíd
Former FBI Assístant Dírector Oííver "Buck" Reveíí, "and probabíy the íeast ííkeíy
wííí be the míssííe, but ít wííí be one that ís very carefuííy examíned."
|931|
Even the FBI's |ames Kaíístrom was íater forced to admít, "We do have ínformatíon
that there was somethíng ín the sky. A number of peopíe have seen ít."
|932|
As the
New 'ork )ost reported on September 22:
Law-enforcement sources saíd the hardest evídence gathered so far
overwheímíngíy suggests a surface-to-aír míssííe - wíth the sophístícated abíííty to
íock on the center of a target rather than íts red-hot engínes - was fíred from a
boat off the Long Isíand coast to bríng down the aírííner |uíy 17.
|933|
On December 17, the Washin%ton Times quoted a congressíonaí aíde who verífíed
that an unnamed DIA offícíaí confírmed the míssííe attack: "'In hís opíníon, the
píane was brought down by at íeast one shouíder-fíred míssííe,'" saíd the
congressíonaí source, who spoke on the condítíon of anonymíty."
|934|
Interestíngíy, the FBI focused part of íts ínvestígatíon on boats on Long Isíand that
had been chartered or stoíen. One report that surfaced earíy on reported that two
Míddíe Eastern men had rented a boat. A boat 30 or 40 feet ín íength wouíd
províde a stabíe enough píatform for a someone aímíng a heat-seekíng or íaser
guíded SAM, even íf the waters had not been perfectíy caím.
281
Obvíousíy, the government was perfectíy capabíe of determíníng who, or at íeast
what shot down TWA fííght 800. Aiation Week reported that technoíogy ís
avaííabíe to estabíísh, wíthín hours, the exact composítíon of any expíosíve, even
after days of submersíon ín sea water. Yet months after the dísaster, the
government was stííí cíaímíng ít hadn't determíned the cause of the crash. At
tímes, the expíanatíons offered by government offícíaís bordered on the rídícuíous.
On |uíy 11, 1997, a NTSB offícíaí was heard postuíatíng before members of
Congress that the píane may have been destroyed by errant "space |unk."
It ís hardíy surprísíng that the government wouíd want to cover up the truth,
especíaííy íf fííght 800 had been destroyed by a Stínger míssííe, one gíven to the
Mu|ahadeen by the Centraí |Stupídíty| Agency. If the pubííc íearned that a
commercíaí |et couíd be shot down by a hand-heíd míssííe, one of many smuggíed
ínto thís country, the aírííne índustry wouíd suffer huge fínancíaí íoses. In countríes
where tourísm ís essentíaí to the economy, such a reveíatíon wouíd be
devastatíng.
Moreover, íf TWA 800 had been downed by our own mííítary, the government
wouíd be even more desperate to cover up the truth.
At a press conference on November 8, IWW reporter Híííeí Cohen asked, "Why ís
the Navy not a suspect?" In response, Kaíístrom saíd, "Remove that man." As
about 10 securíty guards swíftíy removed Cohen from the room, as he shouted,
"We want an índependent ínvestígatíon!"
Nor were |ournaíísts ínvestígatíng Okíahoma Cíty ímmune from harassment. |ayna
Davís, the courageous KFOR reporter who tracked down Hussaíní and Khaííd,
receíved a warníng from the Bureau that she was gettíng "too cíose" to the truth,
and shouíd drop her ínvestígatíon.
|ournaíísts and ínvestígators who have attempted to íntervíew rescue workers,
íncíudíng fíremen, poííce and other cíty offícíaís are deníed íntervíews. Most
workers say they've been toíd not to taík by theír superíors or the FBI. ".they're
afraíd of íosíng theír |obs or beíng sub|ected to abuse íf they say somethíng," saíd
|ane Graham.
Nurse Toní Garret was one of many peopíe who had voíunteered to heíp tag dead
víctíms that terríbíe morníng. Garret and her husband Earí had |ust taken a break
when they notíced federaí agents arrívíng to set up a command post. "They acted
ííke ít was |ust a drííí, ííke ít was no bíg deaí, saíd Garret. "They were kínd of |okíng
around and aíí that kínd of stuff."
Approxímateíy 20 mínutes íater, when the Garrets re-entered the makeshíft tríage
center, they found many of the doctors and nurses gone, and a compíeteíy
dífferent atmosphere prevaííed. "There was nobody heípíng anymore," saíd Earí.
"Before, there were peopíe bríngíng ín food and medícaí suppííes - |ust
282
everythíng. When we came back ín, there was a coíd, caííous atmosphere. I found
out íater that the FBI had taken over.."
But what reaííy upset Toní Garret was the fact that the FBI and the Medícaí
Examíner were suppressíng the body count, whích they had cíaímed as oníy 22
dead. Garret, who had personaííy tagged over 120 dead bodíes that day, was
shocked. "I was beíng íntervíewed by a íady from TBN (Tríníty Broadcastíng
Network). I toíd her that I was híghíy upset because the news medía and the
ínformatíon they were beíng gíven was not accurate ínformatíon. There were many
more bodíes than what they were sayíng on the news medía and reíeasíng at the
tíme.."
"|The FBI| dídn't ííke that Toní was beíng íntervíewed by the medía," saíd Earí. "An
agent came |up| to me and saíd, 'Do you know her?' poíntíng to Toní. I saíd, 'Yes,
she's my wífe.' He saíd, "What ís she?' I saíd, 'Weíí, she's been down here aíí day
tryíng to get peopíe out of thís buíídíng and heíp peopíe.' He turned around to hís
fríends and saíd, 'Weíí, we need to get her out of here.' Toní then toíd me that the
agents had toíd her that the FBI was takíng over and aíí of us couíd get out. They
toíd us to keep our mouths shut."
Saíd Toní, "When they came over to me, one of the agents was very pompous and
arrogant about askíng me who I was, what I was doíng there, íf I was a cívííían,
where I worked, and what my name was. I dídn't feeí ííke any of that pertaíned to
what was goíng on that day or what had happened that day, and he wanted to
know everythíng about me..
"He saíd, 'Weíí, we1re down here now, and we're takíng over the buíídíng. It wouíd
be advísabíe and recommendabíe that you keep your mouth shut."
|935|
Norma Smíth, who worked at the Federaí Courthouse across from the Murrah
buíídíng saw, aíong wíth numerous others, the Sheríff's bomb squad congregated
ín the parkíng íot at 7:30 that morníng. Shortíy after Smíth's story appeared ín a
íocaí newspaper, her house was broken ínto - twíce. Smíth, fríghtened, took earíy
retírement and moved out of state. She ís currentíy too afraíd to taík to anyone.
The bomb squad, íncídentaííy, deníed beíng there.
New American edítor Wííííam |asper íearned from an OCPD offícer that duríng a
mandatory daííy securíty bríefíng at the Murrah Buíídíng, he and other assembíed
poííce/rescue/recovery personneí were toíd "ín no uncertaín terms" by one of the
íead federaí offícíaís that ít was necessary for "securíty" reasons to províde the
pubííc wíth "mísínformatíon" regardíng certaín aspects of the case, and that thís
"offícíaí ííne" was not to be contradícted by any of those ín attendance.
|936|
"There's a íot that's beíng covered up, for some reason," charged a federaí
empíoyee who narrowíy escaped death but who íost many fríends ín the terroríst
attack.
283
Saíd a man who íost hís father, ".I'm angry because I know I'm beíng ííed to."
"Many of us are goíng to come forward and chaííenge what's goíng on as soon as
we get some more of the píeces fígured out," píedged a íaw enforcement offícer.
|937|
Thís same poííce offícer íater toíd me he was caííed ínto the offíces of OCPD Chíef
Sam Gonzaíes and U.S. Attorney Pat Ryan and toíd to "cease and desíst."
|938|
Another offícer who was toíd to "cease and desíst" was Sergeant Terrance Yeakey.
On May 8, 1996, oníy three days before Sergeant Yeakey was to receíve the
Okíahoma Poííce Department's Medaí of Vaíor, he "commítted suícíde." The 30
year-oíd cop was found ín a fíeíd near Eí Reno, not far from where Eí Reno Príson
guard |oey Gíadden "commítted suícíde." Hís wrísts were síashed ín numerous
píaces, as was hís neck and throat. Apparentíy not satísfíed wíth thís ínítíaí attempt
to take hís íífe, he got out of hís car, waíked a mííe and-a-haíf over rough terraín,
then puííed out hís gun shot hímseíf ín the head.
The medía cíaímed Offícer Yeakey "was wracked wíth guíít" over hís ínabíííty to
heíp more peopíe that fatefuí morníng. They aíso cíaímed he íed a "troubíed famííy
íífe," havíng been recentíy dívorced from hís wífe Tonía, and separated from hís
two daughters, aged two and four, whom the "aily Oklahoman cíaímed he was not
permítted to see due to a restraíníng order.
Other accounts suggest that Yeakey was reíuctant to receíve the Medaí of Vaíor
due to hís "guíít" over beíng ín|ured ín the Murrah Buíídíng. "He dídn't ííke ít," saíd
hís supervísor Lt. |o Ann Randaíí. "There are some peopíe that ííke to be heroes
and some that don't. He was not one that wanted that."
"He had a íot of guíít because he got hurt," added feííow offícer |ím Ramsey.
|939|
Apparentíy, there was much more behínd Offícer Terrance Yeakey's reíuctance to
be honored as a hero.
"He kept teíííng me ít wasn't what I thought ít was," saíd hís ex-wífe, Tonía Rívera,
"that they were oníy choosíng offícers who were not even at the síte, you know -
who dídn't see anythíng - to take pubííc rewards, recognítíon, that sort of stuff.
"They started pressuríng them ínto takíng |the rewards|," added Rívera. "There
came a tíme about míd-year, where they were forcíng hím ínto goíng to these
award ceremoníes. As ín, 'Yes, you could not go, but we'íí make your íífe heíí.'
The story of the reíuctant hero, she added, was nothíng more than a "reaí thín veíí
of truth" whích covered up a "mountaín of deceít."
"|T|erry wanted no part of ít."
|940|
284
Hís síster, Víckí |ones, agreed. "Terry hated that stuff. 'I'm no hero,' he wouíd say.
'Nobody that had anythíng to do wíth heípíng those peopíe ín that bombíng are
heroes."
Why wouíd the Medaí of Vaíor recípíent make such a bízarre-soundíng statement?
In a íetter he wrote to a bombíng víctím and fríend Ramona McDonaíd, the offícer
teíís the real reason for hís reíuctance to be honored as a hero:
Dear Ramona,
I hope that whatever you hear now and ín the future wííí not change your opíníons
about myseíf or others wíth the Okíahoma Cíty Poííce Department, aíthough some
of the thíngs I am about to teíí you about ís |síc| very dísturbíng.
I don't know íf you recaíí everythíng that happened that morníng or not, so I am
not sure íf you know what I am referríng to.
The man that you and I were taíkíng about ín the píctures I have made the místake
of askíng too many questíons as to hís roíe ín the bombíng, and was toíd to back
off.
I was toíd by severaí offícers he was an ATF agent who was overseeíng the
bombíng píot and at the tíme the photos were taken he was caíííng ín hís report of
what had |ust went down!
I thínk my days as a poííce offícer are numbered because of the way my
supervísors are actíng and there ís |síc| a íot of secrets fíoatíng around now about
my mentaí state of mínd. I thínk they are goíng to wríte me up because of my ex-
wífe and a VPO.
I toíd you about taíkíng to Chapíaín Poe, weíí the bastard wrote up ín a report
statíng I shouíd be reííeved of my dutíes! I made the místake of thínkíng that a
person's conversatíon wíth a chapíaín was prívate, whích by the way míght have
cost me my |ob as a poííce offícer! A fríend at headquarters toíd me that Poe sent
out íetters to everyone ín the department! That BITCH (|o Ann Randaíí) I toíd you
about ís up to somethíng and I thínk ít has somethíng to do wíth Poe. If she gets
her way, they wííí tar and feather me!
I was toíd that |ack Poe has wrítten up a report on every síngíe offícer that has
been ín to see hím, íncíudíng Gordon Martín and |ohn Avery.
Knowíng what I know now, and understandíng fuííy |ust what went down that
morníng, makes me ashamed to wear a badge from Okíahoma Cíty's Poííce
Department. I took and oath to uphoíd the Law and to enforce the Law to the best
of my abíííty. Thís ís somethíng I cannot honestíy do and hoíd my head up proud
any íonger íf I keep my sííence as I am ordered to do.
285
There are severaí others out there who was |síc| what we saw and even some who
píayed a roíe ín what happened that day.
|Two Pages Míssíng|
My guess ís the more tíme an offícer has to thínk about the screw up the more he
ís goíng to questíon what happened. Can you ímagíne what wouíd be comíng
down now íf that had been our offícers' who had íet thís happen? Because ít was
the feds that díd thís and not the íocaís, ís the reason ít's okay. You were ríght aíí
aíong and I am truíy sorry I doubted you and your motíves about recordíng hístory.
You shouíd know that ít ís goíng to one-heíí-of-a-fíght.
Everyone was behínd you untíí you started askíng questíons as I díd, as to how so
many federaí agents arríved at the scene at the same tíme.
Luke Franey (a ATF agent who cíaímed he was ín the buíídíng) was not ín the
buíídíng at the tíme of the bíast, I know thís for a fact, I saw hím! I aíso saw fuíí ríot
gear worn wíth rífíes ín hand, why? Don't make the místake as I díd and ask the
wrong peopíe.
I worry about you and your young famííy because of some of the statements that
have been made towards me, a poííce offícer! Whatever you do don't confront
McPhearson wíth the bomb squad about what I toíd you. Hís actíons and
defensíveness towards the bombíng wouíd make any normaí person thínk he was
defendíng hímseíf as íf he drove the damn truck up to the buíídíng hímseíf. I am
not worríed for myseíf, but for you and your group. I wouíd not be afraíd to say at
thís tíme that you and your famííy couíd be harmed íf you get any cíoser to the
truth. At thís tíme I thínk for your weíí beíng ít ís best for you to dístance yourseíf
and others from those of us who have stírred up to many questíons about the
aíteríng and faísífyíng of the federaí ínvestígatíon's reports.
I truíy beííeve there are other offícers ííke me out there who wouíd not settíe for
anythíng but the truth, ít ís |ust a matter of fíndíng them. The oníy true probíem as
I see ít ís, who do we turn to then?
It ís vítaí that peopíe ííke you, Edye Smíth, and others keep askíng questíons and
demandíng answers for the actíons of our Federaí Government and íaw
enforcement agencíes that knew beforehand and partícípated ín the cover-up.
The sad truth of the matter ís that they have so many poííce offícers convínced
that by coveríng up the truth about the operatíon gone wrong, that they are
actuaííy doíng our cítízens a favor. What I want to know ís how many other
operatíons have they had that bíew up ín theír faces? Makes you stop and take
another íook at Waco.
I wouíd consíder ít to be an ínsuít to my professíon as a poííce offícer and to the
cítízens of Okíahoma for ANY of the Cíty, State or Federaí agents that stood by and
286
íet thís happen to be recognízed as any thíng other than theír part ín partícípatíon
ín íettíng thís happen. For those who ran from the scene to change theír attíre to
híde the fact that they were there, shouíd be |udged as cowards.
If our hístory books and records are ever truíy corrected about that day ít wííí show
thís and maybe even some íame excuse as to why ít happened, but I truíy don't
beííeve ít wííí from what I now know to be the truth.
Even íf I tríed to expíaín ít to you the way ít was expíaíned to me, and the
rídícuíous reason for havíng out own poííce departments faísífy reports to theír
feííow offícers, to the cítízens of the cíty and to our country, you wouíd understand
why I feeí the way I do about aíí of thís.
I beííeve that a íot of the probíems the offícers are havíng ríght now are because
some of them know what reaííy happened and can't deaí wíth ít, and others ííke
myseíf made the místake of trustíng the one person we were supposed to be abíe
to turn to (Chapíaín Poe) oníy to be stabbed ín the back.
I am sad to say that I beííeve my days as a poííce offícer are numbered because of
aíí of thís..
Shortíy after the bombíng, Yeakey appeared at hís ex-wífe's. "About two weeks
before hís death, he'd come ínto my home at strange tímes," saíd Rívera, "two-
thírty ín the morníng, four ín the morníng, unannounced - tryíng to gíve me íífe
ínsurance poíícíes.. He kept teíííng me we needed to get remarríed ímmedíateíy,
or me and the gírís wouíd not be taken care of.
"I mean, why wouíd a guy teíí you to take a íífe ínsurance poíícy, knowíng damn
weíí ít wouídn't pay for a suícíde? He obvíousíy knew he was ín danger."
Yet Offícer Terrance Yeakey was not the type of person to easííy show hís feeííngs.
He dídn't want to teíí hís famííy anythíng that míght get them hurt.
"He toíd me enough to íet me know that ít was not what they were makíng ít out to
be," saíd Rívera, "and that he was dísgusted and dídn't want any part of ít, but he
never went ínto detaíí.. It scared me."
|941|
Wíthín days of the bombíng, accordíng to a sympathetíc government source who
has spoken to Rívera, Yeakey began receívíng death threats. He was at hís ex-
wífe's apartment when the caíís came. Afraíd for hís famííy, he got up and íeft.
"When he came to my apartment two weeks príor, tryíng to gíve me these
ínsurance poíícíes," saíd Rívera, "he sat on my íívíng room couch and críed and toíd
me how he had a fíght wíth |hís supervísors| Lt. Randaíí and Ma|. Upchurch. He díd
not teíí me what that entaííed, but he was scared - he was cryíng so badíy he was
shakíng.
287
"He wouídn't totaííy voíce whatever ít was," recaííed Rívera. "It was ííke he'd be
|ust about to teíí me - he'd want to spííí hís guts - and then he stopped, and he
|ust críed. And that's when he kept ínsístíng that I take the ínsurance poíícy."
Aíthough Yeakey was concerned for hís famííy, the marríage was not wíthout
abuse. Rívera had fííed a VPO (Víctím's Protectíve Order) agaínst hím sííghtíy over
two years ago. In a fít of temper, Yeakey had once threatened to take hís íífe and
those of hís wífe and chíídren.
"I thínk ít was saíd ín the haste of, weíí, he's goíng to kííí aíí of us kínd of thíng -
cop under pressure," saíd Rívera. But that was over a year and-a-haíf ago. Yeakey
had spent consíderabíe tíme wíth hís wífe and chíídren sínce then, takíng them on
famííy outíngs and so forth.
Nevertheíess, the Okíahoma Cíty Poííce Department (OCPD) attempted to use the
íncídent to cíaím that Yeakey was suícídaí. It was on the day of hís death, around
1:30 p.m., that they caííed Rívera, tryíng to get her to fííe a VPO Víoíatíon based on
the two-year-oíd report. "They wanted me to come down and make some
statements agaínst hím," Rívera saíd.
On the same afternoon, ín-between messages on hís answeríng machíne from hís
síster, Víckí |ones and hís supervísor Lt. |o Ann Randaíí, Yeakey had a message
from Tonía. "The message was ííke at 5:30 ín the afternoon," recaííed Rívera. "I
sound ííke I'm whísperíng, and I'm apoíogízíng for wakíng hím up - at 5:30 ín the
afternoon - on Wednesday."
It seems the íntent behínd thís cíeveríy-crafted deceptíon was to convínce the
famííy and potentíaí ínvestígators that Rívera was an "evíí person," who was
síeepíng wíth hím the níght before, but "went down and fííed a VPO the next day."
"That tape was píanted," saíd Rívera. "I never caííed hís house."
It seemed the OCPD was píayíng an eíaborate game to sow confusíon and místrust,
and create the appearance that Rívera was responsíbíe for her ex-husband's
death.
"So ít comes out ín paper after paper how he's havíng probíems wíth hís ex-wífe,
how he's not aííowed to see hís chíídren.. "They're tryíng to píay up the story of
the bítch-ass wífe whose tryíng to get hím fíred.."
Yet Rívera cíaímed she never fííed a VPO víoíatíon. "The OCPD wanted to fííe one,"
saíd Rívera. "But I never sígned ít." Rívera cíaímed she had gone to the poííce
statíon, but símpíy out of concern for her ex-husband, who had been actíng
strangeíy.
288
"Nobody ever saíd, 'Mrs. Yeakey, Terry's míssíng. Do you know anypíace he míght
have gone to? They never toíd me that they weren't abíe to íocate hím, that they
were concerned, you know - nothíng. I never knew he was míssíng."
If Offícer Yeakey's death was anythíng more than a suícíde, the OCPD dídn't go to
any great íengths to fínd out. Whííe hís death occurred ín Eí Reno, the OCPD took
over the críme scene, squeezíng the Eí Reno Poííce Department out of the pícture.
The OCPD's Medía Reíatíons offícer, Cpt. Ted Caríton, expíaíned, "It was our poííce
offícer who was kíííed. It's not uncommon |to take over the ínvestígatíon| ín the
case of a smaííer poííce agency."
|942|
Aíthough forensícs are aíso standard procedure ín the event of a víoíent or
suspícíous death, especíaííy that of a poííce offícer, Yeakey's car was never dusted
for prínts. "And the next day, they gave us the damn car!" saíd Mrs. |arrahí. "It was
fuíí of bíood."
When Yeakey's Brother-ín-Law, Gíenn |ones, ínspected the dead man's car, he
díscovered a bíoody knífe stashed underneath the gíove compartment. Yet
accordíng to the respondíng offícer, Yeakey had apparentíy used a razor bíade.
Where díd the knífe come from? Sínce no forensíc ínvestígatíon was conducted,
thís remaíns uncíear.
No autopsy was ever conducted.
"There were common sense thíngs that were wrong about the whoíe thíng, that
makes ít so weírd," added Mrs. |arrahí. "It |ust doesn't seem ríght. Why wouíd
poíícemen and the authorítíes make such common místakes that wouíd íeave
questíons? It's |ust reaííy weírd."
If Yeakey's death was a suícíde, he íeft no note. Aíthough he was upset over hís
dívorce, accordíng to the famííy, he was not suícídaí. It ís aíso unííkeíy that he
abused drugs, as he was an ínstructor at DARE, a program desígned to keep
chíídren off drugs.
Former Canadían County Sheríff Cíínt Boehíer, who cíaíms to have known Yeakey,
doesn't concur wíth thís anaíysís. Boehíer saíd that Yeakey showed up at hís house
ín Eí Reno on the afternoon of hís death, hís car stopped at an angíe ín the míddíe
of the road. When Boehíer and hís gírífríend Kate Aííen, a paramedíc, ran outsíde,
they found the poííce offícer vírtuaííy passed out.
"He couídn't teíí us hís name ínítíaííy," saíd Aííen. "He was ííí, and he was very
anxíous. Hís heart rate was rapíd; he was sweaty.. He toíd us he had been havíng
concentratíon probíems, he hadn't síept. He had aíí the appearances, my fírst
guess wouíd be, of someone who was havíng emotíonaí probíems. And my second
guess wouíd be, of some kínd of substance abuse probíem. But that's a pure
guess."
289
Boehíer added that Yeakey saíd he hadn't eaten, and was "throwíng up, takíng
medícatíon, and íncoherent. "He was takíng medícatíons for hís back," saíd
Boehíer. "He had four or fíve medícatíons ín the car."
Boehíer and Aííen dídn't know that Yeakey had Síckíe-Ceíí Anemía - a bíood-sugar-
reíated condítíon that caused seízures. It was these seízures, Rívera expíaíned,
that wouíd occasíonaííy cause her ex-husband to act "out-of-sorts," or even to sííp
ínto unconscíousness.
In spíte of hís medícaí condítíon, Rívera ínsísted that Terrance Yeakey was a heaíth
fanatíc. The prescríptíons were for hís condítíon, she saíd, but he used oníy the
mínímum amounts.
Accordíng to Canadían County Sheríff Deputy Míke Ramsey (no reíatíon to OCPD
Offícer |ím Ramsey), who drove Yeakey home, Yeakey was not suícídaí. "He dídn't
gíve me any índícatíons that he was out to do harm to hímseíf," saíd Ramsey. "He
seemed more dísoríented, tíred."
|943|
There are many thíngs about Offícer Yeakey's death that remaín a mystery. Whííe
Boehíer descríbed a man on drugs, the Medícaí Examíner cíaíms they dídn't bother
to conduct a drug test because ít "costs too much."
|944|
The ME's fíeíd ínvestígator, |effrey Legg, aíso reported that Yeakey "had been
drínkíng heavííy" the day before, based on statements made by OCPD Homícíde
Detectíves Dícus and Muííínex. Yet Terrance Yeakey dídn't drínk, and theír own
report concíuded that there was no aícohoí ín the body at the tíme of death.
|945|
Canadían County Sheríffs díscovered the abandoned car, fíííed wíth bíood, about
two and-a-haíf mííes from the oíd Eí Reno reformatory. The OCPD was notífíed, and
Poííce Chíef Sam Gonazíes fíew out by chopper. Usíng dogs, they foííowed a traíí of
bíood, and found the body ín a dítch, about a mííe and-a-haíf from the car. (Legg
reported the body was 1/2 mííe south of the car, when ín fact ít was 1 1/2 mííes
north-east of the car.)
Apparentíy Yeakey had tríed to cut hímseíf ín the wrísts, neck, and throat, then,
after íosíng approxímateíy two pínts of bíood, got out of hís car (contentíousíy
rememberíng to íock the doors), waíked a mííe and-a-haíf over rough terraín,
crawíed under a barbed-wíre fence, waded through a cuívert, then íay down ín a
dítch and shot hímseíf ín the head.
|946|
As ís thís weren't strange enough, Yeakey's díet-reíated condítíon wouíd have
made hím too weak to waík the mííe and-a-haíf from hís car to where hís body was
found - especíaííy after íosíng two to three pínts of bíood.
Nevertheíess, the OCPD ruíed ít a suícíde on the spot. Theír ínvestígatíon remaíned
seaíed. Thís reporter was unabíe to obtaín ít, and not even the famííy was aííowed
to see ít.
290
"There were so many thíngs that were weírd," saíd Mrs. |arrahí. "My daughter kept
goíng back to the Poííce Department. She saíd, 'Weíí what about thís. we knew he
had a camcorder, we knew he had a bríefcase.'
"These are thíngs we never got back. The kíd aíways carríed camera and fíím. |He|
never went anywhere wíthout hís camera and bríefcase. He had aíí hís ímportant
papers ín there.. We got the camera back. We never got the fíím back. We never
got the bríefcase. They saíd they never saw ít.."
In regards to Yeakey's vídeos, Detectíve Muííínex, who "ínvestígated" the case for
the OCPD, toíd Víckí |ones, "I reaííy don't thínk you'íí want to see those; they
contaín pornography." |ones dídn't beííeve hím and dídn't care. "I want those
tapes!" she demanded.
The Homícíde detectíve fínaííy toíd her she'd get them back after they had
"examíned the evídence."
"One mínute the guy wouíd say he had them," saíd |ones, "the next mínute he'd
say 'we don't have anythíng..'"
Accordíng to |ones, Muííínex then saíd, "Now, we aíí íoved Terry. I hope you
understand that, but I'm not goíng to íet you see any píctures. And I don't know
anythíng about a bríefcase, but íf there's anythíng back there, I'íí gíve you a caíí,
and you can come back and get them."
"And I |ust sat there and íooked at hím, and saíd to myseíf, 'You're doíng a great
performance, but ít's not workíng..' Then he got reaííy uptíght and saíd, 'Weíí,
some of us hated Terry.' |Then| he kínd of grabbed hís face and saíd 'oh shít.'"
For hís part, Muííínex had "no comment eíther way." He then toíd me, "I don't
remember what I saíd to the íady, but I certaíníy was not rude to her.. Thís comes
as a bíg shock to me, because he was a poííce offícer and a fríend of míne. It was a
hard thíng and hurt me to have to work ít."
Cpt. Caríton ííkewíse feígned shock at |ones' rebuffs, and saíd he wouíd have to
know who the offícer was who made those statements. He then asked me to have
the famííy contact the OCPD dírectíy (as though they hadn't aíready done so
numerous tímes), and he wouíd meet wíth them and díscuss the case, but that Cpt.
Danny Cockran, Chíef of the Homícíde Squad, wouíd have to make the decísíon
about whether or not to íet the famííy see the fííes.
Yet Caríton's statements fíy ín the face of the experíences of not oníy Yeakey's
mother and síster, but those of hís ex-wífe. In a íetter to Poííce Chíef Sam Gonzaíes
dated September 4, 1996, Rívera wrítes:
Needíess to say, I have many questíons regardíng the ínvestígatíon. What type of
weapon was used to ínfííct the gunshot wound to hís head? Who íocated the body?
291
How couíd the cause of death be determíned wíth such confídence wíth the
muítítude of ín|uríes to hís body and how díd he waík the dístance índícated ín
)eo*le magazíne wíth the great íoss of bíood from razor cuts not oníy to both
wrísts, but both hís forearms as weíí as two razor cuts to hís neck? Not oníy díd he
waík thís dístance, but he struggíed wíth bobwíre fencíng to reach hís chosen
destínatíon to díe then ínfíícted the gunshot wound to hímseíf? I request that a
copy of the ínvestígatíve report of hís death be made avaííabíe to me.
Gonzaíes dídn't respond.
Poííce offícíaís eventuaííy responded to Víckí |ones' compíaínts by teíííng her she
needed to see a psychíatríst. "They saíd, 'We're |ust tryíng to protect you.'"
Exactíy what were they tryíng to protect her from? When I caííed Mrs. |arrahí, the
teíítaíe sígns of a tapped phone were cíearíy present. If Terrance Yeakey's death
was a símpíe suícíde, why wouíd íaw-enforcement agencíes be tappíng the famííy's
phones?
The OCPD soon began conductíng surveíííance on the dead man's famííy.
"There was aíways an offícer out there ín front of our apartment," saíd |ones.
Anywhere we went, we had an offícer or someone ín a marked car foííowíng us
around. It started ríght after I started goíng to the Poííce Department quíte a bít."
They aíso taííed Rívera. When she confronted the offícers, they ígnored her, híd
theír faces, or sped off. Cars were parked outsíde her chíídrens' schooí. When she
spoke to schooí offícíaís about the surveíííance one afternoon, she went to work
startíed to fínd the conversatíon on her offíce answeríng machíne! Rívera had
spoken to the schooí príncípaí ín person. How díd the conversatíon wínd up on her
answeríng machíne?
|947|
The harassment agaínst Offícer Yeakey's famííy wasn't íímíted to mere
surveíííance. After Rívera met wíth State Representatíve Charíes Key, her car was
broken ínto. Her house was broken ínto twíce.
She fínaííy moved to Eníd when the heat became too hot. "I ííved ín an apartment
on the thírd fíoor wíth a securíty aíarm ín ít," saíd Rívera. "I'd come home and the
aíarm wouíd be off. I'd notíce thíngs out of píace. There'd be cabínets open that I'd
have no reason to have opened."
About two weeks after Terry's death, Rívera went downstaírs around 6:30 one
morníng to do some íaundry, "and there was a man downstaírs wíth huge
headphones on, at 6:30 ín the morníng, ríght behínd my apartment.."
The índívíduaí, who was wearíng a |oggíng suít - wasn't |oggíng, and was not
doíng íaundry. "He íooked startíed when I came around the corner," saíd Rívera. "I
came back down at 8:30 and the guy was stííí there."
292
It appears that what Rívera was descríbíng was an audío technícían wíth a
"Shotgun Míc," a portabíe surveíííance tooí desígned to píck up conversatíons
through wíndows and across fíeíds. They are commoníy used by prívate detectíves
and íaw-enforcement agencíes.
One day Rívera came home to fínd her front door open and off íts hínges. When
the fríghtened síngíe mother waíked ínto her bedroom, she found a baííoon tíed to
her door. It read: "Get weíí soon. Thís wííí keep you busy untíí you do."
|948|
It seems the OCPD and the FBI thought that Offícer Yeakey had passed off some
íncrímínatíng documents concerníng the bombíng cover-up to hís ex-wífe, and
were íntent on obtaíníng the documents.
The surveíííance, break-íns, and thíníy-veííed threats soon escaíated ínto more
seríous íncídents. Ríght before Yeakey's murder, the coupíe's Ford Expíorer began
gettíng mysteríous fíats. "And when I'd roíí ít ínto a shop," saíd Rívera, "they'd puíí
out ííke síx or seven naíís." Thís occurred between eíght and ten tímes, she cíaíms.
Rívera expíaíned that once duríng a quarreí, Terry had removed some fuses from
her car to keep her from íeavíng. The poííce knew about the íncídent, saíd Rívera,
who thought the subsequent events were created by the OCPD to sow místrust and
províde a conveníent traíí of evídence to prove that Yeakey íed a troubíed famííy
íífe. Yet whííe Yeakey admítted to removíng the fuses, he repeatedíy and
adamantíy deníed that he had damaged the car - a car that was regístered ín hís
name and carríed hís cheríshed chíídren to and from schooí.
On Apríí 24, two weeks before he was found dead, the Expíorer began actíng
strangeíy. When Rívera puííed ít ínto the íocaí Aamco Transmíssíon Center, she
found that ít had been tampered wíth. "Somebody who knew what they were doíng
puííed hoses from your car," saíd Todd Tayíor, the chíef mechaníc. "I'm sorry to teíí
thís ma'am, but thís ís not |ust somethíng you can puíí randomíy.." Tayíor aíso
saíd he though Rívera's brakes had been tampered wíth.
|949|
About two weeks before thís story went to press, the Ford's brakes went out
suddeníy whííe Rívera was traveííng at 40 mph. "I went to brake," saíd Rívera, "and
guess what? No brakes!" The íarge 4 X 4 síammed ínto the back of smaííer car,
damagíng ít badíy. "The message ís 'we can get to you íf we want to,'" she
concíuded.
Offícer ||ím| Ramsey aíso began makíng hís presence feít. "Aíí of the sudden, when
we moved to Okíahoma Cíty |from Eí Reno|," saíd |ones, "there was Ramsey. When
we |oíned a new church, Ramsey was there. Ramsey was everywhere. You turn the
corner, there was Ramsey.. Everythíng we díd, he was ííke the heípfuí oíd guy.
Thís went on for two months."
293
"He was keepíng tabs on everyone," added Rívera. "He was showíng up ín a íot of
píaces. |ust casuaííy, ín fact, píaces where he knew that peopíe knew me |ust as
weíí as they knew Terry, and weren't buyíng ínto the 'ít's Tonía's fauít' routíne.
"|Ramsey| tríed to cíaím ít was hís ex-wífe and íove for hís chíídren he couídn't see
that made hím commít suícíde," she added. He wouíd taík to her fríends. "'How's
she takíng ít? What does she thínk, bíah, bíah, bíah.'"
Both Rívera and |ones feeí the OCPD offícer was sent to "baby-sít" them - to
maíntaín an ever-present watchfuí eye. "|When he showed up|," |ones saíd, "I
íooked at hím and saíd, that ís not a fríend of Terry's. He was never at the house. I
never met hím before."
Ramsey, who toíd )eo*le magazíne that Yeakey was hís "dear fríend," aíso toíd the
press that he was Terry's partner.
"That was a ííe," decíared |ones.
Rívera concurred. The ex-wífe saíd that not oníy was Ramsey neer Yeakey's
partner, but that the two men dídn't even get aíong. "Terry hated |ím Ramsey,"
saíd Rívera. "He put on a reaí good performance," she added. "He's hídíng
somethíng, I beííeve.. It burns me up."
|950|
For hís performance, Ramsey was promoted to Detectíve, and made "Offícer of the
Year."
If Terrance Yeakey díd have many fríends ín the Poííce Department, they were
among the beat patroímen, not the upper echeíon. Whííe Detectíve Muííínex saíd
everybody "íoved Terry," accordíng to Rívera, the brass "hated hís guts." "Hím and
|Ma|.| Upchurch had a hate-hate reíatíonshíp," she saíd.
For hís part, Muííínex cíaíms he was "totaííy unaware" of any probíems Yeakey was
havíng ín regards to what he knew about the bombíng. "It ís my opíníon as a
fourteen-year homícíde veteran that ít was a suícíde," saíd Muííínex.. If we
thought ít was anythíng |other than a suícíde| we wouíd have pursued ít to the
ends of the earth. We're not hídíng anythíng."
|951|
Reaííy?
Accordíng to Rívera, three government sources, íncíudíng a U.S. Attorney and a
U.S. Marshaí, hoíd a sííghtíy dífferent víew. As reíayed by Rívera, the events on the
morníng of Offícer Yeakey's death transpíred as foííows:
At 9:00 a.m., Offícer Yeakey was seen exítíng hís Okíahoma Cíty apartment wíth
níne boxes of vídeos and fííes. He then drove to the poííce statíon where he had a
fíght wíth hís supervísors.
294
He was toíd to "drop ít" or he'd "wínd up dead."
Yeakey was aíso due for a meetíng wíth the heads of severaí federaí agencíes that
morníng. He apparentíy decíded to skíp the meetíngs, ínstead, drívíng straíght to a
storage íocker he maíntaíned ín Kíngfísher.
What he dídn't reaííze was that the FBI had hím under surveíííance, and began
pursuít. The síx-year OCPD veteran and former Sheríff's Deputy easííy eíuded hís
pursuers. Once at hís storage facíííty, he secured hís fííes.
What were ín the fííes? Accordíng to one of Rívera's sources, íncrímínatíng photos
and vídeos of the bombed-out buíídíng. Perhaps more.
On the way back, the feds caught up wíth hím |ust outsíde of Eí Reno. "He had
nothíng on hím," at that poínt, saíd Rívera, "|ust copíes of copíes."
Whííe ít ís not known exactíy what transpíred next, Rívera's confídentíaí source
"descríbed ín íntímate detaíí," the state of the dead man's car. The seats had been
compíeteíy unboíted, the fíoor-boards rípped up, and the síde paneís removed, aíí
ín an apparent effort to fínd the íncrímínatíng documents.
There were aíso burn marks on the fíoor. Apparentíy, the kíííers had used Yeakey's
car to destroy what ííttíe evídence they had díscovered.
|952|
At approxímateíy 6:00 p.m. that eveníng, Canadían County Deputy Sheríff Míke
Ramsey was cruísíng the area near the oíd Eí Reno reformatory when he notíced
an abandoned vehícíe ín a fíeíd. "Immedíateíy |the| haír stood up on the back of
my neck," saíd the deputy. Ramsey came upon the empty car whích he
ímmedíateíy recognízed as Yeakey's. There was bíood on both seats, and a razor
bíade íyíng on the dash. Yeakey was nowhere to be found.
The deputy ímmedíateíy caííed for a homícíde ínvestígator, and taped off the
scene. It wasn't untíí severaí hours íater that poííce dogs fínaííy íocated Yeakey's
body ín a dítch, a mííe and-a-haíf away.
|953|
Whííe ít was a macabre scene, the Okíahoma Cíty Medícaí Examíner's report was
even more gruesome. The report reíeased from the Medícaí Examíner descríbed
numerous "superfícíaí" íaceratíons on the wrísts, arms, throat, and neck, and a
síngíe buííet wound to the ríght tempíe.
The report aíso showed another curíous thíng. The buííet had entered |ust above
and ín front of the ríght ear, and had exíted towards the bottom of the íeft ear.
Apparentíy, whoever heíd the gun heíd ít at a downward angíe. A person shootíng
themseíf wouíd tend to hoíd the gun at an upward angíe, or at the most, íeveí. It
wouíd rather díffícuít for a íarge, muscíe-bound man ííke Yeakey to hoíd a heavy
servíce revoíver or other íarge caííber weapon at a downward angíe to hís head.
(See Appendíx)
295
Whííe ít ís true that a síug can aíter íts tra|ectory once ínsíde the skuíí, a
pathoíogíst ín the San Francísco Medícaí Examíner's offíce toíd me that a 9mm or
other íarge caííber weapon - the type commoníy used by poííce offícers - usuaííy
tends to traveí ín a straíght ííne.
But perhaps the most reveaííng evídence was that the wound díd not have a
"Steííat," the teíí-taíe star shape caused by the díssípatíng gases from the gun's
muzzíe. At the cíose range of a suícíde weapon, such markíngs wouíd cíearíy be
present, uníess of course. the shooter used a sííencer.
|954|
Whííe Dr. Larry Baídíng, Okíahoma Cíty's Chíef Medícaí Examíner, quíckíy ruíed the
death a "suícíde," another Medícaí Examíner's report wouíd, accordíng to Rívera,
surface ííke an eeríe, prescíent message from the grave. Thís other report, quíckíy
redacted and hídden from pubííc víew, showed a face that was bruísed and
swoííen; bíood on the body and cíothes that was not the dead man's bíood type;
and muítípíe dee* íaceratíons fíííed wíth grass and dírt, as though the body had
been dragged a dístance.
Yet accordíng to Rívera, Ma|. Upchurch deníed that Yeakey's throat was síashed at
all. She was íater toíd by a sympathetíc poííce díspatcher that hís throat was
índeed síashed - deepíy.
Dr. Larry Baídíng, who sígned off on the Yeakey report, ís adamant. "I can teíí you
unequívocaííy and wíthout a doubt that there was no other ME report."
Yet whííe attendíng a socíaí functíon, Rívera cíaíms her síster had a chance
encounter wíth the mortícían who worked on Yeakey's body. She was díscussíng
the strange ínconsístencíes of hís death wíth someone at the party, when the
mortícían, not knowíng the woman was Rívera's síster, spoke up. "That sounds |ust
ííke a poííce offícer we worked on ín Okíahoma Cíty," he saíd. When asked íf that
man happened to be Terrance Yeakey, the mortícían "freaked."
When pressed, he toíd the shocked reíatíve that the dead man's wrísts contaíned
ro*e +urns and handcuff marks. A former FBI agent and poííce offícer, the
mortícían saíd that Yeakey's íaceratíons were aíready sewn up when the body
arríved from the Medícaí Examíner's offíce. Dr. Baídíng's response to thís was that
the marks were mereíy "skín sííppage," resuítíng from the naturaí decomposítíon of
the body.
Yet stranger stííí, the body was not supposed to go to thís partícuíar funeraí home
at aíí, but to one ín Watonga. Whííe the OCPD was supposed to pay the expenses
of the funeraí, no funds were ever aííocated, accordíng to Rívera. "Víckí had to pay
off the buríaí to Russ Worm |Funeraí Home|. So I wonder íf we paíd somebody off
to do the |ob."
|955|
Was that |ob to cíean up Yeakey so that hís manner of death wouídn't appear
suspícíous?
296
Thís íncídent ís símííar to the murder of Presídent Kennedy, whose body was taken
to Bethesda Navaí Hospítaí ínstead of beíng examíned by the Daíías Medícaí
Examíner as ís standard procedure. Once there, mííítary pathoíogísts and those
controíííng them were abíe to skew theír fíndíngs to the satísfactíon of the
murderers. The chíef pathoíogíst burned hís notes, and years íater, when
researchers went to examíne Kennedy's braín, ít was found míssíng from the
Natíonaí Archíves.
Apparentíy, Terrance Yeakey's murderers and those coveríng up his death had not
counted on thís partícuíar mortícían's testímony.
Was Terrance Yeakey tortured? Was he murdered, then made to íook ííke a
suícíde? Díd he know somethíng he wasn't supposed to know, or was he símpíy
despondent over íífe's círcumstances?
Saíd fríend Kímberíy Cruz, "I don't beííeve he wouíd have done somethíng ííke that.
He was aíways happy and |okíng a íot."
Another fríend, Karen Von Tungeín, saíd, "|Terry and I| taíked about a fríend ín hígh
schooí. who had commítted suícíde, and how stupíd and seífísh he was for havíng
done so.. 'I |ust can't understand ít man,' saíd Terry. 'It makes no sense to
me.'"
|956|
If the offícer was bent on takíng hís íífe, ít wouíd appear strange, sínce he had
spent most of the prevíous month takíng entrance exams for the FBI. Yeakey and
best fríend Barry McCrary were íookíng forward to becomíng FBI agents. Perhaps íf
he had known the roíe that the FBI píayed ín the bombíng, perhaps even ín hís own
death, he wouíd have changed careers.
Líke Dr. Don Chumíey, Terrance Yeakey was one of the fírst rescuers ín the Murrah
Buíídíng on Apríí 19. Had he seen somethíng he wasn't supposed to see? Had he
heard somethíng he wasn't supposed to hear?
One afternoon, whííe the famííy was at Poííce Headquarters, an offícer who Rívera
descríbed as Yeakey's "oníy true fríend," puííed them off to the síde, and whíspered
"They kíííed hím."
|957|
Líke Terrance Yeakey, the press cíaímed that Dr. Don Chumíey was saddened and
dísturbed that he hadn't heíped more peopíe that terríbíe day. Chumíey, who ran
the Broadway Medícaí Cííníc about haíf a mííe from the Federaí Buíídíng, was one
of the fírst to arríve at the bombíng síte on Apríí 19. Shaun |ones, Chumíey's step-
son, was assístíng hím. |ones recaííed the scene:
"They had sent us around to the underground parkíng garage, where some peopíe
were trapped. Suddeníy, three guys come runníng out of the basement yeíííng,
'There's a bomb! A bomb! It's gonna' bíow!' Everybody panícked and ran
screamíng away from the buíídíng as fast as they couíd."
297
Chumíey, who was workíng wíth Dr. Ross Harrís, was one of the few doctors who
actuaííy went ínto the Federaí Buíídíng, whííe the others waíted outsíde. He had
heíped many peopíe, íncíudíng seven babíes, whom he íater pronounced dead.
Chumíey was kíííed fíve months íater when hís Cessna 210 crashed near Amarííío,
Texas ín what |ones caíís "mysteríous círcumstances."
"It's a pretty mysteríous círcumstance," saíd |ones. "There's no apparent reason -
there's nothíng we can thínk of."
|ones added that Chumíey had been ín a mínor wreck duríng a íandíng a year
earííer when hís píane became trapped ín a vortex caused by a íarge |et íandíng
nearby. The smaíí píane was forced ínto a snow bank causíng some damage to íts
íeft wíng típ. The damage had been repaíred.
Wouíd thís contradíct |ones' hypothesís?
"Weíí, from taíkíng to pííots I that know, they say that can't cause a píane to crash.
I mean, as good a pííot as he ís, that's not goíng to cause hís píane to go straíght
down ínto the ground.
Another pííot saíd, 'that's |ust ííke a car that's out of aíígnment - ít happens aíí the
tíme - ít's |ust somethíng you íearn to fíy wíth.' The píane had been fíown severaí
tímes sínce that."
Accordíng to reports ín The "aily Oklahoman, Chumíey, who was on a huntíng tríp
that weekend, had twíce íanded earííer - on Fríday, due to bad weather
condítíons. The crash occurred three days íater, on a Monday.
"The thíng that's odd to me ís that Don was perfectíy heaíthy," saíd |ones. "He was
taíkíng to the tower, and from one mínute to the next he |ust went straíght smack
down ínto the ground."
|958|
Investígators saíd they couíd fínd no evídence of an expíosíon at the macabre
scene. Chumíey's throttíe was stííí set at cruíse, and hís gear and fíaps were up.
The FAA ínspector stated there were "no anomaííes wíth the engíne or the
aírframe," and "pathoíogícaí examínatíon of the pííot díd not show any preexístíng
condítíon that couíd have contríbuted to the accídent."
|959|
"To me ít's unusuaí because I know he was a good pííot," added |ones. "Everythíng
was fíne, he was ín the aír for 15 mínutes, he was cíímbíng, he had |ust asked
permíssíon to go from síx to seven thousand feet. They tracked hím on the screen
at 6,900 feet, and the radar technícían saíd he saw hím on the radar, then he
íooked back and he was gone, and the píane came straíght, straíght down. I mean,
no attempt to íand. nothíng, |ust straíght down."
Chumíey's huntíng partner |oey Chíef saíd ín an íntervíew ín The "aily Oklahoman7
298
"He was the kínd of guy who díd everythíng ríght, aíways. He was very cautíous,
very professíonaí," Chíef saíd, addíng |that| Chumíey's píane was equípped wíth
extra safety ínstruments.
Míke Evett, a Federaí Pubííc Defender, had known Don Chumíey for over twenty
years. "I wouíd never get ínto an aírpíane wíth anybody I dídn't know," saíd Evett,
"and I wouíd never be afraíd to fíy wíth Don. For the íífe of me, thís doesn't sít ríght
wíth me."
|960|
Yet Cíínt Boehíer, a former FAA ínspector, díscounts that notíon. "That was an
accídent waítíng to happen," saíd Boehíer. "He dídn't have an ínstrument ratíng,
and he went out ínto adverse condítíons. One of the cíassíc symptoms of what's
caííed staíí-spín accídents, ís peopíe who are ín íímíted vísíbíííty or fuíí IFR, meaníng
they can't see the propeííer ín front of theír face. And, they're not current or
traíned or ín some way up to speed on theír operatíon. And they'íí get ínto some
partícuíar mode of fííght, partícuíaríy a cíímb, and theír body and mínd teíís them
theír not doíng what theír ínstruments say they're doíng, and they tend to react to
that. And the resuíts ís sometíme they staíí the aírpíane, and not necessarííy spín
ít, but what ít then does ís ít roíís over to one síde and begíns a very tíght, steep
spíraí that ís gaíníng speed aíí the way down. And íf they ever do come out of the
cíouds or obscuratíon or whatever ít ís, often they see the ground at íow aítítude
and they puíí back on the wheeí and overstress the aírpíane as ít híts the ground.
And thís ís not an uncommon thíng. Its caííed spatíaí dísoríentatíon foííowed by the
graveyard spíraí. And I can cíte numerous exampíes of that. There was a íocaí doc
here went out west some tíme ago - went out ín a 210 - and had the same
scenarío exactíy."
|961|
Yet Boehíer ís íncorrect. The doctor díd ín fact have an ínstrument ratíng, and was
an experíenced pííot, havíng íogged over 600 hours of fíyíng tíme.
Díd Dr. Don Chumíey crash on the eveníng of September 25th due to bad weather?
Díd he commít suícíde due to hís gríef over what he saw on the morníng of Apríí
19th. Or was Don Chumíey murdered?
The "aily Oklahoman artícíe descríbed how he had críed ín front of hís fríend |ím
Tayíor on the day of the bombíng, after taggíng seven babíes, and was not
satísfíed he had done aíí he couíd, even after heípíng to organíze a fund-raíser for
the víctíms.
It was aíso rumored that Chumíey was about to go pubííc wíth some damníng
ínformatíon. Accordíng to a íocaí |ournaííst who has ínvestígated the bombíng,
Chumíey was asked to bandage two federaí agents who faíseíy cíaímed to have
been trapped ín the buíídíng morníng. Sínce the paír was obvíousíy not hurt,
Chumíey refused. When the agents petítíoned another doctor at the scene,
Chumíey íntervened, threateníng to report them.
299
Chumíey's crash ís remíníscent of that of Dr. Ronaíd Rogers, whose píane went
down on March 3, 1994 near Lawson, Okíahoma ín good weather. Cíínton's former
dentíst, Rogers was on hís way to be íntervíewed by Ambrose Evans-Prítchard of
the 3ondon Sunday Tele%ra*h, where he íntended to reveaí evídence of Cíínton's
aííeged cocaíne use.
He never made ít.
Líke Rogers, Hersheí Fríday, a "top-notch pííot," díed ín the crash of hís smaíí píane
oníy two days earííer duríng a ííght drízzíe at hís prívate aírstríp. Fríday had been a
member of Cíínton's presídentíaí campaígn fínance commíttee, and was a cíose
assocíate of C. Víctor Raíser, another member of Cíínton's presídentíaí campaígn,
who díed ín a suspícíous píane crash two years earííer.
|962|
In fact, the ííst of those who had potentíaííy damníng evídence on everythíng from
the Kennedy assassínatíon to Cíínton's ímpropríetíes ís a íong one and sordíd one,
stretchíng to hundreds of names and spanníng at íeast three decades.
A few years after the Kennedy assassínatíon, a dísgruntíed CIA offícíaí was on hís
way to Chícago to ínform a |ournaííst of the CIA's compíícíty ín the murder. Hís
píane expíoded and feíí ínto Lake Míchígan.
Another weíí-known crash was that of Gary Caradorí, a prívate ínvestígator who
was hot on the traíí of a pedíophííe ríng beíng run by Larry Kíng and other
promínent busínessmen and poíítícíans ín Omaha, Nebraska.
Caradorí and hís eíght-year-oíd son Andrew díed when theír píane crashed ín |uíy of
1990. Caradorí radíoed that hís compass was swíngíng wíídíy |ust before he went
down. Moments íater, the píane went ínto a steep díve from whích ít never
recovered.
|963|
What ís ínterestíng ís that oníy severaí days earííer, the courageous ínvestígator
had ínformed a fríend that he had obtaíned evídence whích threatened to break
the case wíde open. Among those ímpíícated ín the chííd pornography ríng was
none other than George Bush.
Líke Caradorí, Rogers, and numerous other whístíe-bíowers, Don Chumíey had
evídentíy íearned of the government's hastííy píanned cover-up surroundíng the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng.
Had he, ííke so many others, made the fatefuí decísíon to go pubííc?
Gíenn Wííburn, who íost hís grandsons Chase and Coíton ín the bombíng, was one
of the very fírst to go pubííc. A staunch opponent of the government's case,
Wííburn had teamed up wíth reporter |.D. Cash and State Representatíve Charíes
Key to ínvestígate the críme.
300
Key and Wííburn petítíoned for the County Grand |ury ínvestígatíon. Wííburn
worked tíreíessíy to ínvestígate the truth about what reaííy happened that fatefuí
morníng, and hís evídence was províng more and more embarrassíng to
authorítíes.
About a year after he began hís ínvestígatíon, Wííburn, 46, came down wíth a
sudden case of pancreatíc cancer. Inítíaííy recoveríng after surgery, he díed on |uíy
15, 1997, the day after the County Grand |ury whích he convened began hearíng
evídence.
Three weeks íater, on August 5, Assístant U.S. Attorney Ted Ríchardson was found
ín a church parkíng íot wíth a shotgun wound to the chest. The Medícaí Examíner's
report stated: "No powder resídue ís apparent, eíther on the externaí aspect of the
wound or ín the shírt." An ínterestíng observatíon consíderíng Ríchardson had
aííegedíy pushed a shotgun up to hís chest and puííed the trígger.
|964|
The death was ruíed a "suícíde."
|965|
Yet the círcumstances seemed to concur. Ríchardson had been depressed. He had
been seeíng a psychíatríst and was on Prozac. He once toíd a huntíng buddy he
"feít ííke endíng ít aíí."
|966|
One sunny morníng, Ríchardson rose, fed hís two dogs, got ín hís car, drove to a
church near hís house, puííed out a shotgun and shot hímseíf through the heart.
He íeft no note.
Was Ted Ríchardson depressed enough to kííí hímseíf? And íf so, why? The 49-year-
oíd father of two had a happy marríage, and adored hís 8-year-oíd son.
The two weeks he took off of work due to unexpíaíned "pressures" may províde a
cíue. Ríchardson was the bombíng and arson specíaííst for the Western Dístríct of
Okíahoma. He was ínexpíícabíy transferred to the bank robbery detaíí after the
bombíng - an area ín whích he had no expertíse. As hís brother Dan expíaíned,
"Ted shouíd have gotten the bombíng case."
|967|*
Instead, the case was gíven to |oseph Hartzíer.
Fríends descríbed Ríchardson as "one of the few good guys," and a man wíth a
"strong sense of conscíous."
|968|
It ís uncertaín íf the same can be saíd of Hartzíer.
Gíven the Federaí Government's conduct ín thís case, such íabeís míght tend to
render a man such as Ríchardson a píranha.
Interestíngíy, Ríchardson was the U.S. Attorney who prosecuted Sam Khaííd ín
1990 for ínsurance fraud. It was rumored that he was íookíng ínto Khaííd's
suspícíous actívítíes subsequent to the bombíng, and was about to bríng charges.
301
He decíded to kííí hímseíf ínstead.
Is ít a coíncídence these índívíduaís, who had wítnessed events on Apríí 19, or had
been vocaí opponents of the government's case, had díed?
"Out of roughíy 5,000 of us who were orígínaííy ínvoíved ín Iran-Contra," saíd Aí
Martín, "approxímateíy 400, sínce 1986, have commítted suícíde, díed accídentaííy
or díed of naturaí causes. In over haíf those deaths, offícíaí death certífícates were
never íssued. In 187 círcumstances, the bodíes were cremated before the famíííes
were notífíed."
|969|
Craíg Roberts and |ohn Armstrong, who ínvestígated a símííar spate of suspícíous
deaths for theír book, JF47 The "ead Witnesses, reveaíed that most of the deaths
peaked ín the months íeadíng up to one of the ínvestígatíons, wíth the deaths often
comíng days or even hours before the person was supposed to testífy.
In the three years foííowíng the Kennedy assassínatíon, 18 materíaí wítnesses
períshed. In the tíme períod íeadíng up to 1979, when the íast of the Kennedy
ínvestígatíons ended, over 100 wítnesses had díed. Interestíngíy, most of the
deaths coíncíded wíth one of the four maín ínvestígatíons: The Warren Commíssíon
(1964-65); the |ím Garríson ínvestígatíon (1965-69); the Senate Commíttee
ínvestígatíon (1974-76); and the House Commíttee on Assassínatíons ínvestígatíon
(1976-79).
Naturaííy, the CIA had an answer for these mysteríous deaths. In a 1967
departmentaí memo, a CIA offícer wrote:
Such vague accusatíons as that more than 10 peopíe have díed mysteríousíy can
aíways be expíaíned ín some ratíonaí way: e.g., the índívíduaís concerned have for
the most part díed of naturaí causes; the |Warren| Commíssíon staff questíoned
418 wítnesses - the FBI íntervíewed far more peopíe, conductíng 25,000
íntervíews and re íntervíews - and ín such a íarge group, a certaín number of
deaths are to be expected.
Yet Roberts and Armstrong correctíy note that íf the CIA were not ínvoíved ín any
of the deaths, why was such a memo díssemínated?
Then, to add further fueí to the fíre, CIA technícíans testífíed before the Senate
Commíttee (Church Commíttee) ín 1975 that a varíety of Termínatíon wíth Extreme
Pre|udíce |TWEP| weapons had been used throughout the years, and many were
chosen because they íeft no postmortem resídue.
In one partícuíar memo, the author states:
You wííí recaíí that I mentíoned that the íocaí círcumstances under whích a gíven
means míght be used míght suggest the techníque to be used ín that case. I thínk
the gross dívísíons ín presentíng thís sub|ect míght be:
302
(1) bodíes íeft wíth no hope of the cause of death beíng determíned by the most
compíete autopsy and chemícaí examínatíon;
(2) bodíes íeft ín such círcumstances as to símuíate accídentaí death;
(3) bodíes íeft ín such círcumstances as to símuíate accídentaí death;
(4) bodíes íeft wíth resídue that símuíate those caused by naturaí death.
Regardíng deaths that couíd be símuíated to appear as "naturaí causes," the
varíous assassínatíon experts wíthín the ínteííígence communítíes of the woríd
knew quíte weíí of the effects of such chemícaí agents as sodíum morphate, whích
caused heart attacks; thyon phosphate, whích ís a soíutíon that can suspend
sodíum morphate and províde a vehícíe to penetrate the surface of the skín wíth
the chemícaí (whích ís used to coat somethíng the víctím míght touch); and
beryíííum, whích ís an extremeíy toxíc eíement that causes cancer and fíbrotíc
tumors.
|970|
As the daughter of a CIA contract agent who worked wíth Oííver North toíd me:
"They eíímínated my father, and I know what they do ín the Agency. I know how
they work as far as the Mafía goes.. They have no scrupíes. And they don't go by
any íaw but theír own. There ís no conscíous to these peopíe; the end |ustífíes the
means.. They wííí shut anybody up that they possíbíy can. They're amazíng. And
they wííí go through anythíng to make you íook crazy, to make you appear to be a
ííar..
"And they go ínto these operatíons, and they run amok. They run amok. And then
when ít gets carríed away or there's a íeak, here comes the damage controí, and
you have to make everybody eíse appear ííke they're crazy. I mean peopíe out
there drop ííke fííes. How many peopíe can commít suícíde for God's sake. How
many peopíe can be handcuffed behínd theír back, and they can caíí ít suícíde
because they were shot ín the head?"
|971|
Tip of the ;ceberg
.Justice can kill or thwart any inesti%ation at will/ and it does so on a re%ular
+asis0. - Former 20S0 Senate inesti%ator
.GJusticeH has +een en%a%ed in shar* *ractices since the earliest days and remains
a fecund source of o**ression and corru*tion today0 (t is hard to recall an
administration in which it was not the center of %rae scandal.
- )u+lisher and scholar 8030 Mencken
303
As an experíenced ínvestígator once saíd, "A cover-up often proves the críme, and
íífts the ídentítíes of the perpetrators ínto reííef."
In thís case, those coveríng up the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng appeared to be the
Federaí Government ítseíf. Law-enforcement offícíaís, íncíudíng those at the íocaí
íeveí, ííed about theír foreknowíedge of the attack. They rushed to destroy aíí
forensíc evídence of the síte. They ígnored dozens of credíbíe wítnesses and
íntímídated others. They organízed a medía smear campaígn agaínst anyone who
threatened to reveaí the truth. And they murdered those wíth crítícaí knowíedge of
the facts who had tríed to come forward.
|972|
Ironícaííy, the íetters "FBI" stand for "Fídeííty, Bravery, and Integríty." A more
appropríate defínítíon míght be "Federaí Bureau of Intímídatíon." As wííí be outííned
ín Voíume Two, the FBI ís guííty of an whoíe íítany of crímes, rangíng from
obstructíon of |ustíce to outríght murder.
It míght be ínterestíng to note that the FBI's current dírector, Louís Freeh, rose to
hís posítíon on the víctory of the Leroy Moody case. Freeh's chíef wítness, Ted
Banks, íater toíd an appeaís court that Freeh threatened hím ínto testífyíng agaínst
Moody. Banks was subsequentíy sentenced to 44 months ín príson for "per|ury."
For hís part, Freeh was promoted to FBI Dírector, where he drew around hím such
fígures as Tom Thurman, Roger Martz, and Larry Potts, who íed the murderous
debacíes at Waco and Ruby Rídge.
Freeh píaced Potts ín charge of the "ínvestígatíon" ín Okíahoma Cíty.
|973|
Overseeíng the FBI ís the Department of |ustíce (Do|), undoubtedíy the most
mísnamed federaí agency ever created. Whííe purportíng to be a íaw-enforcement
body índependent of the íegísíatíve and executíve branches, ín reaííty ít ís ííttíe
more than a poíítícaí tooí utííízed by corrupt íeaders to cover up hígh crímes and
íntímídate and ímpríson whístíe-bíowers.
|974|
|anet Reno, the current Attorney Generaí, rose to her posítíon on a wave of híghíy
dubíous chííd abuse cases, where the oníy abuse, ít appeared, was fostered by
Reno herseíf.
In 1984, Reno, then Dade County Dístríct Attorney, prosecuted Iíeana Fuster, a 17-
year-oíd newíywed who heíped her husband Frank by operatíng a day-care out of
theír home. To íííícít the requíred confessíon from Iíeana, Reno had her íocked
away ín a soíítary confínment. Stephen Dínersteín, a prívate ínvestígator empíoyed
by the Fuster's attorneys wrote ín hís report that the formeríy bríght, attractíve 17-
year-oíd:
.appeared as íf she was 50 years oíd. Her skín was drawn from a íarge íoss of
weíght.. She had sores and ínfectíons on her skín and states that no sanítary
condítíons exíst or are províded, that the shower, when receíved, ís a hosíng down
304
ín the ceíí. That she ís ín a ceíí wíth nothíng ín ít but a ííght ín the ceíííng and that
she ís often kept nude and ín víew of everybody and anybody." |Dínersteín aíso
noted that Iíeana had become| a constantíy cryíng, shakíng, tormented person who
understands ííttíe íf anythíng about the whoíe process and ís now beíng threatened
and promísed and ís totaííy ín a state of confusíon to the poínt of not havíng the
sííghtest ídea as to month and date.. Mrs. Fuster's condítíon has deteríorated so
badíy she couíd hardíy move and was very síow to respond to any questíons. When
asked íf Mr. Van Zamft (her attorney) was present, she couíd not even recaíí, but
saíd símpíy that the woman State Attorney (Reno) was very bíg and very scary and
made suggestíons as to probíems that wouíd aríse íf she dídn't cooperate.
After aímost a year kept ín thís depíorabíe condítíon, íncíudíng vísíts by Reno to
coerce her, and vísíts by psychíatrísts to get her to confess, Iíeana cracked,
"confessíng" to a whoíe íegíon of ímagínary acts.
After servíng three out of a ten year sentence, she was deported to Honduras,
where her mínd now cíear, she ímmedíateíy recanted her confessíon.
Oníy days before she was scheduíed to retestífy vía sateíííte (the DA's offíce
threatened to charge her wíth "per|ury" íf she returned), she retracted her
retractíon ín a íetter to the Miami 8erald. Rosenthaí beííeves she was threatened.
|975||976|
Severaí weeks after |anet Reno was sworn ín as Attorney Generaí, she authorízed a
pían to fíood the church at Waco (contaíníng women and chíídren) wíth tear gas
and ram ít wíth battíe tanks, based on aííegatíons of "chííd abuse."
A 1988 Amnesty Internatíonaí report cíaímed that "CS gas contríbuted to or caused
the deaths of more than 40 Paíestíníans - íncíudíng 18 babíes under 6 months of
age - who had been exposed to tear gas ín encíosed spaces."
|977|*
Reno's íatest
attempt to "save the chíídren" resuíted ín the deaths of 86 peopíe, íncíudíng 25
chíídren.
As for the aííegatíons of chííd abuse, both the County Sheríff and the Texas Weífare
Department, who were two of the fírst to íntervíew Davídían chíídren, índícated
that there was no sígns of abuse. The FBI íater acknowíedged theír own reports to
be faíse.
|978|
Representatíve |ames Trafícant (D-OH) summed up the sítuatíon at "|ustíce" when
he wrote to members of Congress on Apríí 15, 1997:
There have been numerous case of prosecutoríaí mísconduct, fraud and outríght
murder on the part of |ustíce Department personneí that have gone íargeíy
unpuníshed. The Amerícan peopíe expect the |ustíce Department, more than any
other federaí agency, to be beyond reproach when ít comes to ethícs and
responsíbíe behavíor. Somethíng ís seríousíy wrong ín our democracy íf crímínaí
305
and unethícaí behavíor at the natíon's top íaw enforcement agency goes
unpuníshed.
|979|*
The crímes Trafícant's speakíng of are íegíon. The scandaís covered up by corrupt
Do| offícíaís are endíess. The cases of índívíduaís who have been síngíed out for
prosecutíon by the so-caííed "|ustíce" Department wouíd fííí voíumes.
Probabíy the most ínfamous case of Do| corruptíon ín modern hístory ís the Insíaw
affaír, where Do| offícíaís conspíred to steaí software from the smaíí computer
company, defraud them out of payments, then force them ínto bankruptcy. The
Insíaw case provídes a perfect exampíe of how the Do| reguíaríy ííes, destroys
evídence, seíectíveíy prosecutes peopíe, obstructs Congressíonaí ínvestígatíons,
and murders those who threaten to reveaí theír wrongdoíng.
In 1982, the Do| sígned a $10 mííííon contract wíth Insíaw to ínstaíí an enhanced
versíon of theír PROMIS (Prosecutors Management Informatíon System) software ín
42 U.S. Attorneys offíces. Insíaw compíeted the pro|ect, but was never paíd for
theír servíces. Heavííy ín debt, they had no choíce but to fííe for bankruptcy.
It seemed that a rívaí fírm named Hadron, had attempted to purchase PROMIS
from Insíaw. "We have ways of makíng you seíí," saíd CEO Domíníc Laítí, who
warned Insíaw owner Bííí Hamííton that Hadron was connected to Attorney Generaí
Edwín Meese. Both Meese and hís cíose fríend, Earí Brían, had fínancíaí ínterests ín
Hadron.
After the Do| refused to pay Insíaw, Meese handed the software over to hís crony
Brían, who had CIA contract agent Míchaeí Ríconoscíuto reconfígure the program
wíth a specíaí "trap door," aííowíng U.S. ínteííígence agencíes to monítor and
manípuíate accounts of banks and ínteííígence agencíes who subsequentíy
purchased the program. The profíts, of course, went to Brían and hís croníes at the
Do|.
|980|
When Insíaw attempted to sue the Do|, theír attorney was threatened and
dísmíssed from hís fírm.
|981|
In spíte of the stonewaíííng and harassment, Insíaw
eventuaííy won theír case. |udge George Bason, ruííng ín favor of the company,
wrote:
|Do| offícíaís| took, converted, stoíe, |the píaíntíff's property| by tríckery, fraud and
deceít. |They made| an ínstítutíonaí decísíon. at the híghest íeveí símpíy to ígnore
seríous questíons of ethícaí ímpropríety, made repeatedíy by persons of
unquestíoned probíty and íntegríty, and thís faííure constítutes bad faíth,
vexatíosness, |a| frauduíent game of cat and mouse, demonstratíng contempt for
both the íaw and any príncípíe of faír deaííng.
|982|
After |udge Bason ordered the Do| to pay Insíaw $6.8 mííííon ín íícensíng fees and
roughíy another $1 mííííon ín íegaí fees, he suddeníy díscovered that he was not
beíng reappoínted to the bench.
|983|
306
The Senate Permanent Subcommíttee on Investígatíons, chaíred by Senator Sam
Nunn, agreed whoíeheartedíy wíth |udge Bason. Yet the commíttee's efforts to
probe the Insíaw scandaí were bíocked by the Do|, who refused to aííow theír
personneí to testífy under oath. The Senate report stated that ít had found
empíoyees "who desíred to speak to the subcommíttee, but who chose not to, out
of fear for theír |obs."
|984|
Saíd a former Congressíonaí ínvestígator who deaít wíth the |ustíce Department for
15 years, "I've got to teíí you, the bottom ííne ís that the Do| as presentíy
constítuted ís a totaííy díshonest organízatíon, ríddíed wíth poíítícaí fíxes. They
know how to wríte the memo, how to make the phone caíí, how to deny access to
Congress. The game over there ís fíxed."
The stonewaíííng by the Do| duríng the Insíaw ínvestígatíons paraííeíed that of the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, where defense attorneys encountered contínuous deníaís
ín theír requests for díscovery. The stonewaíííng of the Insíaw ínvestígatíon, stated
the Congressíonaí report, íncíuded, "restríctíons, deíays, and outríght deníaís to
requests for ínformatíon. obstructed access to records and wítnesses, |and| the
"íííegaí shreddíng of documents."
Yet the commíttee díd nothíng to punísh those responsíbíe, mereíy recommendíng
that the Do| request the Court of Appeaís to appoínt an "índependent" prosecutor.
Whííe Attorney Generaí Wííííam Barr ínítíaííy refused, he eventuaííy succumbed to
medía pressure, appoíntíng one of hís oíd Do| croníes, Níchoías Bua, to
"ínvestígate" the matter. Bua ímpaneíed a Federaí Grand |ury. But, as ín the
Okíahoma Cíty case, the prosecutíng attorney, Bua's íaw partner Charíes Kníght,
manípuíated and controííed the wítnesses. When the |ury began gívíng credence to
the aííegatíons agaínst Do|, Bua quíckíy dísmíssed the |ury and ímpaneíed another
one.
|985|
Not surprísíngíy, one of Bua's chíef ínvestígators was none other than |oseph
Hartzíer. In a íetter Hartzíer wrote to Assístant Assocíate Attorney Generaí |ohn
Dwíre ín October of 1994, the nobíe government prosecutor states:
I appíaud your efforts and especíaííy your concíusíons. To paraphrase Theodore
Rooseveít, we spent ourseíves on a worthy cause..
|986|
Hartzíer's next "worthy cause" wouíd be to serve as íead prosecutor ín the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng case, assístíng the Do| ín one of the íargest cover-ups of
the 20th Century.
"I don't understand where they found hím or why they chose hím," says Míchaeí
Deutsch, who as an attorney ín Chícago defended a Puerto Rícan terroríst ín a
1985 bombíng case prosecuted by Hartzíer, a successfuí prosecutíon that ís often
cíted as one of the reasons Hartzíer got the Okíahoma Cíty |ob..
|987|
307
Deutsch ís referríng to the prosecutíon of four Las Fuerzas Armadas de Líberacíon
Natíonaí Puertorríqueo (FALN) members, a Puerto Rícan natíonaííst group whích the
government cíaímed was responsíbíe for more than 100 bombíngs or attempted
bombíngs sínce 1970. The defense of the FALN paraííeíed that of the Okíahoma
Cíty bombíng defendants, wíth crucíaí evídence beíng wíthheíd - evídence that
wouíd have ímpíícated the FBI and ATF ín COINTELPRO-styíe íííegaí actívítes
dírected agaínst the Chícano and Puerto Rícan Movements. The |udge ín the FALN
case, Federaí Dístríct |udge George Leíghton, has reported connectíons to the CIA.
|988|
Yet Hartzíer cíaímed he voíunteered for the roíe of íead prosecutor. Whether or not
that ís true, Hartzíer, a wheeíchaír-bound muítípíe scíerosís víctím, ís the perfect
choíce - a man abíe to pander to the sympathíes of a |ury aíready overwheímed
by ímages of dead and handícapped víctíms. Thís astute observatíon was made
obvíous by none other than Newsweek, whích wrote: "Some suggested that a
wheeíchaír-bound prosecutor wouíd appeaí to a |ury ín a case wíth so many
maímed víctíms.."
|989|
As the 3e%al Times observed:
Havíng a íead prosecutor who maneuvers around the courtroom ín a motorízed
scooter, some say, ís a good tactíc for gaíníng sympathy wíth a |ury - especíaííy ín
a case where more than 500 peopíe were ín|ured.
|990|
"Others saw a maííeabíe personaííty easííy mícromanaged by superíors ín
Washíngton," added Newsweek. A rather candíd observatíon ín a case where
"mícromanagíng" ís key.
"I don't thínk that |oe ís ín charge of the prosecutíon team," saíd Stephen |ones.
"The shots are caííed by |Deputy Attorney Generaí| |amíe Goreííck and |her top
aíde| Merríck Garíand."
|ustíce Department offícíaís scoff at such a notíon, poíntíng out that they are too
far away and too busy to mícro-manage the tríaí team. Hartzíer, they say, ís fírmíy
ín charge..
|991|
Interestíngíy, Hartzíer was chíef of both the cívíí and crímínaí dívísíon of the
Chícago U.S. Attorney's offíce duríng hís 10-year term, a |urísdíctíon not unknown
for íts share of corruptíon-rídden scandaís.
Hís assístant, Scott Mendeíoff, was accused by Sherman Skoíníck of the Chícago-
based Cítízens' Commíttee to Cíean Up the Courts of coveríng up the murder of
Waííace Líeberman, a Chícago Federaí Bankruptcy Court offícíaí ready to fínger
severaí |udges for bríbery.
"The assassínatíon of Líeberman, as Mendeíoff knew, was tíed to the corrupt
actívítíes of Fírst Natíonaí Bank of Cícero, a Mafía/CIA íaundry," wrítes Skoíníck.
|992|
308
Naturaííy, Hartzíer doesn't see any corruptíon ín Okíahoma. "I am 100 percent
confídent that when thís case ís resoíved, everyone wííí thínk that compíete and
faír due process was obtaíned by the defendants," Hartízer toíd the American $ar
Association Journal.
To facííítate thís "compíete and faír due process," the Do| transferred Assístant U.S.
Attorney Ted Ríchardson from hís posítíon as chíef bombíng and arson prosecutor
for the Western Dístríct of Okíahoma to the bank robbery detaíí (where he had no
experíence). As prevíousíy noted, Ríchardson was the U.S. Attorney who
prosecuted Sam Khaííd for ínsurance fraud. It was rumored that Ríchardson, who
fríends cíaím had a "very strong sense of conscíous," was íookíng ínto Khaííd's
subsequent actívítíes. On August 5, 1997, Ríchardson "commítted suícíde."
|993|
As prevíousíy noted, the number of suspícíous deaths skyrocketed ín the 1980s, as
the government attempted to cover up an íncreasíng pattern of frauduíent and
íííegaí actívítíes.
Even reporters weren't exempt from the Do| hít-ííst. On August 10, 1991 reporter
Danny Casoíaro, who had been ínvestígatíng the Insíaw scandaí and a reíated web
of corruptíon he caííed "The Octopus," was found dead ín hís Martínsburg, West
Vírgínía hoteí room. Casoíaro was there to meet wíth a wítness who was supposed
to províde the key íínk between the Do| and Insíaw.
Líke Sergeant Yeakey, Casoíaro's wrísts were síashed numerous tímes. Líke
Yeakey, hís notes and bríefcase were míssíng. And ííke Yeakey, the death was
ímmedíateíy ruíed a suícíde by poííce, who made no attempt to contact Casoíaro's
famííy before orderíng an ímmedíate and unprecedented embaímíng of the body. A
team of contract cíeaners was brought ín to scour cíean the hoteí room from top to
bottom, eíímínatíng aíí forensíc evídence.
The death of Casoíaro íed to an ínvestígatíon by the Congressíonaí Subcommíttee
on Economíc and Commercíaí Law, headed by Representatíve |ack Brooks (D-
Texas). The report stated:
Instead of conductíng an ínvestígatíon ínto Insíaw's cíaíms that crímínaí
wrongdoíng by hígh íeveí government offícíaís had occurred, Attorney Generaís
Meese and Thornbugh bíocked or restrícted Congressíonaí ínquíres ínto the matter,
ígnored the fíndíngs of two courts and refused to ask for the appoíntment of an
índependent counseí. These actíons were taken ín the face of a growíng body of
evídence that seríous wrongdoíng had occurred whích reached to the híghest
íeveís of the Department. The evídence receíved by the commíttee duríng íts
ínvestígatíon cíearíy raíses seríous concerns about the possíbíííty that a hígh íeveí
conspíracy agaínst Insíaw díd exíst and that great efforts have been expended by
the Department to bíock any outsíde ínvestígatíon ínto the matter.
309
The Do| aíso prosecuted a key wítness ín the Insíaw case, Míchaeí Ríconoscíuto,
who was set up on phony drug charges to prevent hím from testífyíng. The
Congressíonaí commíttee probíng the matter noted:
|A DEA agent| reassígnment ín 1990 to a DEA ínteííígence posítíon ín the State of
Washíngton, príor to Míchaeí Ríconoscíuto's March 1991 arrest there on drug
charges, was more than coíncídentaí. The agent was assígned to Ríconoscíuto's
home state to manufacture a case agaínst hím. Mr. Coíeman stated he beííeves
thís was done to prevent Mr. Ríconoscíuto from becomíng a credíbíe wítness
concerníng the U.S. government's covert saíe of PROMIS to foreígn governments.
|994|
Another exampíe of seíectíve prosecutíon on behaíf of Do| ís |uvaí Avív, owner of
the ínvestígatíve fírm Interfor. A former Israeíí ínteííígence agent, Avív was híred to
íook ínto the 1988 bombíng of Pan Am fííght 103 over Lockerbíe, Scotíand. Hís
report was dírectíy at odds wíth the government's "offícíaí" concíusíons - that two
Líbyan terrorísts were responsíbíe for the bombíng. Avív díscovered that not oníy
had U.S. offícíaís been specífícaííy warned of the ensuíng attack, but may have had
dírect compíícíty ín the murder of 270 peopíe.
For hís embarrassíng díscíosures, Avív was targeted for prosecutíon, and
ínvestígated by the very same FBI agents who "ínvestígated" the Pan Am case. To
punísh Avív, Do| fabrícated evídence that Interfor had defrauded G.E. Capítaí
Corporatíon, a cííent who was compíeteíy satísfíed wíth Interfor's work, and hadn't
even fííed a compíaínt agaínst the fírm.
Nevertheíess, ín 1995, the Do| índícted Avív on three counts of defraudíng G.E. -
charges for whích he was unanímousíy acquítted. In hís ruííng opíníon, the |udge
wrote:
The chronoíogy of the ínvestígatíon, the fact that ít ís resuítíng from no externaí
compíaínt whatsoever but símpíy ínternaííy wíthín the FBI as far as any wítness has
testífíed, íeads to an ínference that ít was generated from some other sources, and
the oníy source ín the record so far for whích any such purpose couíd be ascríbed
ís the report ín the other case, ín the Lockerbíe case.
Yet Do| wasn't fíníshed wíth Avív. They canceíed theír contract wíth Interfor and
began a systematíc campaígn to íntímídate hís cííents. Interfor was fínancíaííy
devastated. The U.S. government, through the Do|, beííeved that by íntímídatíng
peopíe such as |uvaí Avív, they couíd prevent pubííc knowíedge of theír compíícíty
ín the murder of 270 ínnocent peopíe.
As ín Okíahoma Cíty, wítnesses who knew too much about Pan Am 103, or those
who possessed poíítícaííy ínconveníent facts, were íntímídated. Fíve years on,
voíunteers and poíícemen who partícípated ín the search remaíned recaícítrant -
most so those who had searched the area where the heroín was found.
310
The "|ustíce" Department aíso brutaííy attacked Pan Am's íawyers, attemptíng to
sanctíon them wíth huge fínes for daríng to chaííenge the government's case.
The government went after Aíían Francovítch, producer of the award-wínníng
documentary on Pan Am 103, The Maltese "ou+le !ross, whích was due to
premíere at the 1994 London Fíím Festívaí. Strangeíy, for the fírst tíme ín íts 38
year hístory, the festívaí puííed the fíím at the íast mínute.
|995|
Suspícíousíy, a few weeks after the fíím prevíewed at London's aíternatíve Angíe
Gaííery, ít suffered a ma|or fíre.
One day before the fíím was to aír on Channeí 4, both the Scottísh Crown Offíce
and the U.S. Embassy sent every natíonaí and Scottísh newspaper a press pack
smearíng four of the fíím's íntervíewers.
|996|
Wíthín days of fíím beíng broadcast, |uvaí Avív was índícted on fraud charges. Hís
attorney, Geraíd Shargeí, appííed for a dísmíssaí on the grounds of seíectíve
prosecutíon. Even the |udge was forced to condemn the prosecutíon's arguments
as "pathetíc" and "díshonest."
|997|
Aíían Francovítch wasn't so íucky. Wíthín mínutes of arrívíng ín the Uníted States to
testífy at Avív's tríaí, he was detaíned by Customs agents ín a prívate ínterrogatíon
room, and dropped dead on the spot. Aíí evídence and documents ín Francovítch's
bríef case were found "míssíng" from the scene. Francovítch had been workíng on
three other documentaríes at the tíme, íncíudíng a devestatíng exposé of the U.S.
atrocítes ín Panama.
For hís roíe ín reveaííng the truth, former DIA agent Lester Coíeman wouíd be
arrested on fabrícated passport charges and forced to seek asyíum wíth hís famííy
ín Sweden.
In Okíahoma, ATF ínformant Caroí Howe wouíd be arrested on trumped up charges
and forced to take refuge ínsíde a |aíí ceíí, her testímony of the bombíng bíocked
from even her own tríaí.
|998|
Whííe reporter Danny Casoíaro was murdered ínvestígatíng matters reíated to
Insíaw and BCCI, he was aíso checkíng on a íead províded to hím by Lester
Coíeman.
Curíousíy, Pan Am has never been abíe to revíew those documents whích the
government cíaíms wouíd mereíy show íts "ínnocence." Líke so many other heínous
crímes, the government sought to híde íts wrongdoíng under the catch-aíí of
"natíonaí securíty." The government, cíaímíng ít had nothíng to híde, conspíred
wíth Federaí |udge Thomas Píatt to deny Pan Am's díscovery requests on the
grounds of "natíonaí securíty." As Pan Am's íawyer, |ames Shaughnessy, wrote ín
opposítíon to the government's motíon to dísmíss the company's thírd party
ííabíííty suít:
311
The government has fought strenuousíy and successfuííy for three years to prevent
any díscovery of ít.. Now, the government seeks mííííons of doííars of sanctíons to
punísh and bankrupt my fírm and me for havíng the temeríty not oníy to assert
cíaíms agaínst the government but aíso for even seekíng díscovery from the
government..
The government condemns as sanctíonabíe any víew of the facts that díffers from
íts own. In effect, what the government condemns ís defendants' refusaí to bííndíy
adopt íts versíon of the facts despíte the government's refusaí to produce the
evídence from whích defendants couíd have determíned whether the government's
versíon of the facts was correct..
The government expects thís bíínd trust even though we had ínformatíon from
muítípíe sources that confíícted wíth the government's sweepíng assertíons and
that suggested the government was responsíbíe for the faííure to prevent the
bombíng..
Seven years íater, the Do| and FBI wouíd ask the víctíms ín Okíahoma Cíty for thís
same bíínd trust - íyíng about theír príor knowíedge of the attack. Lyíng about the
number of bombs found. Lyíng about the APB put out on the brown píck-up. Lyíng
about the presence of other suspects. Ignoríng wítnesses who saw those suspects
and tryíng to get them to change theír storíes. Tappíng peopíe's phones and
exhortíng them ínto not taíkíng to the press and defense ínvestígators. And
íntímídatíng severaí wítnesses ínto sííence.
In theír attempt to frame ATF ínformant Caroí Howe on phony expíosíves charges,
the government was unsuccessfuí. In hís cíosíng argument, Howe's attorney Cíark
Brewster waved hís arms and passíonateíy announced to the |ury, "there was no
bomb threat here, the oníy threat here ís what the government can do to peopíe
when they don't ííke what you say or what you míght say.."
Howe was acquítted.
Many others wouídn't be so fortunate.
"
The Connection
.(t1s a total cons*iracy0 (t has %oernment written all oer it0.
- Tom Posey, Cívííían Mííítary Assístance Group/Iran-Contra Píayer
312
Apríí 19, 1995 was, ííke November 22, 1963, a day that devastated Ameríca.
Stunned cítízens everywhere watched anxíousíy as another paínfuí drama unfoíded
before them.
Wíthín mínutes of the brutaí attack on Okíahoma Cíty, an army of agencíes íeapt
ínto actíon. In the Whíte House Sítuatíon Room the atmosphere was tense as
offícíaís from the Natíonaí Securíty Councíí, the Secret Servíce, the FBI, ATF, NSA,
and CIA aíí assembíed to bríef the Presídent.
Thís crísís team, íed by the |ustíce Department, íínked up to command centers
around the gíobe, monítored by a píethora of ínteííígence agencíes on extra-hígh
aíert. The FBI, the CIA's Dírectorate of Operatíons and theír domestíc arm, the
Natíonaí Resources Dívísíon, sent agents híther and yonder ín a frantíc and
desperate search for ínformatíon concerníng the catastrophíc attack.
In a quíte Maryíand suburb, one former CIA offícíaí sat back and caímíy monítored
the ensuíng chaos. He pícked up hís pípe, casuaííy ad|usted the voíume on hís
teíevísíon, and íeaned back ín hís comfortabíe íeather chaír.
Two thousand mííes away ín Aíbuquerque, D'Ferdínand Carone, the daughter of
former poííce detectíve, CIA operatíve, and Mafía bag-man, "Bíg Aí" Carone, pícked
up the teíephone and díaíed a very prívate number.
A haíf a contínent away, the former CIA Deputy Dírector of Covert Operatíons
tapped the contents of hís pípe ínto an ashtray, hít the mute button on hís remote
controí, and answered the phone.
Carone had been tryíng to reach Theodore Shackíey for over two weeks. As they
taíked, her attentíon was suddeníy díverted by a horríbíe scene. What appeared to
be an offíce buíídíng íay smoíderíng ín ruíns. Peopíe and sírens were screamíng ín
the background as bodíes were carted away by ambuíance.
"I saíd, 'oh my God, they bombed Okíahoma!'
"Thís was about the tíme they were taíkíng about the píane they stopped ín
Heathrow |wíth Abraham Ahmed|, and I saíd, 'here we go agaín.'
Carone was referríng of course to the Woríd Trade Center bombíng by a group of
Míd-East terrorísts. She assumed that thís was more of the same.
"And Ted saíd, 'Now wouídn't you fínd ít ínterestíng íf you found out ít was
terrorísts from here?'
"I saíd, 'excuse me?'
"And he saíd, '|ust what I saíd.'
313
"Then ít hít me ííke a ton of brícks. I got the dístínct feeííng that he knew who ít
was, and that ít actuaííy had somethíng to do wíth the Agency."
|999|
Whííe scores of ínteííígence and íaw-enforcement agencíes scoured the gíobe for
cíues as to who had bombed the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng, one man ín a smaíí
offíce ín Maryíand seemed to have the answer.
|1000|
How díd he know?
?
.oc$erbie A / +arallel
.The coert o*erators that ( ran with would +low u* a I?I with E;; *eo*le to kill
one *erson0 They are total socio*aths with no conscience whatsoeer0.
- Former Pentagon CID Investígator Gene Wheaton
On December 21, 1988, ín the tíny town of Lockerbíe, Scotíand, 270 ííves came to
a traumatíc and fíery end when Pan Am fííght 103 was bíown out of the skíes. Two
hundred and fífty-níne peopíe píunged to theír deaths, and 11 more díed on the
ground.
Severaí mínutes before fííght 103 took off from London's Heathrow aírport, FBI
Assístant Dírector Oííver "Buck" Reveíí rushed out to the tarmac and puííed hís son
and daughter-ín-íaw off the píane.
|1001|
How díd he know?
Perhaps Reveíí's íntímate knowíedge deríved from hís reíatíonshíp wíth Lt. Coíoneí
Oííver North. In March of 1986, North advísed Attorney Generaí Edwín Meese to
head off the FBI's ensuíng ínvestígatíon ínto Iran-Contra. Meese ínformed Reveíí.
Consequentíy, North managed to keep abreast of the FBI's ínvestígatíon by
conveníentíy receívíng copíes of aíí FBI fííes.
|1002|
Wídeíy known for hís ínestímabíe and íííegaí support of the Contras, North (aíong
wíth Generaí Ríchard Secord and Iranían Aíbert Hakím) was a busíness assocíate of
Syrían arms and drug runner Monzer aí-Kassar. For hís roíe ín shíppíng Poíísh arms
to North's mercenary army, aí-Kassar became the recípíent of North's undyíng
gratítude |and íaundered drug proceeds|.
|1003|
Líke so many crímínaís, drug-deaíers, and mass-murderers the CIA had cozíed up
to over the years, aí-Kassar en|oyed the híghíy vaíued status of CIA "asset."
314
Aí-Kassar was aíso cíoseíy aíígned wíth Rífat Assad, brother of Syrían díctator Hafez
Assad. Assad's daughter Ra|a was Kassar's místress, and had once been marríed to
Abu Abbas, a coííeague of the notoríous terroríst Abu Nídaí. Rífat hímseíf was
marríed to the síster of Aíí Issa Dubah, chíef of Syrían ínteííígence, who, aíong wíth
the Syrían army, controííed most of the opíum productíon ín Lebanon's Bekka
Vaííey. The drug profíts fínanced varíous terroríst groups, íncíudíng the Popuíar
Front for the Líberatíon of Paíestíne-Generaí Command (PFLP-GC), run by former
Syrían army offícer Ahmed |íbríí.
|1004|
Aí-Kassar aíso acted as míddíeman ín the ransom paíd by the French to effect the
reíease of two hostages heíd ín Beírut. Gíven hís assístance ín securíng the reíease
of those hostages, the CIA beííeved aí-Kassar wouíd prove ínvaíuabíe ín negotíatíng
the reíease of the síx Amerícan hostages then beíng heíd ín Lebanon.
|1005|*
In return for thís favor, aí-Kassar's drug pípeííne to the Uníted States wouíd be
protected by the CIA. Thís wouíd not prove díffícuít, as the DEA was aíready usíng
Pan Am fííghts out of Frankfort, Germany for "controííed deíívery" shípments of
heroín. Reaíízíng they couídn't haít the fíow of drugs comíng out of Lebanon, the
DEA utííízed the controííed shípments, escorted through customs by DEA couríers,
as part of a stíng operatíon, wíth the íntentíon of catchíng the deaíers ín the U.S.
|1006|
Negotíatíon wíth índívíduaís ííke Monzer aí-Kassar had oníy one drawback: aí-
Kassar was cíoseíy íínked, not oníy wíth the terroríst-sponsoríng Syrían
government, but wíth groups such Ahmed |íbríí's PFLP-GC. |íbríí, was aíso aíígned
wíth the Iranían-backed Hezboííah, whích had a somewhat dífferent agenda than
aí-Kassar.
On |uíy 3, 1988, íess than síx months before the Pan Am 103 bombíng, the U.S.S.
Víncennes shot down an Iranían aírííner over the Straíts of Hormuz, kííííng aíí 290
peopíe on board. Assumíng the píane was a hostííe craft, the captaín of the
Víncennes, Wííí Rodgers III, gave the command to fíre.
Whííe the peopíe of Iran gríeved, the offícer responsíbíe for the fataí místake was
awarded a medaí.
|1007|¦
Under Isíamíc íaw, the críme had to be avenged. As |uvaí Avív of Interfor stated ín
hís report, "It was known at the tíme that the contract was out to down an
Amerícan aírííner."
That contract - $10 mííííon doííars - was gíven to Ahmed |íbríí.
|1008|
|íbríí had
aíready estabííshed a base of operatíons ín Neuss, Germany, not far from
Frankfort. Centraí to hís ceíí was one Marwan Abdeí Razzack Khreeshat.
Khreeshat's specíaíty was ín buíídíng smaíí, sophístícated bombs íncorporatíng
tímíng mechanísms capabíe of detonatíng at pre-determíned aítítudes.
315
By míd-October 1988, |íbríí was ready. Khreeshat had assembíed fíve bombs, buíít
ínto Toshíba radío-cassette píayers. However, the German poííce were watchíng
Khreesat. On October 26, Khreesat and 14 other PFLP-GC suspects were rounded
up ín an operatíon code-named "Autumn Leaves." One of the bombs was seízed.
Yet four more remaíned at íarge.
Whííe ín custody, Khreesat demanded to make a phone caíí, then refused to
answer any questíons. Wíthín hours, he was mysteríousíy reíeased.
|1009|
The íncídent ís stríkíngíy símííar to the arrest of "neo-Nazí terroríst" Andreas
Strassmeír on traffíc charges ín February of 1992. "Boy, we caught heíí over that
one," recaííed tow-truck dríver, Kenny Pence. "The phone caíís came ín from the
State Department, the Governor's offíce, and someone caííed and saíd he had
dípíomatíc ímmuníty.."
|1010|
Símííar caíís were made on behaíf of Khreesat. Former CIA agent Oswaíd Le Wínter,
who ínvestígated the case, stated, ".pressure had come from Bonn. from the
U.S. Embassy ín Bonn. to reíease Khreesat."
It seems that both Strassmeír and Khreesat were operatíves of U.S. ínteííígence. "I
had spoken to a German reporter who refuses to go on camera," adds Le Wínter,
"but who ís very cíose to federaí ínteííígence sources ín Germany, who assured me
that Khreesat was an agent of the |ordanían servíce, and an asset of the Centraí
Inteííígence Agency."
|1011|
Gíven the cíose reíatíonshíp between the |ordaníans and the CIA, thís ís not
surprísíng. Yet ít appeared Khreesat wasn't oníy reportíng to the |ordaníans and
the Amerícans; he was aíso reportíng to Ahmed |íbríí.
Two months before the bombíng, |íbríí and aí-Kassar were spotted by a Mossad
agent díníng at a Lebanese restaurant ín París. |íbríí was hopíng to use aí-Kassar's
controííed drug shípments through Frankfort to effect the deíívery of a bomb. The
probíem: how to protect the drug shípments whííe at the same tíme extract
revenge on the Amerícans? Aí-Kassar preferred the former optíon, but, due to
poíítícaí pressure, he grudgíngíy agreed to the íatter.
Whííe a CIA team ín Wíesbaden, code-named "COREA," was negotíatíng íts secret
deaí wíth aí-Kassar for reíease of the hostages (and protectíng hís drug route), a
second team, íed by Ma|or Charíes McKee of the Defense Inteííígence Agency (DIA),
and Matthew Gannon, the CIA's Deputy Statíon Chíef ín Beírut, had traveíed to
Lebanon to assess the odds for a mííítary-styíe rescue operatíon.
|1012|
Accordíng to Avív's report, McKee's team had, whííe reconnoíteríng for the reíease
of the hostages, stumbíed onto the fírst team's íííegaí drug operatíon. McKee
refused to partícípate. When he and Gannon contacted theír controí ín Washíngton,
they receíved no repíy. Agaínst orders, they decíded to fíy home to bíow the
whístíe. Accordíng to Avív:
316
They had communícated back to Langíey the facts and names, and reported theír
fíím of the hostage íocatíons. CIA díd nothíng. No repíy. The team was outraged,
beííevíng that íts rescue and theír ííves wouíd be endangered by the doubíe
deaííng.
By míd-December the team became frustrated and angry and made píans to
return to the U.S. wíth theír photos and evídence to ínform the government, and to
pubíícíze theír fíndíngs íf the government covered up.
They never arríved. That níght, Pan Am fííght 103 was bíown out of the skíes.
Was the death of McKee, Gannon, and fíve others on theír team an unfortunate
coíncídence, or díd someone want to ensure that they dídn't reveaí the carefuííy
guarded secrets of the Octopus?
|1013||1014|
Gíven the ampíe and specífíc warníngs receíved by the U.S. Government from the
BKA, the Mossad, and a Paíestínían ínformant named Samra Mahayoun, ít wouíd
seem the íatter.
|1015|*
Whatever the case, ít ís índísputabíe that U.S. authorítíes were warned of the
attack, and faííed to stop ít.
Was theír faííure deííberate?
"Do I thínk the CIA was ínvoíved?" asked a government Mídeast Inteííígence
specíaííst quoted ín the fínancíaí weekíy, $arron1s. "Of course they were ínvoíved.
And they screwed up. Was the operatíon píanned by the top? Probabíy not. I doubt
they sanctíoned heroín ímportatíon - that came about at the more zeaíous íower
íeveís. But they knew what was goíng on and dídn't care." The expert added that
hís agency has "thíngs that support Avív's aííegatíon, but we can't prove ít. We
have no smokíng gun. And untíí the other agencíes of the government open theír
doors, we wííí have no smokíng gun."
The Lockerbíe bombíng was not the fírst tíme authorítíes were warned ín advance
of a pendíng terroríst attack. The sítuatíon wouíd repeat ítseíf fíve years íater ín
New York Cíty, and seven years íater ín Okíahoma.
It was an aíí too eeríe coíncídence.
Typícaííy, U.S. authorítíes dísíngeníousíy deníed receívíng any warníngs, as they
wouíd íater do ín New York and Okíahoma. Yet, as ín those cases, evídence of príor
knowíedge wouíd eventuaííy become known. "It subsequentíy came to me on
further ínquíríes that they hadn't ígnored |the warníngs|," saíd a Pan Am securíty
offícer. "A number of VIPs were puííed off that píane. A number of ínteííígence
operatíves were puííed off that píane."
317
Due to the warníngs posted ín U.S. embassíes by the State Department (but not
forwarded to Pan Am), many government empíoyees avoíded the fííght. In fact, the
íarge 747 was oníy two-thírds fuíí that busy hoííday eveníng. South Afrícan
presídent Peter Botha and severaí hígh-rankíng offícíaís were advísed by state
securíty forces to change theír reservatíons at the íast hour. The South Afrícan
State Securíty forces have a cíose reíatíonshíp wíth the CIA.
|1016|
|ust as they wouíd do ín Okíahoma, government offícíaís promísed a compíete and
thorough ínvestígatíon. Stated Oííver "Buck" Reveíí, who headed up the Bureau's
ínvestígatíon: "Aíí of us workíng on the case made ít a very, very personaí príoríty
of the fírst order."
Frontíng for the CIA, Vínce Cannístraro chímed ín: "I had personaí fríends on that
píane who díed. And I assure you that I wanted to fínd the perpetrators of that
dísaster as much as anyone wanted to."
As ín Okíahoma Cíty, thís wouíd become the catch-aíí phrase that wouíd set
everythíng ríght and prove the government had no ínvoívement. Of course, thís
wouíd be somewhat díffícuít ín Reveíí's case, sínce he puííed hís son and daughter-
ín-íaw off the píane mínutes before ít took off. (Thís was suspícíousíy remíníscent of
the ATF agents who were paged not to come ínto work on Apríí 19.)
Interestíngíy, Reveíí was the FBI's íead ínvestígator ín the crash of an Arrow Aír DC-
8 whích expíoded on December 12, 1985 ín Gander, Newfoundíand, wíth the íoss of
aíí 248 personneí. As ín Okíahoma Cíty, that síte was quíckíy buíídozed, destroyíng
crucíaí forensíc evídence, wíth an Army offícíaí maíntaíníng a watchfuí eye at aíí
tímes.
|1017|
Hídíng behínd the cover-up was the same cast of characters - Oííver North, Duane
"Dewy" Cíarrídge, and Vínce Cannístraro - who was North's deputy at the NSC
duríng Iran-Contra, and wouíd íater appear ín Lockerbíe. The same cast of
characters that íurked behínd the scandaís ín Nícaragua and Iran, and wouíd
appear ííke ghostíy apparítíons ín the smoíderíng ruíns of Okíahoma Cíty.
|1018|
It was aíso an act that the U.S. Shadow Government, responsíbíe for precípítatíng,
was anxíous to cover up. Had the true cause of the crash - North's doubíe-deaííng
wíth the Iraníans - been reveaíed, the Iran-Contra scandaí wouíd have surfaced
two years before ít díd.
Oííver "Buck" Reveíí wouíd be on hand to make sure ít dídn't.
Three years íater, ín Lockerbíe, the government was stííí cíaímíng ít's hands were
cíean. Yet ít vígorousíy protested Pan Am's attempts to subpoena warníng memos
and other documents that wouíd have reveaíed the government's foreknowíedge,
|ust as ít díd ín Okíahoma.
318
Símpíy stated, the attack on Pan Am 103 was ín retaííatíon for the downíng of the
Iranían aírbus. The reason for targetíng Pan Am was símpíe: the aírííne was
reguíaríy used by aí-Kassar's operatíves to ferry drugs. It wouíd be a símpíe matter
to swítch a suítcase contaíníng drugs for one contaíníng a bomb.
That appears to be |ust what happened. Accordíng to Lester Knox Coíeman, III, a
former DIA agent ín Cyprus seconded to the DEA: "I knew from the conversatíons
around me ín '88, that he (Lebanese drug couríer Khaííd |affar) was ínvoíved ín the
controííed deííveríes. There's no doubt ín my mínd about that at aíí. When I found
he was on 103 and was kíííed, and there was a controííed deíívery goíng through at
the tíme, and I knew the securíty probíems the DEA had, and the reíatíonshíps they
had wíth the peopíe ín Lebanon, wíth the íssues ínvoívíng securíty, ít was very
símpíe for me to put one and one together and get the bíg two - that the DEA's
operatíon had a roíe ín aíí thís."
|1019|
Accordíng to |uvaí Avív, the drug suítcase was swítched at Frankfort, where Turkísh
baggage handíers workíng for aí-Kassar had been reguíaríy swítchíng bags for
those contaíníng heroín.
|1020|*
As the Interfor report stated:
On December 21, 1988, a BKA surveíííance agent watchíng the Pan Am fííght's
íoadíng notíced that the "drug" suítcase substítuted was dífferent ín make, shape,
materíaí and coíor from that used for aíí prevíous drug shípments. Thís one was a
brown Samsoníte case. He, ííke the other BKA agents on the scene, had been extra
aíert due to aíí the bomb típs. Wíthín an hour or so before takeoff he phoned ín a
report as to what he had seen, sayíng somethíng was very wrong.
|1021|
The BKA reported thís to the CIA team ín Wíesbaden, who, strangeíy, díd not repíy.
Accordíng to Avív, "|The CIA unít| reported to íts controí. !ONTRO3 R&)3(&"7
"ON1T WORR' A$O2T (T/ "ON1T STO) (T/ 3&T (T ,O0.
*
Apparentíy, the CIA team "díd not want to bíow íts surveíííance operatíon and
undercover penetratíon or to rísk the aí-Kassar hostage reíease operatíon," wrote
Avív. It seemed the CIA fígured the BKA wouíd íntercept the terrorísts, keepíng the
CIA out of the pícture, thereby maíntaíníng íts cover.
Yet thís expíanatíon hardíy seems credíbíe. The BKA had ínformed the CIA about
the threat - a threat to one of íts own píanes. They aíso knew the Amerícans were
runníng a sensítíve undercover operatíon, and must have assumed the Amerícans
wouíd want to handíe the sítuatíon themseíves.
Moreover, there ís no índícatíon that the CIA had ínstructed the BKA or any other
German authorítíes to stop the bombíng. The questíon ís: why not? Certaíníy the
CIA wouídn't bíow íts cover by askíng the BKA to íntercede, as they were aíready
aware of the CIA/DEA operatíon.
Thís raíses even more dísturbíng questíons. Had the CIA "controí" ín Washíngton,
monítoríng the sítuatíon, purposeíy aííowed the bombíng to occur? Was the McKee
319
team, about to bíow the whístíe on the Octopus, specífícaííy targeted for
eíímínatíon? Had Míddíe Eastern terrorísts knowíngíy or unknowíngíy conspíred
wíth the Octopus ín eíímínatíng a group of pesky whístíe bíowers?
|1022|¦
Strangeíy, after the crash, íarge numbers of Amerícan "rescue" personneí began
showíng up rather quíckíy. As one searcher, a member of a mountaín rescue team
recaííed: "We arríved wíthín two hours |of the crash|. We found Amerícans aíready
there."
|1023|
The fírst to appear was an FBI agent. Accordíng to George Stobbs, a Lockerbíe
poííce ínspector, "|I| started to set up a controí room, and |between| eíeven o'cíock
and mídníght, there was a member of the FBI ín the offíce who came ín, íntroduced
herseíf to me, and sat down - and |ust sat there the rest of the níght. That was
ít."
|1024|*
Was thís so-caííed FBI agent there to observe the Scottísh poííce's ínvestígatíon,
and report any confííctíng fíndíngs back to her superíors?
Tom Daíyeíí, a member of Brítísh Parííament, remarked: ".Absoíuteíy swarms of
Amerícans |were| fíddííng wíth the bodíes, and shaíí we say tamperíng wíth those
thíngs the poííce were carefuííy checkíng themseíves. They weren't pretendíng,
sayíng they were from the FBI or CIA, they were |ust 'Amerícans' who seemed to
arríve very quíckíy on the scene."
The scenarío was eerííy símííar to that ín Okíahoma Cíty, where rescue workers and
bomb squad technícíans seemíngíy appeared out of thín aír.
Recaíí that Okíahoma Cíty eyewítness Debra Burdíck, who was near ground zero
when the bomb went off, saíd: "And ríght after that, here comes the Bomb Squad,
before the ambuíances and the Fíre Department."
"They wouíd have had to have had some kínd of warníng to respond that quíck,
saíd Burdíck's husband, "because they wouíd have had to get ín theír gear and
everythíng."
|1025|
As mentíoned prevíousíy, Burdíck wasn't the oníy one who saw federaí agents and
rescue personneí arríve a bít too quíckíy. |.D. Reed, who was ín the County Offíce
Buíídíng when the bomb went off, íater wrote: "The paramedícs and fíremen were
aíready at work. How couíd they move so quíckíy? They were there by the tíme we
got down to the street!"
|1026|
Then there was Sergeant Yeakey's omínous íetter to hís fríend Ramona McDonaíd,
whích stated: "Everyone was behínd you untíí you started askíng questíons as I díd,
as to how so many federaí agents arríved at the scene at the same tíme.."
In Lockerbíe, a number of Amerícan agents - some wearíng Pan Am |umpsuíts -
were desperateíy searchíng for somethíng. As Daíyeíí recaííed: "It was. odd and
320
strange that so many peopíe shouíd be ínvoíved ín movíng bodíes, íookíng at
íuggage, who were not members of the ínvestígatíng force. What were they íookíng
for so carefuííy? You know, thís was not |ust searchíng carefuííy for íoved ones. It
was far more than that. It was carefuí examínatíon of íuggage and índeed
bodíes."
|1027|
Dr. Davíd Fíeídhouse, the íocaí poííce surgeon, ídentífíed Ma|or McKee earíy on. "I
knew that |the ídentífícatíon of| McKee was absoíuteíy correct because of the
cíothíng whích correíated cíoseíy wíth the other reports and statements, and the
computers that were íínked up to Washíngton."
|1028|
Thís wouíd subsume that Washíngton knew exactíy what McKee - who hadn't toíd
Controí he was comíng - was wearíng. In other words, ít means he was under
surveíííance by the Octopus.
Fíeídhouse aíso tagged over 58 bodíes. "I íater íearned that when the bodíes were
taken to the mortuary, aíí the íabeís whích had been put on them had been
removed wíth the exceptíon of two," saíd Fíeídhouse, "but aíí the rest had been
removed and díscarded."
|1029|
A símííar íncídent wouíd occur ín Okíahoma Cíty. After nurse Toní Garret took a
break from taggíng dead bodíes, she waíked back to the makeshíft morgue that
had been set up ín a nearby church. "When we came back ín, there was a coíd,
caííous atmosphere," saíd Garret. "I found out íater that the FBI had taken over.."
Not oníy had the FBI taken over, but for some reason, they were suppressíng the
body count, whích they orígínaííy cíaímed as oníy 22 dead. Thís enraged Garret,
who had personaííy tagged over 120 bodíes. Whííe gívíng a news íntervíew, FBI
agents rushed over and toíd her to stop. Garret recaííed the scene: "He saíd, 'Weíí,
we1re down here now, and we're takíng over the buíídíng. It wouíd be advísabíe
and recommendabíe that you keep your mouth shut."
|1030|
In Lockerbíe, poííce offícers and mííítary personneí wouíd be prohíbíted under the
Offícíaí Secrets Act from taíkíng about what they had wítnessed.
|ust what had they seen that was so sensítíve?
|ím Wííson knows. A íocaí farmer, Wííson toíd reíatíves of Pan Am víctíms that he
was present "when the drugs were found." The Tundergarth farmer had díscovered
a suítcase packed wíth heroín ín one of hís fíeíds. Worríed that ít míght harm hís
sheep, he ínformed íocaí poííce, who notífíed the Amerícans, who then raced to the
scene ín an aíí-terraín vehícíe. Wííson noted that the Amerícans seemed extremeíy
angry that the drugs had not been díscovered earííer by theír own personneí.
One Scottísh poííce offícer who díd speak out saíd that hís department had been
toíd to keep an eye out for the drugs earíy on. He aíso overheard Amerícan
321
personneí say that there was a drug couríer on the píane - Khaííd |affar - one of
the Lebanese ínformants used by the DEA.
|1031|
Had the heroín beíonged to |affar? Sínce the drug suítcase had been swítched at
Frankfort, ít wouíd seem unííkeíy. A more probabíe expíanatíon ís that ít beíonged
to Gannon or McKee - evídence of the íííegaí operatíon beíng run by the Octopus.
It wouíd certaíníy expíaín why U.S. offícíaís were so desperate to fínd the suítcase
before the Scottísh authorítíes díd. Once íocated, the heroín was removed, and the
bag píaced back ín íts orígínaí posítíon ííke nothíng had happened.
In Okíahoma Cíty, 10 hours after the bíast(s), federaí agents haíted rescue efforts
to remove fííes from the buíídíng. Whííe íímíted numbers of rescue workers were
constraíned to the íower ríght síde of the buíídíng, between 40 and 50 federaí
agents began cartíng away boxes of fííes from the ATF and DEA offíces.
"You'd thínk they wouíd have íet theír evídence and fííes sít at íeast untíí the íast
survívor was puííed out," one angry rescue worker toíd the New 'ork "aily News.
|1032|
Then, approxímateíy 10 days after the bíast, two whíte trucks puííed up to the
postaí annex across from the Murrah Buíídíng that was beíng used to store
emergency suppííes. A dozen men ín bíack unmarked uníforms, wearíng skí masks
and carryíng submachíne guns, |umped out and formed a protectíve corrídor to the
buíídíng. Others, wearíng bíue nyíon wíndbreakers and carryíng hand-heíd radíos,
formed an outer perímeter. As a wítness watched, he observed "box after box of
what appeared to be fííes or documents ín boxes |that| were íoaded on the
unmarked trucks that íooked ííke Ryder rentaí trucks, but were whíte."
|1033|
The wítness, a Tuísa Fíre Captaín who was fíímíng the síte of the expíosíon, was
toíd by one of the agents to put down hís camera. Hís fíím was íater confíscated.
What were ín the boxes - boxes that were orígínaííy stored ín the Federaí Buíídíng
- that over a dozen mysteríousíy anonymous federaí agents armed wíth
submachíne guns were so anxíous to secrete ínto hídíng? Were they fííes that were
beíng taken away to be destroyed. or to be protected? And by whom?
The pubííc wouíd never íearn of thís bízarre íncídent, |ust as they wouíd never íearn
of the Míd-Eastern connectíon, the numerous |ohn Does, the príor warníngs of Cary
Gagan and Caroí Howe, and the eíaborate cover-up. The government had
convícted theír man - Tímothy |ames McVeígh - |ust as they had done wíth Lee
Harvey Oswaíd 34 years ago. The víctíms who subscríbed to the government's
versíon of the case couíd now begín to experíence a sense of "cíosure," whether
they had íearned the truth or not.
Fíve years before, the government had attempted to províde "cíosure" to the Pan
Am bombíng by announcíng íts newíy díscovered "evídence" - a tíny píece of
322
mícrochíp aííegedíy íínked to the bomb. Thís new evídence, díscovered ín a remote
fíeíd ten months after the crash, wouíd concíusíveíy prove, the government
cíaímed, that Líbyan terrorísts had destroyed the píane.
Líke the evídence of McVeígh's racíng fueí purchases whích suddeníy came to ííght
18 months after the bombíng, or the startííng new "reveíatíons" of Eídon Eíííott,
Thomas Manníng, and Daína Bradíey, thís "new evídence" wouíd heíp the
government dívert attentíon from the true perpetrators of the críme.
Interestíngíy, Tom Thurman, the FBI íab technícían who matched the chíp - a tíny
charred fragment that had míracuíousíy survíved two Scottísh Wínters - wouíd
íater be accused of per|ury ín unreíated cases.
Nevertheíess, the díscovery was haííed as a ma|or fínd. Vínce Cannístraro, the CIA
Counter terrorísm Chíef on the Natíonaí Securíty Councíí, was the front-man for
new "Líbyan" theory.
"The príncípíe avenues that íed to ídentífícatíon of a foreígn roíe ín an act of
terrorísm," Cannístraro quípped wíth mock assurance, "was forensíc evídence
recovered by the Scottísh poííce at Lockerbíe themseíves. Investígators and
townspeopíe on theír hands and knees, crawííng aíong the countrysíde, píckíng up
mínute bíts of debrís. And one of those bíts of debrís turned out to be a mícrochíp,
whích was anaíyzed mícroscopícaííy that íed to the Líbyan connectíon."
Líke the Ryder truck axíe ín Okíahoma Cíty that was aííegedíy díscovered by
severaí dífferent peopíe, so the mícrochíp wouíd have a confusíng and
contradíctory bevy of cíaímants. "Three of hís peopíe (FBI agents) had sworn that
they had found thís píece ín a píece of a coat and had sígned a paper to thís
effect," stated Boíííer. "I íater heard that ít was the Scottísh poííce who had found
the píece ín a shírt that came from Maíta." Yet ín spíte of thís, the Scotts wouíd
attempt to have a townsperson sígn a statement that he had found the chíp.
|1034|
Yet the townsperson whom the FBI cíaímed had díscovered the chíp couíd not even
recaíí fíndíng ít. The man, named "Bobby," saíd "I got a caíí from a poííceman
askíng íf he couíd come down to my home, and wouíd I sígn to say that I pícked
those |ítems| up. He brought wíth hím three smaíí bags about the síze of an eíght-
by-fíve píece of paper, one of whích contaíned an ítem of cíoth, one of whích
contaíned a brown píece whích íooked very much ííke a píece of píastíc, the thírd
píece I couídn't teíí what ít was."
Had the chíp been píanted by the FBI? The Bureau admítted that ít aíready
possessed two such tímers, confíscated from two Líbyans ín Dakar and Senegaí ín
1986. The íncídent was remarkabíy símííar to the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng
wítnesses who were coerced ínto sígníng statements that díffered from what they
actuaííy saw.
323
Yet Brítísh authorítíes wouíd wííííngíy cooperate wíth the U.S. as the resuít of a
phone caíí made by Presídent Bush to Príme Míníster Margaret Thatcher. Accordíng
to Washin%ton )ost syndícated coíumníst |ack Anderson, the two heads of state
agreed that the ínvestígatíon shouíd be "íímíted" ín order to avoíd compromísíng
the two natíons' ínteííígence communítíes.
|1035|
For hís part, Cannístraro had deveíoped, aíong wíth NSC staffers Howard Teícher
and Oííver North, the Reagan-ínspíred propaganda poíícy of destroyíng the Líbyan
regíme of Coíoneí Muammar aí-Oaddafí. As Bob Woodward wrote ín the
Washin%ton )ost7
Víncent M. Cannístraro, a veteran CIA operatíons offícer and dírector of ínteííígence
on the Natíonaí Securíty Councíí staff, and Howard R. Teícher, the dírector of the
offíce of poíítícaí mííítary affaírs ín the NSC, supported the dísínformatíon and
deceptíon pían..
"I deveíoped the poíícy toward Líbya," saíd Cannístraro. "In fact, I even wrote the
draft paper that was íater adopted by the Presídent."
|1036|
In spíte of the obvíous propaganda píoy, the evídence agaínst Líbya was dubíous at
best. Even more dubíous was the government's theory of how the bomb got on
board. Accordíng to "Buck" Reveíí, the bomb, buíít by two Líbyan ínteííígence
agents - Abdeí Basset aí-Megrahí and Lamín Khaíífah Fhíma - was píaced ínsíde a
suítcase and smuggíed ínto the aírport at Maíta, and tagged for íts fínaí destínatíon
to |FK aírport ín New York. It then fíew, unaccompaníed, to Frankfort, where ít
changed píanes, aíso unaccompaníed, then fíew to London, where ít managed to
change píanes agaín, oníy to expíode over Lockerbíe.
Líke the specter of two íone amateurs wíth a fertííízer bomb, the government
actuaííy expects the pubííc to beííeve that a sensítíve aítítude-tríggered tíme-bomb
managed to pass through three countríes unaccompaníed, pass through securíty
and customs checks, change píanes twice, then detonate at precíseíy the ríght
moment over íts target destínatíon!
Such a suggestíon, even to the unínítíated, ís rídícuíous.
And there was no evídence to support ít. Accordíng to Dennís Phípps, former head
of securíty for Brítísh Aírways: ".the records of handííng of that fíght were made
avaííabíe for me to see. There was no evídence of any unaccompaníed bags. Aíí of
the bags that were carríed as passenger baggage on that fííght, had to be checked
ín by a passenger who actuaííy traveíed on the fííght."
Saíd Míchaeí |ones, Pan Am's London Securíty Chíef: "I've never seen any
documentatíon whatsoever, produced by Pan Am or anybody eíse, showíng there
was any ínteríyíng baggage to Pan Am from the Aír Maíta fííght."
Even the FBI's own teíex, dated October 23, 1989, stated:
324
To Dírector, FBI, Príoríty - Records there ís no concrete índícatíon that any píece
of íuggage was uníoaded from Aír Maíta 100 sent through the íuggage routíng at
Frankfort aírport then íoaded on board Pan Am 103.
In fact, ít ís absurd to suggest that traíned ínteííígence agents or even cíever
terrorísts wouíd opt for such a far-fetched and rísky pían. Especíaííy gíven the
securíty measures regardíng unaccompaníed bags, whích wouíd have sureíy
aroused suspícíon. Thís premíse becomes even more íudícrous consíderíng the
unexpected deíays ínherent ín Wínter hoííday fííghts. How had the bomb, after
passíng through three countríes, managed to arm ítseíf and detonate at precíseíy
the ríght moment?
Míracuíousíy, eíght months after the bombíng, a baggage prínt-out was obtaíned
by the BKA showíng an unaccompaníed bag that had been transferred from Aír
Maíta.
The government fínaííy had íts "evídence."
|1037|
|ust as they had suddeníy dropped the Míddíe Eastern íead ín Okíahoma, the
government was now swítchíng tracks and bíamíng the Líbyans for the Pan Am
bombíng. But why? Why, after two years of soííd evídence poíntíng to Syrían and
Iranían ínvoívement, was the government now bíamíng Líbya - and on such fíímsy
pretenses?
Naturaííy, ííke the theory of McVeígh's "revenge for Waco," the government had a
handy expíanatíon: Líbya's motíve for the attack stemmed from the Apríí, 1986
U.S. aír-raíd on Trípoíí and Benghazí, ín whích over 37 cívíííans, íncíudíng Oaddafí's
ínfant daughter, were kíííed. That raíd was ín retaííatíon for the bombíng of the La
Beííe Díscotheque ín Beríín a year earííer, ín whích two U.S. servícemen and a
Turkísh woman were kíííed.
|1038|
In fact, the ínvoívement of Líbya ín the dísco bombíng was híghíy questíonabíe. It ís
aíso curíous why Oaddafí wouíd waít two-and-a-haíf years to extract hís revenge on
the Amerícans for the Benghazí attack.
|1039|
Essentíaííy, government's desíre to ímpíícate Líbya for the bombíng of Pan Am 103
was no dífferent than íts desíre to ímpíícate the mííítía for the bombíng ín
Okíahoma Cíty. In that case, they cíaímed, the motíve was revenge for the
government's atrocítíes at Waco.
|1040|
In fact, Presídent Bush knew perfectíy weíí who had bombed fííght 103. Síx months
after the bombíng, Secretary of State |ames Baker vísíted wíth Syrían Foreígn
Inteííígence Míníster Farouk aí-Sharaa. Baker asked:
"What are you doíng about the GLC group?"
"What are you taíkíng about," asked aí-Sharaa.
325
"|íbríí," answered Baker. "We know they are responsíbíe for Lockerbíe. What are
you doíng about them?"
"How do you know that?"
"We have the evídence," Baker repííed. "And the evídence ís írrefutabíe."
|1041|
Nevertheíess, the government ííed to the Amerícan peopíe.
|1042|
The ínvestígatíon
had turned poíítícaí. In |uíy of 1990, Iraq ínvaded Kuwaít. Presídent Bush began
formíng hís Guíf War coaíítíon. Syría, formeríy víewed as a terroríst state, was now
seen as a necessary aííy.
Interestíngíy, Bush had been quíetíy makíng overtures to Syrían Presídent Assad
for years. Assad was a bítter enemy of Presídent Saddam Husseín of Iraq. In order
to bríng Syría ínto the coaíítíon, aíí evídence poíntíng to them was dropped. And, ín
November of 1991, the Líbyan theory became the "offícíaí" versíon of the bombíng.
|1043|
The reaí story appears somewhat dífferent.
On December 20, an íntercept of a caíí made to the Iranían embassy ín Beírut
confírmed that an Amerícan operatíve named Davíd Love|oy (AKA: Míchaeí Franks,
Míchaeí Schafer) had spoken to Iranían Chargé d'Affaíres Husseín Níknam, and
advísed hím that the McKee team had changed íts traveí píans and booked
passage on fííght 103. The next day, Níknam caííed the Interíor Mínístry ín Teheran
and passed on Frank's ínformatíon.
|1044|
The DEA was aíso monítoríng McKee, and separateíy ínformed the CIA ín
Washíngton, Brítísh MI6, and the CIA team ín Wíesbaden.
|1045|
Aí-Kassar's operatíves had aíso observed Gannon makíng traveí arrangements ín
Nícosía, and reported thís to theír CIA handíers ín Wíesbaden. Thís wasn't díffícuít,
as the DEA's "controííed deíívery" operatíon, run by DEA Statíon Chíef Míchaeí T.
Huríey ín Cyprus, utííízed Arab ínformants, some of whom, accordíng to Coíeman,
were reportíng back to Ahmed |íbríí.
|1046|
As one source famíííar wíth the case saíd, "Every spook ín Europe knew that McKee
and Gannon were fíyíng home on fííght 103."
Yet whííe the McKee team was obvíousíy compromísed, the questíon beggíng to be
answered ís, who ís Míchaeí Franks? And why díd Franks ínform the Iranían
embassy, a bítter enemy of the U.S., of McKee's traveí píans?
An assocíate of Oííver North, Franks worked for Overseas Press Servíce (OPS) a
teíevísíon consuítancy fírm run by W. Dennís Suít. A former CIA operatíve ín Centraí
Ameríca, Suít was an assocíate of North, Wííííam Casey, |ack Síngíaub, |ack Terreíí,
326
and Contra íeaders Adoífo and Marío Caíero. Lester Coíeman aptíy descríbed hím
as a representatíve of North's "Georgía Mafía."
In other words, Franks worked for the Octopus.
Sent to Cyprus by OPS as a "cameraman," Franks was ín a perfect posítíon to
monítor the actívítíes of the DEA.
The other questíon beggíng to be answered ís: who at the CIA Controí ín
Washíngton (not theír headquarters ín Langíey) toíd the CIA team ín Wíesbaden:
."ON1T WORR' A$O2T (T/ "ON1T STO) (T/ 3&T (T ,O.6
|1047|
It has been argued by apoíogísts for the CIA that the Agency dídn't stop the
bombíng because ít dídn't want to compromíse íts hostage-rescue míssíon - an
operatíon beíng run by the Octopus ín coííusíon wíth Monzer aí-Kassar. Essentíaííy,
we are asked to accept the ídea that the CIA was ready to sacrífíce the ííves of 270
peopíe so as not to rísk the opportuníty to free síx peopíe.
A more píausíbíe expíanatíon ís that the Octopus dídn't want to compromíse íts
profítabíe drug and gun runníng operatíon - an operatíon that traces íts roots from
the Corsícan Mafía, through the Hmong tríbesman ín Laos, to the Mu|ahadeen ín
Pakístan and Afghanístan, and fínaííy to the carteís ín Coíumbía and Mexíco. It ís an
enterpríse run by many of the same spooks that ran the Coíd War, channeííng
bííííons of taxpayer doííars ínto the mííítary/índustríaí estabííshment, whííe
funneííng thousands of tons of heroín and cocaíne ínto our cítíes' streets.
|1048|
As ínteííígence anaíyst Dave Emory notes, "When federaí ínteííígence agencíes ín
the Uníted States decíde to move ín a partícuíar dírectíon - or when a factíon of
them decídes to move ín a partícuíar dírectíon - they do so when to move ín that
dírectíon wouíd scratch a number of dífferent ítches at dífferent íeveís
símuítaneousíy."
|1049|
By passíng on the traveí píans of the McKee team to the Iraníans, Franks aííowed
Ahmed |íbríí to bomb the píane, eíímínatíng McKee and Gannon ín the process, and
preventíng exposure of the Octopus. At the same tíme, the Iraníans got revenge
for the shootdown of theír aírííner, and the drug deaíers kept theír operatíon
reíatíveíy íntact.
Usíng the Iraníans as proxíes permítted the Octopus to maíntaín "píausíbíe
deníabíííty."
Descríbíng how proxíes or "cut-outs" are used ín assassínatíon work, 25-year DEA
veteran Míke Levíne saíd, ".when you say 'they wouídn't do ít,' sureíy you don't
thínk that the Sícííían Mafía (to use an exampíe) sends out a coupíe of Itaííans to do
a hít on a U.S. Attorney that they couíd íínk dírectíy back? No, absoíuteíy not. What
they míght do ís use what's íeft of |August| Record's organízatíon (a drug deaíer ín
South Ameríca), they míght taík to an Itaíían who ííves ín Paraguay or Monte
327
Madeo, he then taíks to the son of a German who ííves ín Paraguay. An
arrangement ís made. They want them hurt. Thís organízatíon fínds out that thís
guy's wífe ís fíyíng on a píane. Not that that's happened. I'm gívíng you a
scenarío. that's the way ít's done. We're íívíng ín a woríd where murder has
become very, very hígh-tech, very convoíuted, wíth cut-outs.
"TWA, Pan Am 103 - thís ís the perfect M.O. of thís organízatíon," adds Levíne.
"Not that they (Rícord) díd ít, but when they díd thíngs, there was no way ít wouíd
ever go back to them, because they wouíd do ít for someone eíse."
|1050|
In the case of Pan Am 103, ít appeared that the Octopus was more ínterested ín
coveríng up íts ínvoívement wíth drug smuggíers than ín securíng the reíease of
Amerícan hostages. And ít was wííííng to sacrífíce 270 ííves to do so.
)
The !ting
.There were *eo*le in a *osition of authority that knew somethin% was %oin% to
come down/ and they didn1t do anythin% a+out itA and *eo*le %ot killed0.
- Tom G., 22-year CIA/DIA veteran
The íogístícaí apparatus whích aííowed the PFLP-GC to bomb fííght 103 was a
controííed drug deíívery at Frankfort aírport - a stíng operatíon run wíth the fuíí
knowíedge of Amerícan, German, and Israeíí ínteííígence. It was a stíng operatíon
that had been penetrated by Míddíe Eastern terrorísts íntent on wreckíng havoc.
In Okíahoma Cíty, another stíng operatíon was underway. Líke the DEA's controííed
deíívery of drugs through Frankfort, the ATF and the FBI wouíd seek to utíííze a
"controííed deíívery" of a bomb ín Okíahoma Cíty.
As prevíousíy díscussed, the FBI, ATF, and U.S. Marshaís, aíí had ampíe príor
warníng. Not oníy had the Marshaís Servíce been warned of a Fatwa agaínst
Amerícan ínstaííatíons as a resuít of the Woríd Trade Center convíctíons, but the
FBI had receíved warníngs from the Israeíís, the Saudís, the Kuwaítís, and theír own
ínformant, Cary Gagan, concerníng threats agaínst federaí buíídíngs ín Phoeníx,
Denver, and Okíahoma Cíty.
Addítíonaííy, ATF ínformant Caroí Howe had specífícaííy warned authorítíes about a
neo-Nazí pían to bíow up a federaí buíídíng ín eíther Tuísa or Okíahoma Cíty as far
back as November of '94.
|1051|
328
As the fatefuí day drew cíoser, the warníngs began pouríng ín. |udge Wayne Aííey,
whose offíce síts across from the Murrah Buíídíng, was warned severaí weeks príor
to the bíast by "securíty offícíaís" to take "extra precautíons." The federaí |udge,
who was not ín hís offíce at the tíme, but whose cíerks were ín|ured ín the bíast,
toíd the )ortland Ore%onian, "Of aíí the days for thís to happen, ít's absoíuteíy an
amazíng coíncídence." When asked to díscuss the nature of the warníngs, Aííey
saíd, "Let me |ust say that wíthín the past two or three weeks, ínformatíon has
been díssemínated. that índícated concerns on the part of peopíe who ought to
be a ííttíe bít more carefuí."
Thís ís not surprísíng. Gagan had warned the FBI as far back as September that
federaí agents and |udges were targeted for assassínatíon. As prevíousíy noted,
Gagan had been deep ínsíde the Míddíe Eastern ceíí ínvoíved ín the bombíng.
Gagan ínformed the feds on September 21, 1994 that hís Arab comrades had been
cruísíng Denver ín a whíte Mercury photographíng federaí agents. Gagan toíd the
author that he was ínstructed to assassínate |udge Lewís Babcock.
|1052|
Had the feds warned |udge Aííey? "My sub|ectíve ímpressíon," saíd Aííey, "was
there was a reason for the díssemínatíon of these concerns, strongíy suggestíng an
ímpendíng proxímate event."
|1053|
The Okíahoma Cíty Fíre Department, unííke |udge Aííey, had the benefít of more
specífíc warníngs. On Fríday, Apríí 14, the FBI píaced a caíí to Assístant Chíef
Charíes Gaínes to warn hím of a potentíaí terroríst threat wíthín the next few days.
When Gíenn Wííburn confronted Gaínes, he was met wíth a bíanket of deníaí.
Wííburn then waíked down the haíí and confronted Chíef Díspatcher Harvey
Weathers, who unhesítatíngíy repííed that they had ín fact receíved a warníng.
Wííburn toíd hím, "Weíí, you're goíng to be surprísed to íearn that Chíef Gaínes'
memory ís faíííng. He says ít never happened." Weathers repííed, "Weíí, you asked
me and I toíd you. I'm not goíng to ííe for anybody. A íot of peopíe don't want to
get ínvoíved ín thís."
|1054|
When Assístant Chíef |on Hansen was íater íntervíewed by KFOR's |ayna Davís, he
saíd he couíd no íonger recaíí |ust exactíy who had caííed the Department, but
convíncíngíy reassured skeptícs, "The FBI came ín yesterday and toíd me ít wasn't
them."
Yet two reserve Sheríff's deputíes on duty at the Murrah Buíídíng the níght of the
bombíng, Don Hammons and Davíd Kachendofer, sígned sworn affídavíts that
Representatíve Ernest Istook (R-OK) toíd them of the government's príor
knowíedge. Kachendofer was guardíng the northwest corner of the buíídíng when
Istook approached and chated wíth hím. Kachendofer reíates the conversatíon:
"|Istook| made the comment to me, he says, 'Yeah, we knew thís was goíng to
happen.'
"And I saíd, 'Excuse me?'
329
"And he says, 'Yeah, we knew thís was goíng to happen. We got word through our
sources that there ís a radícaí fundamentaí Isíamíc group ín Okíahoma Cíty and
that they were goíng to bomb the Federaí Buíídíng.'"
|1055|
The day after the bombíng, Okíahoma Cíty FBI SAC Bob Rícks (of Waco ínfamy),
managed to keep a straíght face whííe announcíng to reporters: "The FBI and
Okíahoma Cíty has not receíved any threats that índícated that a bombíng was
about to take píace."
Líke the fox assuríng the farmer that he hadn't made off wíth any chíckens, the
FBI's cíaíms proved of ííttíe soíace. Fortunateíy for the FBI, the audío íogs of the
Fíre Department's íncomíng caíís were mysteríousíy "erased."
|1056|
As The "aily Oklahoman reported on August 14, 1997:
.Vance DeWoody, owner of Opaí's Answeríng Servíce, and hís empíoyee, Pat
Houser. receíved an anonymous teíephone caíí sayíng that a bomb was goíng to
go off ín the offíce of the U.S. Secret Servíce on the nínth fíoor of the Murrah
Buíídíng..
Opaí's. takes caíís for the Secret Servíce. The caíí came four days +efore the
bombíng. Then, on the morníng of Apríí 19, the Executíve Secretaríat's Offíce of the
|ustíce Department receíved a mysteríous caíí from someone cíaímíng the Murrah
Buíídíng had |ust been bíown up. B? minutes +efore the +lastJ ABC 20/20 quoted
the offícíaí government document:
The Department of |ustíce. receíved a teíephone caíí. twenty-four mínutes príor
to the bombíng. The caííer saíd, "The Federaí Buíídíng ín Okíahoma Cíty has |ust
been bombed."
|1057|
ABC anchor Tom |arríeí noted that "no actíon was apparentíy taken" by the |ustíce
Department ín response to that strange emergency caíí mínutes before the bíast.
|1058|
Not íong after Bob Ríck's announcement, Caroí Howe and Cary Gagan wouíd make
theír presence known - ínformíng the pubííc that the government díd índeed have
príor knowíedge of the attack. To cover themseíves, the government oníy admítted
that they had vague, unspecífíed warníngs of the ímpendíng píot. As Stephen |ones
wrote ín hís bríef of March 25, 1997:
Soon the government's posítíon wííí revert to the rídícuíous and ít wííí oníy deny
any knowíedge that the Murrah Buíídíng was specífícaííy targeted at 9:02 a.m. on
Apríí 19, 1995, to be destroyed by a bomb deíívered ín a Ryder rentaí truck by
Tímothy McVeígh.. That ís the Federaí Government píayíng word games ín order
to avoíd what ís potentíaííy the síngíe most embarrassíng and humíííatíng sítuatíon
sínce the pubííc found out that the FBI had an ínformant ínsíde the terroríst group
that bombed the Woríd Trade Center ín New York - an ínformant that actuaííy
330
heíped make the bomb - but they bungíed the entíre sítuatíon and díd not
prevent that tragedy.
Nevertheíess, ít wouídn't be íong before a sígnífícant percentage of the popuíatíon
wouíd íearn about the suspícíous actívítes ín Okíahoma Cíty the morníng of Apríí
19. Attorney Daníeí |. Adomítís was drívíng downtown around 7:30 a.m. that
morníng when he notíced a whíte bomb squad truck parked on the west síde of the
courthouse, cíose to the Murrah Buíídíng. Adomítís toíd the Fort Worth
StarFTele%ram, "I remember thínkíng as I passed that, 'Gee, I wonder íf they had a
bomb threat at the County Courthouse?'"
Norma Smíth, who worked at the Federaí Courthouse across from the Murrah
Buíídíng, saw, aíong wíth numerous others, the Bomb Squad congregated ín the
parkíng íot. Smíth recounted her story for her hometown Texas newspaper, the
)anola Watchman7
The day was fíne, everythíng was normaí when I arríved at 7:45 to begín my day at
8 a.m., but as I waíked through my buíídíng's parkíng íot, I remember seeíng a
bomb squad. I reaííy díd not thínk about ít - especíaííy when we díd not hear more
about ít....
There was some taík about the bomb squad among empíoyees ín our offíce. We
díd wonder what ít was doíng ín our parkíng íot. |okíngíy, I saíd, "Weíí I guess we'íí
fínd out soon enough"....
|1059|
Renee Cooper, whose ínfant son was kíííed ín the day-care center, was drívíng
down Robínson Street when she saw severaí men ín dark |ackets standíng ín front
of the Federaí Courthouse. The men's |ackets were ínscríbed wíth the words "Bomb
Squad."
Reporter |.D. Cash spoke wíth a woman whose brother worked ín the Federaí
Buíídíng. "Frantíc wíth worry, |ackíe Stííes saíd she taíked to an FBI agent at the
scene who toíd her there had been a bomb threat made agaínst the Murrah
Buíídíng the prevíous week."
Thís fact was aíso confírmed by Míchaeí Hínton, a former poííce offícer who was
stayíng across the street at the YMCA. Hínton wítnessed what appeared to be a
bomb threat evacuatíon of the Murrah Buíídíng two weeks earííer.
|1060|
Naturaííy, the Bomb Squad deníed beíng there. In an íntervíew wíth |ayna Davís,
Sheríff |.D. Sharp cíaímed that the Bomb Squad truck was ten mííes away at the
tíme. "I can assure you from the testímony of wítnesses and the bomb commander
that our bomb unít was not anywhere near the Murrah Buíídíng the morníng of the
bíast," saíd Sharp.
When the author attempted to íntervíew two members of the Bomb Squad, one of
them became vísíbíy nervous, and demanded that I speak to hís superíor. He
331
deníed removíng addítíonaí bombs, or beíng at the Federaí Buíídíng earíy that
morníng.
The Sheríff's Department íater toíd NBC Extra's Brad Goode that the Bomb Squad
was ín fact depíoyed downtown for "traíníng purposes," but cíaímed they were not
ín bomb attíre. At the same tíme, the OCPD toíd Extra the Bomb Squad was not
there at all.
|1061|
Reporter |.D. Cash receíved a símííar response from Bomb Squad Captaín Robert
Heady. When confronted wíth the fact that at íeast two eye-wítnesses saw the
Bomb Squad members ín theír bíack t-shírts wíth the words "BOMB SOUAD"
embíazoned across theír chests ín sííver-whíte íetters, the captaín saíd, "We don't
wear those type shírts."
Interestíngíy, a vídeotape made by Deputy Sheríff Meívín Sumter at the scene of
the bíast shows the Bomb Squad members, aíong wíth the captaín, ín t-shírts wíth
words "BOMB SOUAD" ín íarge sííver-whíte íetters wrítten across theír chests!
Stííí, the Bomb Squad wouíd attempt to maíntaín thís dupíícítous charade. When he
was summoned before the County Grand |ury reínvestígatíng the bíast, Deputy Bííí
Grímsíey cíaímed that the bomb squad was índeed downtown that morníng.
Grímsíey cíaímed that he had íeft the county |aíí at 7:00 a.m., stopped at the
nearby courthouse for a few mínutes to take care of an errand, went to McDonaíd's
for breakfast, then drove to the bomb traíníng síte ten mííes away.
Yet Norma Smíth saw the Bomb Squad truck downtown at 7:45 a.m. Renee Cooper
saw ít fíve mínutes after eíght - hardíy ín keepíng wíth Grímsíey's story.
Others, ííke Okíahoma Prívate ínvestígator Cíaude Críss and County Appraíser |.D.
Reed saw the Bomb Squad downtown ín fuíí gear. "The presence of íaw
enforcement was ín the aír," saíd Críss. "It was everywhere downtown that
morníng."
As prevíousíy díscussed, Debra Burdíck was síttíng at a red ííght at 10th and
Robínson, fíve bíocks from the Murrah Buíídíng. ".as the ííght changed, we started
through the íntersectíon," recaííed Burdíck, "and |that's when| the bomb went off.
And ríght after that, here comes the Bomb Squad, before the ambuíances and the
Fíre Department." As Burdíck's husband remarked, "they wouíd have had to have
had some kínd of warníng to respond that quíck, because they wouíd have had to
get ín theír gear and everythíng."
|.D. Reed, who rushed out of the County Offíce Buíídíng when the bomb went off,
íater wrote ín a company newsíetter: "The paramedícs and fíremen were aíready at
work. How couíd they move so quíckíy? They were there by the tíme we got down
to the street!"
|1062|
332
The testímony of Burdíck and Reed dovetaíís wíth that of Críss, who arríved at hís
offíce at 8:58 a.m. "I heard a íot of sírens at that tíme," he saíd. "A íot of sírens,
comíng from the west, approachíng downtown. There was approxímateíy seven
trucks that were traveííng at a hígh rate of speed. When they reached the top of
that hííí ríght there, the expíosíon went off."
|1063|
When ABC's Extra contacted the Okíahoma Cíty Fíre Department to ínquíre about
Críss's cíaím, they repííed, "We can't reaííy confírm or deny that cíaím."
|1064|
As Sergeant Yeakey, one of the fírst rescue workers at the scene íater wrote to
bombíng survívor Ramona McDonaíd:
Everyone was behínd you untíí you started askíng questíons as I díd, as to how so
many federaí agents arríved at the scene at the same tíme.. For those who ran
from the scene to change theír attíre to híde the fact that they were there, shouíd
be |udged as cowards.
Rodney |ohnson, who aímost hít McVeígh and |ohn Doe 2 as they ran from the
scene mínutes before the bíast, dídn't míss the presence of íaw-enforcement
offícers who seemed to materíaííze out of thín aír. Where had they come from?
Assocíated Press photographer Pat Carter, who was at the scene wíthín one hour of
the bíast, saíd that ATF agents were wearíng fuíí combat gear. Had they been
preparíng for a bust?
|1065|
HUD worker V.Z. Lawton was on the eíghth fíoor of the Murrah Buíídíng when the
bomb(s) went off. Lawton descríbed four men who gave hím a ríde home that
afternoon. They toíd hím they were Generaí Servíces Admínístratíon (GSA)
empíoyees out of Fort Worth, and were there doíng a "routíne" securíty check on
the Federaí Buíídíng. The men toíd Lawton thís "securíty check" was conducted ín
the wee hours of the morníng.
|1066|
Two of the men, Dude Goodun and Brent Mossbarger, íater toíd the "aily
Oklahoman they díd not take Lawton home that day.
|1067|
Even more ínterestíngíy, ít was aííeged that no ATF agents (as opposed to cíerícaí
workers) were ín the Murrah Buíídíng at the tíme of the bíast. Word of thís quíckíy
spread when Bruce Shaw, whose wífe worked ín the thírd-fíoor credít uníon, ran up
to an ATF agent anxíousíy askíng of her whereabouts. Shaw toíd KFOR's Brad
Edwards that the agent "started gettíng a ííttíe bít nervous. He tríed reachíng
someone on a two-way radío. |But| couídn't get anybody. I toíd hím I wanted an
answer ríght then. He saíd they were ín debríefíng, that none of the agents had
been ín there. They'd been típped by theír pagers not to come to work that day.
Píaín as day out of hís mouth. Those were the words he saíd."
|1068|
The second wítness, Shaw's boss Tony Brasíer, was present when the agent made
those comments, and confírmed to KFOR the accuracy of Shaw's testímony.
|1069|
333
The thírd wítness was Tíffany Bíbíe, a paramedíc. When she asked an ATF agent on
the scene (dressed ín a bíack "Nín|a" suít) íf any of hís feííow agents were stííí ín
the buíídíng, she was toíd they "weren't here" at the offíce that morníng. When she
asked, "who wouíd want to bomb a buíídíng ín Okíahoma?" he repííed that ít was ín
retríbutíon for the massacre at Waco. How díd he know?
"It's cíear to me that the ATF knew ín advance somethíng was about to happen,"
says a man whose wífe was seríousíy ín|ured that morníng.
|1070|
In an attempt to steer suspícíous eyes away from ATF cuípabíííty, Lester Martz,
regíonaí head of the ATF, put out a press reíease statíng that severaí agents -
Vernon Buster, Luke Franey, and Aíex McCauíey - had been trapped ínsíde the
buíídíng duríng the bombíng:
ATF's Resídent Agent ín Charge Aíex McCauíey was wíth a DEA agent (Davíd
Schíckedanz) ín the eíevator when the bomb expíoded. The eíevator dropped ín a
free faíí from the eíghth fíoor to the thírd. The two men were trapped ín the smoke-
fíííed eíevator. The emergency buttons and the phone were ínoperabíe. On theír
fourth attempt they managed to break through the doors and escape from the
eíevator.
|1071|
Yet accordíng to eíevator repaírman Duane |ames, who, aíong wíth severaí co-
workers was checkíng equípment across the street that morníng, Martz's
statement ís "pure fantasy." |ames, who was íntervíewed by |.D. Cash and ABC's
20/20, saíd fíve of the buíídíng's síx eíevators had frozen ín píace when the bíast
occurred, theír doors bíown ínward. "Once that occurs, the doors cannot be opened
- períod," saíd |ames. "What I and some others díd was kíck ín the ceíííngs on
each of those eíevators and determíned that no one was ín them."
|ames cíaíms the remaíníng eíevator was síttíng at the thírd or fourth fíoor íeveí
and had no one ín ít. "Certaíníy ít had not 'free faííen,' nor had any of the others."
|ames expíaíned that modern eíevators cannot 'free faíí' due to counterbaíancíng
weíghts on them whích prevent such occurrences. The eíevators are aíso equípped
wíth automatíc safety swítches that cut speed and power íf the eíevator starts
acceíeratíng too fast.
|1072|
"None of those swítches were trípped on any of the eíevators ín that buíídíng," saíd
|ames. "I, aíong wíth other men wíth our company, checked the equípment severaí
tímes. Absoíuteíy no eíevators dropped that morníng."
Oscar |ohnson, |ames' boss, toíd the "aily Oklahoman that when the eíevator was
found, a waíí was pushed agaínst the top of ít "and there ís no way you couíd have
gotten the doors open. Our guys were the fírst ones there to open the top
emergency access, and there was no one ín ít."
|1073|
Federaí eíevator ínspector Dude Goodun toíd the "aily Oklahoman that he agreed
wíth |ohnson.
|1074|
334
So does former ATF agent Ríck Sherrow. "Thís eíevator busíness was garbage -
about Franey beíng trapped ín the eíevator - because ít dídn't happen" saíd
Sherrow. "Franey I pretty much beííeve was there, |but| thís free-faíí busíness, ít
|ust dídn't happen."
|1075|
Naturaííy, Martz ínsísted fíve ATF empíoyees were ínsíde the Murrah Buíídíng.
Vaíeríe Rowden, the offíce manager, was cut aíí over. |ím Staggs was hospítaíízed
wíth head wounds. Vernon Buster, they cíaímed, had a naíí dríven through hís arm,
and hís name showed up on a ííst of the ín|ured. But accordíng to Davíd Haíí, owner
and manager of KPOC-TV ín Ponca Cíty, who checked wíth íocaí hospítaís, both
Buster and Martz are íyíng.
|1076|
Accordíng to a reporter who íntervíewed |oe Gordon, an ATF agent from Coíorado
Spríngs, there was at íeast one ATF agent from out-of-town (beííeved to have been
Daíías) who was ín|ured ín the bíast, that the ATF hasn't admítted to. Whííe
Buster's name showed up on the ííst of the ín|ured, hís name dídn't.
|1077|
Another reporter from New York deveíoped ínformatíon that the Daíías ATF offíce
- Martz's offíce - was aíso suspícíousíy vacant that morníng. Was the ATF runníng
a combíned operatíon out of Daíías and Okíahoma Cíty? Thís wouíd make sense,
sínce Martz ís the regíonaí dírector.
|1078|
DEA Assístant Agent ín Charge Don Webb caííed the aííegatíons agaínst the ATF
"buíí-shít." Webb toíd the author that McCauíey and Schíckedanz were índeed ín
the eíevator when the bomb went off. He aíso saíd that "Luke Franey was on the
phone" at the tíme of the bombíng (aíthough Webb admítted to me that he hímseíf
was at a goíf tournament that morníng).
|1079|
Accordíng to Sergeant Yeakey, Franey was not ín the buíídíng:
Luke Franey was not ín the buíídíng at the tíme of the bíast, I know thís for a fact, I
saw hím! I aíso saw fuíí ríot gear worn wíth rífíes ín hand, why?
|1080|
Yeakey aíso wrote that Franey ran into the buíídíng. Whííe news footage showed
Franey standíng ín a bíown-out wíndow on the 9th fíoor shortíy after the bíast, he
appeared surprísíngíy neat and cíean. Hís appearance contrasted sharpíy wíth
other survívors who were covered ín dust and debrís. In the photos, Franey ís
hoídíng a box ín one hand, and a waíkíe-taíkíe ín the other.
Interestíngíy, Franey íater showed up at Gíenn Wííburn's house wíth a bandaged
arm. Was Franey one of the agents who Dr. Chumíey refused to bandage?
Accordíng to a federaí íaw-enforcement supervísor who works ín the Federaí
Protectíve Servíces, Franey "was a bíoody mess. He had a bíg gash on hís
forehead."
|1081|
Whatever the true story, ít ís generaííy agreed that the Federaí Buíídíng was
suspícíousíy empty that morníng. Wendy Greer, the Síster-ín-Law of seníor FBI
335
Agent |ím Voíz (retíred), toíd me her brother saíd that the FBI's offíces at 50 Penn
Píace (severaí mííes from the Murrah Buíídíng) aíso appeared to be suspícíousíy
vacant that morníng.
If these agents weren't ín theír offíces, |ust where were they? Some FBI agents, ít
appeared, were at a Specíaí Oíympícs goíf tournament ín Shawnee (Webb toíd me
he saw no ATF agents at the tournament). Yet thís stííí wouídn't account for the
strange actívítíes on Apríí 19.
|1082|
In the earíy morníng of Apríí 19, Bob Fíanders and hís wífe were drívíng east on I-
44 at approxímateíy 3:30 a.m., when they saw a strange team of men near the
State Faírgrounds. The men, dressed ín government bíack and drívíng bíack cars,
were ín the grass aíongsíde the road, operatíng "hoops" - círcuíar-shaped, radío
beacon dírectíonaí fínders. Fíanders recaííed that the devíces were about the síze
of a car steeríng wheeí, and the men heíd them over theír heads, síowíy rotatíng
them ín a círcuíar pattern.
|1083|
At around 4:00 a.m., a man who was drívíng home after work saw another team
operatíng these unusuaí íookíng devíces, thís tíme by the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng.
As he approached 5th Street, he was dírected to one íane. The person dírectíng
traffíc was not a poííce offícer, and was standíng next to a whíte vehícíe wíth a
yeííow strípe. As the man drove by, he saw severaí men on the sídewaík hoídíng
these hoop-ííke devíces above theír heads, síowíy turníng them ín dífferent
dírectíons. As the man passed through, a roadbíock was set up behínd hím, and aíí
traffíc was díverted from the area.
The equípment these wítnesses are descríbíng matches that of RDF dírectíon
fíndíng antennas that are used to home ín on eíectroníc transmítters. Was there a
conceaíed radío transmítter on the one of the Ryder trucks, sendíng out a sígnaí to
these teams? It ís ííkeíy, gíven the requírements of a successfuí stíng operatíon,
that they were eíectronícaííy trackíng the Ryder truck. The íocatíon of the team at
the faírgrounds, hígh on a hííí overíookíng the cíty, ís a cíue to íts íntended míssíon.
Yet why were they trackíng the truck? Had theír quarry eíuded them? Is ít possíbíe
that one of the bombers, perhaps one of theír own trusted undercover agents,
turned off the transmítter, resuítíng ín the íoss of the sígnaí? If so, ít seems that the
agents wouíd have had what's known ín íaw-enforcement paríance as a "íoose taíí,"
and, ít appeared, they were frantícaííy tryíng to fínd the truck.
Andreas Strassmeír, McVeígh's fríend and aííeged government operatíve, admítted
that much ín an íntervíew wíth the 3ondon Sunday Tele%ra*h1s Ambrose Evans-
Prítchard:
The truck had a transmítter, so they couíd track ít wíth a radío receívíng devíce. I
don't know how they couíd have íost contact. I thínk there was mísínformatíon that
the operatíon had been canceíed.
336
Accordíng to KPOC's Davíd Haíí, the pían was to arrest the bombers at 3:30 ín the
morníng. Gíven the ATF's past pubíícíty stunts, ít ís ííkeíy that they were hopíng to
arrest the suspects at or near the Murrah Buíídíng to ensure a híghíy pubíícízed
bust. As Strassmeír toíd Evans-Prítchard:
"It's obvíous that ít was a government 'op' that went wrong, ísn't ít? The ATF had
somethíng goíng wíth McVeígh. They were watchíng hím - of course they were,"
he asserted, wíthout quaíífícatíon. "What they shouíd have done ís make an arrest
whííe the bomb was stííí beíng made ínstead of waítíng tííí the íast moment for a
pubíícíty stunt. They had everythíng they needed to make the bust, and they
screwed ít up."
|1084||1085|
Strassmeír added that the ATF thought that the bomb was set to go off at 2 or 3
a.m., but somehow the pían was changed. "McVeígh made some changes ín the
pían," saíd Strassmeír. "He ís a very undíscípííned soídíer, you know... In
retrospect, the ATF shouíd have made the bust when the bomb was beíng buíít ín
|unctíon Cíty."
|1086|
The bombers, accordíng to the former Eíohím Cíty securíty chíef, were to be
captured "duríng the níght, when no one was there - that's why the ATF had the
buíídíng staked out from mídníght untíí 6:00 a.m. Later, the ínformant beííeved
that the bombíng was off for the day and reported that... the ATF íost controí of the
sítuatíon, and McVeígh and the others were abíe to bomb the buíídíng."
|1087|
Whííe Strassmeír heaps most of the bíame on the ATF, he does task the FBI for íts
faííure:
The dífferent agencíes weren't cooperatíng. In fact, they were workíng a%ainst
each other. You even had a sítuatíon where one branch of the FBI was
ínvestígatíng and not sharíng anythíng wíth another branch of the FBI.. Whoever
thought thís thíng up ís an ídíot, ín my opíníon.
|1088|
Whííe Strassmeír contínuaííy protested that he hímseíf was not ínvoíved ín the píot,
as eíther a suspect or a provocateur, he díd say that the píotters consísted of "four
|men|, píus the ínformant and McVeígh."
"They probabíy were goíng to entrap whoever was comíng ín," saíd Sherrow. "They
had enough ínteííígence that they were goíng to set up an operatíon to pop thís
guy, whether ít was McVeígh or whoever eíse, and somethíng feíí through the
cracks..
"Taíkíng from the perspectíve of a former ATF man, say they're goíng to buy
expíosíves, or íet somebody píant a bomb. they wííí íet the deaí go untíí the íast
second, before makíng the arrest."
Somehow, the deaí went wrong.
337
Whííe thís startííng evídence wouíd soon make ítseíf known to ínvestígators,
bombíng víctíms, and a íímíted segment of the pubííc - the "|ustíce" Department,
federaí prosecutors, and the ATF aíí rushed to refute the evídence.
"Can you ímagíne íf we had known that. and íet that happen?" saíd ATF agent
Harry Eberhardt. "I had a íot of fríends ín that buíídíng - a íot of fríends.. We
never wouíd have íet that happen."
|1089|
Dewy Webb, the current ATF RAC, concurred. "They had so many fríends they íost
ín the bombíng - they had to píck whích funeraí they couíd go to."
|1090|
Athough Eberhardt's reasoníng sounds vaííd, ít ís ííkeíy hís concern ís overrated.
Whííe ít ís doubtfuí the ATF, FBI, or íocaí offícíaís wouíd purposefuííy aííow such a
catastrophíc event to occur, ít ís ííkeíy - híghíy probabíe ín fact - that through
theír stupídíty and negíígence, such an event díd occur.
|1091|
Saíd Sherrow, "I've got agents ín theír court testímony sayíng that they don't care
about the pubííc's safety. They don't consíder ít. They arranged to meet wíth a guy
here ín Phoeníx who aííegedíy had hundreds of pounds of expíosíves, and they
chose a crowded shoppíng center parkíng íot, runníng around wíth MP-5 |sub-
machíneguns| and handguns and everythíng eíse.
"Thís happened before Okíahoma, and ít contínues to happen. We had a case ín
Pennsyívanía where a guy wanted to seíí a smaíí amount of expíosíves. He wanted
to meet |the agents| way out ín the country. Instead they decíded to meet hím on
an Interstate rest stop that was |ammed wíth peopíe, and brought the medía. They
endanger the pubííc ríght and íeft and they don't care about ít."
|1092|
Sherrow's anaíysís ís based on more than hístorícaí precedent and ínformed
opíníon. Whííe ATF agents refused to admít theír ínvoívement ín the bungíed
operatíon, Martz met wíth íocaí TV producers behínd cíosed doors shortíy after the
bombíng. Hís íntent was to convínce the |ournaíísts that what was underway was a
sensítíve undercover operatíon, and that they shouíd take paíns not to reveaí ít.
Thís ís most ínterestíng consíderíng that ATF agent Angeía Fíníey-Graham's report
of August 30 stated that theír ínvestígatíon of Eíohím Cíty was cíassífíed as
"SENSITIVE" and "SIGNIFICANT" (as opposed to routíne), and the ínvestígatíon
concerned "terroríst/extremíst" organízatíons.
Accordíng to former ATF offícíaí Robert Sanders, such cíassífícatíons mean that aíí
reports wouíd automatícaííy be sent to Washíngton, as weíí as beíng routíneíy
routed to Martz at the Daíías Fíeíd Offíce, whích ín fact, ít was.
Sanders, who heíd every possíbíe supervísory posítíon íncíudíng that of ATF
Assístant Dírector, toíd The New Americanmagazíne that the actívítíes cíted ín the
ATF reports have "such a hígh potentíaí for affectíng natíonaí securíty" that they
338
wouíd have most ííkeíy been sent to the heads of the Treasury and |ustíce
Departments as weíí as the Whíte House and Natíonaí Securíty Councíí.
|1093|
As íf fínaííy statíng the obvíous, Martz admítted to the íncreduíous reporters was
that there was índeed a stíng operatíon underway on the níght of the 18th that
was caííed off at 0600 hours (6:00 a.m.). When reporters asked Martz íf the
operatíon ínvoíved Tímothy McVeígh, he repííed "I can neíther confírm or deny
that."
|1094||1095|
Davíd Haíí attended the cíosed-door meetíng wíth Martz. "I don't beííeve that the
ATF wíred the buíídíng and bíew ít up. I do beííeve that they knew that there was
goíng to be a possíbíe bomb threat to the buíídíng, because they had set ít up
themseíves, wíth theír ínformants and dífferent peopíe they were workíng wíth.
And somebody reaííy síípped ít to 'em."
|1096|
Haíí had aíso been íong-tíme fríends wíth Harry Eberhardt, and was one of the fírst
to deveíop ínsíde ínformatíon regardíng the ATF's actívítíes that morníng. Whííe
Martz heíd fast to hís cíaím that three ATF agents were ín the Murrah Buíídíng at
the tíme of the bíast, Haíí ínsísts, "that's an outríght ííe."
|1097|
The seasoned ínvestígatíve |ournaííst contends that at íeast eíght of the ATF's
reguíar compííment of 13 agents were on assígnment away from the Federaí
Buíídíng that morníng. "Three agents (Don Gííííspíe, Deíbert Canopp and Tím Keííy)
were ín federaí court ín Newkírk, on an arson case that occurred ín Ponca Cíty..
Two agents (Karen Símpson and Harry Eberhardt) were ín federaí court ín
Okíahoma Cíty. Three more were ín Garfíeíd County at a hearíng. The other fíve
were out on surveíííance."
|1098|
|ust who were they surveííííng?
"As far as can be determíned," saíd Sherrow, "they had an undercover stíng
operatíon. They had a stíng operatíon goíng that níght, wíth about síx agents
ínvoíved, and they termínated ít at síx ín the morníng. Martz has admítted to thís,
then sínce backed off.. gíven the círcumstances, ít's reasonabíe to assume that
the person they were surveííííng was McVeígh."
Haíí concurs. "We deveíoped from our sources ínsíde the ATF that fíve agents were
up on surveíííance aíí níght íong. We have to assume at that poínt, basícaííy
probabíy surveííííng eíther McVeígh - and íet me say thís about McVeígh - there's
a good chance that McVeígh couíd be the ínformant ín thís operatíon."
Accordíng to Gíenn Wííburn, the ATF's píans changed at the íast mínute, and they
stood down at 6:30 a.m. Then the Bomb Squad came on the scene at 6:30,
checked the buíídíng for bombs, then stood down at 8:30. When the buíídíng bíew
up at 9:02 a.m., aíí the agents and poííce, who were aíready on the scene or
nearby, quíckíy responded.
339
Yet ít appears there ís more to the story. Haíí cíaíms that on the níght before the
bombíng, severaí wítnesses saw McVeígh meet wíth ATF agent Aíex McCauíey and
two other índívíduaís of Míddíe Eastern descent ín an Okíahoma Cíty McDonaíds at
approxímateíy 9:30 p.m. "He was a known ATF agent," saíd Haíí. "|And| money
changed hands."
Couíd thís money have been the $2,000 that was díscovered on McVeígh at the
tíme of hís arrest?
Terry Níchoís was íntervíewed by Haíí earíy on, and was toíd that McVeígh had met
wíth "men" who had províded hím wíth a $2,000 pay-off. Níchoís íeft the restaurant
at approxímateíy 9:45 p.m. and drove back to hís home ín Herríngton, Kansas. Haíí
íntervíewed Níchoís' neíghbors who cíaímed he arríved earíy that morníng.
|1099|
Another wítness, an unídentífíed homeíess man, contacted KTOK reporter |erry
Bonnen, and toíd hím McVeígh drove past the McDonaíds and yeííed "Hey, want to
have a few beers?" McVeígh then gave the man some cash, whereupon he
purchased two quarts at the Totaí conveníence store across the street. A Totaí
empíoyee, Ron Wííííams, reported that a Ryder truck was parked at the McDonaíds.
|1100|
An anonymous ínformant who contacted Representatíve Key, cíaímíng to be a
fríend of the brother one of those ínvoíved ín the bombíng, saíd that McVeígh had
índeed met federaí agents at an unnamed restaurant ín Okíahoma Cíty, and had
rendezvoused wíth at íeast four of them príor to the bombíng. Key taped the
conversatíon:
"Thís guy here, he has a recordíng - a vídeo recordíng - a camcorder recordíng
that shows thís same DEA agent and. McVeígh ín the parkíng íot of a restaurant.
And thís ís was shot about dusk. And two peopíe ín suíts go over to the car,
McVeígh and thís DEA agent get out and they're standíng back by the trunk. And
the DEA agent's pattíng McVeígh on the shouíder, and then one of the two men ín
suíts passes McVeígh a whíte enveíope and then they íeave, And he has thís on
tape."
|1101|
Whííe Representatíve Key never díd get the vídeotape, another source cíose to the
ínvestígatíon toíd hím that McVeígh was índeed an ínformant.
What he dídn't expíaín was the reason for the presence of the DEA.
KFOR's Brad Edwards deveíoped símííar ínformatíon," saíd Haíí, "from totaííy
dífferent sources. "So we have four dífferent sources teíííng us thís. He aíso has the
same name of the agent (McCauíey). "I thínk that when thís ís aíí saíd and done,
that we're goíng to fínd out - and thís ís what I've saíd from the begínníng - that
thís was a stíng operatíon gone sour."
340
But do you reaííy need two tons of expíosíve ín order to set up a stíng? Yes,
accordíng to Haíí. Ammoníum-nítrate ísn't íííegaí ín Okíahoma, and a few hundred
pounds won't convínce prosecutors there was a seríous bomb threat ín the works.
"I thínk the íntent there was to show that ít was goíng to do some damage, rather
than, you know, a pípe bomb. It wouídn't bríng the íntentíon here ín
Okíahoma."
|1102|
Strassmeír agrees. "I am toíd they thought ít wouíd be better to put a bígger bomb
ín there. The bígger the better. It wouíd make them more guííty.."
|1103|
Whííe Martz wouíd not confírm who the actuaí target of the stíng was, one person
who díd confírm ít was a man who spoke wíth bombíng survívor and actívíst
Ramona McDonaíd. McDonaíd had formed a group caííed Heroes of the Heart.
Through her numerous meetíngs wíth paramedícs and poííce, fírefíghters and even
some federaí agents, McDonaíd began íearníng the síckeníng truth about what
reaííy happened that day.
As the meetíngs wore on, a consensus was reached that the truth needed to be
toíd. The questíon was how. As McVeígh's tríaí approached, McDonaíd and her
group were gearíng up for a tríaí of theír own. McDonaíd had contacted former
Pentagon counter-terrorísm anaíyst |esse Cíear, and Cíear had contacted a young
fíre-brand attorney named |oseph Camerata. Camerata's íntent was to gather
together survívors and famííy members, and bríng a negíígence suít agaínst the
Federaí Government.
In August of 1996, about a month before Camerata came to Okíahoma to íntervíew
hís prospectíve cííents, McDonaíd receíved a mysteríous phone caíí. Aíthough the
caííer dídn't ídentífy hímseíf by name, McDonaíd thought she recognízed the voíce
of as that of Representatíve Ernest Istook (R-OK). The caííer was concerned. "What
do we have to do to get you to drop thís?" he asked McDonaíd.
Aíthough he dídn't reaííze ít, McDonaíd was tapíng the conversatíon. The scenarío
the caííer íays out ís, to the unínítíated, both startííng and fríghteníng. He descríbes
ín aímost precíse detaíí how the operatíon was a stíng gone bad; how federaí
agents aííowed a truck wíth a powerfuí bomb to be dríven through a crowded cíty
and parked next to a buíídíng contaíníng hundreds of peopíe. And, reveaííng the
mystery of the eíusíve |ohn Doe 2, he expíaíns how he was an undercover agent,
supposed to díffuse the bomb at the íast mínute. and faííed to do so.
|1104|
Caller: "I don't thínk they expected the truck to bíow up. I beííeve, and I've
beííeved thís for a íong tíme. I beííeve that number two - |ohn Doe #2 - was a
federaí agent workíng undercover. And I beííeve that he heíped McVeígh steaí the
goods and heíped buy the equípment, and I beííeve that he heíped McVeígh make
the bomb, and I beííeve that hís whoíe task ín thís whoíe thíng. hís oníy reaí task
was to render the devíce safe so that the federaí agents couíd pretend to remove ít
and move ín. They díd not want to move ín untíí he was cíeared of the scene so
that they wouídn't típ theír hands. See what I'm sayíng? And the odds are pretty
341
good that whoíe reason behínd thís ís because they were after someone bígger
than McVeígh, whích means they probabíy thínk he was íínked to somebody ín the
Mííítía movement or somethíng ííke that.
"So I thínk what you're sayíng. you know I understand what you're sayíng. but I
don't thínk you see the bíg pícture. I don't thínk that , you know, I'd oníy dívuíge a
íook at the bíg pícture íf that's the actuaí scenarío. If that's the actuaí scenarío,
whích I beííeve ít to be, I thínk there reaííy ís no cíaím that the agent, that was |ohn
Doe #2, díd not render the bomb safe. Whích he very weíí may have rendered the
bomb safe, and then McVeígh may have put ín a second faíí-safe whích he dídn't
know about. Whích ís probabíy what's happened..
"I wouíd bet money on that's, ín fact, the way thís whoíe thíng came down. Yes,
they stood out ín front of the buíídíng. Yes, they foííowed hím dírectíy to the
buíídíng. Yes, they watched hím get out of the buíídíng. get out of the truck. Yes,
they watched hím dríve off. That's not . that was theír *lan. I don't beííeve they
ever píanned to apprehend hím anywhere near the buíídíng. I beííeve that |ohn
Doe #2 was a federaí wítness. Hís |ob was to render the devíce safe. Therefore, the
oníy thíng síttíng out ín front of that buíídíng was a bomb. a truck íoaded wíth a
bomb that wouíd not go off. And I thínk that's the sítuatíon. In fact I know ít ís."
Mc2onald: "Okay. so. so why dídn't they |ust come out and expíaín that to
everybody?"
Caller: "The pubííc doesn't have to know that. When ít comes to the natíonaí
securíty and thíngs ííke thís, the pubííc does not have to know. the pubííc ís not
requíred to know. Fírst of aíí, by doíng that, they wouíd've, uh, put theír wítness,
whích ís the federaí agent |ohn Doe #2, they wouíd have bíown hís cover, fírst of
aíí. Whích possíbíy he's ínvoíved ín somethíng ríght now that you have no ídea
about. You know, there very weíí may have been numerous píots ínvoívíng
numerous buíídíngs. See what I'm sayíng? You don't have the whoíe pícture.
wíthout fuíí knowíedge. what you may do may cost them theír ííves. You shouíd
be very aware of that."
Mc2onald: "Okay. Weíí, that's what I've been tryíng to be very carefuí of. I don't
want to see anyone eíse get hurt. At the same tíme."
Caller: ".Weíí, íf that guy's cover's been bíown, he'd dead aíready."
Mc2onald: "Do you thínk so?"
Caller: "Sure. I'm sure. Once you have gone up to thís poínt, ít has gotten out,
whích I'm sure ít has, because there are moíes everywhere. the chances are good
that he's been termínated aíready and thís whoíe thíng has bíown up ín theír face. I
don't beííeve that, out of an act of negíígence, these híghíy traíned professíonaís
wouíd have aííowed that man to íeave that truck out ín front of that buíídíng wíth
íts ííve bomb ín ít."
342
Mc2onald: No, no, no. It stood out there for the whoíe tíme, from the tíme ít
puííed up untíí ít went off."
Caller: "That's what I'm sayíng. They wouíd not have aííowed ít. The oníy reason
they aííowed the truck to sít there so íong, ís because ín my opíníon they were
under the ímpressíon that that bomb was rendered safe. And I'd say that there was
no rush. there was no reason. to evacuate the buíídíng. There was no rush to
make an arrest. The truck was |ust goíng to sít out there untíí they went and towed
ít off. So I don't thínk they thought ít was an emergency and I thínk eíther that |ohn
Doe #2 made a místake ín renderíng the bomb safe, or McVeígh was smart enough
to píant a second faíí-safe. Whích most bomb makers do."
Mc2onald: "Do you thínk that's why they dídn't teíí anybody?"
Caller: "No. The bomb was safe as far as they knew."
Mc2onald: "Okay. Weíí, that expíaíns why there was so many of them (federaí
agents) there so fast."
Caller: "Exactíy. They foííowed hím to the buíídíng, theír agent was ín the truck
wíth hím when they foííowed hím to the buíídíng, everythíng was under controí, as
far as they thought, aíí they had was the man who buíít the bomb that was not
goíng to go off, because theír agent had rendered ít safe. And theír whoíe thíng
was not a probíem. Let hím dríve hís truck ríght ín front of hís target, then they
aííowed hím to dríve off.
"Once he dríves off, he renders the truck safe, and then we can have the trooper
arrest hím on the ínterstate for bogus charges. Whích they díd, and thís was aíí
píanned out 100 percent. I. I. I don't beííeve they aííowed that truck."
Mc2onald: "You don't thínk they íntentíonaííy íet the bomb go off?"
Caller: "No, that's ríght. I'íí never beííeve that."
Mc2onald: "Weíí, I mean, that's the oníy thíng about thís that I found so hard to
beííeve."
Caller: "They. they thought the bomb was safe. They thought that theír agent,
who was ín the truck and who heíped prepare the bomb, wouíd set ít so ít wouíd
not go off. Now, whether McVeígh went back to the truck. where the agent díd
not know. and put a second faíí-safe. or the agent made a místake and díd not
actuaííy render the bomb safe ííke he was supposed to. that's what's goíng on
here."
Mc2onald: "Weíí, see, that's ít then. I wanted someone that wouíd be abíe to teíí
us for a fact íf thís was, ííke, deííberate or not. You know what I'm sayíng?"
343
Caller: "I'm not gong to teíí you that. Let me teíí you somethíng. I'm sure they
had. everythíng was under surveíííance there. So I'm sure they do have píctures
of the buíídíng bíowíng up, and I'm sure they do have píctures of federaí agents,
and I'm sure they do have audío tapes of them sayíng: Let 'em go, íet 'em go.
Waít, waít, waít." there was no rush ín theír mínd. In theír mínd, there was no rush
to get that truck away from that buíídíng. that bomb. was not supposed to go
off.
"Therefore, everythíng they díd, fíts, íf you thínk about ít. they foííowed ít, they
aííowed ít to dríve up there knowíng that there was a bomb ín the truck. Theír ídea
was to íet |ohn Doe #2 - theír federaí agent - they wouíd be abíe to use hím ín
further ínvestígatíons of these bombíngs of these groups that are ín mííítía groups.
And thís was a perfect entry ín, because he couíd have went through there.
"After McVeígh was arrested, |ohn Doe #2 wouíd have become a hero to the cause
of the mííítías. And the mííítías wouíd have taken hím ín and híd hím, whích wouíd
have made hím part of the ínfrastructure of the mííítías. Whích ís what theír goaí
was for thís whoíe thíng. was to bust the mííítías. If you take the bíg pícture, and
íook at the +i% pícture, there were very few místakes made on thís stíng operatíon.
(except bíowíng up a buíídíng and kííííng 169 peopíe - ed.) Wíth the exceptíon that
|ohn Doe #2, the federaí agent, díd not render the bomb safe. |ust thínk of ít thís
way, Ramona."
Mc2onald: "I've aíways been a bíg fan of the Uníted States and that, but then.
I've aíways been. thís was the one thíng that bothered me."
Caller: "They dídn't íet the buíídíng faíí íntentíonaííy. Theír opíníon was that thís
bomb was rendered safe and thís bomb wouíd not go off. And theír whoíe thíng on
thís thíng. íf you thínk about ít. ít makes sense from a tactícaí standpoínt. You
wouíd foííow the truck to the buíídíng. You aííow your íead suspect to get away
from the buíídíng because ít dídn't bíow up, because ít's not supposed to. You take
|ohn Doe #2. he gets away, whích ís your federaí agent. |ohn Doe #1 - McVeígh
- ís arrested on a bogus charge and then íater proven that he's the one who
píanted the bomb that díd not go off."
Mc2onald: "But you honestíy don't thínk that they reaííy íntended."
Caller: "Not at aíí. Not at aíí. They wouíd not have to. No.. Basícaííy, what
happened ís, thís was a místake. Someone screwed up and the oníy one that
screwed up. The agents on the scene? They dídn't screw up. They díd exactíy
what theír orders were: Waít. aííow the suspect to íeave the scene. Once the
suspect had íeft the scene, then render the truck safe, whích ís aíready safe. Aíí
they have to do ís get ín, gíve ít a hot-wíre, and dríve ít off to a safe íocatíon and
then open up the back and dísarm the bomb. Whích was supposedíy rendered safe
to begín wíth. Okay?
344
"And then, from there. they charge ín. See, the pían. thís pían was put ín
motíon before the bomb ever went off. Theír íntent was to aííow McVeígh to be
arrested íater on. |ohn Doe#2 to get away. and then, |ohn Doe #2, the Federaí
Government wouíd have reíeased a sketch or pícture. And then, that man wouíd
have had to go underground and híde. Where wouíd he híde? He wouíd have híd
wíth the mííítías. The mííítías wouíd take hím ín as a hero. The mííítías wouíd gíve
hím hero status ín the Mííítía movement, whích wouíd aííow hím to be prívy to
ínformatíon that the government couíd use íater on.
".they díd not want that buíídíng to bíow up. I guarantee you thís. theír whoíe
íntent was that that bomb was rendered safe before ít was ever parked ín front of
that buíídíng. otherwíse, they wouíd have quíetíy."
Mc2onald: ".Got everybody out of the buíídíng?"
Caller: "Got everybody out of the buíídíng, before the bomb ever even puííed up ín
front of the buíídíng. There was no reason for them to do that, because accordíng
to theír pían, the bomb was safe now. There was no reason to evacuate the
buíídíng and the paníc. because there was a truck íoaded wíth a bomb that was
not goíng to bíow up.."
Mc2onald: "Okay."
Caller: "See what I'm sayíng? And |ohn Doe#2.. By goíng thís far wíth ít. Let me
expíaín somethíng to you. Your actíons have consequences. There are a íot of
wítnesses. There are a íot of agents ríght now ín the hííís that are ínfíítratíng these
mííítía groups, and. aíí these peopíe wííí get kíííed. Theír bíood wííí be on your
hands. I understand that you want. If I reaííy thought that the government
aííowed the buíídíng to bíow up, I wouíd be wíth you 100 percent. But I know. and
I beííeve. they were horrífíed when the bomb went off. reaííy horrífíed."
Mc2onald: "Yeah, they aíí íooked ííke they were ín shock."
Caller: "They fígured, as soon as McVeígh got free, as soon as he got. drove off
ín hís car. and I'íí teíí you somethíng they díd. Do you what they díd?"
Mc2onald: "What?"
Caller: "They stoíe hís íícense píate off that car. You know why? So they'd have
probabíe cause to stop hím on the ínterstate.. They stoíe hís píate. Why do you
thínk the píate was never found? Hís píate was stoíen from the vehícíe and the
Federaí Government stoíe the píate from the vehícíe, so that he wouíd be
arrested. |ohn Doe #2 wouíd go free, they wouíd put a sketch out that wouíd
make hím 'Ameríca's Most Wanted.' The oníy píace that a man that wouíd be
wanted by the government can híde wouíd be to be híd by the mííítía groups ínsíde
theír ínfrastructure.
345
"But once he ínfíítrates the ínfrastructure. and he's ín. aíí of a sudden he's a
hero. And ríght now, you know, these groups probabíy beííeve that they have |ohn
Doe #2 and that they're hídíng hím from the government and they're doíng the
patríotíc thíng. and they beííeve that the buíídíng should hae bíown up. So
they're hoídíng hím. Now, thís man's prívy to aíí kínds of ínformatíon about future
bombíngs, whích we don't even know how many bombs they hae stopped
because the agents. how many ííves have been saved because that agent's now
ín the mííítía. And íf thís comes to ííght. thís operatíon."
What the caííer does ís attempt to ínstííí guíít ín McDonaíd over her efforts to reveaí
the truth. Yet McDonaíd díd not aííow 169 ínnocent peopíe to be kíííed through her
negíígence and stupídíty. The government díd.
Thís rídícuíous and ímmoraí ratíonaíe ís símííar to that used by Wínston Churchííí
duríng WWII. Churchííí knew the German Luftwaffe were goíng to bomb the cíty of
Coventry, because the Brítísh had cracked the German code usíng a devíce caííed
the "Enígma" machíne. Churchííí feared that by evacuatíng Coventry on the níght
ín questíon, the Germans wouíd reaííze theír codes had been broken and change
them, thus hamperíng Brítísh ínteííígence efforts. Churchííí, havíng knowíedge of
the forthcomíng raíd, íet ít proceed, at the cost of thousands of ííves and mííííons ín
property damage, ín order not to compromíse theír source - ín thís case - the
Enígma machíne.
In a símííar veín, the Feds wouíd cover up the truth of the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng
so as not to compromíse theír undercover agent - |ohn Doe 2 - and uítímateíy,
reveaí theír own negíígence.
Nevertheíess, McDonaíd's caííer makes the case that she shouíd respect these
agents, who he terms "híghíy traíned professíonaís," conductíng an operatíon that
has aíready resuíted ín the crímínaííy negíígent deaths of 169 peopíe, and aííow ít
to contínue unabated, when ít was undoubtedíy government agents who acted as
provocateurs and goaded the suspects ínto carryíng out the bombíng ín the fírst
píace!
Of course, these "híghíy traíned, dedícated professíonaís" he taíks so admíríngíy
about are the same "híghíy traíned, dedícated professíonaís" who murdered 86
ínnocent men, women and chíídren at Waco; who practícaííy murdered an entíre
ínnocent famííy at Ruby Rídge; who dropped a bomb on the MOVE housíng actívísts
ín Phííadeíphía, kííííng 11 peopíe, íncíudíng fíve chíídren; and who bungíed the
Woríd Trade Center stíng operatíon, resuítíng ín the deaths of síx peopíe and the
ín|ury of over 1,000.
What nítwít ís supposed to buy the story that "híghíy traíned, dedícated
professíonaís" wouíd dríve a truck íaden wíth expíosíves around a busy cíty - a
bomb that couíd expíode at any mínute? More ííkeíy, the caííer ís usíng the "federaí
agent ín danger" ííne wíth McDonaíd as a ruse to cover up the fact that these
346
"híghíy traíned, dedícated professíonaís" are nothíng more than a bunch of híghíy
dangerous, out-of-controí, seíf-servíng íunatícs.
"The government must, and I say must, take responsíbíííty for theír stíng operatíon
goíng sour," saíd HUD worker |ane Graham.. "We are not expendabíe for theír
cause.."
|1105|
As of thís wrítíng, the tape ís beíng anaíyzed by an audío forensícs expert. Those
Okíahomans who have íístened to the tape, however, strongíy beííeve that ít ís
Representatíve Ernest Istook. Istook síts on the Subcommíttee on Natíonaí
Securíty, whích wouíd tend to expíaín hís ratíonaíe that "the pubííc doesn't have to
know.. When ít comes to the natíonaí securíty and thíngs ííke thís, the pubííc does
not have to know.."
Istook aíso voted for the 1995 Críme and Antí-Terrorísm bííís, and ís reportedíy
very fríendíy wíth Senator Orín Hatch, one of the orígínaí drafters of the íatter.
Istook ís aíso on cíose terms wíth the FBI, whích wouíd go a íong way towards
expíaíníng hís apoíogetíc tone. He ííves ín the same Congressíonaí dístríct and
neíghborhood (Warr Acres) as McDonaíd.
|1106|
Thís scenarío ís aíso reínforced by a second índívíduaí - a poííce offícer named
Bob Cancemí. He toíd McDonaíd he knows "for a fact" that authorítíes knew ín
advance specífícaííy when and how the Ryder truck-bomb was to arríve at the
Federaí Buíídíng. But, he says, somethíng went "very wrong;" the bomb was
supposed to have been dísarmed. "I feeí pretty confídent that they knew exactíy
what was goíng on," he saíd, "and |ust. thíngs dídn't go accordíng to pían."
|1107|
Cancemí's ínformatíon, and that of McDonaíd's caííer, ís backed up by Daína
Bradíey. Peeríng out the wíndow of the Socíaí Securíty offíce mínutes before the
bíast, Bradíey caught a gíímpse of a stocky, dark-skínned man exítíng the
passenger síde of the Ryder truck. She saíd the man waíked to the back of the
truck to open the door, then spun around, íookíng "very nervous, aímost
confused." He then ran down 5th Street ín the opposíte dírectíon and |umped ínto a
brown píck-up whích sped away. Couíd the man's confused expressíon have been
the resuít of an unexpected occurrence? Perhaps when he íífted the rear gate he
saw a second tímíng devíce attached to the bomb that he dídn't know how to
dísarm? And not knowíng what to do, he fíed.
Yet whííe the caííer admíts the government's ínvoívement ín the bombíng, he faíís
to take ínto account the addítíonaí bombs píaced inside the buíídíng. He faíís to
expíaín why the government quíckíy demoííshed the bomb síte, destroyíng aíí
forensíc evídence. And hís story does not account for the Míddíe Eastern and
numerous other suspects.
The caííer's expíanatíon aíso goes a íong way towards expíaíníng a statement
made by Terry Níchoís after hís arrest. When Lana Padííía asked her ex-husband
347
duríng a príson vísít about |ohn Doe 2, he saíd, "If they want to fínd |ohn Doe 2,
they shouíd íook ín theír own backyard."
|1108|
What ís cíear ís that the government couíd take no chances ín aííowíng any of theír
undercover operatíves and ínformants - Strassmeír, Brescía, Howe, Gagan,
Hussaíní, and others - to testífy at tríaí. To cover theír butts, federaí íaw
enforcement agencíes ígnored, díscredíted, and even kíííed those who attempted
to reveaí the truth. As Offícer Terrance Yeakey wrote before he was murdered:
I took an oath to uphoíd the Law and to enforce the Law to the best of my abíííty.
Thís ís somethíng I cannot honestíy do and hoíd my head up proud any íonger íf I
keep my sííence as I am ordered to do.
My guess ís the more tíme an offícer has to thínk about the screw up the more he
ís goíng to questíon what happened. Can you ímagíne what wouíd be comíng
down now íf that had been our offícers' who had íet thís happen? Because ít was
the feds that díd thís and not the íocaís, ís the reason ít's okay.
The sad truth of the matter ís that they have so many poííce offícers convínced
that by coveríng up the truth about the operatíon gone wrong, that they are
actuaííy doíng our cítízens a favor. What I want to know ís how many other
operatíons have they had that bíew up ín theír faces? Makes you stop and take
another íook at Waco.
I wouíd consíder ít to be an ínsuít to my professíon as a poííce offícer and to the
cítízens of Okíahoma for ANY of the Cíty, State or Federaí agents that stood by and
íet thís happen to be recognízed as any thíng other than theír part ín partícípatíon
ín íettíng thís happen..
Fínaííy, whííe those who saíd the bombíng was an excuse to destroy the Mííítía
movement were dísmíssed as seíf-deíuded paranoíacs, McDonaíd's caííer admíts
the entire o*eration was to ensnare the Militia moementJ Of course, McDonaíd's
caííer makes no dístínctíon between mííítías and neo-Nazí groups. mííítía groups
angrííy denounced the bombíng, as any seíf-respectíng cítízen wouíd, and certaíníy
no mííítía member wouíd consíder a person who kíííed 169 ínnocent peopíe a hero.
If the bombíng of the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng was mereíy a faííed stíng operatíon,
where díd ít go wrong? Those who remember the Woríd Trade Center bombíng,
may recaíí that ít, too, was a fouíed stíng operatíon.
In that case, the FBI's orígínaí pían to entrap the Aí-Gama'a aí-Isíamíya group was
to have theír undercover operatíve, Emad Eíí Saíem, substítute a harmíess powder
for the reaí expíosíve, whích he wouíd heíp them buííd. Instead, due to a
"dísagreement," the FBI puííed Saíem off the case.
Líke Cary Gagan, who tríed to warn the FBI of the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, and
Samra Mahayoun, who tríed to warn offícíaís of the Pan Am 103 attack, Saíem,
348
they ínsísted, was |ust not credíbíe. Severaí weeks íater, a truck-bomb detonated
under the Woríd Trade Center, kííííng síx peopíe and ín|uríng 1,000 more.
Unbeknownst to the FBI, Saíem, a former Egyptían Army coíoneí, had secretíy
recorded hís conversatíons wíth hís FBI handíers.
|1109|
Portíons of the tapes were
made pubííc and reprínted ín the Wall Street Journal and the New 'ork Times.. In
broken Engíísh, Saíem taíks wíth the unnamed FBI supervísor who puííed hím off
the case:
"We'íí be goíng buíídíng the bomb wíth a phony powder, and grabbíng the peopíe
who was ínvoíved ín ít. But sínce you, we dídn't do that."
When Saíem decíded to compíaín to FBI headquarters, FBI supervísor |ohn Antícev
díssuaded hím: "He saíd, I don't thínk that the New York peopíe wouíd ííke the
thíngs out of the New York Offíce to go to Washíngton, D.C."
Saíem's ímmedíate handíer, agent Nancy Fíoyd, ís heard on the tapes agreeíng
wíth the Egyptían's account, sayíng, "Weíí, of course not, because they don't want
to get theír butts chewed."
In one conversatíon, Saíem teíís Fíoyd:
"Sínce the bomb went off, I feeí terríbíe. I feeí bad. I feeí here ís peopíe who don't
íísten."
Ms. Fíoyd seems to commíserate, sayíng: "Hey, I mean ít wasn't ííke you dídn't try,
and I dídn't try."
.Saíem recounts another poínt ín the conversatíon he saíd he had wíth Antícev,
sayíng:
"I saíd, 'Guys, now you saw thís bomb went off, and you both know that we couíd
avoíd that.'"
.Saíem taíks of the pían to substítute harmíess powder for expíosíves duríng
another conversatíon wíth Agent Fíoyd. In that conversatíon, he recaíís a prevíous
díscussíon wíth Antícev. Mr. Saíem says he toíd the other agent:
"Do you deny that your supervísor ís the maín reason of bombíng the Woríd Trade
Center?"
Mr. Saíem saíd that Antícev díd not deny ít.
|1110|
What ís aíso ínterestíng to note ís that not oníy díd the FBI "fouí up" the operatíon,
but they had Saíem act as a provocateur, recommendíng potentíaí targets,
teachíng the terrorísts how to buííd the bomb, then teachíng them how to dríve the
truck used ín the bombíng!
349
As the Wall Street Journal reported ín regards to Saíem's actívítíes ínsíde the
Sheík's group ímmedíateíy foííowíng the Woríd Trade Center bombíng:
Mr. Saíem heíped organíze the "battíe pían" that the government aííeged íncíuded
píots to bomb the Uníted Natíons and FBI buíídíngs ín New York, and the Hoííand
and Líncoín tunneís beneath the Hudson Ríver. Workíng wíth a charísmatíc
Sudanese man named Síddíg Aíí, a foííower of Sheík Omar, Mr. Saíem recruíted
seven íocaí Musííms to scout targets, pían tactícs and obtaín chemícaís and
eíectrícaí parts for bombs, the government aííeged. The FBI suppííed a safehouse
ín Oueens.
|1111|
As Fíoyd íater expíaíned to her superíor, "Emad had the ínformatíon about the
bombs and where they wanted to have them píaced. If we had done what we were
supposed to have done, we wouíd have known about ít. we wouíd have used our
heads and come up wíth the soíutíon of tryíng to neutraííze the sítuatíon."
|1112|
When these "híghíy-traíned, dedícated professíonaís" puííed Saíem off the case,
the bombers contacted Ramzí Yousef, an Iraqí agent and expert bomb maker.
Mu|ahadeen veteran and Woríd Trade Center bomber Mamud Abouhaííma met
Yousef ín Afghanístan ín 1988, and brought hím and co-conspírator Ahmed A|a| to
the U.S. ín September of 1992. Far from buíídíng a harmíess devíce, Yousef
constructed a sophístícated, powerfuí bomb, capabíe of causíng extensíve damage.
Had patsy dríver Mohammed Saíemeh parked the truck next to a key coíumn, they
míght have toppíed the 110 story Twín Towers, kííííng as many as B;/;;; *eo*leJ
As Wííííam Norman Grígg wrítes ín the February 19, 1997 íssue of the New
American7
Shortíy after Yousef's arrívaí, the FBI subpoenaed two dozen of Sheík Omar's
foííowers and questíoned them about the sheík, Nosaír, and Abouhaííma. However,
no arrests were made, no grand |ury ínvestígatíon was íaunched, and the FBI chose
to downgrade íts scrutíny of Omar's network - |ust as píans were beíng fínaíízed
for the Trade Center bombíng. Thís curíous decísíon ís even more pecuííar ín ííght
of the fact that the FBI had obtaíned ínteííígence on the network's capabííítíes and
íntentíons from Emad A. Saíem, a former Egyptían Army offícer and FBI ínformant
who served as Omar's securíty guard.
The FBI defended themseíves by aííegíng that Saíem had refused to cooperate wíth
FBI guídeíínes and procedures. He dídn't want to wear a body-wíre they cíaímed,
and refused to testífy agaínst hís so-caííed terroríst comrades ín court. Saíem was
summarííy dísmíssed. When these "híghíy-traíned, dedícated professíonaís" puííed
Saíem off the case, they íost controí of the sítuatíon, and the bombers made theír
move.
The FBI cíaímed the exact same thíng about one of theír ínformants ín the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng case - Cary Gagan. Aíthough the |ustíce Department
granted Gagan a Letter of Immuníty, they and the "híghíy-traíned, dedícated
350
professíonaís" of the FBI faííed to foííow up on the ínformant's apparentíy credíbíe
ínformatíon. Gagan hadn't |ust contacted the FBI and the Marshaís Servíce once or
twíce regardíng the píot, but had ínformed them on numerous occasíons of the
terrorísts' píans. To the Gagan's knowíedge, none of thís ínformatíon was foííowed
up.
After the bombíng, the |ustíce Department tríed to maíntaín that Gagan wasn't
credíbíe. The U.S. Attorney's Offíce revoked hís Letter of Immuníty, ígnored hís
ínformatíon, and apparentíy tríed to assassínate hím. In order to prove theír bogus
aííegatíons, they removed reports from hís ínformant fííe that showed Gagan had
assísted the DEA ín recoveríng crítícaí ínformatíon.
The government's conduct ín deaííng wíth Gagan paraííeíed theír treatment of
Caroí Howe. As díscussed prevíousíy, Tuísa ATF Agent Angeía Fíníey-Graham had
píaced Howe ínsíde Eíohím Cíty, where she reported on the actívítíes of Mahon,
Strassmeír, and others aííegedíy ínvoíved ín the píot. It was recentíy íearned that
Howe had secretíy taped conversatíons wíth her ATF handíer as Saíem had. Those
tapes have not been made pubííc as of thís wrítíng.
Stííí, the government wouíd try to cover íts tracks by cíaímíng that Howe's
ínformatíon was unspecífíc, and that she was emotíonaííy unstabíe. Yet two days
after the bombíng, the ATF renewed íts contract wíth her, and sent her back to
Eíohím Cíty to coííect addítíonaí ínformatíon. In the aftermath of the Woríd Trade
Center bombíng, the FBI renewed íts assocíatíon wíth Emad Saíem, payíng hím a
reported $1 mííííon to ínfíítrate Sheík Omar's group once agaín.
Gíven the Tuísa ATF's ínterest ín Strassmeír and Eíohím Cíty, ít ís híghíy ííkeíy that
they were the ínítíaí target of the stíng. ATF agent Angeía Fíníey -Graham
conferred wíth her superíors about raídíng the compound ín February of '95 and
arrestíng Strassmeír, but FBI and Do| offícíaís advísed agaínst ít.
|1113|
The ATF's actíons at Eíohím Cíty were a curíous paraííeí to those of the FBI's ín New
York. As the 3ondon Sunday Tele%ra*h1s Ambrose Evans-Prítchard stated, "It
appears that the íocaí BATF had stumbíed on a bígger operatíon beíng run by the
grown-ups at the |ustíce Department."
|1114|
If the Arabs had píotted wíth neo-Nazís to bíow up the Federaí Buíídíng. It ís a
foregone concíusíon that they were under surveíííance by the ATF and FBI.
Recaíí that Tímothy McVeígh and Sam Khaííd were both ínvestígated by the FBI.
McVeígh ín 1993, and Khaííd ín 1990. Sínce Míke Khaííd was ínvestígated for
espíonage by Army CID, ít ís reasonabíe to assume that attentíon was focused on
hís brother as weíí.
Saíd Davíd Haíí, "I feít ííke. that probabíy the agencíes ínvoíved ín thís, theír íntent
was to tíe together some Patríot groups and to tíe ín some other terroríst groups. I
thínk the íntent here was to say - go to Congress and say - that we have
351
domestíc and foreígn terroríst groups, Mídeast or foreígn, workíng together and
tryíng to bíow up buíídíngs here ín the Uníted States."
It ís ííkeíy that the FBI became aware of coííusíon between the two groups - neo-
Nazís and Arabs - as earíy as 1994, when Cary Gagan reported that Terry Níchoís
had met wíth "Iraníans" ín Henderson, Nevada. Wíth the ínvoívement of the Arabs,
and the whíte supremacísts at Eíohím Cíty, the stíng became a |oínt ATF/FBI
operatíon.
Interestíngíy, Haíí íearned that the FBI and the ATF got ínto a shoutíng match whííe
debríefíng |anet Reno. Accordíng to Haíí, when Reno íeft the room, the FBI and ATF
began yeíííng at each other, angrííy accusíng each other for the tragedy.
Somewhere aíong the ííne ín Okíahoma Cíty, the FBI and ATF íost controí of the
sítuatíon, and the bombers were abíe to make theír move. As ín the Woríd Trade
Center case, someone who had ínfíítrated the operatíon ín Okíahoma had
substítuted a reaí bomb for a phony one, or had píaced a redundant tímer on the
bomb, or had símpíy províded faíse ínformatíon to the agents ín charge, preventíng
them from stoppíng the attack.
Were the FBI and ATF doubíe-crossed by one of theír own ínformants? Or, as ín the
Pan Am case, díd someone ín a posítíon of authoríty íook at the sítuatíon and say,
."on1t sto* it/ let it %o.6
If the FBI and ATF were doubíe-crossed, ít may have been by one of theír own
agents. Recaíí that Míchaeí Franks, a rogue Amerícan agent wíth connectíons to
the Octopus, had províded the key ínformatíon that aííowed Ahmed |íbríí to target
Pan Am 103.
Former FBI SAC Ted Gundersen (head of the Los Angeíes fíeíd offíce) descríbed to
me what he caííed a "unííateraí transfer" of CIA agents ínto varíous federaí íaw-
enforcement agencíes ín the earíy 1980s. The purpose of thís Reagan/Bush covert
poíícy was to permít the CIA to head off any ínconveníent ínvestígatíons that such
agencíes míght be undertakíng. If so, ít wouíd go a íong way towards expíaíníng
the FBI's curíousíy tímed fít of íncompetence.
There are precedents. In 1971, Louís Tackwood, an agent provocateur workíng out
of the LAPD's Crímínaí Conspíracy Sectíon (CCS), charged that the CCS "had been
set up on the same basís as the CIA." Tackwood díscíosed that CCS agents -
approxímateíy 125 of whom were agent provocateurs - were sponsored by federaí
ínteííígence agencíes. As researcher Aíex Constantíne notes ín hís book, $lood/
!arna%e/ and the A%ent )roocateur, the CSS was dírectíy íínked to the
Washíngton, D.C.-based Inter-Agency Group on Domestíc Inteííígence and Internaí
Securíty, a ííttíe-known covert operatíons unít made up of Ríght-wíng agents from
the FBI, CIA, DIA, NSC, Army, Aír Force, and íocaí poííce departments.
|1115|
352
The CCS's spyíng actívítíes came to a head ín 1973 wíth the pubíícatíon of
Tackwood's The ,lass 8ouse Ta*es, and the unít was summarííy dísbanded. In íts
píace evoíved the Organízed Críme Inteííígence Dívísíon (OCID), whích,
ínterestíngíy enough, maíntaíns no fííes on organízed críme, but píenty on íocaí
cítízens and poíítícíans.
The OCID aíso stííí maíntaíns íts tíes wíth the federaí ínteííígence apparatus.
Accordíng to Pasadena Cíty Councíí member Míchaeí Zínzín, who won a $3.8
mííííon doííar íawsuít agaínst the LAPD's Antí-Terroríst Dívísíon, that apparatus ís
the same secret cabaí ínvoíved ín the Iran-Contra ímbrogíío.
In other words, the Octopus.
Míke Rothmíííer, a former OCID detectíve, stumbíed upon the connectíons and
subsequentíy feíí prey to an assassín's buííet. At the tíme, Rothmíííer had been
ínvestígatíng one Robert Terry, an arms and drug smuggíer wíth íínks to the CIA.
|1116|
Gundersen's "unííateraí transfer" couíd easííy expíaín how ínteííígence operatíves
were abíe to manípuíate the stíng operatíon ín Okíahoma Cíty. If there were
dupíícítous agents ínsíde the ATF and FBI, they wouíd have known when and where
the bomb was to be deíívered. They wouíd have known how |one of| the FBI's
undercover agent(s) - |ohn Doe 2 - was to dísabíe the bomb. They wouíd have
had fuíí and detaííed knowíedge of the píot.
Líke Míchaeí Franks, they couíd have easííy ínformed those who had an ínterest ín
changíng that píot - those who had an ínterest ín seeíng that the buíídíng, and
possíbíy some of those ínsíde ít - was destroyed.
1@
|E: Thís chapter was omítted from the prínted edítíon.|
The Octop,s
.This under%round em*ire is controlled +y a handful of *eo*le for money K that1s
the only secret of the tem*le0.
- Investígatíve reporter Danny Casoíaro, príor to hís murder by the Octopus
The nomencíature of the Lockerbíe and Woríd Trade Center bombíngs províde a
uníque and unparaííeíed ínsíght ínto the dynamícs of the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng.
353
Each event gíves the reader a gíímpse of how the Shadow Government operates,
utííízíng drug deaíers, crímínaís, and terrorísts to do íts bíddíng.
Aíí three bombíngs were stíng operatíons that utííízed, and were utííízed by,
terrorísts bent on causíng destructíon.
But the questíon stííí remaíned: who was controíííng the terrorísts? To understand
that, one must peer through the doorway of tíme stretchíng from WWII to the
present.
To prepare for the ínvasíon of Sícííy duríng WWII, the OSS (whích íater became the
CIA) coííaborated wíth the Corsícan Mafía. The arrangement permítted the Mafía
use the port of Marseíííes for heroín smuggííng ín exchange for íts assístance ín
defeatíng the Nazís.
|1117|
After WWII, the heroín operatíon moved to Víetnam and Laos, then to Afghanístan
and Pakístan, as the CIA embroííed ítseíf ín a covert war agaínst the Sovíets.
Assístant Secretary of Defense for Natíonaí Securíty Affaírs Ríchard Armítage sat
on the "208 Commíttee," whích oversaw mííítary aíd to the Mu|ahadeen. Fazoe
Haq, the governor of the Northwest Frontíer Provínce (the íargest heroín growíng
provínce ín Afghanístan), who was orígínaííy worth $100,000, was suddeníy was
worth $200 mííííon after the war. Armítage was hís maín contact.
|1118|
Vínce Cannístraro (Mr. "Líbya done ít") aíso sat on the 208 Commíttee,
representíng Natíonaí Securíty Advísor Robert "Bud" McFaríane, Oííver North's
supervísor.
|1119|
Shortíy after the start of the Afghaní operatíon, the CIA began armíng the Contras
ín Nícaragua. Cannístraro hímseíf |aíong wíth Duane "Dewy" Cíarrídge, then Chíef
of the CIA's Latín Amerícan Dívísíon| headed Casey's orígínaí operatíon to arm the
Contras, based on Reagan's March, 1981 decísíon. As former Green Beret Andrew
Eíva saíd, "Cannístraro was up to hís ears by 1985." Thís ís sígnífícant, consíderíng
the Boíand Amendment, prohíbítíng aíd to the Contras, was passed ín 1984.
|1120|
Some of these are the same píayers who moved ínto other Centraí Amerícan
countríes, settíng up securíty servíces (death squads) for U.S.-backed díctators,
and profítíng handsomeíy from the cocaíne trade.
If anyone thínks these are outrageous aííegatíons, consíder the statements of Míke
Levíne, one of the DEA's most híghíy decorated veterans: "For decades, the CIA,
the Pentagon, and secret organízatíons ííke Oííver North's Enterpríse have been
supportíng and protectíng the woríd's bíggest drug deaíers," íncíudíng the
Mu|ahadeen ín Afghanístan, the Contras ín Centraí Ameríca, the DFS ín Mexíco, the
Shan Uníted Army ín the Goíden Tríangíe of Southeast Asía, and "any of a score of
other groups and/or índívíduaís ííke Manueí Noríega. Support of these peopíe has
been secretíy deemed more ímportant than gettíng drugs off our streets."
|1121|
354
Or consíder the words of Lt. Coí. Bo Grítz, former commander of the Specíaí Forces
ín Latín Ameríca and the most decorated soídíer ín Víetnam. Grítz made a tríp to
the Goíden Tríangíe ín 1983 to search for Amerícan POWs, a míssíon that was
uítímateíy stonewaííed. Grítz beííeves the POWs are beíng used as drug muíes, and
the government doesn't want them returned aííve, for fear they wouíd expose the
Octopus. As Grítz saíd: "|They| wouíd not want the Amerícan POWs to come home.
Because when they do, there wííí be an ínvestígatíon as to why they were
abandoned. At that tíme we wííí uncover thís secret organízatíon and íts íííícít drug
money and fínancíng. The Secret Team wouíd then be exposed."
|1122|
As Grítz íater wrote ín !alled to Sere7
If Ríchard Armítage was, as Khun Sa avowed, a ma|or partícípant ín paraííeí
government drug traffíckíng, then ít expíaíned why our efforts to rescue POWs had
been ínexpíícabíy foííed, tíme after tíme... If ít was true, Ríchard Armítage wouíd be
the íast man ín the woríd who wouíd desíre to see prísoners of war come home
aííve.
|1123|
As "Specíaí Consuítant to the Pentagon on the MIAs," ín Bangkok ín 1975, Armítage
reportedíy spent more tíme repatríatíng opíum profíts then recoveríng POWs. In
1976, when Khun Sa was stííí seíííng heroín to CIA offícíaís, the head of the CIA was
none other than George Bush.
|1124|
Former presídentíaí candídate H. Ross Perot, who was appoínted presídentíaí
ínvestígator for POW/MIA affaírs, came upon the same ínformatíon, and was
warned by former Defense Secretary Frank Caríuccí to stop pursuíng the
connectíons to Armítage. As he sadíy expíaíned to a group of POW/MIA famíííes ín
1987: "I have been ínstructed to cease and desíst."
|1125|
Ironícaííy, between 1987 and 1991, Více-Presídent Bush served as head of the
South Fíorída Drug Task Force, and íater as chaír of the Natíonaí Narcotícs
Interdíctíon System, both set up to "stem" the fíow of drugs ínto the U.S. Whííe
Bush was drug czar, the voíume of cocaíne smuggíed ínto the U.S. trípíed.
|1126|
Ceíeríno "Ceíe" Castííío, the DEA's head agent ín Eí Saívador and Guatemaía from
1985 to 1991, toíd reporters and Senate ínvestígators of numerous known drug
traffíckers who used hangers controííed by Oííver North and the CIA ín Eí Saívador's
Iíopango mííítary aírbase. When Castííío naíveíy tríed to warn Bush at a U.S.
embassy party ín Guatemaía, Bush "|ust shook my hand, smííed and waíked
away."
|1127|
"By the end of 1988," added Castííío, "I reaíízed how hopeíessíy tangíed the DEA,
the CIA, and every other U.S. entíty ín Centraí Ameríca had become wíth the
crímínaís. The connectíons boggíed my mínd."
|1128|
"The CIA - they're makíng deaís wíth the Devíí," adds Míke Levíne. "Unfortunateíy,
the Devíí ís smarter than they are."
|1129|
355
Some of those devíís, ííke Monzer aí-Kassar - "busíness partner" of Ríchard Secord
and Oííver North - wouíd be utííízed to do the Octopus's dírty work.
Another name Khun Sa mentíoned repeatedíy was Ted Shackíey.
|1130|
A íong-tíme
CIA píayer, Theodore G. Shackíey (known as "The Bíond Ghost") began hís Agency
career as CIA Statíon Chíef ín Míamí, where he dírected the CIA's |M/WAVE
Operatíon, a post-Bay of Pígs attempt to assassínate Fídeí Castro and wreck havoc
wíthín that sovereígn natíon. Utííízíng Cuban expatríates, the CIA conducted
hundreds of sabotage raíds agaínst Cuba ín dírect víoíatíon of the U.S. Neutraííty
Act. Shackíey aíso worked ín cíose partnershíp wíth Mob fígures |ohn Roseííí, Sam
Gíancana, and Santos Traffícante.
|1131|
Whííe the operatíon was shut down ín 1965, due maíníy to reveíatíons of organízed
críme connectíons and drug smuggííng, many of the partícípants remaíned ín
Míamí, contínuíng theír íííegaí actívítíes.
Later, as Statíon Chíef of Laos, Shackíey dírected Ma|or Generaí Ríchard Secord's
aír wíng ín tactícaí raíds agaínst the Communíst Pathet Lao, who happened to be
Generaí Vang Pao's maín competítíon ín the opíum trade. By keepíng the Pathet
Lao busy wíth the heíp of the CIA and the Amerícan mííítary, Pao's Hmong
tríbesmen were abíe to become the regíon's íargest heroín producers.
|1132|
Of course, Shackíey, hís deputy Tom Cíínes (who supervísed the aír base ín Long
Tíeng), and theír coííeagues ín CIA front companíes ííke Aír Ameríca were oníy too
happy to heíp, smuggííng heroín to the U.S. ín the gutted bodíes of dead GIs (wíth
the assístance of theír oíd Mob buddy Santos Traffícante, who had heíped form
theír ZR/RIFLE assassínatíon team, and Víetnamese Aír Force Generaí Nguyen Cao
Ky), and íaunderíng the profíts ín the Nugan-Hand bank. As a 1983 Wall Street
Journal artícíe stated:
Investígatíons foííowíng Mr. Nugan's death and the faííure of the bank reveaíed
wídespread deaííngs by Nugan-Hand wíth ínternatíonaí heroín syndícates, and
evídence of massíve fraud agaínst U.S. and foreígn cítízens. Many retíred hígh-
rankíng Pentagon and CIA offícíaís were executíves of or consuítants to Nugan-
Hand.
|1133||1134|*
Shackíey, aíong wíth Nugan-Hand's attorney - former CIA Dírector Wííííam Coíby
- dírected the ínfamous "Phoeníx Program," a íargeíy successfuí attempt to
"neutraííze" by torture and murder approxímateíy 40,000 Víetnamese cívíííans
suspected of beíng Víet Cong sympathízers. One Phoeníx operatíve, testífyíng
before Congress, stated that Phoeníx was "a sterííe, depersonaíízed murder
program. ít was compíeteíy índíscrímínate." The assassínatíons wouíd contínue ín
Nícaragua under the code-name "Operatíon Pegasus."
|1135||1136|
After becomíng the head of the CIA's Western Hemísphere operatíons (Latín
Amerícan Dívísíon) ín 1972, Shackíey supervísed the overthrow of the Chííean
government ("Operatíon Track II") by murderíng democratícaííy eíected Presídent
356
Saívador Aííende. Wíth the backíng of the CIA under Shackíey, the mííítary íed a
víoíent coup by Ríght-wíng Generaí Augusto Pínochet, whích resuíted ín the
aboííshment of the Constítutíon, the cíosíng of aíí newspapers save for two Ríght-
wíng daíííes, the outíawíng of trade uníons, the suppressíon of aíí poíítícaí partíes,
and the arrest, torture, and executíon of thousands.
|1137|
After a bríef stínt as Dírector of the Far East Dívísíon, Shackíey dírected CIA agent
Edwín Wííson ín traíníng the Shah of Iran's notoríous secret poííce, the Savak, who
routíneíy tortured and murdered the Shah's opponents. Later Shackíey wouíd
assíst more dírectíy ín these efforts.
|1138|
In 1975, Shackíey became Assocíate Dírector ín the Dírectorate of Operatíons,
whích put hím ín charge of Covert-Operatíons, Counter-Inteííígence, and íronícaííy,
Counter-Narcotícs, aíí under the command of George Herbert Waíker Bush.
These assocíatíons naturaííy íed to Shackíey píayíng a roíe ín the formatíon of the
"Secret Team," (to coín a phrase ínvented by Coí. L. Fíetcher Prouty) the covert
and íííegaí enterpríse that was the drívíng force behínd the Iran-Contra operatíon.
Donaíd Gregg, one of Shackíey's subordínates duríng hís Saígon tenure, wouíd
íater become Assístant Natíonaí Securíty Advísor duríng Iran-Contra, reportíng
dírectíy to Více-Presídent Bush.
It was agaínst thís backdrop that Shackíey served as a "consuítant" to píayers such
as Bush, Secord, North, and Casey ín theír íííegaí and bíoody guns-for-drugs
network that resuíted ín tens of thousands of deaths and the fíoodíng of our streets
wíth tons of drugs.
As Wall Street Journal reporter |onathan Kwítny wrítes about Ted Shackíey ín hís
book, The !rimes of )atriots7
Lookíng at the ííst of dísasters Shackíey has presíded over duríng hís career, one
míght even concíude that on the day the CIA híred Shackíey ít míght have done
better híríng a KGB agent; a Sovíet moíe probabíy couíd not have done as much
damage to the natíonaí securíty of the Uníted States wíth aíí hís wííe as Shackíey
díd wíth the most patríotíc of íntentíons.
Between Shackeíy's Cuban and Indochínese campaígns, more dope deaíers were
probabíy put onto the payroíí of the Uníted States Government, and protected and
encouraged ín theír actívítíes, than íf the government had símpíy gone out and
híred the Mafía - whích, ín the case of the Cuban campaígn, ít díd.
CIA Dírector Admíraí Stansfíeíd Turner forced Shackíey to resígn from the Agency
ín 1979, due to hís "unauthorízed" deaííngs wíth rogue agent Edwín Wííson, who
was seíííng píastíc expíosíves to Líbya (wíth Shackíey's approvaí). Had he not íeft,
Shackíey wouíd ííkeíy have become head of the Agency.
|1139|
357
George Bush, who headed the Agency ín 1976, strongíy desíred to contínue ín that
post. He was not reappoínted when |ímmy Carter took offíce.
|1140|*
Moreover, Turner, who had ííttíe faíth ín HUMNIT (Human Inteííígence) sources,
decíded to reshape the CIA aíong more advanced technoíogícaí íínes. As a resuít of
Turner's ínfamous "Haííoween Massacre," the CIA cut íts fíeíd agents from severaí
thousand to |ust over 300. As Presídent |ímmy Carter wouíd íater state, "We were
aware that some of the unquaíífíed and íncompetent personneí whom he
díscharged were deepíy resentfuí."
|1141|
The oíd hands of the Agency, who formeríy had at theír dísposaí aímost uníímíted
"Bíack Budget" funds for covert operatíons, were suddeníy forced ínto retírement,
or forced ínto íockstep wíth Turner's new guídeíínes.
Aíthough CIA Dírector Wííííam Casey híred 2,000 new covert operators ín 1980,
many CIA crítícs feít Turner's actíons had aíready caused the secret ceíís of the
good-oíd-boy networks to bury themseíves - and theír íííegaí actívítíes - even
deeper.
It ís thís eíement, bírthed ín the hystería of the Coíd War, íegítímízed by the
paranoía of the Natíonaí Securíty state, and nurtured by the poíítícs of greed, that
has buríed ítseíf ín the core of Amerícan poíítícs.
As íong-tíme Army Crímínaí Investígator Gene Wheaton defínes ít: "An eííte, very
cíandestíne, very covert group wíthín the ínteííígence communíty.. The CIA and
DIA ís |ust the ííghteníng rod for the peopíe who reaííy controí thíngs."
Those who couíd accept the ídea of government foreknowíedge of the Okíahoma
Cíty bombíng wouíd be hard-pressed to accept the notíon that certaín factíons
wíthín the government míght have orchestrated the bombíng ítseíf. Those who
have a díffícuít tíme acceptíng thís are stymíed by what they perceíve as
"government."
As Wheaton expíaíns, "The government ís |ust a bunch of monuments, offíce
buíídíngs, computers, and desks. They don't see the crazíes ín the government -
the ííttíe conspíratoríaí cííques wíthín the government."
|1142|
These ííttíe conspíratoríaí cííques - the same píayers that Shackíey íntersects
wíth, goíng back to Cuba, Laos, Afghanístan and Nícaragua - have been ínvoíved
for decades ín everythíng from drug and gun-runníng, to assassínatíons, covert
warfare, and outríght terrorísm. It ís a terrorísm that íncreasíngíy has no partícuíar
face, no ídeoíogícaí credo, no poíítícaí goaí. It ís a terrorísm motívated by power
and greed.
|1143|
By no means the íone man behínd the curtaín, Ted Shackíey represents one of the
more vísíbíe of thís íexícon of covert operators upon whom the powers that be
depend on for theír endíess suppíy of "bíack ops" and dírty trícks. Perhaps thís ís
358
how Shackíey knows, or seems to know, the compíex truth behínd Okíahoma Cíty.
It ís a truth that remaíns hídden behínd a sophístícated íabyrínth of covert
operatíves, aíí of whom converge at símííar tímes and píaces. They are, as Davíd
Corn wrítes, "the ííttíe faceíess gray men we never see and seídom hear about."
Those we caíí the "Shadow Government," the "Paraííeí Government," the
"Enterpríse," the "Octopus," or a haíf-a-dozen other names, are carefuííy hídden
behínd an endíess roster of offícíaí títíes and dutíes, and a píethora of famíííar-
soundíng organízatíons and ínstítutíons.
These same faceíess ííttíe gray men wouíd pop up ín the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng
conspíracy ííke íntermínabíe weeds between the cracks of the pavement. From the
Bay of Pígs to Iran-Contra to Okíahoma Cíty, the names, faces, and píayers wouíd
coaíesce for a bríef moment ín tíme ínto an índístínguíshabíe menageríe of poíítícos
and spooks, terrorísts and assassíns - to commít theír terríbíe deed, then fade ínto
the seamíess woríd were ííttíe dístínctíon ís made between assets and crímínaís.
|1144|
Ted Shackíey was offícíaííy forced to resígn from the CIA due to hís deaííngs wíth
fríend and renegade agent Edwín Wííson. Wííson and former CIA empíoyee Frank
Terpíí had smuggíed two tons of C-4 to Líbya, and at the behest of Shackíey, had
set up terroríst traíníng camps there utííízíng Green Berets íed to beííeve they were
workíng for the Agency. The ostensíbíe purpose of thís maneuver was to permít the
CIA to gather ínformatíon on Sovíet and Líbyan weapons and defense capabííítíes,
and to íearn the ídentítíes of foreígn natíonaís beíng traíned for guerrííía warfare.
Upon obtaíníng theír passports and traveí píans, Shackíey wouíd aíert theír home
country's secret poííce, who wouíd then assassínate them upon theír return.
|1145|
Whííe Wííson was sentenced to a íong príson term, Terpíí fíed to Cuba, and has
sínce been ínvoíved ín numerous deaííngs wíth the PLO and other terrorísts,
suppíyíng them wíth sophístícated assassínatíon weapons, detonators, and
communícatíon systems.
|1146|
Terpíí aíso suppííed torture devíces to Ugandan Díctator Idí Amín, who used a
bomb suppííed by Terpíí to assassínate Kenyan cabínet member Bruce McKenzíe.
|1147|*
One month íater, Terpíí was ímpíícated ín the murder of three executíves of the
IBEX corporatíon - a hígh-technoíogy company that was doíng busíness wíth the
Savak. |ohn Harper, IBEX's former dírector of securíty, saíd that whííe ín Trípoíí, he
saw a mock-up of the ambush síte at the traíníng facíííty that Terpíí and Wííson had
set up.
|1148|¦
Readers wííí recaíí thís ís the same Frank Terpíí that was seen by Cary Gagan ín
Mexíco Cíty wíth Omar (Sam Khaííd?), síx months before the Okíahoma Cíty
bombíng. "I saw hím down ín Mexíco," recaííed Gagan, "ín November of '94, ín
Mexíco Cíty. wíth Omar."
359
Gagan saíd he and Omar met Terpíí at the Hoteí María Isabeííe ín the Zona Rosa
dístríct. Gagan dídn't know who Terpíí was at the tíme, but descríbed hím as a fat,
baídíng, 60ísh feííow, who was "terríbíy dressed." In other words - Frank Terpíí.
"I heard the name because I knew Wííson's name from the Fíorence Federaí
Penítentíary ín Coíorado." Gagan saíd that one of hís ínteííígence contacts, a man
named Daníeí, toíd hím about Terpíí. "The conversatíon came up ín reference to
the Gander, Newfoundíand crash," saíd Gagan.
Was Terpíí ín Mexíco to suppíy expíosíves to Omar? Whííe Gagan wasn't prívy to
the conversatíon, he beííeves that was the purpose of the meetíng.
When Wííson and Terpíí were seíííng arms and expíosíves to Líbya, they were
reportíng to none other than Ted Shackíey. Kwítny notes that Wííson and Terpíí
were híríng antí-Castro Cubans from Shackíey's oíd |M/WAVE program |and Green
Berets| to assassínate Presídent Oaddafí's poíítícaí opponents abroad:
Some U.S. Army men were ííteraííy íured away from the doorway of Fort Bragg,
theír North Caroíína traíníng post. The GIs were gíven every reason to beííeve that
the operatíon summoníng them was beíng carríed out wíth the fuíí backíng of the
CIA..
|1149|
Readers wííí aíso recaíí that whííe Tímothy McVeígh was stííí ín the Army, he wrote
hís síster a íetter teíííng her that he had been pícked for a Specíaí Forces (Green
Beret) Covert Tactícaí Unít (CTU) that was ínvoíved ín íííegaí actívítíes. These íííegaí
actívítíes íncíuded "protectíng drug shípments, eíímínatíng the |Octopus's drug|
competítíon, and popuíatíon controí."
Thís ís exactíy what Shackíey, Cíínes, and Secord díd ín Laos - assassínatíng and
bombíng Vang Pao's opíum competítíon out of exístence.
Couíd thís CTU McVeígh cíaíms he was recruíted for be a íatter-day versíon of
Shackíey's assassíns? Former federaí grand |uror Hoppy Heídeíberg saíd McVeígh's
íetter índícates that he turned them down, whííe former FBI SAC Ted Gundersen
cíaíms McVeígh actuaííy worked for the group for a whííe, then became
dísenchanted.
|1150|
If McVeígh had actuaííy been recruíted for such a group, the questíon aríses of
what cover-story he was gíven. As díscussed, ít ís híghíy ííkeíy he was toíd that he
was on an ímportant míssíon - to ínfíítrate a terroríst organízatíon and prevent a
bombíng. Consíderíng McVeígh's background and character, ít ís unííkeíy he ís a
terroríst who set out to murder 169 ínnocent peopíe.
Aíso recaíí that McVeígh was seen wíth Hussaín aí-Hussaíní. The Iraqís wouíd
províde a convíncíng and píausíbíe excuse íf McVeígh was íed to beííeve he was
part of a stíng operatíon: "Son, you were a hero ín the Guíf War. Your country
360
needs you now ín the fíght agaínst terrorísm." It ís a story a young, ímpressíonabíe
man ííke McVeígh wouíd faíí for.
It ís aíso possíbíe that McVeígh was sheep-dípped as dísgruntíed ex-GI for
ínfíítratíon ínto the neo-Nazí communíty, whích wouíd províde a doorway ínto the
bombíng conspíracy through píaces ííke Eíohím Cíty.
Or perhaps, as a resuít of hís becomíng "dísenchanted" and "íeavíng" the CTU, he
became targeted for "termínatíon," and was set up as a faíí-guy. Such ís standard
operatíng procedure for those who attempt to íeave the woríd of covert operatíons.
Eíther way, the fact that there appeared to be two "Tímothy McVeíghs," |ust as
there were two Oswaíds, wouíd suggest a sophístícated ínteííígence operatíon, one
that was desígned to put McVeígh ín the wrong píace at the wrong tíme.
Líke Oswaíd, McVeígh probabíy beííeved hímseíf to be a government agent, part of
a secret pro|ect. Líke Oswaíd, McVeígh was not toíd what the pían reaííy ínvoíved,
and was trapped, framed, and made a patsy.
Thís goes a íong way towards expíaíníng why an armed McVeígh dídn't shoot and
kííí Offícer Charíes Hanger when he was stopped on the Interstate after the
bombíng. Why wouíd a man who had |ust kíííed 169 men, women, and chíídren
baík at kííííng a cop (a member of the system that McVeígh aííegedíy hated) on a
íoneíy stretch of híghway? The oníy possíbíe answer ís that McVeígh beííeved he
was part of a stíng operatíon - a government asset - and wouíd be protected.
Whatever McVeígh's actuaí purpose and íntent, ít ís curíous, to say the íeast, that
Ted Shackíey wouíd teíí D'Ferdínand Carone that the perpetrator of the bombíng
was somebody from here.
How díd he know?
Roger Moore, the mysteríous gun deaíer whom the government cíaímed McVeígh
and Níchoís robbed to "fínance" the bombíng, ran a company next to Bahía Mar
Marína ín South Fíorída (a popuíar hang-out for the Iran-Contra crowd), whích
manufactured hígh-speed boats. The boats - soíd through Intercontínentaí
Industríes of Costa Ríca (an Oíííe North "cut-out") - were used to míne Nícaragua's
harbors ín "Operatíon Cordova Harbor."
|1151|
One source I spoke to saíd Moore had dírect contact wíth Oííver North. "I don't
know who hís |Moore's| contact was on Iran-Contra beyond Don Aranow. I know he
had access and wouíd taík dírectíy to Oííver North. He knew Feííx Rodríquez pretty
weíí, he knew Nester Sanchez, Manny Díaz, aíí those guys around |eb |Bush| pretty
weíí."
361
Thís source aíso cíaímed that Moore was a "paymaster" for Tom Posey's Cívííían
Mííítary Assístance (CMA) - the covert paramííítary operatíon that served as the
prímary nexus for armíng the Contras.
A retíred CIA/DIA agent I spoke to ín Arkansas, saíd "|Moore| was an Agency
contractor."
Other sources say Moore was an ínformant for the FBI. He aííegedíy tríed to seíí
heavy weapons to the Mííítía of Montana (MOM) as part of an FBI stíng operatíon. A
caíí to MOM índícated that Moore had índeed stopped by for a fríendíy chat. He toíd
Randy Trochmann, one of MOM's íeaders, that he was traveííng the country
meetíng wíth mííítía groups ín an attempt to verífy bíack heíícopter síghtíngs and
rumors of UN troop movements. Thís seems a pecuííar pastíme for a man who
worked for a network of spooks devoted to bypassíng and subvertíng the
Constítutíon.
|1152|*
What ís aíso pecuííar ís a íetter wrítten by Moore to McVeígh ín earíy 1995.
Introduced at the tríaí of Terry Níchoís, the íetter, speaks of "a pían. to bríng the
country down and have a few more thíngs happen."
|1153|
Robert "Bud" McFaríane went on to form hís own consuítíng fírm, and |oíned the
board of Amerícan Equíty Investors (AEI), founded by Prescott Bush. AEI's board of
dírectors reads ííke a Who's Who of the spook woríd, íncíudíng former CIA offícíaís
George Cíaírmont and Howard Hebert, and CIA íawyer Mítch Rogovín, who was
George Bush's íegaí counseí when he was Dírector of the Agency.
|1154|
AEI ínvested ín a Tuísa, Okíahoma company: Hawkíns Oíí and Gas, from 1988 to
1991. McFaríane was a "consuítant" for Hawkíns and severaí other companíes on
the Ech power pro|ect ín Pakístan, whích requíred frequent tríps to that country.
|1155|
Thís was duríng the taíí end of the íargest covert operatíon the U.S. ever
conducted - the armíng of the Mu|ahadeen, who traíned ín Pakístan. McFaríane
sat on the "208 Commíttee," who's |ob ít was to procure weapons for the
Mu|ahadeen, and arms contracts for the Pakístaní government.
Recaíí that Ríchard Armítage, who was the contact for Fazoe Haq, governor of the
Northwest Frontíer Provínce, aíso sat on the "208 Commíttee." As Aífred A. McCoy
wrítes ín The )olitics of 8eroin in Southeast Asia7
It's known that the CIA paíd the Afghan guerrííías, who were based ín Pakístan,
through BCCI.. That the Pakístan mííítary were ín fact bankíng theír drug profíts,
movíng theír drug profíts from the consumíng country back to Pakístan though
BCCI. In fact the boom ín the Pakístan drug trade was fínanced by BCCI..
BCCI aíso served as a conduít for the Iran-Contra operatíon, íargeíy through Gaíth
Pharon, former head of Saudí Inteííígence, who operated out of Isíamabad,
Pakístan. The Saudís píayed a ma|or roíe ín fundíng the Mu|ahadeen and |vía the
request of Secord and McFaríane| the Contras.
362
McFaríane - who former Mossad offícíaí Arí Ben Menashe cíaíms ís a Mossad asset
- worked wíth the presídent of Hawkíns' Internatíonaí Dívísíon, Mu|eeb Rehman
Cheema, on the Ech pro|ect. Was Haní Kamaí's supposed statement that Khaííd
was connected to the Mossad accurate? A promínent Musíím communíty íeader,
Cheema cíaíms he does not know Sam Khaííd.
|1156|
Interestíngíy, Gagan saíd that at one poínt, Terry Níchoís rendezvoused wíth hís
Míddíe Eastern fríends at the Isíamíc socíety of Nevada. Cheema ís chaírman of the
Isíamíc Socíety of Tuísa. Is there a connectíon? And what of Cheema's íínks to
McFaríane? Was McFaríane usíng Hawkíns as a front for CIA actívítíes ín Pakístan?
It ís perhaps prophetíc that many of the terrorísts ímpíícated ín the ma|or
bombíngs of the íast decade attended the terroríst conference heíd ín the
Northwest Frontíer Provínce town of Koníí, Pakístan ín |uíy of 1996. As noted,
Osama bín Ladín, a Saudí who funded the Mu|ahadeen and was ímpíícated ín the
Ríyadh and Dhahran bombíngs, (a cíose assocíate of Sheík Abdeí Omar Rahman,
ímpíícated ín the Woríd Trade Center bombíng), Ahmed |íbríí (who bombed Pan Am
103), and seníor representatíves of Iranían and Pakístaní ínteííígence, and Hamas,
HízbAííah, and other groups attended the conference.
|1157|
Stephen |ones cíaímed he had íearned through the Saudí Arabían Inteííígence
Servíce that Iraq had híred seven Pakístaní mercenaríes - Mu|ahadeen veterans -
to bomb targets ín the U.S., one of whích was the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng.
|1158|
|ust who were these "Pakístaní mercenaríes," and were they reaííy workíng for
Iraq?
11
The Coert Co*boys
The use of former enemy soídíers, crímínaís, and terrorísts for theír dírty work ís
aíso a tíme-honored tradítíon among ínteííígence agencíes, who stand to gaín the
"píausíbíe deníabíííty" so coveted ín the woríd of covert operatíons.
|1159|
At the cíose of WWII, the U.S. Government heíped thousands of Nazí war crímínaís
escape |ustíce, íntegratíng them ínto íts scíentífíc/mííítary/ínteííígence
estabííshment. Reínhard Gehíen, Hítíer's seníor ínteííígence offícer on the Eastern
Front, and other hígh-rankíng Nazís, were spíríted out of Germany wíth the aíd of
the OSS and the Vatícan, then ínstaííed ín top-secret, sensítíve posts ín the U.S.
and abroad.
363
Gehíen's SS offícers had been ínstrumentaí ín the mass extermínatíon of Gypsíes
and |ews, and Gehíen was personaííy responsíbíe for the torture, ínterrogatíon, and
murder by starvatíon of some ? million Sovíet prísoners of war.
Gehíen íater boasted of teachíng the newíy formed CIA everythíng ít knew.
Many of the woríd's deadííest terrorísts were ín fact traíned by agencíes such as
the CIA and KGB, who went on to commít mayhem and murder on an
unprecedented scaíe. A príme exampíe ís Shackíey's |M/WAVE antí-Casto campaígn
of the míd-1960s, whích traíned Cuban exííes ín techníques of assassínatíon and
terror, then uníeashed them on theír natíve country. The most ínfamous of these
"Cuban Cowboys," Luís Posada Carrííes (AKA: Ramon Medína), a member of the
antí-Casto group CORU (aíso a member of the CIA's ZR/RIFLE assassínatíon team
under the command of E. Howard Hunt), kíííed 78 peopíe ín October of 1976 by
bombíng a Cuban aírííner.
|1160|*
Carrííes saíd he píanned the bombíng at the CIA's ínstígatíon.
As one of CORU's members expíaíned ín a CBS íntervíew, "We use the tactícs that
we íearned from the CIA because we - we were traíned to do everythíng. We are
traíned to set off a bomb, we were traíned to kííí. we were traíned to do
everythíng."
|1161|
The mastermínd of the bombíng, Oríando Bosch, responsíbíe for more than 50 antí-
Castro bombíngs ín Cuba and eísewhere, was reíeased from príson at the behest of
George Bush's son |eb, who has strong tíes to both the Cuban expatríate
communíty and the Contras.
As Více-Presídent, Bush aíso headed the Task Force on Combatíng Terrorísm.
Proudíy díspíayíng hís condemnatíon of terrorísm, Bush pardoned Bosch, gívíng
hím specíaí permíssíon to ííve ín Míamí.
|1162||1163|
The CIA's support of the Afghaní Mu|ahadeen between 1979 and 1989 resuíted ín a
huge wave of weíí-armed and traíned Musíím extremísts bent on ventíng theír
poíítícaí and ídeoíogícaí rage agaínst the U.S. At the same tíme, the overfíow from
the Afghaní operatíon resuíted ín one of the íargest pooís of potentíaí recruíts for
covert operatíons.
One of the maín operatíves the CIA had utííízed ín íts war agaínst the Sovíets was
Sheík Abdeí Omar Rahman. The CIA utííízed Rahman because of hís ínfíuence over
the Mu|ahadeen, then brought hím ínto the U.S. on a CIA-sponsored vísa. Whííe the
Sheík was eventuaííy convícted for conspíracy to bomb targets ín the U.S.,
prosecutors encountered resístance ín pursuíng hím and other Woríd Trade Center
bombíng suspects because of theír tíes to the Mu|ahadeen, and their tíes to U.S.
ínteííígence.
364
As |ack Bíum, ínvestígator for the Senate Foreígn Reíatíons Subcommíttee, put ít:
"One of the bíg probíems here ís that many suspects ín the Woríd Trade Center
bombíng were assocíated wíth the Mu|ahadeen. And there are components of our
government that are absoíuteíy dísínterested ín foííowíng that path because ít
íeads back to peopíe we supported ín the Afghan war."
|1164|
A staunch antí-Western crusader, Rahman became a shíníng ííght for thousands of
Musíím extremísts after the war ín theír crusade for the hoíy |íhad. Nearby
Peshawar, Pakístan became the stagíng area for tens of thousands of radícaís,
many of whom went on to form smaííer ceíís around the woríd, íncíudíng the U.S.
The groups that fíocked to Pakístan's terroríst traíníng centers íncíuded the
Egyptían Aí-Gama'a aí-Isíamíya, the Paíestínían Hammers, the Aígerían Aí-|íhad,
and the Fííípíno Moro Líberatíon Front.
Woríd Trade Center mastermínd Ramzí Yousef aíso spent consíderabíe tíme ín
Pakístan. As one Western dípíomat noted: "The Uníted States created a Moscow
Centraí ín Peshawar for these groups, and the consequences for aíí of us are
astronomícaí."
|1165|
As Mary Ann Weaver wrítes ín the May, 1996 íssue of The Atlantic Monthly7 ".the
CIA heíped to traín and fund what eventuaííy became an ínternatíonaí network of
híghíy díscípííned and effectíve Isíamíc mííítants - and a new breed of terroríst as
weíí."
To the CIA, whích pumped more than $2 bííííon ínto the fourteen-year Afghaní
resístance effort, Sheík Omar was what ínteííígence offícíaís caíí "a vaíuabíe
asset."
|1166||1167|
Eí Sayyíd Nosaír, a core member of the Aí Saíaam Mosque run by Rahman, shot
and kíííed the radícaí Ríght-wíng Rabbí Meír Kahane ín November of 1990. Duríng a
conversatíon between a 20-year veteran FBI agent and one of hís top undercover
operatíves, the operatíve asked:
"Why aren't we goíng after the Sheík |Adbeí Rahman|?" demanded the undercover
man.
"It's hands off," answered the agent.
"Why?" asked the operatíve.
"It was no accídent that the Sheík got a vísa and that he's stííí ín the country,"
repííed the agent, vísíbíy upset. "He's here under the banner of natíonaí securíty,
the State Department, the NSA, and the CIA."
The agent poínted out that the Sheík had been granted a touríst vísa, and íater a
green card, despíte the fact that he was on a State Department terroríst watch-ííst
365
that shouíd have barred hím from the country. He's an untouchabíe, concíuded the
agent.."
|1168||1169|
It was aíso reveaíed duríng the Sheík's conspíracy tríaí that ín 1989 the U.S. Army
had sent Specíaí Forces Sergeant Aíí A. Mohammed to |ersey Cíty to províde
traíníng for Mu|ahadeen recruíts, íncíudíng Nosaír and Mahmud Abouhaííma, a
convícted Woríd Trade Center bomber. Interestíngíy, thís was at the same tíme the
paír were under surveíííance by the FBI as suspected terrorísts.
|1170||1171|*
The experíences of the CIA's expatríated Nazís, Antí-Castro Cubans, and
Mu|ahadeen veterans were stríkíngíy símííar to that of the Ku Kíux Kían, whích for
decades remaíned on the end of a íong íeash controííed by FBI Dírector |. Edgar
Hoover.
One of the most ínfamous exampíes of FBI-orchestrated terror-murder were the
brutaí 1963 KKK attacks on cívíí ríghts workers ín Bírmíngham, Aíabama, íed by FBI
ínformant Gary Rowe.
It seems that Rowe was no mere ínformant. As Curt Gentry wrítes ín J0 &d%ar
8ooer7 The Man and the Secrets7 "Kían members stated he had veto power over
any víoíent actívíty contempíated by the Eastvíew 13 Kíavern."
|1172||1173|
Rowe aíso partícípated ín the 1965 murder of cívíí ríghts marcher Víoía Líuzzo. As
the National Reiew reported, "The 1978 ínvestígatíon ímpíícated |Rowe| as an
agent provocateur.. Three other Kíansmen testífíed that ít was Rowe who had
actuaííy shot Víoía." Whííe Rowe was índícted on fírst degree murder, a federaí
|udge bíocked Rowe's extradítíon, cíaímíng that a federaí agent has ríghts that
protect hím when "píaced ín a compromísíng posítíon because of hís undercover
work." A Federaí Appeaís Court upheíd the ruííng.
The FBI ínformant was aíso accused of heípíng píant the bomb that kíííed four bíack
gírís ín a Bírmíngham church. Aíthough Rowe faííed ííe-detector tests regardíng hís
compíícíty ín that and the Víoía murder, he was never prosecuted, and ínstead was
gíven a $20,000 "reward" by the FBI.
A símííar case of government-orchestrated terror-murder wouíd come about ín
1979 ín Greensboro, North Caroíína wíth the murder of fíve Communíst Workers
Party members by KKK and Nazí Party goons - íed by FBI operatíve Edward
Dawson and ATF ínformant Bernard Butkovích. Both the Washin%ton )ost and the
New 'ork Times reported that Butkovích "offered to procure expíosíves," and
"offered to traín them ín actívítíes such as makíng pípe bombs and fíre bombs."
|1174|
Even more suspícíousíy, the tactícaí squad assígned to monítor the march was
reportedíy "out to íunch" at the tíme, and a patroí car that happened to be ín the
area, was toíd to "cíear the area as soon as possíbíe."
|1175|
366
The íncídent ís suspícíousíy símííar to the ATF agents ín Okíahoma who were paged
not to come ínto work on the morníng of the bíast.
Echoíng the factítíous rants of ATF chíef Lester Matz, Governor Frank Keatíng, and
other federaí offícíaís ín Okíahoma, FBI Dírector Wííííam Webster caííed the charges
of federaí compíícíty "utteríy absurd." Aíthough the kíííers had been recruíted,
organízed and íed on theír murderous rampage by ATF and FBI operatíves, none
ever served a day of |aíí-tíme.
|1176|
Líke the FBI's KKK muíes, or the ATF's pet Nazís at Eíohím Cíty, the
Pakístaní/Afghaní Mu|ahadeen and Iraqí veterans resettíed ínto the U.S. represent
the next wave of "covert cowboys" - ready and wííííng to do the CIA/FBI's dírty
work.
As Gene Wheaton observes: "Every ma|or Míddíe-Eastern terroríst organízatíon ís
under surveíííance and controí of the ínteííígence agencíes ín the U.S. None of
these guys move around as freeíy as they'd ííke you to thínk."
|1177||1178|
Aíí Hassan Saíameh, the íeader of the PLO spíínter group Bíack September, whích
carríed out the 1972 Muních Oíympícs massacre, was put on the CIA's payroíí. That
ís, untíí the Mossad caught up wíth hím ín 1979. Even so, the Israeíís checked wíth
the CIA before kííííng hím.
A Pakístaní named Aíí Ahmand was standíng dírectíy behínd Senator Robert
Kennedy when he was shot. Former CIA contract agent Robert Morrow saw
Ahmand hoídíng a Níkon camera, and recaííed seeíng Níkon cameras that fíred
buííets whííe at the CIA.
Another "vaíuabíe asset," Mír Aímaí Kansí, had been recruíted by the CIA to assíst
ín the smuggííng of weapons to the Mu|ahadeen. Kansí, who had a "fínancíaí
mísunderstandíng" wíth the Agency, resoíved the íssue by openíng fíre wíth an AK-
47 outsíde of CIA headquarters ín |anuary of 1993, kííííng two Agency empíoyees.
Líke Woríd Trade Center bomber Ramzí Yousef, he fíed to Pakístan.
|1179||1180|
Curíousíy, Hussaín aí-Hussaíní - who had been seen speedíng away from the
bombíng ín a brown píck-up - wouíd make no símííar attempt to fíee. Was he part
of a government-sanctíoned operatíon? As Professor Bruce Hoffman at the Center
fo the Study of Terrorísm and Poíítícaí Víoíence at St. Andrew's Uníversíty ín
Engíand noted, there have been varíous attempts to ínfíítrate Isíamíc terroríst
teams ín Okíahoma.
|1181|
Couíd thís be why FBI Agent |effrey |enkíns "crínged" when he saw KFOR's
teíevísed report on Hussaíní?
|1182|*
Díd Hussaíní and Khaííd, ííke Tímothy McVeígh casuaííy puíííng over for Patroíman
Hanger, beííeve they were protected?
367
The FBI's refusaí to íook at Khaííd strongíy poínts to such a possíbíííty. Khaííd's
abíííty to monítor the actívítíes of a group of Míddíe Eastern ímmígrants (through
gívíng them |obs and rentíng them homes), and hís status as a former feíon, make
hím a ííkeíy candídate as an operatíve or ínformant.
And why had McVeígh met wíth Hussaíní ín the fírst píace? Líke Caroí Howe and
Andreas Strassmeír, were they both actíng as undercover operatíves, wíthout each
other's knowíedge?
|1183|*
Líke McVeígh, Hussaíní was most ííkeíy recruíted ínto a covert ínteííígence unít
after hís resettíement ínto the U.S. Beííevíng he was workíng for the government,
he was gíven a cover story that he was preventíng a bombíng.
It ís ííkeíy, gíven the necessary compartmentaíízatíon of covert operatíons, that
each was on a "need-to-know" basís. Whííe McVeígh, Hussaíní, and theír país
parked the Ryder truck ín front of the Murrah Buíídíng, the real bombers were the
thírd component of the compartmentaíízed operatíon.
Recaíí that fíve days before the bombíng, HUD worker |ane Graham saw three men
ín the garage who she thought were teíephone repaírmen. They had píans of the
buíídíng, and were hoídíng what appeared to be C-4 píastíc expíosíve. "It was a
putty coíor," saíd Graham, "a soííd píece of bíock.. they had that and they had
thís wíríng.
"The man ín the brown shírt obvíousíy knew what he was doíng and was ín
charge." saíd Graham. "He remínded me of a surveyor or constructíon foreman
except that I doubt that they wouíd have been ín that good of shape. These men
were defíníteíy physícaííy weíí traíned."
|1184|
Physícaííy weíí-traíned does not sound ííke McVeígh or Níchoís.
The men íooked "uncomfortabíe" when they saw Graham, and quíckíy put the
ítems ínto a paper bag and híd ít ín theír car - whích was cíearíy not a utíííty
company vehícíe.
|1185||1186|
Another wítness saw severaí men workíng on the píííars ín the garage, ín the dark,
wíthout ííghts. When they were questíoned by thís vísítor, they saíd, "We're |ust
puttíng thíngs ríght agaín."
Were they, or were they píacíng expíosíve charges to be actívated íater?
Thís bízarre actívíty was seen by at íeast two other wítnesses - IRS worker Kathy
Wííburn, and a HUD worker named |oan. None of the "repaírmen" matched the
descríptíon of Tímothy McVeígh, Terry Níchoís, or Hussaín aí-Hussaíní.
|1187|*
Then, on the day of the bombíng, twenty mínutes before the bíast, Míchaeí Línehan
saw McVeígh's yeííow Mercury run a red ííght and sííp quíckíy ínto the buíídíng's
368
garage. Why díd "McVeígh" need to enter the buíídíng moments before the bíast?
To píace secondary charges or actívate remote detonators, perhaps?
|1188|¦
Severaí mínutes íater, a woman rídíng the eíevator saw a young Arab man wíth a
backpack frantícaííy pushíng the íobby button, as though tryíng to exít the
buíídíng.
After the bíast, Kay H. was aímost run over by a brown píck-up dríven by Hussaín
aí-Hussaíní. There were three suspects ín the truck. At íeast two of them were
Arabs.
Seconds íater, Gary Lewís ran outsíde to see a Míddíe Eastern man grínníng from
ear to ear.
Approxímateíy 15 mínutes íater, HUD empíoyee Germaíne |ohnston came across
McVeígh and |ohn Doe 2 ín an aííey near the Murrah Buíídíng. "They were |ust
standíng there watchíng," she saíd. McVeígh then asked |ohnston íf anyone had
been kíííed, and both men íooked sad when she toíd them that chíídren had díed.
|1189||1190|
If McVeígh had bíown up the buíídíng - a buíídíng he knew to contaín a day-care
center - as an act of revenge, why wouíd he appear sad? And íf Hussaín aí-
Hussaíní had conspíred wíth McVeígh for símííar motíves, why díd he cry upon
íearníng that chíídren had been kíííed?
Moreover, why wouíd he be casuaííy hangíng around near the scene of the críme?
".I ask you, does that sound ííke a man who was runníng?" saíd |ohnston's fríend
and co-worker |ane Graham. "I don't thínk so. It sounds ííke a pían that went awry
or somethíng he díd not know was goíng to happen."
|1191|
And those federaí agents who had been surveííííng the buíídíng aíí níght íong. why
díd they appear so shocked when the bomb(s) went off? Because they dídn't
e#*ect them to go off. As Representatíve Istook saíd, |ohn Doe 2, |one of| the
government's undercover agents, díd not know how to dísarm the truck-bomb,
whích contaíned a redundant tímíng devíce. They dídn't know about the charges
ínsíde the buíídíng.
And the Army íeg who heíped píace the shaped C-4 charges on the buíídíng's
coíumns was not advísed that he had a zero-tíme-deíay detonator and was goíng
to be vaporízed. The íeg was on the wrong síde of the coíumn when the detonator
was actívated.
|1192|*
Fortunateíy for the conspírators, the críme scene was íeveíed to precíude any
índependent forensíc anaíysís. Federaí agents and íocaí offícíaís quíckíy scrambíed
to ínítíate theír damage-controí operatíon.
|1193|
369
Those who threatened to reveaí the "stíng gone bad" were toíd to keep quíet for
"the good of the country." Yes, ít was a terríbíe tragedy. But brave undercover
agents ííke |ohn Doe 2 were safeíy on the |ob, |ust waítíng to prevent more
"mííítíamen" ííke Tímothy |ames McVeígh from bíowíng up more babíes.
Honest íaw-enforcement personneí ííke Sergeant Terrance Yeakey, who dídn't go
aíong wíth the cover-up. "commítted suícíde."
And the Amerícan pubííc, was fed a compíeteíy dífferent ííe. A dísgruntíed racíst
and íatent neo-Nazí and hís antí-government fríend, angry over Waco, usíng a
homemade bomb, had vented theír rage ín a brutaí and vícíous act of revenge.
1#
The Motie
.,oernments/ in order to *er*etuate themseles/ will sacrifice ?;;-D;; *eo*le
without a second thou%ht0.
- 14-year DEA veteran Basíí Abbott
To understand the motíve behínd the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, one must
understand the poíítícaí sítuatíon ín the country at the tíme.
In 1989, wíth the faíí of the Beríín Waíí, the Coíd War was offícíaííy over. The
ínteííígence communíty was ín danger of íosíng íts appropríatíons; ít needed a new
míssíon.
|1194||1195|
In 1963, the Kennedy admínístratíon was saíd to have commíssíoned a seíect
group of anaíysts and schoíars to evaíuate the probíems ínherent ín a post-Coíd
War socíety. Entítíed Re*ort from (ron Mountain on the )ossi+ility and "esira+ility
of )eace, íts concíusíons and vaíídíty have been hotíy debated sínce íts
"unauthorízed" pubíícatíon ín 1967.
Aíthough featured on the front page of the New 'ork Times and subsequentíy
transíated ínto 15 dífferent íanguages, many estabííshment ícons and medía
pundíts wouíd oníy acknowíedge the work as a "cíever satíre."
The Times, whích receíved a "no comment" response from the LB| Whíte House
whííe attemptíng to verífy íts authentícíty, wrote that the possíbíe hoax was a
possíbíy suppressed report.
|1196|
370
Others, such as Coíoneí L. Fíetcher Prouty (Ret.), former Chíef of the Specíaí
Operatíons Dívísíon for the |oínt Chíefs of Staff, quoted from the document ín hís
book, The Secret Team. And renowned economíst, author, and professor |ohn
Kenneth Gaíbraíth wrote "As I wouíd put my personaí repute behínd the
authentícíty of thís document, so I wouíd testífy to the vaíídíty of íts concíusíons.
My reservatíons reíate oníy to the wísdom of reíeasíng ít to an obvíousíy
uncondítíoned pubííc."
As íate as 1995, The Nation was stííí denígratíng the report as a "hoax," whííe the
Wall Street Journal was seríousíy debatíng íts meríts. As Robert Tomsho wrote ín
the May 9, 1995 edítíon of the Journal7
Gíven the tumuítuous tímes when the document surfaced and the aír of
respectabíííty surroundíng those ínvoíved wíth ít, few readers were wííííng to
dísmíss the mysteríous headííne-grabbíng book as a hoax.
|1197|
Whether or not Re*ort from (ron Mountain was ín fact a hoax, the report's
concíusíons, even íts detractors wííí admít, íend a somewhat prescíent and
fríghteníng measure of truth to contemporary 20th century reaííty.
|1198|*
Wrítten ín coíd, empírícaí thínk-tank íanguage, the report postuíates that war ís the
fundamentaí basís for aíí poíítícaí, socíaí, and economíc uníty.
The report aíso suggests, ín somewhat Machíaveííían fashíon, ínítíatíng "rítuaí
bíood games," renewíng "síavery," and creatíng an "omnípotent" ínternatíonaí
poííce force as mítígatíng substítutes for the aííeged socío-economíc voíd created
by a post-Coíd War socíety. The report defíned the socíoíogícaí ímpíícatíons thusíy:
War, through the medíum of mííítary ínstítutíons, has uníqueíy served socíetíes,
throughout the course of known hístory, as an índíspensabíe controííer of
dangerous socíaí díssídence and destructíve antísocíaí tendencíes.. No modern
poíítícaí ruííng group has successfuííy controííed íts constítuency after faíííng to
sustaín the contínuíng credíbíííty of an externaí threat of war.
The war system makes the stabíe government of socíetíes possíbíe. It does thís
essentíaííy by provídíng an externaí necessíty for a socíety to accept poíítícaí ruíe.
. An effectie su+stitute for war would re9uire .alternate enemies.0A
|1199|

A paranoíd and fascístíc natíonaí securíty estabííshment, no íonger prímarííy
focused on the "externaí necessíty" of an outward mííítary threat (e.g: the Sovíet
Uníon), must ínevítabíy turn íts attentíon towards the ever-present specter of an
ínternaí threat - the "aíternate enemy." As the report states:
.the motívatíonaí functíon of war requíres the exístence of a genuíneíy menacíng
socíaí enemy.. The "aíternate enemy" must ímpíy a more ímmedíate, tangíbíe,
and dírectíy feít threat of destructíon..
|1200|
371
The Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, occurríng as ít díd ín the "heartíand" of Ameríca,
served as no other "terroríst" act has ín the hístory of the Uníted States ín
channeííng the attentíon of the Amerícan peopíe towards the "ímmedíate, tangíbíe,
and dírectíy feít threat of destructíon."
More sígnífícantíy, ít díd so by dírectíng the attentíon of the pubííc towards an
"aíternate enemy" - ín thís case - an "ínternaí" one.
Such mass-psychoíogícaí manípuíatíon by the ruííng eííte ís símpíy the war spírít
refocused. Thís ubíquítousíy Amerícan quaííty, so effectíveíy used agaínst the
Germans ín the 1940s, the Communísts ín the 1950s, and the Iraqís ín the 1990s,
wouíd now be dírected ínward - agaínst the Patríot/Mííítía movement.
By íínkíng Tímothy McVeígh to the Mííítía movement through a massíve medía
propaganda campaígn, the Mííítía movement ís seen as the prímary motívatíonaí
force behínd the bombíng. The movement, becomes, by proxy, the new "aíternate
enemy."
By substítutíng what ít terms a "fíctíve modeí" for war, the Píutocracy engages the
faíse sentíments of the masses, creatíng, as ít states, "a socíomoraí confííct of
equaííy compeíííng force and scope." From the perspectíve of the ruííng eííte, thís
socíomoraí confííct must:
. |ustífy the need for takíng and payíng a "bíood príce" ín wíde areas of human
concern.. The fíctíve modeís wouíd have to carry the weíght of extraordínary
convíctíon, underscored with a not inconsidera+le actual sacrifice of life.
|1201|
That shockíng reveíatíon was wrítten ín 1963. Thírty-two years íater, former
presídentíaí advísor Arthur Schíesínger, |r. wouíd wríte ín Forei%n Affairs, the
|ournaí of the Councíí on Foreígn Reíatíons, that mouthpíece of the píutocratíc
estabííshment:
We are not goíng to achíeve a new woríd order wíthout payíng for ít ín bíood as
weíí as ín words and money.
|1202|
Ouíte a profound statement, comíng as ít díd íess than two months after the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng.
Was thís "bíood príce" carríed out on Apríí 19, 1995?
As wííí be expíored ín Chapter ?, the utííízatíon of barbaríc acts of mass-terror-
murder by governments ín order to manípuíate poíítícaí ob|ectíves ís hardíy new.
Deííberateíy manípuíated outrage-íncídents such as the sínkíng of the Lusítanía,
the burníng of the Reíschtag, and the attack on Pearí Harbor, as precursors to eííte-
píanned mííítary campaígns has hístorícaííy heíd severaí functíons: ít tríggers the
buíít-ín natíonaíístíc war spírít, channeís the resuítíng ríghteous wrath toward the
372
nomínated enemy, and concentrates power ín the executíve branch, where eííte
controí ís unhampered by popuíar ínfíuence.
As Presídent Frankíín D. Rooseveít, who aííowed 2,403 servícemen to be
síaughtered at Pearí Harbor to ínítíate Ameríca's entry ínto WWII, saíd: "In poíítícs,
nothíng happens by accídent. If ít happens, you can bet ít was píanned that way."
The Amerícan pubííc, braínwashed by the conventíonaí wísdom of hístory, wíth an
attentíon span as íong as the íatest TV sítcom, ís obíívíous to thís fact. A pubííc
consumed by materíaíísm and stuítífíed by teíevísíon poses no seríous threat to the
ruííng píutocracy. A savvy popuíace, íntímateíy aware of the corruptíon ín
government, and threateníng to expose or even depose the powers behínd ít,
poses a very seríous threat to the ruííng eííte.
The prímary group whích stands ín the way of píans of the transnatíonaí corporate
fascíst cabaí today ís a group of Amerícans who caíí themseíves Patríots. These
Patríots - numberíng roughíy fíve mííííon men and women - are comprísed of
approxímateíy 400,000 índívíduaís who beíong to the mííítant arm: the mííítía.
These índívíduaís are íncreasíngíy optíng out of the federaí system. They are
estabííshíng precedents for theír own governance, wíth names ííke Sovereígn
Cítízenshíp, States' Ríghts and County Ruíe.
Some are reíínquíshíng theír Socíaí Securíty cards. Others refuse to pay íncome
taxes, whích they ínsíst are ín dírect contraventíon of the Constítutíon, and an
íííegaí outgrowth of the prívateíy-owned Federaí Reserve. Many are buyíng goíd
and sííver. Some are even íssuíng theír own currencíes.
They poínt out the ímportance our foundíng fathers attríbuted to the Second
Amendment - the ríght to bear arms - as the fírst and fínaí bastíon agaínst a
tyrannícaí government. Uítímateíy, they are wííííng to defend themseíves agaínst a
íncreasíngíy oppressíve federaí system.
To the government, such a movement must not be aííowed to grow teeth, as díd
the Antí-War movement of the 1960s, or the antí-corporate íabor movement of the
1930s. Dístrustíng the Federaí Reserve, beííeved by some to have engíneered the
Great Depressíon, many of these communítíes began íssuíng theír own money -
as many as :/D;; dífferent currencíes. As |ournaííst |on Rappaport notes:
These events created anxíety for the weaíthy one percent of the country. Thíngs
míght have gotten out of hand. There was a danger of mass rebeíííon,
decentraíízatíon, a power shíft downward, and so on. Woríd War Two not oníy
soíved a |ob críses, ít reunífíed the natíon around an externaí threat. It temporarííy
eíímínated the possíbíííty of the dísíntegratíon of the body poíítíc.
|1203|
Líke the aforementíoned outrage-íncídents, the Píutocracy requíred a tragedy to
manípuíate pubííc opíníon. The Okíahoma Cíty bombíng served thís purpose ín the
373
most subííme fashíon. In the aftermath of that tragedy, the ruííng eííte sought to
unífy the natíon around an internal threat - dressed up and repackaged ín the
form of the Patríot/Mííítía Movement.
Many ííberaí and Left-wíng ínteííectuaís and medía pundíts have dísmíssed the
notíon of the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng as a deííberateíy engíneered act to díscredít
the mííítía as preposterous, seíf-deíuded paranoía. Yet as former CIA Dírector
Wííííam Coíby stated to hís fríend, Nebraska State Senator |ohn DeCamp, ííteraííy
days before the bombíng:
"I watched as the Antí-War Movement rendered ít ímpossíbíe for thís country to
conduct or wín the Víetnam War. I teíí you, dear fríend, that thís Mííítía and Patríot
movement ín whích, as an attorney, you have become one of the centerpíeces, ís
far more sígnífícant and far more dangerous for Ameríca than the Antí-War
Movement ever was, íf ít ís not ínteííígentíy deaít wíth. And I reaííy mean thís."
|1204|
In the absence of war, wíth the "motívatíonaí forces governíng human behavíor" no
íonger "transíated ínto bíndíng socíaí aííegíance," the ruííng eííte requíred a
substítute. By demonízíng the Patríot/Mííítía Movement, the Píutocracy seeks, both
to dívíde and conquer, and to dístract, the popuíatíon.
|1205|
As professor and
díssídent ínteííectuaí Noam Chomsky wrítes:
Over the íast ten years, every year or two, some ma|or monster ís constructed that
we have to defend ourseíves agaínst. There used to be one that was aíways
avaííabíe: the Russíans. But they're íosíng theír attractíveness as an enemy, and
ít's gettíng harder and harder to use that one, so some new ones have to be
con|ured up. They've got to keep comíng up, one after another. You fríghten the
popuíatíon, terroríze them, íntímídate them.. That's one of the ways ín whích you
can keep the bewíídered herd from payíng attentíon to what's reaííy goíng on
around them, keep them díverted and controííed....
|1206|
There ís yet stííí another dímensíon to the sítuatíon íargeíy unreaíízed. The U.S.
bankíng system ís home to trííííons of doííars ín foreígn ínvestment capítaí, resídent
ín buíídíngs, reaí estate, and índustry (The |apanese government currentíy hoíds
roughíy $200 bííííon ín U.S. Treasury securítíes). The ruííng eííte must keep these
foreígn ínvestors happy. Shouíd one of them decíde to wíthdraw theír funds, ít
wouíd be "ínconveníent."
|1207|
But were there a rumor of cívíí war, aíí foreígn ínvestors míght decíde to wíthdraw
theír ínvestments. The resuítíng coííapse wouíd make the crash of 1929 íook ííke a
summer pícníc.
Líke U.S. índustríaíísts' ínvestments ín píaces such as Eí Saívador and Guatemaía,
foreígn ínvestors reaííze that theír money ís safest ín countríes wíth a happy, or at
íeast docííe and subservíent work force. A popuíatíon threateníng to wíthdraw from
the system and taíkíng of revoíutíon, represents a rísk many foreígn ínvestors
374
wouíd prefer not take. As Wííííam Coíby poínted out, such events have ímportant
peopíe worríed.
Another fínancíaí coííapse such as the Great Depressíon, aíways íoomíng over the
horízon, or the threat of cívíí war, requíres that the ruííng eííte have ín píace a
system that aííows them to maíntaín order. The Antí-Terrorísm Bííí, the Domestíc
Insurgency Act, the mííítarízatíon of our poííce forces, operatíons ííke Garden Píot
and Rex-84-Aípha, and the murderous víoíatíons of the Posse Comítatus Act ín
píaces such as Waco and Ruby Rídge, are aíí test runs preparíng for thís
eventuaííty.
A dramatíc event ííke Okíahoma Cíty, used to crush the poíítícaí íífe out of the
mííítías, wouíd go a íong way towards caímíng the ruííng eííte and theír foreígn
ínvestors. Reassured that the Federaí Government ís stííí ín controí of the
popuíatíon, these ínvestors wouíd hopefuííy íeave theír ínvestment capítaí ín píace.
Interestíngíy, FBI Dírector Louís Freeh stated before the Senate |udícíary
Commíttee two days after McVeígh's convíctíon: "Most of the mííítía organízatíons
around the country are not, ín our víew, threateníng or dangerous."
|1208|
Yet on May 13, Freeh stated before the Senate Appropríatíons Commíttee that the
focus of the government's domestíc antí-terrorísm efforts are "varíous índívíduaís,
as weíí as organízatíons, some havíng an ídeoíogy whích suspects government of
woríd-order conspíracíes - índívíduaís who, for varíous reasons, have organízed
themseíves agaínst the Uníted States." The chíef domestíc "enemy," saíd Freeh,
consísts of "índívíduaís who espouse ídeoíogíes ínconsístent wíth príncípíes of
Federaí Government."
|1209|
Freeh's aíarmíst comments ímpart the genuíne concern whích the ruííng eííte have
for the growth of the Patríot/Mííítía Movement. As Coíby toíd DeCamp:
"It ís not because these peopíe are armed, that Ameríca need be concerned," Bííí
expíaíned to my surpríse. "It ís not that these peopíe stockpííe weapons and have
para-mííítary traíníng sessíons, that they are dangerous" Coíby contínued..
"They are dangerous, |ohn, because there are so many of them. It ís one thíng to
have a few nuts or díssídents. They can be deaít wíth, |ustíy or otherwíse, so that
they do not pose a danger to the system. It ís quíte another sítuatíon when you
have a true movement - mííííons of cítízens - beííevíng somethíng, partícuíaríy
when the movement ís made up of socíety's average, successfuí cítízens."
|1210|
Further evídence of the concern that the ruííng eííte have for thís popuíar and
growíng phenomenon ííe ín the síanderous comments of Presídent Cíínton, the
huge wave of medía propaganda, and the íncrease ín undercover stíng operatíons
aímed at destroyíng thís íargeíy popuíar movement.
375
Whííe the so-caííed |ustíce Department was busy coveríng up evídence of the
bombíng, Cíínton ardentíy sought to smear those on the far-Ríght - the "purveyors
of hatred and dívísíon, the promoters of paranoía," as he put ít. "They do practíce
and they do preach víoíence agaínst those who are of a dífferent coíor, a dífferent
background, or who worshíp a dífferent God. They do feed on fear and uncertaínty.
They do promote paranoía...."
Chaííengíng the Amerícan peopíe to foííow hím ín a campaígn of dívíde and
conquer, Cíínton charged: "These peopíe attack our government and the cítízens
who work for ít who actuaííy guarantee the freedoms they abuse.... They can
certaíníy snuff out ínnocent ííves and sow fear ín our hearts. They are índífferent to
the síaughter of chíídren. They threaten our freedoms and our way of íífe, and we
must stop them."
|1211|
Echoíng and ampíífyíng Cíínton's defamatíons were the maínstream medía, whích,
aíí but ígnoríng the reíevant evídence, íaunched unceasíng, vítríoííc attacks agaínst
the Patríot/Mííítía communíty. Leadíng the charge were the ADL and the SPLC,
whose connectíons to the Mossad, U.S. íaw-enforcement, and ínfíítratíon of the
Patríot/Mííítía communíty have been weíí documented. The ADL's tíes to the FBI, ín
fact, had been forged íong ago.
|1212|*
At the same tíme, aíí íegítímate expressíons and concerns are ígnored. Mííítía
members are portrayed as mostíy gun-crazed racísts wíth overíy conspíratoríaí
víews. As Releance magazíne notes:
If anyone dares to make a suggestíon that seríous crímes by hígh-rankíng federaí
offícíaís or an agency of government have been commítted, that suggestíon
ínstantíy becomes, aímost by defínítíon, a conspíracy theory, whích ís ítseíf (aímost
by defínítíon) beyond the paíe of responsíbíe díscussíon.
|1213|
Any attempts by the Left and Ríght to |oín together are expíaíned away by
estabííshment ínteííectuaís as a sort of strange symbíotíc aberratíon. In a |une 19,
1995 New 'orker artícíe entítíed "The Road to Paranoía," author Míchaeí Keííy
descríbes "víews that have íong been shared by both the far Ríght and the far Left,
and that ín recent years have come together, ín a weírd meetíng of the mínds, to
become one, and to permeate the maínstream of Amerícan poíítícs and popuíar
cuíture. You couíd caíí ít fusíon paranoía."
|1214|
Yet ín spíte of the contínuaí barrage of government and medía-orchestrated
propaganda, the movement has grown. Thís ís because the actíons of the
Píutocracy and íts ínteííígence/íaw-enforcement míníons have become so boíd, so
brazen, so outrageous ín recent years that ít ís hard for the average person not to
take notíce. Increasíng poíítícaí scandaís, one foííowíng on the heaís of the other,
catastrophíc fínancíaí debacíes, and the murderous actíons of the Federaí
Government ín píaces such as Waco and Ruby Rídge, have pushed the average
Amerícan out of the sonombuííc comfort of theír easy chaír.
376
Now the average cítízen watches the FBI march ínto Waco wíth tanks and burn
women and chíídren, whííe Presídent Cíínton and the mass-medía dísmíss them as
"|ust a bunch of whackos." At the same tíme he turns around and watches hís
neíghbor's door kícked ín by goon squads to seíze píddííng amounts of contraband,
whííe hís home and assets are seízed wíthout ever beíng charged wíth a críme,
then gíven to íaw-enforcement agencíes who dívíde up the bounty amongst
themseíves.
Compeííed to take a cíoser íook at the Patríot/Mííítía movement, he begíns to
understand that the Federaí Reserve ís a sham. He reaíízes that the poíítícs of the
natíon were corporatízed íong ago, that hís vote has no meaníng.
He begíns to understand that the country ís actuaííy controííed by corporate
concerns who use the mííítary and ínteííígence apparatus to do íts bíddíng.
He íearns how the CIA has íííegaííy íntervened and destroyed the sovereígnty of
dozens of natíons around the woríd, and assísted ín the murder of countíess
mííííons.
He watches wíth aíarm as new íaws are beíng added every day to restríct hís
Constítutíonaí ríghts.
Whííe hís pay check ís no íonger enough to support hís famííy, he wonders what
happened to the Savíngs and Loans, and to those weaíthy few who were never
prosecuted.
Whííe he sees hís |ob beíng sent overseas to take advantage of some poor peasant
who síaves for penníes a day, hís own country ís síowíy beíng soíd off píecemeaí.
Unííke the mass of dumbed-down, TVed-out, passíve cítízens, he fínaííy decídes to
|oín a group of peopíe who are wííííng to do somethíng about ít.
Contrary to popuíar opíníon, the Patríot/Mííítía Movement ís more than |ust a frínge
eíement of Ríght-wíng conspíracy nuts. Whííe ít stííí contaíns índívíduaís who are
somewhat myopíc concerníng socíaí weífare íssues and envíronmentaí concerns,
younger peopíe are comíng ínto the movement every day.
Increasíngíy, thís group represents a broad spectrum of Amerícans concerned
about governmentaí corruptíon and the íoss of theír Constítutíonaí ríghts. Far from
beíng ímpotent, as Louís Freeh asserts, the Patríot/Mííítía Movement represents a
threat to an estabííshment seekíng to maíntaín corrupt controí over íts cítízenry at
aíí costs.
|1215|
Whííe ít cannot be saíd for certaín that the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng was destroyed
as part of a preconceíved pían to create the íííusíon of a domestíc terroríst threat
wíthín Ameríca - as a foundatíon for destroyíng poíítícaí díssent - ít is cíear that
the ínvestígatíon was poíítícaííy crafted for |ust that purpose.
377
In March of 1994, there began an extensíve medía campaígn to portray the mííítías
as Ríght-wíng terrorísts. Numerous sensatíonaíístíc storíes appeared ín the medía,
íargeíy orchestrated by the ADL, Poíítícaí Research Assocíates (PRA), and the SPLC.
Then ín March of 1995, Congressman Steve Stockman (R-TX) íearned that a natíon-
wíde, earíy-morníng paramííítary raíd agaínst mííítía groups was píanned for March
25. It seemed that a coupíe of concerned ATF agents had ínformed the Natíonaí
Rífíe Assocíatíon (NRA) about the pían, code-named Operatíon ROLLING THUNDER.
Stockman ímmedíateíy fíred off a íetter to Attorney Generaí |anet Reno:
It has come to my attentíon through a number of reííabíe sources that an
ímpendíng raíd, by severaí Federaí agencíes, agaínst the "cítízen's mííítías" groups,
ís scheduíed for March 25 or 26 at 4:00 a.m. A paramííítary styíe attack agaínst
Amerícans who pose no rísk to others, even íf víoíatíons of crímínaí íaw míght be
ímputed to them, wouíd run the rísk of an írreparabíe breach between the Federaí
Government and the pubííc, especíaííy íf ít turned out to be an ííí consídered,
pooríy píanned, but bíoody fíasco ííke Waco..
|1216|
Stockman's íetter went unanswered, and two Senators who confronted the
Assístant Secretary of Defense were thrown out of hís offíce.
What ís ínterestíng to note, however, ís that the raíd was scheduíed |ust one month
príor to the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, that íaunched the íargest antí-mííítía medía
campaígn ever wítnessed.
|1217|
Yet the tensíon surroundíng the Mííítía Movement wasn't the oníy pressure
begínníng to boíí the poíítícaí pot. Even more ínterestíng events were to occur |ust
príor to the bombíng.
On Monday, Apríí 17, a Specíaí Federaí Grand |ury ín Líttíe Rock, AK handed down a
seaíed índíctment chargíng Híííary Cíínton wíth bank fraud - mísappropríatíng or
embezzííng some $47 mííííon doííars from a federaííy ínsured S&L, and benefítíng
from secret offshore accounts payabíe to Víncent Foster, |r., her former íaw
partner, as purported payment for "handííng" |onathan Poííard.
|1218|
That same eveníng, Apríí 17, a mííítary C-21 Lear |et carryíng severaí hígh-rankíng
mííítary offícíaís, íncíudíng a supervísor to the NSA, crashed near Aíexander Cíty,
Aíabama. The dísaster, whích occured on a cíear day, appeared to be more than a
símpíe accídent. The híghíy experíenced crew reported "fueí management"
probíems, a cíassíc sabatogue techníque. Wítnesses Míranda Wyckoff and |ímmy
Keeí cíaím they heard muítípíe expíosíons whííe the píane was aírborne.
|1219|
One story has the passengers as part of a mííítary coup, to arrest, under the
mííítary code, theír Commander-ín-Chíef, Wííííam |efferson Cíínton, for varíous acts
of treason, íncíudíng the cover-up of Foster's murder. Another story has an
Amerícan POW from Laos onboard. Líke Ma|or Charíes McKee, they píanned to
bríng hím to the attentíon of the pubííc.
378
The píane crashed not far from a secret Deíta Force base ín Aíabama. It has been
rumored that eíements of the 20th Specíaí Operatíons Group (SOG) guarded Mena
aírport duríng the Iran-Contra drug-runníng. A Specíaí Federaí Grand |ury ín
Aíabama was bíocked from ínvestígatíng the crash.
|1220|*
The Mena drug-runníng, íntímateíy connected wíth the actívítíes of the Iran-Contra
Octopus, was aíso on the Congressíonaí ínvestígatíve agenda, as were the
actívítíes of the ATF and FBI at Waco. The ínvestígatíons were scheduíed to start ín
May.
Yet on Apríí 19, two days after the crash, the Okíahoma Cíty Federaí Buíídíng was
bombed. The bombíng conveníentíy shífted the attentíon from Cíínton's actívítíes
at Whítewater, the ATF and FBI's murderous actíons at Waco, and the Octopus'
drug-runníng at Mena. onto Okíahoma Cíty, and "the new enemy ín our mídst."
Were these occurrances coíncídences? And was ít a coíncídence that two weeks
after the bombíng, a group of anonymous, bíack-hooded, machínegun-totíng
federaí agents began íoadíng fííes removed from the Murrah Buíídíng onto two
unmarked trucks?
What were ín the fííes that a over dozen heavííy-armed agents were so anxíous to
híde? Gíven the tímíng of the aforementíoned events, ít ís ííkeíy the fííes were
eíther records íncrímínatíng the Octopus for íts drug-runníng at Mena, or records
íncrímínatíng the ATF for theír actíons at Waco.
It may be more than a coíncídence that the ATF agents who raíded Waco. wore
bíack uníforms wíth no ídentífyíng badges.
|1221|
Interestíngíy, on the May 14, 1995 edítíon of "Face the Natíon," Whíte House Chíef
of Staff Leon Panetta denounced those chaíríng the Waco hearíngs, cíaímíng that
they "wanted to take attentíon away from the tragedy of Okíahoma Cíty."
Panetta aíso caííed them "despícabíe." Curíousíy, Repubíícan íegísíators
compíaíned bítteríy about the Executíve Branch's tardy and dísorganízed
productíon of documents. For ínstance, Representatíves couíd not fínd ín theír
48,000 documents a copy of any Apríí 19 Waco operatíon pían.
|1222|

|1223|*
It has aíso been suggested that the fííes removed were records ímpíícatíng George
Bush and company for theír roíe ín seíííng Iraq bíoíogícaí weapons that have
ínfected íarge numbers of Amerícan troops and theír famíííes. Peter Kawa|a, who
served as Louís Champon's chíef of securíty at hís Product Ingredíent Technoíogíes
ín Boca Raton, FL - whích was secretíy beíng used by hís busíness partner Ishan
Barboutí, an Iraqí arms deaíer, to produce Cyaníde shípped to Iraq - cíaíms that
documents ímpíícatíng Bush, Secretary of State |ames Baker, and others ínvoíved
ín the "Iraqgate" scandaí were moved to the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng.
|1224|
379
Whatever the case, someone was obvíousíy very uptíght about some fííes ín the
Federaí Buíídíng - uptíght enough to send a team of hooded, heavííy-armed
agents to wísk them away.
Severaí days after the bombíng, Presídent Cíínton sent hís much fabíed Antí-
Terrorísm Bííí to Congress. The íegísíatíon, orígínaííy íntroduced after the Woríd
Trade Center bombíng, had been íanguíshíng on the Congressíonaí sheíf. On |une
7, the Senate passed the sweepíng measure by a vote of 91 to 8.
|1225|¦
Concurrent wíth the new íegísíatíon was a massíve smear campaígn agaínst the
mííítías, trumpeted by Presídent Cíínton. As the Sunday Tele%ra*h1s Washíngton
correspondent, Ambrose Evans Prítchard, noted:
The momentum of Repubíícan "revoíutíon" draíned away overníght, as peopíe drew
back from the antí-government rhetoríc of the Ríght, uníeashíng the startííng
decííne ín íts fortunes. Presídent Cíínton toíd reporters that he owed hís poíítícaí
comeback to that bomb. "It broke the speíí," he saíd.
|1226|
16
The +olitics of Terror
.)ower concedes nothin% without a demandA it neer did/ and it neer will0 Find
out >ust what the *eo*le will su+mit to/ and you hae found out the e#act amount
of in>ustice and wron% which will +e im*osed u*on them0A.
- Frederíck Dougíass, August 4, 1857
|Yet the FBI wasn't |and ísn't| the oníy agency practícíng counter-ínsurgency
techníques to díscredít and eíímínate íts poíítícaí opponents.| Ten years after
Re*ort from (ron Mountain was pubííshed, Theodore Shackíey pubííshed The Third
O*tion7 An &#*ert1s )roocatie Re*ort on an American View of !ounterinsur%ency
O*erations.
Shackíey was one of the orígínaí proponents of "íow íntensíty confííct," whích
manífested ítseíf as the Phoeníx Program ín Víetnam, and as death squads ín South
and Centraí Ameríca. Shackíey euphemístícaííy descríbes thís concept as "the thírd
optíon."
Seníor ínteííígence offícers ííke myseíf, who had experíence ín paramííítary
operatíons, have aíways ínsísted that the Uníted States shouíd aíso consíder the
thírd optíon: the use of guerrííía warfare, counter-ínsurgency techníques and covert
380
actíon to achíeve poíícy goaís.. Poíítícaí warfare ís very often the stítch ín tíme
that eíímínates bíoodíer and more costíy aíternatíves.
|1227|
Gene Wheaton caíís Shackíey's Third O*tion the "operatíonaí manuaí" for the
covert ínteííígence "íunatíc frínge." Thís same íunatíc ínteííígence crowd, states
Wheaton, "as far back as the earíy 1980s, wanted to create a domestíc terroríst
threat ín Ameríca so the peopíe wouíd become so fríghtened that they wouíd gíve
up some cívíí ííbertíes and Constítutíonaí ríghts, and gíve the CIA and Pentagon
covert operators ma|or domestíc counter-terrorísm powers."
As Wheaton wrítes:
The Thírd Optíon ís not to have peace ín the woríd, and not to have a fuíí-scaíe
woríd war. Instead, they wanted to cause worídwíde ínstabíííty, chaos and cívíí
unrest ín order to manípuíate and controí peopíe and governments, íncíudíng the
Uníted States; thus the creatíon of the domestíc terroríst threat.
|1228|
Notíce that Wheaton caíís thís the creation of the domestíc terroríst threat.
Wheaton states what has been known for centuríes by the so-caííed "enííghtened
ones" - the Iííumínatí, the Masons, the Rhodes Round Tabíe, and theír successors:
the CFR, the Bííderbergers, and the Trííateraí Commíssíon - that out of chaos wííí
come order (Ordo A+ !hao. )
|1229|
Otherwíse known as the "Hegeíían Príncípíe," thís ís the techníque by whích a
normaííy repugnant ídea (ín thís case a totaíítarían poííce-state) ís offered as the
oníy víabíe soíutíon to a íntractabíe probíem (ín thís case domestíc terrorísm),
deííberateíy engíneered by the state ítseíf. As New American edítor Wííííam |asper
notes:
.hístory ís repíete wíth exampíes of ruthíess and corrupt poíítícíans who have
shameíessíy expíoíted and manípuíated tragíc events and the crímínaí acts of a
few to advance theír own íust for power. In cases too numerous to mentíon, tyrants
and aspíríng despots have gone even further, engagíng agents provocateurs to
carry out assassínatíons, foment ríots and rebeíííon, precípítate fínancíaí panícs,
attempt paíace coups, feígn foreígn ínvasíon, ínítíate acts of terrorísm, and perform
other ínfamous acts - aíí for the purpose of estabííshíng a mass psychoíogy of
fear, a sense of "crísís," of ímmínent danger requíríng the government to suspend
normaí ííbertíes and seíze vast new powers to deaí wíth the "emergency."
Hítíer came to power ín precíseíy thís manner, by burníng down the German
Parííament, the Reíchstag, then bíamíng ít on hís enemíes - ín thís case, the
Communísts. He then passed the Enabííng Act (a form of antí-terrorísm bííí) for the
"protectíon of the peopíe and the state."
Hístory ís now repeatíng ítseíf. As Adam Parfrey wrítes ín !ult Ra*ture7
381
By defínítíon, a terroríst must take credít for hís víoíence, or eíse there ís no
compeíííng reason to commít a críme. The specífíc purpose of terrorísm ís gaíníng
íeverage on a specífíc poíítícaí ob|ectíve through the abíííty of threateníng future
terroríst acts. No one has cíaímed credít for the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng. Mííítía
groups produced partícuíaríy vehement pubííc statements condemníng the críme.
"If the bombíng was not terrorísm," asks )ortland Free )ress edítor Ace Hayes,
"then what was ít? It was pseudo-terrorísm, perpetrated by compartmentaíízed
covert operators for the purposes of state poííce power."
|1230|
The )ortland Free )ress edítor has studíed the secret state for decades and can
say that the OKC críme has aíí the characterístícs of state-píanned and-executed
propaganda. It ís not dífferent from the bogus Víet Cong uníts that were sent out to
rape and murder Víetnamese to díscredít the Natíonaí Líberatíon Front. It ís not
dífferent from the bogus "fínds" of Commíe weapons ín Eí Saívador. It ís not
dífferent from the bogus Symbíonese Líberatíon Army created by the CIA/FBI to
díscredít the reaí revoíutíonaríes.
Probabíy the most weíí-known case was the Reíchstag fíre, whích íed to the ríse of
Nazí Germany through the ímpíementatíon of sweepíng íegísíatíve powers. On
February 27, 1933, a fíre tore through the German parííament buíídíng, the
Reíchstag. The Nazís ímmedíateíy accused a Dutch Communíst named Marínus van
der Lubbe of the críme, and subsequentíy executed hím.
The paraííeís between the Reíchstag fíre and the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng are eerííy
símííar, both ín the ííkeness of the críme, and ín theír poíítícaí ramífícatíons. As
author Wííííam Shírer wrítes ín hís epíc, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich7
The ídea for the fíre aímost certaíníy orígínated wíth Goebbeís and Göeríng. Hans
Gísevíus, an offícíaí ín the Prussían Mínístry of the Interíor at the tíme, testífíed at
Nuremberg that "ít was Goebbeís who fírst thought of settíng the Reíchstag on
fíre," and Rudoíf Díeís, the Gestapo chíef, added ín an affídavít that "Göeríng knew
exactíy how the fíre was to be started" and had ordered hím "to prepare, príor to
the fíre, a ííst of peopíe who were to be arrested ímmedíateíy after ít." Generaí
Franz Haíder, Chíef of the German Generaí Staff duríng the earíy part of Woríd War
II, recaííed at Nuremberg how on one occasíon Göeríng had boasted of hís deed:
"At a íuncheon on the bírthday of the Fuehrer ín 1942 the conversatíon turned to
the topíc of the Reíchstag buíídíng and íts artístíc vaíue. I heard wíth my own ears
when Göeríng ínterrupted the conversatíon and shouted: 'The oníy one who reaííy
knows about the Reíchstag ís I, because I set ít on fíre!' Wíth that he síapped hís
thígh wíth the fíat of hís hand."
|Marínus| Van der Lubbe, ít seems cíear, was a dupe of the Nazís. He was
encouraged to try to set the Reíchstag on fíre. But the maín |ob was to be done -
wíthout hís knowíedge, of course - by the storm troopers. Indeed, ít was
estabííshed at the subsequent tríaí at Leípzíg that the Dutch haíf-wít díd not
382
possess the means to set so vast a buíídíng on fíre so quíckíy. Two and a haíf
mínutes after he entered, the great centraí haíí was fíerceíy burníng. He had oníy
hís shírt for tínder.
The maín fíres, accordíng to the testímony of experts at the tríaí, had been set wíth
consíderabíe quantítíes of chemícaís and gasoííne. It was obvíous that one man
couíd not have carríed them ínto the buíídíng, nor wouíd ít have been possíbíe for
hím to start so many fíres ín so many scattered píaces ín so short a tíme. Van der
Lubbe was arrested on the spot and Göeríng, as he afterward toíd the court,
wanted to hang hím at once.
|1231|
Shírer may |ust as weíí have been descríbíng the bombíng ín Okíahoma Cíty.
Tímothy McVeígh appears as a modern-day Van der Lubbe - a dupe who couíd
have not possíbíy destroyed the Murrah Buíídíng wíth hís crude homemade
fertííízer bomb. Yet he was set up ín exactíy the same manner as the Dutch
Communíst, arrested ínstantíy, and procíaímed the uítímate socíetaí enemy -
representíng a group that threatened the contínuíty of the state - |ust as Cíínton
díd wíth the mííítías ín the aftermath of the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng.
Aíthough Göeríng dídn't admít at Nuremberg that hís agents set the fíre, the Nazís
seízed on the event, cíaímíng Lubbe's act was the precursor of a Communíst
ínvasíon. Chanceííor Hítíer persuaded Presídent Híndenburg to sígn an emergency
decree - Artícíe 48 of the Weímar Constítutíon, "for the Protectíon of the Peopíe
and the State" - whích ímmedíateíy abrogated most of the German peopíes'
constítutíonaí protectíons.
A suppíementaí decree created the SA (Storm Troops) and SS (Specíaí Securíty)
federaí poííce agencíes. These decrees (símííar to executíve orders of the Presídent
of the Uníted States), gave Hítíer and hís goons the abíííty to ruthíessíy suppress aíí
opposítíon ín the upcomíng eíectíons. As a resuít, the Nazís gaíned a 44 percent
píuraííty ín the Parííament, and |soon-to-be| Luftwaffe Generaí Herman Göeríng
decíared that there was no further need for state governments.
The Nazís were successfuí ín eíímínatíng the states' authoríty ín the same manner
- ínstígatíng dísorder, then queíííng ít by repíacíng íocaí governments wíth Nazí-
appoínted Reích Commíssíoners.
Thís precedent was offícíaííy estabííshed on March 23 when the "Enabííng Act"
transferred the power of the states to the centraí Nazí-run government - makíng
the federaí government responsíbíe for aíí íaw-enforcement, and conferríng on
Hítíer the íegaí status of díctator.
Hítíer ímmedíateíy appoínted |oseph Goebbeís as Mínster of Propaganda, and as
Interíor Míníster - the top poííce post - Hítíer appoínted Herman Göeríng. Göeríng
ímmedíateíy fíííed the ranks of the Prussían poííce wíth íoyaí SA and SS members.
As Suzanne Harrís of the The Law Loft notes:
383
Aíí of the key strategíc moves were made by Göeríng ín settíng the stage for a
take-over. Why? Because ín order to take over a government, you have to
eíímínate your poíítícaí enemíes before they stríke, not after. Thís means that you
have to transform the poííce from a críme-detectíng and puníshíng apparatus to a
críme preventíng apparatus. You have to expand the defínítíon of key crímes so
that you can ídentífy and íncarcerate your enemíes before they stríke. You have to
transform the attítudes of the poííce so that they víew the pubííc as the enemy and
not as cítízens wíth ríghts. You have to have tactícaí poííce uníts ín píace that wííí
execute your orders rapídíy wíthout questíon.
|1232|
Soon Nazí storm troopers were roaríng through the streets at aíí hours, roundíng
up suspected díssídents, íncíudíng poíítícíans, who were then hauíed off to
makeshíft concentratíon camps and tortured or kíííed. As Wííííam Shírer wrítes:
|ust to make sure the |ob wouíd be ruthíessíy done, Göeríng on February 22
estabííshed an auxíííary poííce force of 50,000 men, of whom 40,000 were drawn
from the ranks of the S.A. and the S.S.. Poííce power ín Prussía was thus íargeíy
carríed out by Nazí thugs. It was a rash German who appeaíed to such a "poííce"
for protectíon agaínst the Nazí terrorísts.
|1233|
Hítíer's promíses that "the government wííí make use of these powers oníy ínsofar
as they are essentíaí for carryíng out vítaííy necessary measures" were beííed by
the ruthíess taííy of hístory.
|1234|
In a manner faíntíy remíníscent of Hítíer's assurances concerníng the 1933
"Enabííng íaws," FBI Dírector Louís Freeh recentíy sought, and won, tentatíve
agreement on a package of antí-terrorísm measures that wouíd expand
wíretappíng authoríty. Freeh assured íegísíators that the proposaís wouíd not gíve
the government "expansíve powers."
|1235|
Líke the CIA's announcement to ínvestígate ítseíf for ít's own drug-runníng, the woíf
now seeks to reassure the pubííc that ít has no íntentíon of ínvadíng the hen house.
One year to the day after the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, Presídent |K|íínton sígned
the Antí-Terrorísm Bííí, "for the protectíon of the peopíe and the state." Cíínton
raííroaded Congress ínto passíng the draconían íegísíatíon ín the same manner that
Hítíer stampeded the German peopíe ínto passíng the Enabííng Act.
"We can't be so fíxated on our desíre to preserve the ríghts of ordínary Amerícans,"
Cíínton was quoted ín 2SA TO"A' ín March of 1993.
|1236|
".a íot of peopíe say there's too much personaí freedom," Cíínton stated on MTV
ín March of 1994. "When personaí freedom's beíng abused, you have to move to
íímít ít."
|1237|
Cíínton's Antí-Terrorísm Bííí íncíudes píans to estabíísh a new FBI counterterrorísm
center wíth 1,000 new "antí-terroríst" agents. One proposaí, harkíng back to the
384
days of COINTELPRO, wouíd add 25 ínteííígence anaíysts, 190 surveíííance
specíaíísts wíth 143 support personneí, 31 engíneers and mathematícíans for
ínterceptíng dígítaí communícatíons, and varíous other experts and anaíysts. The
Bííí aíso íncíudes a $66 mííííon wíndfaíí for the ATF for "antí-terrorísm" efforts.
|1238|
Now the FBI has now unveííed íts "Crítícaí Incídent Response Group." Dívíded ínto
fíve uníts, the "Undercover Safeguard Unít" seíects recruíts for |even more|
undercover agents to be sent amongst the Amerícan peopíe; the "Avíatíon and
Specíaí Operatíons Unít" whích creates an FBI Aír Force for both íogístícs and
spyíng; the "Investígatíve Support Unít," whích permíts the FBI's fíawíess críme íab
to become avaííabíe for every íaw-enforcement agency ín the country; and the
"Crísís Management Unít" whích heíps the Bureau cover up such íncídents as Ruby
Rídge and Waco whííe íyíng to the press.
Then there ís the "SWAT Traíníng Unít," and the "Tactícaí Support" Dívísíon, whích
íncíudes the ínfamous "Hostage Rescue Team," whích "rescued" a nursíng mother
by shootíng her ín the face, and "rescued" 86 men, women, and chíídren by
gassíng, shootíng, and burníng them aííve.
Fínaííy, there ís the "Abducted Chíídren and Seríaí Kíííers Unít," whích shouíd
províde a measure of reííef to those concerned about out-of-controí crímínaís who
gas and íncínerate chíídren whííe commíttíng mass-murder.
|1239|
One recent manífestatíon of Ameríca's dríft toward a natíonaí poííce force ís the
fínaí report of the Natíonaí Performance Revíew (NPR) headed by Více Presídent Aí
Gore. Saíd to be a bíueprínt for "reínventíng government," thís report recommends
"the desígnatíon of the Attorney Generaí as the Dírector of Law Enforcement to
coordínate federaí íaw enforcement efforts."
Thís was the same Attorney Generaí who, aíong wíth Deputy Attorney Generaí
Webster Hubbeíí and Presídent Bííí Cíínton, gave the "fínaí soíutíon" order at Waco.
The FBI was the agency that carríed ít out, gassíng and íncíneratíng 86 men,
women and chíídren.
Now, under H.R. 97 (the "Rapíd Depíoyment Stríke Force Act"), Cíínton, Reno and
Freeh are caíííng for a 2,500-man "Rapíd-Depíoyment" force composed of FBI and
other federaí agents, aíí under the supervísíon of the Attorney Generaí.
|1240|
The bííí
states:
On appíícatíon of the Governor of a State and the chíef executíve offícer of the
affected íocaí government or governments...and upon fíndíng that the occurrence
of crímínaí actívíty ín a partícuíar |urísdíctíon ís beíng exacerbated by the ínterstate
fíow of drugs, guns, and crímínaís, the Deputy Assístant Dírector may depíoy on a
temporary basís a unít of the Rapíd Depíoyment Force.
|udícíary Commíttee spokesmen íntervíewed by Releance Ma%a-ine saíd the
Rapíd-Depíoyment Stríke Force "wouíd aíso serve as a modeí unít for íocaí offícers
385
to emuíate." A comfortíng thought, consíderíng the "exempíary" actíons of federaí
"íaw enforcement" at Ruby Rídge and Waco. Such a Göeríng-ínspíred natíonaí
poííce force has the potentíaí to become an Amerícan Gestapo.
|oe Hendrícks, Chíef of Poííce of Wíndsor, Míssourí, expressed hís concern over thís
trend ín the |une, 1997 íssue of the (daho O+serer7
Unfortunateíy, at the present tíme, an agent of the FBI couíd waík ínto my offíce
and commandeer thís poííce department. If you don't beííeve that, read the Críme
Bííí that Cíínton sígned ínto íaw ín 1995. There ís taík of the feds takíng over the
Washíngton, D.C. Poííce Department. To me thís sets a dangerous precedent.
|1241|
|1242|
Saíd |oseph McNamara, former poííce chíef ín San |ose and Kansas Cíty, now at the
Hoover Instítute at Stanford Uníversíty: "Despíte the conventíonaí wísdom that
communíty poíícíng ís sweepíng the natíon, the exact opposíte ís happeníng,"
|1243|
Charíes "Bud" Meeks, executíve dírector of the Natíonaí Sheríff's Assocíatíon, adds,
"By passíng statutes ín an effort to make |the críme sítuatíon| better," he
observed, "we're gettíng cíoser to a federaí poííce state."
|1244|
"In SWAT uníts formed sínce 1980, theír use has íncreased by 538 percent," saíd
poííce researcher Peter Kraska. Orígínaííy desígned to controí armed, barrícaded
suspects, SWAT teams are now beíng routíneíy used ín the so-caííed "War on
Drugs," and ín píaces ííke Fresno, are beíng depíoyed fuíí-tíme as roamíng patroís.
"The drug war created the atmosphere for thís kínd of pro-actíve poíícíng," Kraska
saíd. "We have never seen thís kínd of poíícíng, where SWAT teams routíneíy break
through a door, subdue aíí the occupants and search the premíses for drugs, cash
and weapons."
Whííe the average cítízen has to pay a severaí hundred doííar fíne or serve |aíí tíme
for possessíng a smaíí amount of marí|uana, the bíggest drug deaíers ín the
country - the CIA - have been pumpíng tons of heroín and cocaíne ínto thís
country for decades. Now the "War on Drugs," whích even many ín the íaw-
enforcement communíty admít ís a sham, ís beíng used to wage war on the
Amerícan peopíe.
"It's a very dangerous thíng, when you're teíííng cops they're soídíers and there's
an enemy out there," adds McNamara. "I don't ííke ít aíí."
|1245|
Yet maybe the cops won't have to worry about íookíng ííke soídíers. On October
5th, 1994, the House |udícíary Subcommíttee on Críme and Crímínaí |ustíce heíd
hearíngs on the |ustíce Department's proposed "Use of the Natíonaí Guard ín
Domestíc Law Enforcement."
|1246|
386
One íncreasíng manífestatíon of thís trend are Muítí-|urísdíctíonaí Task Forces
(M|TF) traíníng for urban guerrííía warfare (UGW). As numerous newspaper artícíes
have noted over the past few years, sweeps by Army heíícopters ín towns and
cítíes across Ameríca ín con|unctíon wíth paramííítary poííce raíds and traíníng
exercíses have been íncreasíng. The foííowíng íncídent was reported by |ím Keíth
and verífíed by the author:
Duríng the Summer of 1993, resídents of Mídtown, Atíanta, Georgía were shocked
ín the earíy hours of the morníng as three mííítary heíícopters came churníng
through theír hígh-ríse condo canyons as part of mííítary Specíaí Operatíons
Command practíce raíds. In the same area ín |uíy of 1994, automatíc weapons fíre
and expíosíons echoed off an abandoned state offíce buíídíng on Peachtree Street.
Empíoyees of a Kínko's copy center at 793 Peachtree Street saw men ín battíe gear
atop the buíídíng. An empíoyees remember a buííet shatteríng the store's wíndow
duríng the exercíse.
Duríng |anuary of 1994, troops from the U.S. Army Specíaí Operatíons Command,
whích íncíudes the Green Berets, Rangers, and psychoíogícaí warfare specíaíísts,
were seen rappeíííng off the empty 11-story St Morítz Hoteí ín Míamí, fíríng paínt
peííets ín mock assauít exercíses.
|1247|
In Fort Lauderdaíe duríng November of 1996,
troops from the 160th Specíaí Operatíons Avíatíon Regíment from Fort Campbeíí,
Kentucky, aíong wíth Specíaí Forces, Rangers, Navy SEALSs, and psychoíogícaí
warfare specíaíísts, practíced "níght urban navígatíon traíníng."
In Houston, the crash of an Army heíícopter aíerted cítízens to troops practícíng
UGW exercíses wíth heíícopters, smaíí arms fíre and expíosíves ín vacant buíídíngs.
|1248|
Símííar exercíses were practíced near Detroít duríng the Summer of 1994. In Van
Buren townshíp, cítízens were treated to the sound of expíosíons and automatíc
gunfíre. When resídents compíaíned, they were toíd by poííce, "Don't worry about
ít. The M|TF and Van Buren PD SWAT teams were practícíng."
Resídent Brídget Tuohey wasn't reassured. "I have two ííttíe kíds here who are
semí-hysterícaí," Tuohey toíd the "etroit News. When Van Buren resídent Mark
Spencer went to ínvestígate, he saw men ín Nín|a-styíe bíack uníforms wíth no
markíngs practícíng mock assauíts on abandoned houses.
Aíthough the ííve ordnance found at the scene had aíready been photographed by
íocaí Detroít teíevísíon crews, Wayne County Poííce spokesman cíaímed that ít díd
not exíst.
|1249|
As Spencer recaíís, "Never ín 25 years of íívíng ín thís area have I ever heard
automatíc weapons fíre. Never have I heard expíosíves traíníng beíng done here.
Never have I seen men dressed ín bíack battíe dress roamíng the wooded areas of
my home."
|1250|
387
On |une 6, 1996, the Washin%ton Times reported:
Níne Army heíícopters swooped ínto Píttsburgh ín the míddíe of the níght thís week
and turned parts of the cíty ínto war zones, compíete wíth sounds of expíosíons
and gunfíre that fríghtened resídents and sent one pregnant woman ínto íabor.
What are these troops traíníng for? Accordíng to a report ín the March, 1995 íssue
of Soldier of Fortune, about 40 Army and Aír Force íegaí and other personneí
attended a secret "research symposíum" at XVIII Aírborne Corps between
December 6th and 8th, 1994, to strategíze and study for the depíoyment of U.S.
personneí and resources to aíd cívííían authorítíes ín "the suppressíon of domestíc
cívíí unrest." Army íawyers repeatedíy brushed asíde Aírborne offícers concerns
that such depíoyment wouíd víoíate the Posse Comítatus Act. One íawyer,
respondíng somewhat cryptícaííy saíd, "Not anymore, ít doesn't."
|1251|
Then, ín earíy March of 1966, dozens of defense índustry íeaders, government
poíícy makers, and mííítary anaíysts met wíth federaí íaw enforcement offícíaís at
the Rítz-Caríton ín McLean, Vírgínía. Theír purpose was to strategíze for the
"Operatíons Other Than War/Law Enforcement" (OOTW/LE) ínítíatíve, desígned to
íncrease coordínatíon between íaw-enforcement and the mííítary - a trend whích
has been acceíeratíng ín recent years. As Sources &Journal reported:
In hearíngs on the |oínt Pentagon/íaw enforcement OOTW program ín |une, 1994,
Dr. Aníta K. |ones, dírector of defense research and engíneeríng, toíd the House
Armed Servíces Commíttee that she foresees the mííítary íncreasíngíy beíng caííed
upon to respond to "rísíng víoíence on our cíty streets" and to deaí wíth the
"wídespread avaííabíííty of íncreasíngíy powerfuí weapons."
|1252|
One partícuíaríy fríghteníng aspect of thís trend ís the transfer of new Orweííían-
styíe weapons and surveíííance gear to domestíc íaw enforcement. The Oran%e
!ounty Re%ister of March 19, 1993 reported that Camp Pendíeton Maríne base ín
southern Caíífornía recentíy added an $8.4 mííííon facíííty to traín for urban
warfare.
|1253|
Whííe the DoD cíaíms these exercíses are traíníng for "overseas" commítments,
Ma|or Generaí Max Baratz dropped the baíí when he wrote ín the Summer, 1994
íssue of Army Resere Ma%a-ine7
In addítíon to provídíng fuííy ready uníts for our ínternatíonaí míssíons, we'íí have
an enhanced capabíííty to support domestíc actíons, |íncíudíng| regíonaí píanníng
reíated to Mííítary Support to Cívííían Authorítíes and FEMA (Federaí Emergency
Management Agency) actívítíes.
|1254|
As Wííííam |asper reported ín the October 31, 1994 íssue of The New American,
soídíers are currentíy undergoíng traíníng ín dísarmíng cívííían mííítías at the $12
mííííon Mííítary Operatíons on Urban Terraín (MOUT) compíex at Ft. Poík, Georgía.
|1255|
388
Thís pían came to fruítíon ín February of 1995, when a source ínsíde the Nevada
Natíonaí Guard saíd that the FBI had asked for 400 Natíonaí Guardsmen to heíp
"put down" the Nevada State's Ríghts Movement. When the Guard refused, the FBI
threatened to bríng ín federaí troops.
One Natíonaí Guardsman who had partícípated ín "Desert Massacre" toíd an
observer hís outfít was beíng traíned to "attack urban buíídíngs." When asked for
cíarífícatíon, he saíd, "If they toíd us there were guns or drugs ín a house, we know
how to take ít down."
Interestíngíy, Oííver North and "Buck" Reveíí heíped deveíop the poíícy of
mííítarízíng our íaw-enforcement. One exampíe ís the FBI - now beíng gíven sníper
traíníng by the mííítary. That traíníng heíped the Bureau massacre 86 men,
women, and chíídren at Waco. It was the fírst tíme ín recent hístory that the
government víoíated the Posse Comítatus Act by usíng federaí troops on Amerícan
cítízens.
|1256|
To put some perspectíve on FEMA's connectíons to the íunatíc frínge, note that
Oííver North served on the Reagan-created Emergency Mobííízatíon Preparedness
Board, whích oversaw FEMA's píanníng and operatíons. North was assígned there
from 1982 to 1984 by Robert "Bud" McFaríane.
|1257|
Raymond "Buddy" Young, Presídent Cíínton's former Dírector of Securíty, was
appoínted dírector of FEMA's Regíon IV post. Young, who has reportedíy
partícípated ín and covered-up the Octopus's varíous íííegaí doíngs at Mena,
Arkansas, no doubt was gíven the weíí-payíng |ob as a reward for hís sííence. He
íater showed up ín the aftermath of the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, dírectíng FEMA
traffíc and hoídíng press conferences.
Former Assístant Defense Secretary Frank Caríuccí (Ríchard Armítage's paí) sígned
a Dírectíve permíttíng seníor mííítary commanders to decíare martíaí íaw "when
uníawfuí obstructíons or rebeíííon agaínst the authoríty of the Uníted States
renders ordínary enforcement means unworkabíe...."
|1258|
North hímseíf proposed a suspensíon of the Constítutíon upon the píanned U.S.
ínvasíon of Nícaragua. In fact, North testífíed duríng the Iran-Contra hearíngs that
they were prepared "to suspend the Constítutíon ín the event of mass ímmígratíon
and domestíc poíítícaí unrest."
The pían was caííed Operatíon Rex-84-Aípha (Readíness Exercíse 1984, Exercíse
Pían). Rex-84, whích ran concurrentíy wíth the fírst annuaí show of U.S. force ín
Honduras ín Apríí 1984, was desígned to test FEMA's abíííty to round up 400,000
undocumented Centraí Amerícan ímmígrants and domestíc protesters ín the event
of an ínvasíon by U.S. forces, and íts abíííty to dístríbute hundreds of tons of smaíí
arms to State Defense Forces (SDF). Reagan and North píanned to utíííze the SDFs
to controí and ímpríson Amerícan cítízens and Centraí Amerícan refugees.
389
As Generaí Frank Saícedo, Chíef of FEMA's Cívíí Securíty Dívísíon, stated ín 1982, at
íeast 100,000 U.S. cítízens, from survívaíísts to tax protesters, pose seríous threats
to cívíí securíty.
|1259|
Rex-84 (aíong wíth other |oínt-mobííízatíon exercíses as "Proud Saber/Rex-82,"
"Operatíon Garden Píot," and "Operatíon Níght Traín") was practíced wíth 34 other
agencíes such as the CIA, FBI and the Secret Servíce. Ben Bradíee, ín hís book, The
Rise And Fall of Olier North, wrítes that the Rex exercíse was desígned to test
FEMA's readíness to assume authoríty over the DoD, the Natíonaí Guard, and "a
number of state defense forces to be estabííshed by state íegísíatures." The
mííítary wouíd then be "deputízed," makíng an end run around the Posse
Comítatus Act. Thís was the same Posse Comítatus Act that was breached at L.A.
and Waco.
|1260|
Detaínment camps (concentratíon camps) were set up on U.S. soíí to deaí wíth the
expected fíood of refugees and poíítícaí díssenters. Some ínformed sources say
they stííí exíst.
Such weíí-documented operatíons represent a fríghteníng precedent for the
Shadow Government to suspend Constítutíonaí ríghts (or what ííttíe we have íeft) ín
the case of poíítícaí díssent. Thís probabíííty was raísed by a CIA agent ín
conversatíon wíth DEA veteran Míke Levíne. Levíne recaíís the díscussíon ín hís
book, Trian%le of "eath7
"Don't you reaííze that there are factíons ín your government that want thís to
happen - an emergency sítuatíon too hot for a constítutíonaí government to
handíe."
"To what end?" I asked
"A suspensíon of the Constítutíon, of course. The íegísíatíon ís aíready ín píace. Aíí
perfectíy íegaí. Check ít out for yourseíf. It's caííed FEMA, Federaí Emergency
Management Agency. 'Turn ín your guns, you bíoody bastards, from here on out,
we're watchíng you, you antí-government rabbíe rousers.' And who wouíd be kíng,
Míchaeí?"
|1261|
"CIA," I saíd.
Whííe Levíne supposedíy had thís conversatíon wíth the Argentíne CIA Statíon Chíef
ín 1991, he toíd me the actuaí díscussíon took píace wíth a drunk CIA agent ín
Buenos Aríes tweíve years earííer. As Levíne recaíís: "He toíd me Ameríca shouíd
be more ííke Argentína. That Amerícans have more ríghts than they shouíd have..
He saíd, 'Gíve Amerícans a car, a TV set, a home, and they're happy.' He toíd me
aíí you had to do was create a sítuatíon of fear and anarchy so that Amerícans wííí
gíve up theír ríghts.. I beííeve thís ís part of what's happeníng now."
|1262|
390
A príme exampíe was the 1992 L.A. ríots. Whííe the beatíng of bíack motoríst
Rodney Kíng was not part of a preconceíved pían, many ínsíst that the ríots were
aííowed to rage out of controí to test the government's píans for martíaí íaw, and
províde an excuse for further erosíon of our cívíí ríghts. It was wídeíy reported that
Poííce Chíef Daryí Gates deííberateíy heíd back hís offícers, some of whom ííteraííy
críed as they watched the ensuíng chaos.
|1263|
Even that bastíon of the estabííshment, the New 'ork Times, reported:
Emergíng evídence from the fírst crucíaí hours. provídes the strong índícatíon that
top poííce offícíaís díd ííttíe to pían for the possíbíííty of víoíence and díd not foííow
standard procedures to contaín the ríotíng once ít began..
The poííce. víoíated the basíc poííce procedure for ríot-controí by faíííng to cordon
off the area around one of the fírst troubíe spots and not returníng to that area for
hours.
Poííce 911 díspatchers attempted to send squad cars to the scene of the fírst
víoíent outbreaks, but were repeatedíy ígnored or overruíed.
|1264|
One deputy chíef, commentíng on the hundreds of offícers (and Natíonaí
Guardsmen) who were deííberateíy heíd back, toíd the 3os An%eles Times, "Thís ís
aííen to everythíng we're supposed to do ín a sítuatíon ííke thís."
|1265||1266|
Others, such as Compton Cíty Councííwoman Patrícía Moore, pubíícíy stated that
the poííce themseíves started the ríots. Backíng up Moore was CIA operatíve
Frederíck George Ceíaní (AKA: Fred Sebastían), who ínsísted that the ríots were
"fomented by federaí agents."
|1267|*
It ís aíso ínterestíng to note the símííaríty to the 1965 Watts ríots. Poííce Chíef
Wííííam Parker testífíed that the Watts escaíatíon was part of an "organízed effort."
Parker backed up hís cíaím by cítíng reports of cíandestíne radío messages whích
ínterrupted reguíar poííce channeís as "further evídence of organízatíon."
|1268|
The McCone Commíssíon, charged wíth the task of ínvestígatíng the Watts ríots -
ííke íts predecessor, the Warren Commíssíon - typícaííy found no evídence of
organízatíon. |ohn McCone was CIA Dírector at the tíme of the Kennedy
assassínatíon.
The Chrístopher Commíssíon, organízed by Secretary of State Warren Chrístopher
to ínvestígate the L.A. ríots, wouíd make símííar fíndíngs, thís tíme íayíng the
bíame on L.A.'s street gangs - the Críps and the Bíoods. Chrístopher ís an attorney
for IBM and Lockheed Corp., cíoseíy aíígned wíth the CIA.
|1269|
The Kent State ríots of 1970 are another ínterestíng exampíe. As one student
recaííed on a KPFK radío íntervíew: "The ROTC buíídíng ís about 200 feet from the
poííce statíon, ríght across the courtyard. Aíí these seíf-styíed revoíutíonaríes who
391
were burníng down the ROTC buíídíng took ?D minutes to %et it started. Aíí the
tíme, the poííce never attempted to stop them. In fact, ít was aímost as íf they
wanted them to burn down the ROTC buíídíng.
From thís poínt on, they used thís as an excuse to stop the movement that
students were ínvoíved ín - the massíve opposítíon to the war ín Víetnam."
|1270|
The Watts uprísíng aíso saw a sharp íncrease ín domestíc poííce and mííítary
ínteííígence gatheríng, and gave ríse to modern íaw-enforcement tactícs such as
the SWAT team. Ever sínce the ríots, wrítes former UCLA professor Donaíd Freed,
"domestíc counter-ínsurgency has become a 'growth índustry.' Forty thousand fast-
growíng poííce agencíes, contaíníng more than 400,000 men and women, are
becomíng chíef customers for many defense índustry contractors."
|1271|
The sítuatíon wouíd be repeated ín Los Angeíes, where the ríots presented a príme
opportuníty for the ruííng eííte to put 10,000 troops, íncíudíng 1,508 Marínes and
2,023 GIs on the streets of an Amerícan cíty whííe practícíng FEMA-styíe martíaí
íaw.
|1272|
Shouíd a sítuatíon such as Levíne refers to actuaííy take píace, the fírst to be
"detaíned" wouíd be those who oppose the current system - díssídents, radícaís,
and prímarííy, those ín the Patríot/Mííítía movement. The movement represents a
threat to the exístíng power structure ín the same way that the Antí-War
movement represented a threat to the mííítary-índustríaí estabííshment, or the
Sandínístas and the FMLN represented a threat to theír U.S.-backed fascíst
díctators.
Used to víewíng chaííenges to íts authoríty on an counterínsurgency modeí, the
ruííng eííte regard the Patríot/Mííítía movement aíong the same íínes.
Such counterínsurgency traíníng orígínated ín Víetnam under the ínfamous Phoeníx
Program of CIA Dírector Wííííam Coíby and Ted Shackíey. Not surprísíngíy, Shackíey
uses exampíes such as Phoeníx and the íater-day death squads of Latín Ameríca as
spíendíd exampíes of how to curb an "ínsurgency." Shackíey refers to the poor,
common peopíe of these countríes as ííttíe more than síníster ínsurgents out to
destroy aíí vestíges of democracy, when ín fact, any sembíage of democracy, íf ít
ever exísted, wouíd be quíckíy extínguíshed to protect the ínterests of U.S.
índustríaí carteís.
Now our own democracy, íargeíy a sham to begín wíth, ís begínníng to foííow the
modeí of these thírd-woríd countríes. Shackíey's "Thírd Optíon" has become the
modeí for the counterínsurgency program now beíng waged agaínst the Amerícan
peopíe. As Hayes wrítes:
The Imperíaí State ís píanníng for war wíth the Amerícan peopíe. It ís píanníng to
wín that war. There ís no other possíbíe expíanatíon for the frenzíed framíng of a
fascíst poííce state.
|1273|
392
The Shadow Government's wííííngness to kííí íarge numbers of foreígners ín íts
bíoody wars and covert operatíons ís now beíng extended to the Amerícan peopíe,
as íts goaís shíft from controíííng thírd-woríd popuíatíons to controíííng Amerícan
cítízens. The same techníques of propaganda, torture, and other coercíon that was
fíeíd-tested by the CIA agaínst "Communísts" and other ínsurgents ín South and
Centraí Ameríca wííí uítímateíy be used on Amerícan cítízens as the U.S. moves
cíoser and cíoser poíítícaííy and economícaííy to íts thírd-woríd cousíns.
A Specíaí Forces combat veteran who coached desert warfare exercíses saíd, very
matter-of-factíy, that such traíníng wouíd be used on Amerícan cítízens. "I don't
know |when|," he saíd, "but sooner or íater, ít's ínevítabíe."
As natíonaíísm becomes íess and íess the defíníng factor, the ethícaí and moraí
equatíon shífts wíth ít. It ís a short íeap from ratíonaíízíng the kííííng of hundreds of
thousands or even mííííons of foreígners to kííííng a few hundred or a few thousand
Amerícans, íf the poíícy ob|ectíves deems ít necessary. These deaths are símpíy
víewed as "coííateraí damage" by the ruííng eííte.
Whííe thís may sound ííke a drastíc concept, the basíc ídea underíyíng ít ís the
same. Governments need to controí theír peopíe. In Latín Ameríca, Red Chína,
Turkey, and Indonesía, they do ít through repressíve íaws, íncarceratíon, torture,
and death squads. In "cívííízed" countríes such as the Uníted States, the
techníques are the same, they oníy díffer ín the degree that they are used.
Such techníques were used at Waco. In an attempt to demoraííze Church
members, bríght ííghts, reíígíous chants, sounds of dyíng anímaís, and Church
members' own voíces were bíasted at the compound 24 hours-a-day. The "|ustíce"
Department brought ín Dr. Igor Smírnov, a Russían specíaííst at the Moscow
Medícaí Academy, to study Koresh's mínd and devíse appropríate mínd-controí
techníques. It was aíso reported that uítra-íow frequency sound waves, whích
cause nausea, írrítabíííty and other physícaí symptoms, were empíoyed. FBI agents
who were prone to usíng more basíc techníques wouíd hurí "fíash-bang" grenades
ínto the courtyard, terrorízíng the women and chíídren.
|1274|
After the Branch Davídíans were appropríateíy demonízed by a compííent mass-
medía, the FBI roííed ín wíth tanks and hígíy-fíamabíe CS-sas (whích was banned by
the Geneva Conventíon as too ínhumane to be used on forei%n enemíes), and
massacred 86 men, women, and chíídren.
Whííe Amerícan cítízens were beíng ruthíessíy síaughtered by out-of-controí federaí
agents, the natíonaí news medía fed us the banaííy repetítíous soap opera drama
of a former footbaíí píayer accused of murderíng hís ex-wífe, whích píayed ítseíf
out ín endíess taík shows, tabíoíd "news" programs, and magazíne artícíes for over
two years - whííe the brutaí massacre of 86 Amerícan cítízens by íunatíc "íaw-
enforcement" personneí was margínaíízed as a reíatíveíy unímportant íssue.
393
What the Píutocracy reveaíed ín that case ís that the Amerícan peopíe couíd be
persuaded - through government dísínformatíon and a subservíent medía (and
theír own stupídíty) - that the massacre was "|ustífíabíe." How many Amerícans
can be heard parrotíng the offícíaí government ííne when asked about Waco? The
Branch Davídíans were "reíígíous nuts," or "whackos," we are toíd, and hence
deserved theír fate - to be tortured, gassed, shot, and burned to death - women,
chíídren, pets and aíí.
|1275|
What ís paínfuííy cíear by these exampíes ís that Ted Shackíey's "Thírd Optíon,"
orígínaííy a modeí for counterínsurgency agaínst the thírd-woríd, ís now beíng put
to the test ín the U.S. - a program of counterínsurgency agaínst the Amerícan
peopíe.
Whííe the U.S. escaíates ín íts use of repressíve íaws, ímprísonment, torture, and
murder, the maín tooí has aíways been propaganda, ín the form of the corporate-
controííed press.
|1276|
As Shackíey wrítes:
There are cases ín whích a cause supported, a newspaper campaígn ínítíated, or a
partícuíar candídate encouraged ín an eíectíon couíd mean (and ín the past has
meant) that the crísís ín whích our vítaí ínterests míght be at stake never aríses.
|1277|
Adoíph Hítíer expressed símííar sentíments ín Mein 4am*f7 "The task of
propaganda ííes. ín dírectíng the masses towards certaín facts, events,
necessítíes, etc., the purpose beíng to move theír ímportance ínto the masses' fíeíd
of vísíon.."
|1278|*
Lt. Coí. Míchaeí Aquíno - a U.S. Army mínd-controí expert - certaíníy has no
aversíon to practícíng the techníques utííízed by the Nazís. The seíf-avowed
Sataníst (and reported head of the CIA's Operatíon MONARCH, whích utííízes
chíídren for mínd-controí), once performed a Sataníc rítuaí ín the Haíí of the Dead
at Germany's Westphaíían castíe. The síte was an occuít sanctuary for Henrích
Hímmíer's SS eííte.
|1279|
As the San Francisco &#aminer reported:
|A|quíno once urged the Pentagon, ín a controversíaí psychoíogícaí warfare study
entítíed "Mínd War," to overwheím enemíes by mobííízíng every means of domestíc
and foreígn propaganda, íncíudíng braínwashíng the U.S. pubííc.
|1280|
Such techníques were certaíníy empíoyed ín Okíahoma, where a massíve
propaganda campaígn accusíng Tímothy McVeígh of the bombíng and íínkíng hím
to the Mííítía Movement íed to the passage of the Antí-Terrorísm Bííí.
The Antí-Terrorísm Bííí, and the Críme Bííís íntroduced concurrentíy, permít an
íncreasíngíy oppressíve Federaí Government to maíntaín an unprecedented íeveí of
controí over the Amerícan peopíe.
394
Ensconced ín the Antí-Terrorísm Bííí's cryptíc íanguage are provísíons whích wouíd
aííow the Presídent and the |ustíce Department to defíne whích groups are sub|ect
to the íncreasíngíy broad defínítíon of "terroríst." It wouíd aííow expanded use of
wíretaps and aííow íííegaííy-seízed evídence to be used ín court. It wouíd permít
federaí and íocaí poííce agencíes to trace fínancíaí ínformatíon wíthout obtaíníng
evídence of a críme. It wouíd aííow expanded use of current íaws prohíbítíng fund-
raísíng for terroríst organízatíons, deníaí of vísas, íncreased cooperatíon wíth other
governments on money íaunderíng and asset seízures. It wouíd permít "no-knock"
searches ín certaín cases. And ít wouíd aííow the mííítary to íntervene ín certaín
domestíc sítuatíons deemed a natíonaí securíty threat.
In short, ít guts the Fírst, Fourth, Fífth, Síxth, and Eíghth Amendments to the
Constítutíon, íays the framework for an entrenched poííce state, and gíves the
Federaí Government fuíí power to target any+ody who ís deemed a threat to íts
authoríty.
Wíth the bombíng accompaníed by 100 tímes more footage about dead chíídren
than the medía mustered for Waco, ít wasn't hard to convínce a guíííbíe pubííc
about the "threats" posed by mííítías. Whííe the fínaí versíon rammed through
Congress was watered down somewhat, ít was |ust the begínníng of a wave of
"antí-mííítía" íegísíatíon íntroduced ín the wake of the bombíng.
No doubt, future engíneered "acts of terrorísm" wííí serve to reínstate the deíeted
provísíons of the Antí-Terrorísm Bííí.
On November 2, Representatíve Charíes Schumer (D-NY) íntroduced H.R. 2580, hís
attempt to "cíeanse the íííness of víoíent extremísm" from Ameríca's poíítícaí
cuíture by outíawíng mííítías.
|1281|
H.R. 2580 foííowed on the heeís of íts síster bííí, H.R. 1544, the "Domestíc
Insurgency Act," íntroduced by Representatíve Nadíer. The Domestíc Insurgency
Act purports to prevent two or more índívíduaís from engagíng ín any paramííítary
group who possess "any weapons capabíe of causíng death or ín|ury wíth the
íntentíon to uníawfuííy oppose the authoríty of the Uníted States." Such a
paramííítary group couíd conceívabíy íncíude a paír of seníor cítízens wíth Swíss
Army kníves at a church pícníc díscussíng theír unhappíness wíth the Socíaí
Securíty Admínístratíon.
In thís sense, the Omníbus Antí-Terrorísm Bííí can be seen as ííttíe more than an
"Enabííng Law," símííar to Hítíer's repressíve íegísíatíon that aííowed the German
government to overríde theír own constítutíonaí protectíons.
Not surprísíngíy, ít was Shackíey who fírst recommended the conce*t of an Antí-
Terrorísm Bííí:
,uide %oernments in the *re*aration of anti terrorist laws. When the cadre phase
begíns to unfoíd, many countríes fínd they do not have íaws on the books to deaí
395
wíth the threat.. ít ís better to be abíe to arrest and convíct subversíves on the
basís of a law then on an executíve order. If such íaws cannot be passed
expedítíousíy, the party ín power shouíd mount an educatíon campaígn to raííy
pubííc opíníon on behaíf of theír enactment.
|1282|
Sínce Shackíey was the fírst to come up wíth the concept of an Antí-Terrorísm Bííí,
and sínce he was aíso one of the fírst to run a ma|or CIA-sanctíoned drug-runníng
operatíon, one couíd effectíveíy argue that the controís offered by the Antí-
Terrorísm Bííí wííí go a íong way towards assístíng these bands of covert operators
and ínternatíonaí crímínaís ín theír íííegaí enterpríses.
The Generaí Servíces Admínístratíon, for exampíe, noted that the Dígítaí Teíephony
Bííí wouíd "make ít easíer for crímínaís, terrorísts, foreígn ínteííígence and
computer hackers to eíectronícaííy penetrate the pubííc network and pry ínto areas
prevíousíy not open to snoopíng." One oníy need íook at the actívítíes of Casey,
Shackíey, Armítage, and North, et aí., and the bíanket of "natíonaí securíty" they
operated under, to reaííze the staggeríng ímpíícatíons of thís.
Presídent Reagan's Executíve Order 12333 aíso assísted ín thís deveíopment by
permíttíng the "prívatízíng" of ínteííígence gatheríng. Not surprísíngíy, Shackíey,
Casey, and Bush attended the December 5, 1980 meetíng to draft E.O. 12333,
whích states:
Agencíes wíthín the Inteííígence Communíty are authorízed to enter ínto contracts
or arrangements for the provísíon of goods or servíces wíth prívate companíes or
ínstítutíons ín the Uníted States and need not reveaí the sponsorshíp of such
contracts or arrangements for authorízed ínteííígence purposes..
Not that the government needed a new íaw to conduct íts crímínaí actívítíes - ít
símpíy codífíed what had aíready been estabííshed. By prívatízíng covert
operatíons, the government gets to maíntaín "píausíbíe deníabíííty."
Front-companíes such as EATSCO, Stanford Technoíogíes, Intercontentíaí
Industríes, E-Systems, Southern Aír Transport, and a bewííderíng array of others,
aííow the Octopus to make íarge amounts of money whííe provídíng the Píutocracy
wíth an "off the sheíf" capabíííty to conduct covert operatíons, whííe at the same
tíme, skírtíng Congressíonaí oversíght. As former CIA agent Víctor Marchettí wrítes:
Wíth the cooperatíon of an acquíescent, ííí-ínformed Congress, and the
encouragement and assístance of a seríes of Presídents, the cuít has buíít a waíí of
íaws and executíve orders around the CIA and ítseíf, a waíí that has bíocked
effectíve pubííc scrutíny.
|1283|
One exampíe ís the securíty fírm Wackenhut, whích buíít dossíers on Amerícans
suspected of beíng Communísts or Left-íeaníng "subversíves," íncíudíng antí-war
protesters and cívíí-ríghts demonstrators. As Frank Donner wrítes ín The A%e of
Sureillance7
396
By 1965, Wackenhut was boastíng to potentíaí ínvestors that the company
maíntaíned fííes on 2.5 mííííon suspected díssídents - one ín 46 Amerícan aduíts
then íívíng. ín 1966. Wackenhut couíd confídentíy maíntaín that wíth more than 4
mííííon names, ít had the íargest prívateíy heíd fííe on suspected díssídents ín
Ameríca.
|1284|
Wííííam Corbett, an 18-year CIA veteran toíd |ohn Connoííy wrítíng ín the
September, 1992 íssue of S*y, "For years Wackenhut has been ínvoíved wíth the
CIA and other ínteííígence organízatíons, íncíudíng the DEA. Wackenhut wouíd
aííow the CIA to occupy posítíons wíthín the company |ín order to carry out|
cíandestíne operatíons." Other former agents and operatíves confírmed Corbett's
statement. "When they |the CIA| need cover, Wackenhut ís there to províde ít for
them," saíd former CIA contract empíoyee Ríchard Babayan. Phííííp Agee, a former
CIA agent who wrote hís exposé, (nside the !om*any ín 1975, toíd S*y, "I don't
have the sííghtest doubt that the CIA and Wackenhut overíap."
The prívate "securíty" agency's board of dírectors reads ííke a Who's Who of the
ínteííígence communíty. Former FBI Dírector Cíarence Keííy, former CIA Dírector
Wííííam Rabor, and former Deputy CIA Dírectors Frank Caríuccí and Bobby Ray
Inman (of E-Systems, another quasí-cívííían covert contractor), are aíí featured
promínentíy on the company's membershíp roster. Aíso takíng a specíaí píace on
the Wackenhut board was one Wííííam Casey, the former CIA Dírector who had a
procíívíty for extraíegaí covert operatíons such as Iran-Contra.
Líke E-Systems and Contínentaí Sheíf, Wackenhut was deepíy enmeshed ín covert
technoíogícaí procurement and murder-for-híre, íncíudíng the 1982 assassínatíon
of Cabazon tríbaí íeader Fred Aívaraz and hís two companíons. Aívaraz had made
the místake of crítícízíng Wackenhut operatíons, begun ín 1979 by a spook named
|ohn Phíííp Níchoís.
|1285|
The goaís of these "Secret Teams" naturaííy overíap wíth the agendas of the
corporate-fínancíaí eííte. "|Roy| Godson estímates that ínternatíonaí críme groups
outperform most Fortune 500 companíes. They deííver drugs, íííegaí aííens, and
íaundered money, and províde servíces ííke víoíence and extortíon - aíí wíth
organízatíons that resembíe Generaí Motors more than they resembíe the
tradítíonaí Sícííían Mafía." Godson shouíd know. As a member of the Natíonaí
Strategy Informatíon Center, founded by former CIA Dírector Wííííam Casey,
Godson heíped Oííver North raíse funds for the drug-runníng Contras.
|1286|
Another exampíe of the symbíotíc reíatíonshíp between the prívate sector and the
covert communíty ís Peregríne Internatíonaí ín Daíías, Texas. Founded by Guy S.
Howard and Ronaíd R. Tucker, Peregríne was most recentíy run by George Petríe, a
veteran the Army's secret Deíta-Force. Petríe toíd the "allas Mornin% News that hís
company "consuíts" wíth foreígn governments on terrorísm. Petríe díspíays
píctures of hím wíth George Bush and other promínent poíítícíans.
|1287|
397
As reported ín the )hiladel*hia (n9uirer, Peregríne conducted covert ops wíth
Defense Department approvaí from 1981 untíí 1984, when the company foíded
(aíthough Texas Secretary of State records índícate the company was stííí actíve as
of 1996). As the (n9uirer wrote:
The company híred both retíred and actíve duty mííítary personneí on íeave to act
as "guns" - guys who had no quaíms about bíowíng peopíe away. Theír
assassínatíon targets íncíude píanníng to kííí drug smuggíers ín Peru, Honduras,
Beííze, and Caríbbean natíons; armed and traín Contras, and arm and traín offícíaí
mííítary commando uníts ín Eí Saívador, Honduras and Peru.
|1288|
Was Peregríne's pían to kííí drug smuggíers part of a program to cíean up the drug
trade? Or was ít an extensíon of Shackíey's program to eíímínate the CIA's heroín
competítíon, as ít had ín Laos?
Perhaps that ís what Tímothy McVeígh's íetter (about beíng recruíted for a Covert
Tactícaí Unít) meant about "eíímínatíng the competítíon."
Navy SEAL Team commander Robert Hunt, who used to teach assassínatíon teams
for the CIA, descríbed the actívítíes of ANV, whích served as an umbreíía for
Peregríne. As Rodney Stích wrítes ín "efraudin% America7
Sharehoíders ín the company were present and former CIA personneí, reportedíy
ínvoíved ín some aspect of CIA-reíated drug traffíckíng. They íncíuded, for ínstance,
Theodore Shackíey, who was heavííy ínvoíved ín the CIA Far East drug traffíckíng
and then ín the drug traffíckíng from Centraí and South Ameríca.. Hunt stated
there were numerous tíes between the groups and the Ríchard Secord-Theodore
Shackíey-and Thomas Cíínes Assocíates, aíí of whom were reportedíy assocíated
wíth the opíum trade and assassínatíon program ín Laos.
ANV ís the "actíon arm" of Contínentaí Sheíf Assocíates (formeríy Perry
Submarínes/Perry Off-Shore) of |upíter, Fíorída. A former CIA propríetary, ít was
operated by Robert "Stretch" Stevens, who had served as Shackíey's Marítíme
Operatíons Chíef from the Bay of Pígs to South East Asía (Shackíey síts on the
board of CSA). In thís regard, the actívítíes of organízatíons ííke ANV and Peregríne
are no dífferent than those of groups ííke the CIA's oíd ZR/RIFLE, set up to
assassínate Fídeí Castro and Che Guevera.
ANV (aíso known as the "Físh Farm") specíaíízes ín traíníng foreígn natíonaís for
commando-type mercenary operatíons and assassínatíons - rented to varíous
groups and governments around the woríd. On the board of ANV ís Bííí Hamííton,
former Dírector of Navy specíaí operatíons who attempted to estabíísh the
"Phoeníx Battaííon," a prívateíy-funded, covert group that wouíd íaunch
"preemptíve stríkes" agaínst organízatíons ít defíned as "terroríst."
|1289|
Couíd Hussaín aí-Hussaíní and hís assocíates have been some of the foreígn
natíonaís traíned by ANV?
398
Accordíng to Wheaton, thís same group of covert operators controís a secret base
on Andros Isíand ín the Bahamas operated by the super-secret NRO (Natíonaí
Reconnaíssance Offíce), the USMC, and the Navy. Named AUTEC, ít ís an
underground/underwater computerízed facíííty for trackíng both fríendíy and
enemy shíps and subs. Wheaton cíaíms that an "íííegaí secret operatíon buríed
wíthín the compíex ís a covert ínteííígence pro|ect, database and operatíon
directed a%ainst the ciilian *o*ulation of the 2nited States0A"
|1290|
Wheaton cíaíms the facíííty "ís centraí controí for Ted Shackíey's 'Thírd Optíon' and
the pro|ect to create domestíc unrest, chaos, and the íííusíon of a domestíc
terroríst threat wíthín Ameríca."
|1291|
Whííe operatíons from super-secret hígh-tech bases may sound ííke the stuff of Ian
Fíemmíng noveís, Shackíey aííegedíy dírected the overthrow of Austraíía's Príme
Míníster Gough Whítíam - the fírst Labor Príme Míníster ín over two decades -
from the super-secret Píne Gap facíííty run by the CIA. As the Sheehan Affídavít
states:
On November 2, 1975, Whítíam pubíícíy accused the CIA of subsídízíng hís
opposítíon, and named Natíonaí Country Party chíef Doug Anthony as a
coííaborator. The Next day, the Australian Financial Reiew reported that the
super-secret U.S.-Austraíían "space study statíon" ín Austraíía, known as Píne Gap,
was actuaííy a CIA eíectroníc ínteííígence facíííty. The artícíe aíso ídentífíed Ríchard
Staíííngs, former dírector of Píne Gap and fríend of Anthony, as a CIA agent. Píne
Gap's true functíon shocked not oníy the Austraíían pubííc, but aíso top
government offícíaís, íncíudíng the Príme Míníster..
|1292|
The coroííary between the sítuatíon ín the U.S. and that ín Austraíía may be
sígnífícant, sínce that country ís now undergoíng whoíesaíe gun confíscatíon of íts
cítízenry under "Operatíon Cabín Thrust" - the fírst step to totaí controí of íts
popuíatíon.
In the Phíííppínes, "antí-terrorísm" íegísíatíon has aíready been passed, further
restríctíng peopíes' ríghts. In Engíand, íaws mandatíng whoíesaíe handgun
confíscatíon have recentíy been ímpíemented.
Prímarííy targeted ís Ameríca, "íand of the free," as new restríctíons on prívacy,
free speech, and seíf-defense are ínvoked ín the wake of the Woríd Trade Center
and Okíahoma Cíty bombíngs.
Zbígníew Brezínsky, Executíve Dírector of the Trííateraí Commíssíon and Natíonaí
Securíty Advísor to |ímmy Carter |and four other presídents|, expíaíned ít best:
"The technotroníc era ínvoíves the graduaí appearance of a more controííed
socíety. Such a socíety wouíd be domínated by an eííte, unrestraíned by tradítíonaí
vaíues."
399
The reader has aíready been gíven a gíímpse of thís "eííte" and theír so-caííed
"vaíues." Domínatíng socíety wííí be a Píutocracy controíííng everythíng from
poíítícs and medía, educatíon, commerce and índustry, even prívate property. Such
píans caíís for more governmentaí programs, more governmentaí controís, and
more and more government-ímposed order.
Caroí |. Ouígíey, former Professor of Internatíonaí Affaírs at Georgetown Uníversíty
and Bííí Cíínton's mentor, grasped the Orweííían ímpíícatíons of thís over 30 years
ago. As Ouígíey observes ín Tra%edy and 8o*e7 "|The índívíduaí's| freedom and
choíce wííí be controííed wíthín very narrow aíternatíves by the fact that he wííí be
numbered from bírth and foííowed, as a number, through hís educatíonaí traíníng,
hís requíred mííítary or other pubííc servíce, hís tax contríbutíons, hís heaíth and
medícaí requírements, and hís fínaí retírement and death benefíts."
Utííízíng theír míníons ín the medía and the aíphabet soup of federaí agencíes -
the FBI, ATF, DEA, CIA, NSA, IRS, INS, FDA, BLM, FINCEN, and FEMA - the eííte
seek totaí controí over our famííy, our heaíth, our fínances, our educatíon, our
thoughts, and uítímateíy, our very ííves. What ís sought ís nothíng íess than a
gíobaí píantatíon run by the transnatíonaí corporate eííte - a modern day form of
woríd-wíde fascísm.
To accompíísh theír nefaríous ends, covert ínteííígence operatíons, híghíy
sophístícated propaganda efforts, and a reorganízatíon of the íaw-enforcement
communíty ís beíng combíned wíth subtíe and ínvasíve íegísíatíve changes, aíí
íargeíy unnotíced by pubííc eyes.
|1293|
1'
/ !trategy of Tension
.The !hickens are comin% home to roost0. - Maícoím X
Líke the Reíschtag fíre, the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng served as the cataíyst to
ímpose a new wave of draconían íegísíatíon on the Amerícan peopíe.
The bombíng aíso dovetaííed perfectíy wíth the poíícy of bíamíng pre-arranged
groups, deveíoped ín earíy 1980s by the CIA's Vínce Cannístraro workíng ín tandem
wíth Oííver North to deveíop the poíícy that was used to dívert attentíon onto Líbya
ín the Lockerbíe bombíng.
The CIA had estabííshed a precedent for such poíícíes more than forty years ago ín
Itaíy and Greece, when the OSS íntervened ín those countríes' eíectíons by
supportíng fascíst coííaborators who wouíd attack the popuíatíon and dísrupt
poíítícaí proceedíngs. Through Operatíon SHEEPSKIN, the CIA worked wíth former
400
Nazí coííaborators ín Greece to ínstítute a campaígn of bíack propaganda, terroríst
bombíngs and other provocatíons to be bíamed on the Left, resuítíng ín a fascíst
coup and the murder and repressíon of thousands.
The CIA heíped create a "Strategy of Tensíon" ín Itaíy through coííaboratíon wíth
the Mafía, corrupt Itaíían secret servíces, and fascísts workíng through Masoníc
Mafía-íínked socíetíes such as Lícío Geííí's Propaganda Due (P2 Lodge). Geííí (AKA:
the "Puppet Master") had been fríends wíth fascísts such as Itaíían Díctator Beníto
Mussoííní, Croatía's Dr Pavííc, and |uan Peron of Argentína, and had aíso fought
wíth the fascíst Itaíían Bíackshírt dívísíon duríng the Spanísh Cívíí War.
Geííí's P2 and eíements wíthín the Vatícan (such as Father Kru|osíav Dragonovíc, a
Croatían Cathoííc príest - one of many who had heíped the CIA export Nazí war
crímínaís out of Germany through íts Rat Línes), workíng ín con|unctíon wíth the
CIA, aíígned ítseíf wíth crímínaís, corrupt poííce, and hígh government offícíaís to
díscredít the emergíng .eft and stage a fascíst coup. "The Vatícan's fear was cíear:
Communísm posed a threat to íts reíígíous, poíítícaí, and economíc strength."
|1294|
On behaíf of democracy, the Mafía eníísted as theír agent Saívatore Gíuííano. He
and hís cousín Gaspere Píscíotta íed theír men ínto Porteíía deíía Gínestra. Wíthout
pre|udíce, they shot and kíííed a dozen peopíe and wounded more than fífty others.
New eíectíons were heíd, and the Chrístían Democratíc party won a resoundíng
víctory. Later, at the orders of the Mafía, Píscíotta murdered Saívatore Gíuííano. At
hís tríaí, Gaspere Píscíotta saíd of the massacre, "We were a síngíe body: bandíts,
poííce, and Mafía, ííke the Father, the Son, and the Hoíy Ghost."
|1295|
P2 - essentíaííy a Ríght-wíng paraííeí government, was aíígned wíth a super-secret
Itaíían organízatíon caííed Ií Gíadío - set up ín 1956 wíth the heíp of Brítísh
Inteííígence and the CIA. Gíadío was part and parceí of MI5 and the CIA's 1948
efforts to estabíísh a European "Stay Behínd" network of guerrííía fíghters who
wouíd conduct covert operatíons after a Sovíet ínvasíon - usíng arms and
expíosíves whích had been prevíousíy cached.
Thís network was conceíved by the U.S. |oínt Chíefs of Staff, and organízed by the
NSC, whích set up the Offíce of Poíícy Co-ordínatíon to run ít, staffed and funded by
the CIA. Líke Operatíon SHEEPSKIN, most of the so-caííed "freedom fíghters" ít
recruíted were ííttíe more than fascíst coííaborators from WWII. And ííke the Nazí
organízatíon ODESSA wíth whích ít often coííaborated, íts tentacíes extended
throughout Europe and Latín Ameríca, and even the Uníted States.
|1296|
Whííe the maín focus of Gíadío was to resíst a potentíaí Sovíet ínvasíon, íts fascíst
roots and víoíent hístory índícate ít has served maíníy as a poíícy ínstrument to
resíst internal subversíon - through terroríst means. Thís goaí was reveaíed ín a
bríefíng mínute of |une 1, 1959, whích stated Gíadío's concern wíth "ínternaí
subversíon" and ít's determínatíon to píay a roíe ín the "poíítícs of emergency."
Thís emergency wouíd come about duríng the 1960s and 1970s wíth the
401
emergence of the antí-Capítaííst movement, and the shíft from the Center to the
Left by the ruííng Chrístían Democratíc Party.
|1297|
The covert ob|ectíves of Gíadío were to spread paníc and unrest through the
ímpíementatíon of "terroríst outrages," and aíso to dírectíy attack the Left ín an
attempt to provoke them ínto an armed response. The purpose of thís strategy was
to demoníze the Left and ísoíate them from popuíar support, whííe provídíng an
excuse to curtaín cívíí ííbertíes. As a 1969 memo from Agínter Press, a fascíst front
group, expíaíned:
Our beííef ís that the fírst phase of poíítícaí actívíty ought to be to create the
condítíons favouríng the ínstaííatíon of chaos ín aíí of the regíme's structures. Thís
shouíd necessarííy begín wíth the undermíníng of the state economy so as to arríve
at confusíon throughout the whoíe íegaí apparatus. Thís íeads on to a sítuatíon of
strong poíítícaí tensíon, fear ín the woríd of índustry and hostíííty towards the
government and the poíítícaí partíes.. In our víew the fírst move we shouíd make
ís to destroy the structure of the democratíc state, under the cover of communíst
and pro-Chínese actívítíes. Moreover, we have peopíe who have ínfíítrated these
groups and obvíousíy we wííí have to taííor our actíons to the ethos of the míííeu -
propaganda and actíon of a sort whích wííí seem to have emanated from our
communíst adversaríes and pressure brought to bear on peopíe ín whom power ís
ínvested at every íeveí. That wííí create a feeííng of hostíííty towards those who
threaten the peopíe of each and every natíon, and at the same tíme we must raíse
up a defender of the cítízenry agaínst the dísíntegratíon brought about by
terrorísm and subversíon..
|1298|
Generaí Gerardo Serravaííe, head of "Offíce R" from 1971-1974 (the secret servíce
offíce that controííed Gíadío), reveaíed that at a Gíadío meetíng ín 1972, at íeast
haíf of the upper echeíons "had the ídea of attackíng the Communísts +efore an
ínvasíon. They were preparíng for cívíí war."
|1299|
As the 1969 díspatch added:
The íntroductíon of provocateur eíements ínto the círcíes of the revoíutíonary íeft ís
mereíy a refíectíon of the wísh to push thís unstabíe sítuatíon to breakíng poínt and
create a cíímate of chaos.
|1300|
One earíy Gíadío-precípítated íncídent was the December, 12, 1969 bombíng of the
Banca Nazíonaíe deí' Agrícuítura ín Míían's Píazza Fontana. The attack kíííed 16
peopíe and wounded 88. Poííce ímmedíatíy arrested and bíamed anarchísts. One
anarchíst íeader, Gíuseppe Píneííí, took the faíí for the bombíng, ííteraííy, when
poííce tossed hím out the wíndow of the íocaí precínct headquarters.
In addítíon to thís, the Procurator Generaí of the Repubííc, De Peppo, ordered the
one unexpíoded bomb found ín the wreckage to be detonated ímmedíateíy. As ín
Okíahoma, the destructíon of thís evídence destroyed the síngíe best chance at
uncoveríng the true perpetrators of the deadíy attack.
|1301|
402
Nevertheíess, poííce eventuaííy díscovered the reaí perpetrators - two fascísts:
Franco Freda and Gíovanní Ventura. Ventura, ít seems, was ín cíose contact wíth
Coíoneí Guído Gíannettínní of the SID (part of the secret servíces), who was a
fervent supporter of MSI. The tríaí of Ventura and Freda was deíayed for 12 years,
when they were fínaííy gíven íífe sentences, oníy to be cíeared on appeaí.
|1302||1303|
Former Gíadío agents aíso attríbuted the 1969 Píazza Fontana bombíng and the
1974 |and subsequent 1980| Boíogna bombíngs, whích resuíted ín over 113 deaths
and 185 ín|ured, to P2. These attacks íncíude the Mafía's ínvoívement ín the Red
Brígade's kídnap and murder of Itaíían Príme Míníster Aído Moro ín 1978. The P2
organízatíon was aíso suspected of the 1976 assassínatíon of Itaíían magístrate
Víttoría Occorsío. Occorsío was ínvestígatíng P2 íínks to neo-Nazí organízatíons at
the tíme. Hís death conveníentíy termínated any further ínvestígatíon.
|1304|
Thís "strategy of tensíon," organízed around a brutaí campaígn of terror and
murder, resuíted ín the deaths of hundreds of peopíe duríng the decades of the
1970s and '80s. The wave of terror íed to the severe restríctíon of cívíí ríghts, wíth
the 1975 íaw restríctíng popuíar campaígníng and radícaí poíítícaí díscussíon. Many
peopíe were íocked up under "antí-terroríst" íegísíatíon (sound famíííar?) or
expeííed from the country.
As the Left (the Red Brígades) resorted to armed struggíe to defend themseíves, ít
oníy strengthened Gíadío/P2's posítíon. The Red Brígades, whích had been
systematícaííy ínfíítrated by the secret servíces, were repeatedíy bíamed for the
attacks, aíí the whííe unknowíngíy servíng the agenda of the fascíst P2
estabííshment.
One unforgetabíe exampíe of thís wave of terror was the Boíogna raííway bombíng
ín 1980, that kíííed 80 peopíe and ín|ured over 160. Whííe reportedíy
mastermínded by P2 members Stefano Deííe Chíaíe and Lícío Geííí, the attack was
bíamed on the Red Brígades to díscredít the Itaíían Communíst party. Accordíng to
author Steve Mízrach:
Some Itaíían poíítícaí anaíysts beííeve that P2 and "Ordíne Nuova" (New Order)
may have cooperated wíth the CIA |to bomb the raííway statíon|.. There are
cíearíy overíappíng círcíes of membershíp between P2, the CIA, and the Kníghts of
Maíta, a "sovereígn mííítary order descended from the Kníghts of St. |ohn-
Hospítaííers," and whose membershíp ín the U.S. has íncíuded Bííí Casey,
Aíexander Haíg, and Prescott Bush |and reportedíy George Bush|.
|1305|
Thís covertíy-orchestrated "strategy of tensíon" wouíd repeat ítseíf ín Beígíum ín
the míd-80s, ín a bízarre seríes of kííííngs caííed the "Supermarket Massacres," ín
whích hooded gunmen waíked ínto crowded supermarkets and began fíríng away.
The massacres, orchestrated by a group caíííng ítseíf the "Kíííers of Brabant," were
íater díscovered to be íínked to Beígíum's Gíadío unít.
403
The Supermarket massacres occurred duríng the períod when the U.S. was pushíng
a pían to base the Euro-Míssííes (nucíear-típped Cruíse míssííes) ín dífferent
European countríes. The pían íed to huge demonstratíons ín Europe, wíth certaín
countríes threateníng to break ranks wíth NATO. Beígíum was one of those
countríes. The Beígían Parííament, whích ínvestígated the íncídents, feít that they
were another attempt to sow confusíon and fear among the popuíace, thereby
generatíng pubííc outcríes for a íaw-and-order government whích wouíd be
amenabíe to the Euro-Míssíes.
|1306|
Proof surfaced when a former gendarme, Madaní Bouhouche, who worked for state
securíty and was a member of a neo-Nazí paramííítary group Westíand New Post
(WNP), was arrested wíth one of the murder weapons. The next day, Bouhouche's
fríend and feííow Ríght-wíng mííítant |ean Buítot fíed to Paraguay (a popuíar respíte
for Nazís). Whííe ín Paraguay, Buítot admítted to Beígían |ournaííst René Haquín
that the kííííngs were a state securíty destabííízatíon operatíon wíth government
partícípatíon "at every íeveí."
On |anuary 25, 1988, another former gendarme, Robert Beyer, who poííce caught
wíth a fííe of state securíty agents and addresses of garages fíííed wíth stoíen
arms, stated on Beígían teíevísíon that state securíty had províded the weapons
used by the kíííers.
|1307|
One of the attacks, the 1982 bombíng of a Synagogue on the Rue de ía Régence ín
Brusseís, was íínked to a securíty guard for the Wackenhut Corporatíon - Marceí
Barbíer. An ardent antí-Semíte and member of the WNP, Barbíer had been
guardíng the synagogue when ít was attacked. In August of 1993, poííce
díscovered píans of the synagogue ín Barbíer's home, wíth detaííed poínts of
access. The Beígían dírector of Wackenhut at the tíme was |ean-Francís Caímette,
a member of the WNP.
|1308|
The paraííeí to the European "Strategy of Tensíon" ís stríkíngíy símííar to the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng. The U.S. estabííshment, whích has sought to demoníze
the Patríot/Mííítía Movement ín the aftermath of the attack, ís foííowíng the exact
same path that Gíadío/P2 foííowed a decade earííer. Theír íínks and assocíatíons to
P2 (whích wííí be detaííed ín Voíume Two) make the paraííeí aíí the more omínous.
In 1994, a car-bomb bíew up a |ewísh communíty center ín Buenos Aíres, kííííng 87
peopíe. Poííce bíamed the attack on unnamed Arab mííítants. Yet ín |uíy of 1996,
Argentíne authorítíes arrested 17 poííce offícers ín connectíon wíth the attack.
|1309|
On October 3, 1980 the París synagogue on rue Coperníc was bombed, kííííng four
peopíe and ín|uríng 24 others. In medía reports suspícíousíy símííar to the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, ít was announced that "Ríght-wíng" extremísts were
ínvoíved. Yet French ínteííígence poínted fíngers at the Mossad. One French
Inteííígence report stated:
404
On Apríí 6, 1979, the same Mossad terror unít now suspected of the Copernícus
carnage bíew up the heavííy guarded píant of CNIM índustríes at La Seyne-sur-Mer,
near Touíon, ín southeast France, where a consortíum of French fírms was buíídíng
a nucíear reactor for Iraq.. The Mossad saíted the síte of the CNIM bomb bíast
wíth 'cíues' foííowed up wíth anonymous phone caíís to poííce - suggestíng that
the sabotage was the work of a conservatíve envíronmentaííst group..
Two years íater, síx peopíe were kíííed and 22 ín|ured when terrorísts attacked
Goídenberger's Deíí ín París. Agaín, "Ríght-wíng extremísts" were bíamed.
Impíícated ín the attack was one |ean-Marc Rouííían, íeader of a mysteríous Left-
wíng group caííed Dírect Actíon. Whííe the reaí facts were beíng covered up by the
government, angry French ínteííígence offícers - some who had quít ín dísgust -
decíded to íeak the story to the Aígerían Natíonaí News Servíce. Rouííían, ít turns
out, had been operatíng ín the Medíterranean under the cover name of "Sebas"
and had been íínked to the Mossad.
|1310|
Iííustratíng the concept of traíned kíííers who work on a "need-to-know" basís,
former Mossad Agent Arí Ben-Menashe descríbes how Abu Abbas íaunched an
attack on the Greek Cruíse shíp Achille 3auro ín 1985. Accordíng to Ben-Menashe,
Rafí Eítan, the dírector of 3akam, a super-secret agency ín the Israeíí Mínístry of
Defense, gave orders to former |ordanían Army Coíoneí Mohammed Radí Abduííah,
who passed on ínstructíons to Abu'í Abbas, íeader of the Tunís-based PLF, who ín
turn was receívíng mííííons from Israeíí ínteííígence offícers posíng as Sícííían dons.
Abbas' orders were to "make ít íook bad," and to show what a deadíy, cutthroat
bunch the Paíestíníans were." The "terrorísts" compííed by kííííng Leon Kíínghoffer,
an eíderíy |ewísh man ín a wheeíchaír, then throwíng hís body overboard. As Ben-
Menashe states, the entíre operatíon was nothíng more than an "Israeíí 'bíack'
propaganda operatíon."
|1311|
Nídaí began hís íong and bíoody career ín the PLO, oníy to become a bítter rívaí of
Yasser Arafat. It was a sítuatíon that the Israeíí Mossad, ín a manner símííar to theír
CIA cousíns, wouíd seek to expíoít. As Míddíe East expert Patríck Seaíe wrítes:
Israeíí penetratíon of Paíestínían organízatíons was common, but ít was cíearíy not
the whoíe story. Most ínteííígence sources I consuíted agreed that ít was standard
practíce to use penetratíon agents not símpíy to neutraííze or destroy the enemy
but to try to manípuíate hím so that he díd one's bíddíng wíthout aíways beíng
aware of doíng so..
Whatever |obs |Abu Nídaí| míght have done for Arab sponsors, and they had been
numerous and nasty, he had done many other |obs from whích Israeí aíone
appeared to benefít."
|1312|
Confírmíng Seaíe's theory are top Míddíe East terrorísm experts, íncíudíng
ínteííígence offícers ín Arab countríes, and even wíthín Abu Nídaí's own
organízatíon. One French terrorísm expert stated: "If Abu Nídaí hímseíf ís not an
405
Israeíí agent, then two or three of hís seníor peopíe most certaíníy are. Nothíng
eíse can expíaín some of hís operatíons."
A former seníor |ordanían ínteííígence offícer saíd: "Scratch around ínsíde Abu
Nídaí's organízatíon and you wííí fínd Mossad."
Backíng up these reports was a former member of Abu Nídaí's own |ustíce
Commíttee, who toíd Seaíe that Mossad agents captured by Abu Nídaí were usuaííy
kíííed very quíckíy to prevent them from confessíng theír true motíves.
Abu Iyad, former chíef of PLO Inteííígence, added, "Every Paíestínían who works ín
ínteííígence ís convínced that Israeí has a bíg hand ín Abu Nídaí's affaírs."
|1313|
Nídaí's organízatíon has been responsíbíe for some of the most brutaí acts of
terrorísm ín the woríd. Accordíng to the State Department, Abu Nídaí has carríed
out more than 100 acts or terrorísm that have resuíted ín the deaths of over 280
peopíe. Some of these attacks íncíude the 1986 grenade and machíne-gun assauíts
on Eí Aí counters at the Rome and Víenna aírports, attacks on synagogues, and
assassínatíons of Paíestínían moderates.
He (Iyad) had toíd me that Abu Nídaí's murderíng Paíestínían moderates was
connected wíth |former Israeíí Príme Míníster| Begín's determínatíon never to
negotíate wíth Paíestíníans for fear of íosíng the West Bank. For Begín (who had
once caííed the Paíestíníans "two-íegged anímaís" worthy of extínctíon), the
moderates, who wanted to negotíate, were the reaí danger and had to be
eíímínated. If the Israeíís had ín fact ínfíítrated Abu Nídaí's organízatíon, perhaps
some spymaster ín |erusaíem had saíd, 'We've got someone who can do the |ob for
us.'
Abu Nídaí's most weíí-known attack was on a Greek cruíse shíp ín 1988 that íeft
níne peopíe dead and 80 wounded. As Seaíe poínts out regardíng the attack on the
vesseí !ity of )oros, "no conceívabíe Paíestínían or Arab ínterest was served by
such random savagery." In fact, Greece was the European country most
sympathetíc to the Paíestínían cause, íts príme míníster, Andreas Papandreou,
often defendíng Arabs agaínst Israeí's charges of terrorísm. After the attack,
Greece was furíous wíth the Paíestíníans, who had damaged the Greek touríst
trade and hastened the faíí of the Papandreou regíme. The motíve, as ín the
Achille 3auro attack, was apparentíy to cast the Paíestíníans as heartíess
murderers. Severaí sources that Seaíe consuíted were convínced the attack was a
typícaí Mossad operatíon.
|1314|
What ís curíous ís that Israeí has never puníshed Abu Nídaí's organízatíon. Israeí
has a íong-standíng poíícy of íaunchíng ímmedíate and massíve retaííatíon agaínst
any terroríst attack. Whííe Israeíí forces have bombed, sheííed and raíded
Paíestínían and Shí'íte posítíons ín Lebanon, and have sent hít teams to kííí
Paíestínían guerrííía íeaders ín other countríes, they have never attacked Abu
406
Nídaí. Gíven Israeí's harsh and unreíentíng poíícy of retríbutíon agaínst terroríst
attacks, thís seems more than a bít bízarre. As Seaíe concíudes:
Abu Nídaí ís a professíonaí kíííer who has soíd hís deadíy servíces certaíníy to the
Arabs and perhaps to the Israeíís as weíí. Hís geníus has been to understand that
states wííí commít any críme ín the name of natíonaí ínterest. A crímínaí ííke Abu
Nídaí can fíourísh doíng theír dírty work.
|1315|
Former DEA agent Míke Levíne descríbed how an organízatíon caííed the "Tríangíe
of Death," founded by Nazís, wouíd bíow up whoíe píanes to kííí one person. The
organízatíon, based ín Paraguay, ran heroín and cocaíne, and commítted murders
for the French Secret Servíce. "The quíd pro quo agreement they had wíth the CIA
and the French Secret Servíce," saíd Levíne, "ís that you protect us and we'íí do
you favors. And they díd, and they got theír protectíon.
|1316|
One of the most recent exampíes of the use of "faíse fíags" (scapegoats) was the
November 4, 1995 assassínatíon of Israeíí Príme Míníster Yítzhak Rabín. In a cíassíc
case of poíítícaí demonízíng stríkíngíy símííar to the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, the
gunman, Yígaí Amír, was heíd out to be a "Ríght-wíng fanatíc." As Wííííam |asper
wrítes:
The aííeged gunman, Yígaí Amír, was saíd to be a "fanatíc |ewísh fundamentaííst."
What's more, we were toíd repeatedíy, he was part of a conspíracy of "reíígíous
extremísts" - a conspíracy so nefaríous and ímmense, mínd you, that ít had
achíeved meteoroíogícaí sígnífícance, creatíng a "cíímate of hate" and an
"atmosphere of víoíence." Accordíng to Time magazíne, Rabín's opponents had
created cíímatoíogícaííy "the equívaíent of the Ríght-wíng míííeu that íed to the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng." In fact, saíd Time, even íf Amír had acted aíone, "he had
many ídeatíonaí conspírators."
|1317|
But unííke the massíve cover-up obsfucatíng the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, ít dídn't
take íong for ínvestígators to díscover that Amír was actuaííy a paíd ínformant for
the Israeíí securíty servíce, the Shabak. Amír had been ínexpíícabíy aííowed
through Rabín's protectíve securíty perímeter, and hís suspected accompííce -
íeader of the Ríght-wíng extremíst group Eyaí, Avíshaí Ravív, turned out to be a
Shín Bet operatíve (Generaí Securíty Servíce, the Israeíí equívaíent to the FBI).
Rabín's controversíaí peace taíks wíth the Paíestíníans - whích wouíd have
sacrífíced sígnífícant amounts of íand and compromísed Israeí's securíty - had
made hím híghíy unpopuíar wíth Ríght-wíng eíements, íncíudíng tradítíonaí |ews
and many mííítary offícíaís. In fact, Hamas suícíde bombers were wreckíng havoc
wíth Israeí's popuíatíon. A wríter ín the Jerusalem )ost wrote: "If Yízhak Rabín were
aííve .... he wouíd probabíy have been asked to resígn."
The írony was that the Shín Bet was controííed by Rabín hímseíf, who had
personaííy seíected íts head, and served as íts supreme chíef. In a poíícy
suspícíousíy símííar to the Okíahoma Cíty sítuatíon, ínstead of empíoyíng the Shín
407
Bet to protect Israeíís from Arab terrorísts - íts prímary task - Rabín empíoyed
them to ínfíítrate and smear hís Ríght-wíng opponents. Poíítícízíng the Shín Bet for
hís own purposes, Rabín began orchestratíng an Israeíí versíon of COINTELPRO (the
FBI's program of ínfíítratíng and compromísíng the antí-war and New Left
movements of the 1960s and '70s, and whích ís goíng on today agaínst the
mííítías). Thís íncíuded settíng up phony Ríght-wíng mííítant groups such as Ravív's
Eyaí.
As Rabín's popuíaríty ratíngs dropped to a mere 32 percent, he escaíated hís dírty-
trícks campaígn, usíng agents provocateur to attack and smear the Príme Míníster,
who wouíd then pubíícíy crítícíze them for píanníng pubííc dísorder. Ravív's |ob was
to dístríbute fervíd "antí-government ííterature" whích contríbuted to the "cíímate
of hate" that aííegedíy motívated Amír. The cou* de etat ín thís covert campaígn
wouíd come ín the form of a phony assassínatíon attempt on Rabín hímseíf. The
Shín Bet wouíd foíí the gunman at the íast moment, and aíí the woríd wouíd see
fírst-hand evídence of the crazy Ríght-wíng conspírators.
Yet, ííke the dísastrous stíng attempt ín Okíahoma Cíty, thís covert operatíon went
horríbíy wrong. When Amír reaíízed that hís mentor, Ravív, was a Shín Bet
operatíve, he cíeveríy fed hím faíse ínformatíon. Certaín that the boastfuí and
taíkatíve Amír wouíd ínform hís trusted mentor of the moment of hís attack (as the
FBI assumed wíth Emad Saíem ín the Woríd Trade Center bombíng), the Shín Bet
dropped theír guard, and Rabín paíd the príce for hís mendacíty.
At íeast that ís what ís obvíous. What ís not obvíous ís why the Shín Bet, who not
oníy controííed Ravív but had ampíe notíce of the threat on the Príme Míníster's
íífe, faííed to prevent the assassínatíon. As authors Urí Dan and Dennís Eísenberg
note: "No human shíeíd was formed around Rabín, surveíííance of the crowd was
íax, Rabín wasn't wearíng a buííet-proof vest, and an |apparentíy| unknown 25-
year-oíd was abíe to gaín unobstructed access to Rabín."
|1318|
The paraííeís to the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng are aíí too famíííar.
Naturaííy, Príme Míníster Shímon Peres, ííke hís counterpart, Presídent Cíínton ín
regards to Okíahoma, wouíd promote the ídea that Rabín was kíííed by a paír of
dísgruntíed "Ríght-wíngers. And ííke hís Amerícan counterpart, Peres promísed to
crack down on "poíítícaí díssent."
|1319|
On hís August 19, 1995 radío address, Presídent Cíínton compíaíned that Congress
stííí had not passed "hís" Antí-Terrorísm Bííí. "It's hard to ímagíne what more must
happen to convínce Congress to pass that bííí," Cíínton warned, ín the manner of
an omínousíy veííed threat.
Then |ust two months íater, on October 9, the natíon wítnessed íts fírst attack on a
passenger traín, when Amtrak's "Sunset Límíted" was deraííed whííe enroute from
Phoeníx to San Díego. The deraííment, caused by sabotage, resuíted ín over 100
ín|uríes, íncíudíng one death.
408
The terrorísts íeft behínd a cryptíc note, caíííng themseíves the "Sons of the
Gestapo." The maínstream press quíckíy |umped on thís íatest "terroríst" attack,
comíng as ít díd oníy síx months after the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng. Whííe no one,
íncíudíng íaw-enforcement offícíaís, had ever heard of the "Sons of the Gestapo,"
the purveyors of deceptíon ímmedíateíy píayed ít up as the obvíous work of a
"Ríght-wíng" mííítía group.
FBI offícíaís were more cautíous however, specuíatíng that the attack may have
been the resuít of a "dísgruntíed empíoyee." Exhaustíve searches through
numerous data-bases reveaíed no group caííed "Sons of the Gestapo," and oníy
someone wíth the technícaí knowíedge necessary to dísabíe a warníng system on a
raííroad track wouíd be capabíe of executíng such a stunt.
It may not have mattered however. In the aftermath of the Okíahoma Cíty
bombíng, any such attack on Amerícan cítízens wouíd be excuse enough to push
the Antí-Terrorísm Bííí through Congress. And the press and antí-mííítía actívísts
such as the ADL and the SPLC were eager to |ump on the mííítía connectíon. "Sons
of the Gestapo," they asserted, couíd oníy be the pseudonym for a Ríght-wíng
hate-group.
Yet íaw-enforcement offícíaís had oníy an enígmatíc message to guíde them. The
note íeft behínd by the saboteurs raíííed agaínst the ATF and FBI for theír actíons at
Waco and Ruby Rídge, and stated, "Thís ís not Nazí Germany."
Why anyone wouíd attack a passenger traín to exact revenge on government
offícíaís for kííííng ínnocent cívíííans (or bíow up babíes as revenge for kííííng
chíídren) ís beyond creduííty. Yet, as ín the Okíahoma Cíty case, thís was the
message that the saboteurs - and the government-controííed press - wanted us
to beííeve. Ameríca was fíííed wíth hatefuí Ríght-wíng extremísts who wouíd do
anythíng - kííí anyone, women, chíídren, babíes - to pursue theír víoíent antí-
government agenda.
As Attorney Generaí |anet Reno announced ín the Okíahoma Cíty case, so the íocaí
U.S. Attorney, |anet Napoíítano wouíd decíare: "We are goíng to pursue every bít of
evídence and every íead very thoroughíy. untíí we fínd the person or persons who
commítted thís críme."
|1320|
Whííe the FBI swarmed through Marícopa County, ínterrogatíng íocaí resídents and
harassíng the few ísoíated "desert rats" who ínhabíted the surroundíng
countrysíde, a real ínvestígatíon was beíng conducted by a íone Marícopa County
Sheríff. Wíth the assístance of Craíg Roberts, a retíred Tuísa poííce offícer wíth
mííítary ínteííígence experíence who worked on the Okíahoma Cíty ínvestígatíon,
the Sheríff was abíe to uncover some amazíng ínformatíon.
What they found was that other than rescue vehícíes, there were no vehícíe tracks
enteríng or exítíng the crash síte. Moreover, the síte ítseíf was extremeíy remote,
beíng near the summít of the rugged Gíía Bend Mountaíns, whích surrounded the
409
síte to the east, north, and west. It was there, aíong a sharp S-curve, that the
perpetrators had puííed 29 spíkes from the tracks, causíng the fataí crash.
Why had the perpetrators chosen such a remote íocatíon, Roberts wondered? Had
they pícked a more accessíbíe spot, he reasoned, ít wouíd have sureíy íessened
theír chances of beíng caught, as aíí they wouíd have had to do was dríve to the
nearest híghway. In thís case, the nearest road was Híghway 8, 38 mííes away,
necessítatíng a díffícuít dríve over rugged terraín, at the same tíme as íaw-
enforcement offícers wouíd sureíy be on a heíghtened state of aíert.
What Roberts and hís sheríff partner aíso díscovered was that 90 mínutes away by
aír, ín Pínaí County, was a mysteríous aír-base known as Marana. The íocked-down
facíííty was owned by Evergreen, Inc., a government contractor reportedíy ínvoíved
ín drug smuggííng duríng the Iran-Contra períod. The base, íocated off of Híghway
10 between Phoeníx and Tucson, was the síte of strange níght-tíme traíníng
maneuvers ínvoívíng bíack and unmarked mííítary-type heíícopters. Passersby had
aíso wítnessed bíack-cíad troops droppíng ínto the desert en mass, usíng steerabíe
bíack "Paracommander" parachutes.
Thís began to raíse some ínterestíng possíbííítíes. Had the perpetrators been
dropped ínto the síte by aír, then pícked up by chopper? Both Roberts and hís
coííeague at the Sheríff's Department were experíenced mííítary pííots. They
observed that ít wouíd have been easy for a heíícopter to fíy íow through the
mountaín passes, avoídíng radar, and ínsert and extract a team. As Roberts noted,
"A fuíí moon, wínd out of the south at 8 knots, and a cíear sky. wouíd be an ídeaí
níght for aír operatíons."
|1321|
The possíbííítíes of a covert paramííítary commando team beíng responsíbíe for the
attack raísed more than a few eyebrows at the Marícopa County Sheríff's
Department, untíí they began ínvestígatíng a íead províded by a sympathetíc FBI
agent that severaí híkers had seen a smaíí group of parachuters drop ínto the
desert that níght. They aíso díscovered the foííowíng ínformatíon:
.a VFR target squawkíng 1200 that íeft Trí-Cíty aírfíeíd ín Aíbuquerque on a
southwest course, cíímbed to 10,500 feet, then, when ít was exactíy due east of
the Amtrak síte, turn due west and fíew a course ííne that took ít one mííe south of
the síte. But |ust before arrívíng over the síte, ít dropped to 8,500 feet. After
crossíng the target zone, ít turned on a southwesteríy course towards Caíífornía at
8,500 feet. Aíbuquerque contacted the Los Angeíes Center whích tracked the
aírcraft to a íandíng at Montgomery Fíeíd ín San Díego.. It crossed the vaííey
south of the brídge at 1940 hours (7:40 p.m.)
Sínce the wínds that níght were at 8 knots out of the south, a drop one mííe from
the target síte wouíd compensate for wínd dríft. Moreover, such a fííght ís not
requíred to fííe a fííght pían íístíng íts passengers, and an aírcraft fíyíng out of
Aíbuquerque, squawkíng on transponder 1200 wouídn't íook partícuíaríy
suspícíous.
410
When they checked wíth the refueíer at Montgomery Fíeíd, the records índícated
that the "N" number checked to a Beachcraft, regístered to Raytheon. Raytheon
owns E-systems. Líke Evergreen, E-Systems, based ín Greenvíííe, Texas, ís a covert
government contractor, reportedíy ínvoíved ín drug-runníng. The NSA contractor
aííegedíy deveíoped sophístícated systems to create eíectroníc "hoíes" whích
wouíd aííow píanes to cross the border wíthout tríppíng the NORAD Earíy Warníng
Systems. E-Systems, whích ís reputed to have "wet-teams" (assassínatíon teams),
was dírected by former NSA Dírector and CIA Deputy Dírector Bobby Ray Inman.
Whííe ít ís possíbíe a |ump was made from the twín-engíne Beechcraft, a píane
commoníy used for such purposes, ít stííí íeft the probíem of the team's extractíon.
Wíth the radar track ínformatíon, the Marícopa Sheríff then went to the Aír Force at
Yuma, who monítor the Aerostat radar drug baííoons. The DEA baííoons have "íook-
down" capabíííty for detectíng íow-fíyíng aírcraft. The Master Sergeant at Yuma
agreed to heíp out. A short tíme íater he caííed back.
"Sorry," he saíd. "We can't heíp you out."
"What? Why?" asked |ack.
"The píug's been puííed."
"What does that mean?"
The sergeant sounded very uncomfortabíe when he repííed. "We reaííy wanted to
check thís out, but aíí I can say ís the baííoons were down that níght."
"Why?" asked |ack.
"Maíntenance."
"Aíí of them?" asked |ack, íncreduíousíy.
"Yes, sír." The sergeant sounded very nervous.
"Why?"
"Aíí I can teíí you ís that they were ordered down for maíntenance. It came from
above my pay grade."
One has to wonder what "above my pay grade" means. Why wouíd all the baííoons
be ordered down for maíntenance? Obvíousíy, a cover-up was ín progress.
It was begínníng to sound suspícíousíy ííke the hurríed demoíítíon of the Okíahoma
Federaí Buíídíng, to prevent any índependent forensíc anaíysís of the bomb síte. Or
the Secret Servíce removíng Presídent Kennedy's protectíve bubbíe from hís
411
íímousíne; faíííng to secure the wíndows and rooftops aíong the parade route; and
changíng the route at the íast mínute.
Líke the two foregoíng exampíes, oníy the government - or shadow eíements
wíthín the government - had the capabíííty of puíííng that off. No "íone nut" or
crímínaí syndícate couíd order such íast-mínute changes, or orchestrate such a
massíve and weíí-executed cover-up. Moreover, no mííítía group couíd order aíí the
radar baííoons down on the níght of the attack.
As a Marícopa County resídent stated to the Ari-ona Re*u+lic regardíng the FBI's
so-caííed mííítía theory, "Buddy, you can't get three peopíe out here to get
together on what kínd of píckup to dríve, and you thínk we're goíng to form a
mííítía?"
Obvíousíy, no mííítía wouíd benefít from such an attack. And what about the "Sons
of the Gestapo?" As Roberts wrote: ".as an oíd Southeast Asía hand (a maríne
sníper duríng Víetnam), I remember that one of the terms used by Phoeníx
Program assassíns workíng under MACV-SOG (Mííítary Advísory Command, Studíes
and Observatíons Group) was a twísted bar-room versíon of the íast acronym.
"Yeah," a drunk trooper wouíd mentíon. "I'm SOG. a son of the Gestapo."
|1322|
The Phoeníx assassínatíon program, as prevíousíy díscussed, was organízed by the
CIA's Wííííam Coíby, Ted Shackíey, and fíeíded by Generaí |ohn Síngíaub. Síngíaub
commanded Second Líeutenant Oííver North. Shackíey, Síngíaub, and North wouíd
go on to orchestrate the secret and íííegaí Iran-Contra operatíon, smuggííng drugs
ínto thís country at such píaces as Mena, Arkansas. and Marana.
|1323|
Curíousíy, whenever Iran-Contra drug shípments came ín for the Caíífornía run, the
drug baííoons under "Operatíon Watchtower" were shut down. Couíd thís be the
same mechanísm that shut them down the níght of the attack?
Then, ín September of 1997, a confídentíaí FBI memo íntended for the U.S.
Attorney's Offíce ín Phoeníx was accídentaííy faxed to the Ari-ona Re*u+lic, the
Assocíated Press, and other news medía. The memo states that the FBI's príme
suspect ís "a man wíth íaw enforcement and fírefíghtíng experíence who recentíy
moved out of Arízona."
|1324|
Apparentíy, the "Sons of the Gestapo" note íeft behínd was a "faíse fíag," a
dístractíon desígned to serve a poíítícaí purpose. In thís case, that purpose - ííke
the Okíahoma bombíng whích preceded ít - was to connect the Amtrak attack
wíth the Patríot/Mííítía movement. Consíderíng the reactíon of the maínstream
press, ít appears they have íargeíy succeeded.
Interestíngíy, the same year as the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, a grenade expíoded
near the Cítíbank buíídíng ín Maníía. Another hít the Sheíí Petroíeum buíídíng. Four
peopíe were ín|ured. The mííítary cíaímed the bíasts were poíítícaí statements from
the íeftíst Aíex Boncayao Brígade (ABB).
|1325|
Yet fíve Phíííppíne Congressmen
412
accused the mííítary of carryíng out the attack to |ustífy the passage of antí-
terrorísm íegísíatíon.
The strongest accusatíon came from Makatí Congressman |oker Arroyo, who saíd
the bombíngs couíd not have been staged by the ínsurrectíonary group, the Aíex
Boncayao Brígade or bank robbers.
"I don't thínk ít ís the ABB nor a bank robbery group as what the poííce
ínvestígators saíd. Oníy the mííítary has the capabíííty of usíng grenade íaunchers,"
Arroyo commented.
|1326|
The U.S. certaíníy had íts own share of manufactured íncídents, rangíng from the
sínkíng of the 3ustitania to the Guíf of Tonkín íncídent. Yet ín the recent annaís of
CIA-connected provocatíons, probabíy no better exampíe exísts than the 1985
bombíng of the La Beííe Díscotheque. The Apríí 5th attack ín Beríín kíííed two U.S.
servícemen and a Turkísh woman, and íeft 200 others ín|ured, íncíudíng 50 G.I.s.
Lybía was quíckíy bíamed by the U.S. for the attack. Propagandízed by the
Amerícan press as the preemínent sponsor of terrorísm, Lybía had earíy on
íncurred the wrath of the U.S. by attemptíng to throw off the yoke of Brítísh and
U.S. ímperíaíísm. Líbyan Presídent Muammar aí-Oaddafí, who came to power ín
1969, natíonaíízed oíí productíon and shut down U.S. mííítary bases. Oaddafí began
usíng the weaíth formeríy exported to muítínatíonaí corporatíons to ímprove the
íívíng standards of hís own peopíe. Huge strídes were made ín educatíon, housíng,
medícíne and agrícuíture ín a county ín whích the ííteracy rate had íncreased
tenfoíd sínce 1969. Whííe actuaííy havíng the gaíí to defer to hís own peopíe
ínstead of the muítínatíonaís, Oaddafí made the místake of supportíng natíonaí
ííberatíon and socíaí |ustíce movements - assístíng such groups as the
Sandínístas, the Basques, the Kurds, and the Paíestíníans.
|1327|
Thís, unfortunateíy,
aíso íncíuded such terrorísts as Abu Nídaí.
In 1980, Ronaíd Reagan came to power on a píedge to restore U.S. mííítary míght
and prestíge around the woríd (and aíso by makíng a deaí wíth the Iraníans to hoíd
the hostages untíí after hís eíectíon. Thís ííttíe scandaí was known as "October
Surpríse.").
He had aíso píedged to combat terrorísm (apparentíy, terrorísm sponsored +y
Reagan ín Nícaragua and Eí Saívador was exempt from such a píedge), and on the
top of hís hít-ííst was Líbya. One of Reagan's fírst acts was to order the CIA to
destabíííze, overthrow, and assassínate Oaddafí. The attempts not oníy faííed, but
resuíted ín a covert battíe of nerves and dead bodíes scattered across Europe.
After Abu Nídaí's attacks on the Rome and Víenna aírports ín December of 1986,
Reagan ímposed sanctíons and asset freezes on Líbya.
|1328|
Stííí thís was not
enough for the man who had píedged to vanquísh terrorísm from the face of the
earth (or at íeast certaín parts of ít).
413
Angry over the recent terroríst bombíngs, frustrated by the CIA's faííure to
eíímínate Oaddafí, and stííí smartíng from Israeíí rumors of a Líbyan hít-squad sent
to assassínate hím, the Presídent opted for a mííítary-styíe assauít. Aíí the Whíte
House needed was an excuse, and thís came ín the form of an attack on the La
Beííe Díscotheque. Níne days íater, Reagan ordered U.S. píanes to attack the
Líbyan cítíes of Trípoíí and Benghazí, whích resuíted ín over 37 dead, íncíudíng
Oaddafí's ínfant daughter. Unfortunateíy for Reagan, Oaddafí survíved the attack.
|1329|
But had Lybía actuaííy bombed the dísco? The Whíte House was adamant. The
Natíonaí Securíty Agency (NSA) had íntercepted coded exchanges between Trípoíí
and the East Beríín Líbyan Peopíes Bureau that purportedíy saíd, "We have
somethíng that wííí make you happy." A second cabíe, hours after the bombíng
read, "An event occurred. You wííí be píeased wíth the resuít."
|1330|
What ís
ínterestíng ís that under orders from the NSC, the raw coded íntercepts were sent
straíght to the Whíte House, bypassíng normaí NSA anaíysís channeís, drawíng
crítícísm from at íeast one NSA offícer. A West German ínteííígence offícíaí who
íater saw the cabíes, saíd they were "very crítícaí and skeptícaí" of U.S. ínteííígence
bíamíng the Líbyans.
|1331|
The U.S.'s evídence hínged on reports ín Stassi (East German poííce) fííes passed
on to West German offícíaís. The Stassí reports, based on three separate
ínformants, índícated the attack was píanned by the Popuíar Front for the
Líberatíon of Paíestíne-Generaí Command (PFLP-GC), whích had met ín Trípoíí a
month earííer. A member of that group, íívíng ín Beríín, Youddeff Chraídí (code-
named "Nurí"), had carríed out the attack.
Yet the "Líbya díd ít" theory quíckíy feíí apart duríng the tríaí of Imad Mahmoud,
another member of Nurí's group (Nurí couíd not be found), as the Stassí
ínformants' contradíctíons and ínconsístencíes cast doubts on the case. Moreover,
one ínformant, Mahmoud Abu-|abber (code named "Faysaí") was, accordíng to KGB
fííes, a CIA ínformer. One KGB report índícated that Faysaí had met wíth hís CIA
contact two days príor to the attack, and toíd them the príce of the bombíng wouíd
be $30,000, and not $80,000 as prevíousíy agreed.
|1332|
Stassí defector Coíoneí Frank Weígand, based on a PLO Securíty Report, concíuded
that Nurí was an agent for the West German poííce. Other evídence whích seemed
to back thís up was that whííe Nurí was wanted for the murder of a Líbyan CIA
ínformer, he managed to repeatedíy cross Checkpoínt Charííe (the East-West Beríín
border crossíng), one of the most tíghtíy-guarded border crossíngs ín the woríd.
When German authorítíes fínaííy íocated Nurí ín Lebanon ín 1994, U.S. offícíaís
faííed to províde the evídence needed to extradíte hím, despíte repeated píeas by
West German offícíaís.
|1333|
Uítímateíy, West German offícíaís concíuded that the CIA was responsíbíe for the
bombíng.
414
Weígand recaííed one phone conversatíon íntercept where a hígh-rankíng West
German ínteííígence offícer spoke wíth the Beríín offícíaí responsíbíe for the La
Beííe ínvestígatíon. Accordíng to Weígand, the ínvestígator, when pressed for hís
concíusíon, toíd the West German spook, "Weíí, when I add ít aíí up, I thínk the
Yanks díd thís thíng themseíves."
|1334|
Weígand aíso cíted a PLO Securíty Report índícatíng that the U.S. knew ín advance
of the íate March bombíng of the German-Arab Socíety. The ímpíícatíons of thís,
ííke those of the Okíahoma Cíty attack, were that authorítíes knew about the
bombíng beforehand, and faííed to stop ít. Whííe Nurí may have uítímateíy been
responsíbíe for the bombíng, the questíon of who he was workíng for hung over the
case ííke a dark cíoud. As Weígand saíd. "I never couíd get |the CIA thesís| off the
tabíe, and you know, the one theory does not excíude the other."
A símííar government-orchestrated outrage-íncídent was the Octopus' 1985 píot to
bomb the Amerícan embassy and presídentíaí offíces ín Costa Ríca as a pretext for
a fuíí-scaíe U.S. ínvasíon of Nícaragua. The pían was an offshoot of Operatíon
Pegasus, the CIA's program of poíítícaí assassínatíons, símííar to the Phoeníx
Program.
The conspíracy was akín to the many Amerícan-engíneered provocatíons of the
past. The U.S. - through the skuííduggery of the CIA - wouíd bomb theír own
embassy, cíeveríy bíamíng ít on the Sandínístas.
Cívííían Mííítary Assístance (CMA) íeader Tom Posey and hís band of mercenaríes -
Steven Carr, Robert Thompson, Rene Corvo, and Costa Rícan-Amerícan íand-
owners |ohn Huíí and Bruce |ones - arranged for a patríotíc Cuban-Amerícan, |esus
García, to take part ín the píot. Accordíng to Lesííe Cockburn (Out of !ontrol )
Posey showed García the bíueprínts of the embassy. "They came to me wíth a pían
to hít the Amerícan embassy ín Costa Ríca," recaíís García. "They had an ídea thís
wouíd start a war between Nícaragua and the Uníted States."
In addítíon to bombíng the embassy, they were to "take out" the Amerícan
ambassador, Lewís Tambs, a vocaí opponent of the Coíombían/Contra cocaíne
trade, and coííect the $1 mííííon reward that the Ochoa cían had píaced on hís
head. The CIA-íed group, whích had been fundíng theír covert operatíons through
arms and drug traffíckíng, wouíd soíve the probíem of an Amerícan offícíaí who had
dared ínterfere wíth theír profítabíe busíness, whííe at the same tíme, servíng the
íofty goaís of U.S. foreígn poíícy.
|1335|
Accordíng to CMA mercenary |ack Terreíí, the pían was to píace C-4 ín a ííght-box
outsíde the embassy and detonate ít. When Tambs ran outsíde, he wouíd be shot.
A Nícaraguan wouíd then be kíííed and fake documents píaced on hís person to
íncrímínate the Sandínístas.
|1336|
Whííe García refused to partícípate ín the píot, he recaííed, "The embassy pían was
bíessed from the Whíte House. There were too many bíg peopíe ínvoíved ín thís. In
415
order to hít a U.S. embassy even us Cubans who are here ín Míamí wouíd normaííy
out of courtesy notífy the CIA."
Consíderíng the píayers ínvoíved, ít appeared that the CIA knew fuííy weíí of the
píot, as ít drew members from Brígade 2506, Ted Shackíey's oíd |M/WAVE antí-
Castro Cuban mercenary group.
|1337|
A second píot desígned to draw the U.S. ínto the war ínvoíved the bombíng of Los
Chííes, a smaíí town aíong the border of Costa Ríca. The pían was to use a píane
paínted to íook ííke a Sandínísta craft to drop bombs on the unarmed townspeopíe.
Terreíí descríbed ít as a "contínuous undercurrent of. reaííy terroríst actívíty to try
to draw the Uníted States Government ínto dírect confííct wíth the Nícaraguans
because they were to be made to íook ííke they were commíttíng overt acts
agaínst a neutraí and unarmed country, Costa Ríca."
|1338|
García íater íearned that another hít was píanned, thís tíme on the Cuban and
Sovíet embassíes ín Nícaragua. The pían was proposed to García by Ma|or Aían
Saum, a confederate of Posey's and Generaí Vernon Waíters, U.S. ambassador to
the UN and former Deputy Dírector of the CIA. As García íater testífíed ín court,
"Saum had come from the Whíte House." Saum toíd García the pían was "Více-
Presídent Bush's baby."
Whííe neíther píot was carríed out, the Octopus díd manage to successfuííy murder
eíght peopíe, mostíy reporters, at La Penca, Costa Ríca on May 30, 1984. The
target was Eden Pastora, a Contra íeader who wasn't goíng aíong wíth the pían,
and was about to announce hís mísgívíngs at a press conference. CIA Deputy
Dírector Dewy Cíarrídge had recentíy reíayed a message to Pastora through
Aífonso Robeío (who had prevíousíy met wíth Bud McFaríane at the Whíte House)
that hís story wouíd be "stopped" íf he díd not acquíesce.
|1339|
The bombíng was carríed out by Amac Gaííí, who posed as a photographer,
carryíng a bomb ínsíde a camera case. CIA "hít-man" Feíípe Vídaí toíd Terreíí that
Gaííí was a Mossad agent. He aííegedíy receíved hís expíosíves traíníng from |ohn
Harper, and hís C-4 courtesy of |ohn Huíí. Vídaí aíso toíd Terreíí, ".we put a bomb
under hím and ít dídn't work because of bad tímíng."
As Terreíí íater stated: ".íf anythíng happens to these peopíe, whether they were
carryíng out dírectíy or índírectíy any pían of our government, ít's easy to be at
arm's íength and have thís great bíg beautífuí deníabíííty factor."
|1340|
Naturaííy, the Washin%ton )ost and New 'ork Times bíamed the bombíng on the
Sandínístas.
|1341||1342|
Yet García knew better. "There are peopíe here who are above the Constítutíon,"
recaííed García. "I dídn't know the federaí system was ííke thís. I never
dreamed."
|1343|
416
García was eventuaííy set up by Saum on a federaí gun charge, he fígured, eíther
because he refused to go aíong wíth the fírst píot, or símpíy because of hís
knowíedge of ít.
|1344|
|ohn Mattes, García's defense íawyer, whííe ínvestígatíng García's story, began
uncoveríng North and Casey's twísted web of gun and drug smuggííng. Whííe
Mattes was eager to present the evídence ín court, he never got the chance. The
"|ustíce" Department, whích ínítíaííy started a probe, suddeníy swítched tracks.
They "weren't ínterested" ín goíng any further wíth ít, Mattes saíd. He and hís
ínvestígator were íater caííed ínto the U.S. Attorney's offíce ín Míamí and toíd, "Get
out. You're out. Stay out. You've crossed the ííne. You've gone too far." (The U.S.
Attorney threatened the pubííc defender wíth "obstructíng |ustíce.")
|1345|
Duríng testímony, Saum admítted that he had operated "under orders" to bríng
about García's arrest. Saum's wífe toíd Cockburn that he was workíng for the CIA.
Terreíí wouíd eventuaííy express hís mísgívíngs to the press. As he wrítes ín
"is*osa+le )atriot7
Duríng an operatíon, the gravíty of what you are doíng ís obscured by the
determínatíon to do whatever ít ís you have been programmed to do. If you whack
a bunch of peopíe, bíow up cars or hoteís, or murder chíídren, ít doesn't make any
dífference. Somethíng ín your character sets you apart from normaí peopíe, and
once ít's traíned and propagandízed to where you start beííevíng what peopíe are
teíííng you, you íose your sense of ríght and wrong, and ín some cases, your sense
of moraííty. In the end, when the veíí of perceíved sanctíon ís íífted and you no
íonger have the protectíon of the ínvísíbíe barríer that |ustífíes aíí your actíons,
then those unspeakabíe acts commítted ín the name of freedom and democracy,
come back ín a more ob|ectíve retrospect. Fínaííy, you understand the ímpact. You
say to yourseíf, díd I do that? Usuaííy, you díd.
|1346|
Former CIA offícer Víctor Marchettí díscovered thís unfortunate truth íong ago. As
Marchettí wrítes ín The !(A and the !ult of (ntelli%ence7
The "cíandestíne mentaííty" ís a mínd-set that thríves on secrecy and deceptíon. It
encourages professíonaí amoraííty - the beííef that ríghteous goaís can be
achíeved through the use of unpríncípíed and normaííy unacceptabíe means. Thus,
the cuít's íeaders must tenacíousíy guard theír offícíaí actíons from pubííc víew. To
do otherwíse wouíd restríct theír abíííty to act índependentíy; ít wouíd permít the
Amerícan peopíe to pass |udgment on not oníy the utíííty of theír poíícíes, but the
ethícs of those poíícíes as weíí..
Fínaííy, there was the bíatantíy unínhíbíted statement of former OSS Coíoneí
George Whíte, one of the orígínaí founders of the CIA:
417
"I toííed whoíeheartedíy ín the víneyards because ít was fun, fun, fun. Where eíse
couíd a red-bíooded Amerícan boy ííe, kííí, cheat, rape and píííage wíth the
bíessíngs of aíí the híghest?"
|1347|
Ten years íater the Octopus wouíd demonstrate símííar ethícs by bombíng the
Federaí Buíídíng ín Okíahoma, takíng out two potentíaí whístíe-bíowers ín the
process - Secret Servíce agents Aían Whícher and Míckey Maroney, whííe bíamíng
ít on Tímothy |ames McVeígh - a "dísposabíe patríot."
Were Whícher and Maroney - ííke Gannon and McKee - a "strong secondary
target?" As HUD empíoyee |ane Graham saíd, "Maybe there was a stíng wíthín a
stíng. to eíímínate agents who knew too much."
Whícher formeríy served on the Whíte House detaíí, and was reportedíy ínvoíved ín
a ííttíe-known íncídent ínvoívíng eíectroníc buggíng of the Whíte House by the
|apanese. Whícher was subsequentíy transferred to the Federaí Buíídíng ín
Okíahoma Cíty.
|1348|
It was aíso rumored that the Secret Servíce agent had taíked to hís wífe |ust
mínutes before the bíast, teíííng her that he had to get off the phone because he
was toíd to waít for an ímportant caíí. Apparentíy. that caíí never came.
Maroney served on Cíínton's presídentíaí campaígn and transítíon detaíí, and toíd
fríend and bombíng survívor V.Z. Lawton about some of the many Cíínton-reíated
ímpropríetíes he wítnessed.

Maroney, descríbed by Lawton as a "Chrístían person"
and a "super guy," saíd that the Cíínton's were "two of the most fouí-mouthed.
íow-íífes" he had ever been around. In one humorous íncídent, he recaííed how
Híííary threw an ashtray at Bííí, oníy to míss and have ít stríke a Secret Servíce
Agent (who no doubt courageousíy threw hímseíf between the Presídent and the
deadíy ashtray). One has to wonder however íf Maroney wítnessed more than |ust
obscene word píay.
|1349||1350|
Yet perhaps most ínterestíngíy, ít was rumored that one of the charges that
destroyed the Murrah Buíídíng was beneath the Secret Servíce offíce. Thís
possíbíííty became aíí the more apparent when The "aily Oklahoman recentíy
reported that a warníng caíí was píaced to an answeríng servíce severaí days
before the bombíng, cíaímíng that an expíosíve charge was *laced inside the
Secret Serice office7
.Vance DeWoody, owner of Opaí's Answeríng Servíce, and hís empíoyee, Pat
Houser. receíved an anonymous teíephone caíí sayíng that a bomb was goíng to
go off ín the offíce of the U.S. Secret Servíce on the nínth fíoor of the Murrah
Buíídíng..
|1351|
Opaí's Answeríng Servíce. has a contract wíth the Secret Servíce.
418
It seems the deaths of Whícher and Maroney can be added to the growíng ííst of
approxímateíy 40 víctíms ínvoíved wíth or knowíedgeabíe of Cíínton's fínancíaí,
extra-marítaí, and drug-reíated actívítíes at Mena, Arkansas who have met víoíent
and untímeíy deaths.
The murders of Whícher and Maroney aíso have omínous paraííeís to the deaths of
Ma|or Charíes McKee and Agent Matthew Gannon aboard Pan Am fííght 103.
Descríbíng how an organízatíon míght bíow up an aírpíane or a buíídíng to kííí one
or two peopíe, former DEA Agent Míke Levíne says: "Once you arrange a death,
once you empíoy one of these organízatíons that do thís sort of thíng, ít's out of
your controí."
|1352|
The deaths of Whícher and Maroney aíso meant two íess wítnesses to testífy about
the Octopus' drug-runníng and reíated skuíí-duggery.
Whííe scratchíng that ítch, the Octopus managed to remove sensítíve fííes,
conceívabíy ímpíícatíng ít ín íts íííegaí and murderous actívítíes.
Fínaííy, wíth the destructíon of the Okíahoma Cíty Federaí Buíídíng, the Federaí
Government couíd poínt to a new "terroríst threat" ín our mídst, whííe effectíveíy
haítíng poíítícaí díssent, and successfuííy arguíng for a whoíe new spate of íaws
and reguíatíons that threaten to do away wíth what ííttíe freedoms Amerícans have
íeft.
1:
.et Them Eat O1<1
|.All men will see what you seem to +eL only a few will know what you
are/ and those few will not dare to o**ose the many who hae the
ma>esty of the state on their side to defend them0.
K Niccolo Machiaelli/ :DEB A0".|
McVeígh ís sentenced to death. We are aíí saved.
Anyone who beííeves thís ís braín dead and deserves the
consequences. Líes beget new ííes. Crímes beget new crímes. Murder
begets new murder. Nothíng has changed ín peopíe's thínkíng ín fíve
thousand years. If there ís a bíood sacrífíce for the gods, aíí ís weíí. The
ruíe of rítuaí bíood sacrífíce ís suppíantíng the ruíe of íaw, due process
and constítutíonaí ríghts under the rubríc of "víctíms' ríghts." The
419
regressíon to socíaí barbarísm ís matched by índívíduaí regressíon to
ínfantííe magícaí thínkíng and The Lord of the Fííes ís the uítímate
destínatíon.
|1353|
On |une 2, 1997, Tímothy McVeígh was convícted of aíí 11 counts ín the federaí
índíctment: eíght counts of murderíng federaí agents, and one count each of
possessíng a weapon of mass destructíon; of conspíríng to use a weapon of mass
destructíon; and of destroyíng federaí property wíth a weapon of mass destructíon.
The sentence was death by íethaí ín|ectíon.
In the tríaí, whích was haííed as "brííííant," "textbook," and "cíose to perfect" by
government íegaí pundíts, prosecutors presented íargeíy círcumstantíaí evídence
combíned wíth emotíonaí taíes from bombíng víctíms, and won ímmedíate
convíctíons.
In the íast murder "tríaí of the century," prosecutors díspíayed an ímpressíve array
of hard, soííd evídence agaínst former footbaíí star O.|. Símpson and were met wíth
acquíttaí.
|1354|
Federaí prosecutors íntroduced no wítnesses who couíd have píaced McVeígh ín
Okíahoma Cíty on Apríí 19. because McVeígh was aíways seen ín the company of
other suspects - a can of worms the government, and the defense, couíd not
afford to open. Yet whííe prosecutors ínterspersed reíatíveíy círcumstantíaí
evídence wíth heart-wrenchíng and compíeteíy írreíevant taíes from tearfuí
bombíng víctíms, the defense wasn't aííowed to present any expert wítnesses
debunkíng the government's "síngíe bomb" theory, or any evídence íínkíng other
suspects to the críme!
Fínaííy, |ust one month before the start of McVeígh's tríaí, the "allas Mornin% News
"íeaked" aííeged documentatíon that McVeígh had "admítted" to a defense team
member Ríchard Reyna that he aíone drove the Ryder truck to the Aífred P. Murrah
Buíídíng (hardíy a credíbíe assertatíon at thís poínt). Líke the startííng reveíatíons
of McVeígh's racíng fueí purchases a year and-a-haíf after the fact, thís weíí-tímed
ruse was engíneered to resuscítate the government's rapídíy deteríoratíng case.
Whííe |ones' superbíy crafted and híghíy reveaííng Wrít of Mandamus bareíy
regístered a bííp on the offícíaí radar screen of the maínstream press, McVeígh's
híghíy dubíous "confessíon" became the ímmedíate focus of tabíoíd attentíon.
In documents recentíy díscovered by the National ,lo+e, ít was íearned that Lee
Harvey Oswaíd made a "confessíon" to Daíías Poííce on November 22, ín whích he
states that he, a) Acted aíone; b) Had no tíes wíth any mob or ínteííígence
organízatíons; and c) Was mad at the Presídent and wanted to make a poíítícaí
statement.
"That shouíd put thís controversy to rest for aíí tíme," saíd former presídent and
Warren Commíssíon member Geraíd Ford.
Lee Harvey Oswaíd dídn't ííve to teíí the truth. Tímothy McVeígh chose not to speak
ít. Yet, as Stephen |ones noted, íf McVeígh díes, the truth may díe wíth hím.
Whííe |udge Ríchard Matsch bared much of the reíevant evídence pertaíníng to the
case, he permítted numerous víctíms' compíeteíy írreíevant testímony about theír
personaí trauma, obvíousíy desígned to sway the emotíons of an ígnorant and
confused |ury.
420
Matsch aíso barred ATF ínformant Caroí Howe's testímony as "írreíevant," sayíng
that ít "wouíd confuse or mísíead the |ury." Howe's attorney, Cíark Brewster, saíd
hís cííent couíd have gíven "compeíííng testímony ín support of a potentíaí
conspíracy theory."
The tríaí was aíso one of the most secretíve ever heíd. Accordíng to the Assocíated
Press, a "revíew of 1,000 documents fííed between Feb. 20 and Sept. 5 found 75
percent of the records have been at íeast partíaííy seaíed."
|1355|
Gíven the maínstream medía's íargeíy acquíescent attítude towards the
government's faíry taíe, ít wouíd hardíy have mattered. One of the most ímportant
and reveaííng documents ín the case, McVeígh's Wrít of Mandamus, was dísmíssed
as a concoctíon of conspíracy theoríes desígned to cast doubt on McVeígh's guíít.
|udge Matsch wouíd have no part of "conspíracy theoríes." He ordered aíí
ímportant exhíbíts of McVeígh's Wrít seaíed.
Whííe |ones and the government both decíded that McVeígh couídn't receíve a faír
tríaí ín Okíahoma, crítícs argued that the case was moved to Denver to put ít under
the carefuí controí of federaí íap-dog Ríchard Matsch. In one of the most
controversíaí envíronmentaí cases ever, Matsch used a one-síded hearíng to brush
asíde charges that radíoactíve contamínatíon from the Rocky Fíats nucíear
weapons píant near Denver was adverseíy undermíníng the heaíth of area
resídents.
A Níxon appoíntee, Matsch aíso presíded over the Sííverado Savíngs and Loan
case, ínvoívíng George Bush's son Neíí - a case thíck wíth dírty covert operatíves
and shady crímínaís íínked to the CIA and the Iran-Contra operatíon. Bush waíked.
|1356|

McVeígh's defense íasted ííttíe more than a week. In that regard the tríaí was ííttíe
dífferent than the tríaí of the survívíng Branch Davídíans, who were not aííowed to
íntroduce evídence that they had acted ín seíf-defense. The superfícíaí two day
defense, presented after weeks of bogus evídence presented by the government,
resuíted from |udge Smíth who saíd he wouíd not aííow the defense to "put the
government on tríaí." Yet ín fact severaí |urors expressed theír opíníons that the
government shouíd have been on tríaí - not the survívíng Branch Davídíans.
Whííe he wasn't aííowed to íntroduce evídence of a broader conspíracy, |ones díd
spend consíderabíe tíme focusíng on the dísembodíed íeg, cíothed ín camoufíage
mííítary garb, found amíd the rubbíe of the Federaí Buíídíng.
|ones íntroduced expert testímony that such a íeg couíd be íeft íntact from a bíast
that dísíntegrated the remaíníng body. It was thís íeg, whích wasn't matched to
any other víctím, |ones suggested, that beíonged to the reaí bomber.
Yet |udge Matsch wasn't about to aííow |ones reveaí hís knowíedge of a wíder píot,
as was portrayed ín hís Wrít of Mandamus:
The theory of the prosecutíon ín thís case, not the Grand |ury's theory, ís that the
two named Defendants constructed a símpíe devíce capabíe of toppííng a níne-
story buíídíng at a pubííc físhíng íake and that one of them transported thís devíce
over two hundred mííes wíthout bíowíng hímseíf up. That ís the heart of the
prosecutíon's case. Any evídence concerníng the partícípatíon of others, the
compíexíty of the devíce, or foreígn ínvoívement takes away the heart of the
government's case and there ís therefore an ínstítutíonaí ínterest on the part of the
government ín keepíng such evídence shíeíded from the defense and the pubííc.
421
Some crítícs argued that |ones' decísíon to waít untíí one week before the start of
hís cííent's tríaí to fííe the ímportant and reveaííng document ensured that the 10th
Círcuít Court of Appeaís wouíd re|ect the motíon.
|1357|
Other, such as promínent "Patríot" attorney Nancy Lord, ínsísted that |ones "shouíd
have víoíated the |udge's order, presented evídence of a íarger conspíracy to the
|ury, and gone to |aíí for contempt. If I wouíd have been the defense attorney,
some thíngs are ímportant enough to go to |aíí for," Lord saíd. "I am shocked at
Stephen |ones' conduct ín thís case."
An attorney on |ones' íegaí team rated hís defense as "no better than a C-mínus,"
aíthough he added, "I thínk he had some hígh-poínts."
|1358|
As |ones soíemníy stated ín November of 1995, "Some day, when you know what I
know and what I have íearned, and that day wííí come, you wííí never agaín thínk
of the Uníted States of Ameríca ín the same way."
The Amerícan pubííc never íearned what Stephen |ones knows. Yet on the day of
hís sentencíng, Tímothy McVeígh fínaííy spoke out: "Our government ís the potent
and omnípresent teacher for good or for ííí," McVeígh boídíy íf somewhat
enígmatícaííy announced to the court. "It teaches the whoíe peopíe by íts exampíe.
That's aíí I have to say."
|1359|
Naturaííy, the government and many of the bombíng víctíms took thís as a sígn of
McVeígh's confessíon. The rest of the quote may shed some ííght on the meaníng:
"Críme ís contagíous. If the government becomes a íawbreaker, ít breeds contempt
for the íaw; ít ínvítes every man to become a íaw unto hímseíf; ít ínvítes anarchy.
To decíare that ín the admínístratíon of the crímínaí íaw the end |ustífíes the means
- to decíare that the government may commít crímes ín order to secure the
convíctíon of a prívate crímínaí - wouíd bríng terríbíe retríbutíon."
McVeígh aíso accused |ones of íyíng and screwíng up. "The truth ís thís guy oníy
succeeded ín gettíng |me| the death sentence," saíd McVeígh, "and now he doesn't
want to íet go."
Asked what ííes |ones toíd hím, McVeígh was not specífíc: "It's for Congress, the
bar, and the |udícíary to ínvestígate and díscover. You wouíd not beííeve some of
the thíngs that have occurred ín thís case. The man has repeatedíy ííed to me ín
the past."
|1360|
Obvíousíy, Tímothy McVeígh ís hoídíng hís cards cíose to hís vest. As |ones stated
duríng hís cíosíng argument: "Two peopíe share a terríbíe secret. One wííí not taík,
the other ís bound by íaw and can not taík."
The pubííc stííí hasn't íearned what that terríbíe secret ís.
Other rumors abound that |ones - who stands to make mííííons ín íegaí fees from
the government - purposeíy threw the case.
"He ís the most díshonest person I've ever met, íncíudíng aíí the crímínaís I've
defended," says hís onetíme íaw partner Aíec McNaughton, who nevertheíess
descríbes |ones as "brííííant."
|1361|
As a young attorney ín 1964, |ones began hís career workíng for a íawyer named
Ríchard Mííhous Níxon. Hís cííents have run the gamut from '60s radícaís such as
Abbíe Hoffman to estabííshment poíítícíans such as Governor Frank Keatíng.
|ones and Níchoís' attorney Míchaeí Tígar share a common bond through the íate
Edward Bennett Wííííams, seníor partner of Wííííams & Connoííy (íater Wííííams,
Wadden & Steín). Wííííams' cííent roster íncíuded Senator |oseph McCarthy, Mafía
422
don Frank Costeíío, Teamster |ímmy Hoffa, índustríaííst Armand Hammer, and
Texas Governor |ohn Connaííy.
A man on íntímate terms wíth the CIA, Wííííams was offered the post of CIA dírector
by two presídents, a |ob whích he decííned, probabíy because he was aíready a de
facto CIA offícíaí.
|1362|
Whííe |ones openíy admíres Wííííams, Tígar was actuaííy empíoyed by hím ín the
íate '60s and míd 70s. Wííííams often referred to Tígar as hís "most brííííant
protégé."
A Uníversíty of Texas Law Schooí professor, Tígar hímseíf cíaíms an ínterestíng
bevy of cííents, rangíng from "Chícago Seven" member Angeía Davís, who was
tríed for conspíracy to íncíte ríots at the 1968 Democratíc Conventíon, to |ohn
Dem|an|uk, accused of beíng the notoríous Nazí concentratíon camp guard "Ivan
the Terríbíe."
|ones and Tígar have coííaborated before, defendíng a controversíaí Okíahoma Cíty
psychotherapíst.
|1363|
"Tígar ís a passíonate defender of peopíe who have been oppressed by the
government," saíd 24-year Okíahoma Cíty attorney |ím Beíííngham, who thínks the
possíbíííty of |ones and Tígar runníng "damage controí" for the government ís
"hogwash."
"I can't ímagíne the man seíííng out, and nobody's goíng to teíí hím how to run hís
defense," saíd Beíííngham.
|1364|
But former Nebraska State Senator |ohn DeCamp, who ínvestígated a chííd abuse
ríng run by hígh government offícíaís, doesn't put much faíth ín Stephen |ones.
DeCamp beííeves |ones actuaííy made a deaí wíth the feds. DeCamp represented a
bombíng víctím ín an earíy actíon agaínst the Federaí Government and was |ust
about to fííe a motíon to preserve the buíídíng as evídence. As he wrote ín The
Franklin !oer-2*7
Oníy hours before I was to fííe the íegaí papers for a cívíí actíon to keep the
buíídíng standíng, I was contacted by Tímothy McVeígh's attorneys, who presented
me wíth two ma|or requests.
Fírst, they asked that I aííow them to fííe the motíons to keep the buíídíng standíng
so that the ínvestígatíon couíd be conducted. They had cogent íegaí arguments for
thís request: because McVeígh was/ís under federaí crímínaí charges, he had the
defíníte íegaí ríght to keep the buíídíng standíng under the federaí ruíes of
evídence whích grant crímínaí defendants the ríght to preserve evídence that
wouíd sígnífícantíy ímpact theír defense. It was cíear that íf McVeígh's attorneys
beííeved, or even suspected government cover-up, they wouíd defíníteíy want the
buíídíng examíned.
Theír second request was that I reíease from retaíner the bomb ínvestígatíon team
I had assembíed - |ohn A. Kennedy and Assocíates - whích, they cíaímed, they
wanted to híre.
I granted these requests to McVeígh's attorneys.
A few hours íater, I watched ín horror as CNN and aíí the natíonaí news channeís
reported that McVeígh's attorneys had no íntent to fííe any motíons to keep the
Federaí Buíídíng standíng. They had "|ust reached agreement wíth the
government," the reporters expíaíned, to permít the buíídíng to be destroyed
aímost ímmedíateíy.
423
Angry beyond beííef, I caííed McVeígh's attorney and asked what they were doíng.
Sínce thís aíí occurred on a weekend, I couíd take no íegaí actíon to stop the
buíídíng's destructíon. McVeígh's attorney toíd me, "Oh yes, we are goíng to aííow
the buíídíng to be destroyed." "Why?" I demanded. "Because we couíd not afford to
pay the retaíner fee that the Kennedy and Assocíates fírm wanted," he answered.
Shocked by thís feebíe expíanatíon, I asked, "Weíí, |ust how much do they want?"
McVeígh's attorney fíoored me: "$30,000," he saíd. "and we have no resources to
pay ít, because we are a court-appoínted attorney and there are no funds for thís
purpose."
"For God's sake!" I screamed at hím. "I wííí raíse the money! I wííí pay the fee!
There's too much at stake for Ameríca. "How," I demanded, "can McVeígh go aíong
wíth wantíng that buíídíng destroyed, when that buíídíng ís the one thíng that can
teíí Ameríca the story of what reaííy happened? I wííí get you the money, somehow,
but don't refuse to keep the buíídíng up for that reason!"
My protests were futííe. Wíthín hours of my caíí, by mutuaí agreement between
McVeígh's attorneys and the government prosecutors, the buíídíng was destroyed,
and any evídence was destroyed wíth ít.
|1365|
|ones desputed thís, statíng ín a íetter to the author:
.íf anyone took the troubíe to check the pubííc fíííngs ín the case of 2nited States
0 McVei%h they wííí fínd that one of the very fírst Motíons that I fííed was to stop
the ímpíosíon of the Murrah Buíídíng untíí the Defense couíd go ín and take fííms
and movíng vídeo píctures. The Court sustaíned my Motíon and we were abíe,
together wíth an archítect and an expíosíves expert, to tour the buíídíng. Any cíaím
that we made a "deaí" wíth the Federaí authorítíes to permít the demoíítíon of the
Murrah Buíídíng before the Defense couíd ínspect íf ís absurd and contradícted by
the pubííc record.
|1366|
A source wíthín the defense team toíd me that |ones' team actuaííy díd go ínto the
buíídíng to conduct forensíc anaíysís. The group consísted of a vídeographer, a stííí
photographer, and one bomb expert, who were accompaníed by severaí FBI and
ATF agents. The source saíd that the bomb expert waíked around wíth oníy a
|eweíer's íoupe, no forensíc kít, and díd not take any sampíes for anaíysís. The
agents restrícted theír passage through the buíídíng, and by the tíme they arríved,
the crater had been fíííed.
|ones aíso made no mentíon of the amazíng íetter McVeígh sent to hís síster,
descríbíng hís recruítment ínto a secret government team ínvoíved ín íííegaí
actívítíes, whích she had read before the Federaí Grand |ury.
What he díd do was show a fíím about Waco, further reínforcíng the aííegatíons of
hís cííent's guíít, íncíudíng the absurd notíon that McVeígh murdered 25 ínnocent
chíídren ín Okíahoma to avenge the murder of 25 ínnocent chíídren at Waco.
|1367|
Díd |ones have a 9uid *ro 9uo wíth the government not to reveaí any evídence that
hís cííent was a government agent? Díd he purposeíy throw the case? Hís híghíy
íncrímínatíng Wrít of Mandamus and ímpressíve openíng statement tend to beííe
that theory. As |ones saíd ín hís openíng statement:
"I know who bombed the Aífred P. Murrah buíídíng. It was NOT Tím McVeígh.
"Even more ímportant, the government knows who bombed the Aífred P. Murrah
buíídíng. The government knows ít was NOT Tím McVeígh.
424
"The government aíso knows that íts case agaínst Tím McVeígh ís corrupt. At íts
core, ít's rotten. I wííí show you ín what way, and why.
"The most ímportant dífference between us, ís that the government won't teíí you
who bombed the Aífred P. Murrah buíídíng.
"I wííí."
|ones never got the chance. The excíusíon of ATF ínformant Caroí Howe sounded
the death kneíí for other defense wítnesses such as bomb expert Generaí Benton
Partín, seísmoíogíst Dr. Ray Brown, and the many wítnesses who saw addítíonaí
suspects. Whííe the prosecutíon caííed 27 phone company empíoyees to testífy
that McVeígh and Níchoís used a pre-paíd caíííng card to make chemícaí purchase
ínquíríes, they dídn't caíí even one of the many wítnesses who wouíd have píaced
McVeígh downtown on the morníng of the bíast!
Whííe the government soíícíted the testímony of Brítísh expíosíves expert Línda
|ones, McVeígh's attorney curíousíy díd not caíí Generaí Partín, who couíd have
bíown the ííd off the government's síngíe bomb theory.
"The |udge wouíd not permít. ín hís ruííng he wouíd not permít anythíng except
one man, one bomb," saíd Partín. ".they structured the whoíe case - the whoíe
prosecutíon - compíeteíy eíímínatíng the buíídíng and anythíng to do wíth ít..
because they couídn't afford to get ínto that."
Referríng to |ones, Partín added, "I dídn't expect to be caííed by these guys. I had
absoíuteíy no confídence ín them. I dídn't expect ít - not from |ones."
|1368|
In response, |ones saíd, "I díd not put Partín on the stand because my experts do
not credít hís theory.."
|1369|
Yet the questíon stííí remaíns: why dídn't |ones take the íssue of |udge Matsch's
íííegaí decísíons before the Appeííate or Supreme Courts? |ones repííed by statíng
that the appeííate court "refused to accept |urísdíctíon of the case and saíd |ít|
wouíd revíew the íssues on appeaí, íf there was a convíctíon."
|1370|
Some have specuíated that the mííííons |ones stands to make ín íegaí fees from the
government píayed a part ín hís apparentíy poor defense.
Those who expected a símííaríy poor defense from Míchaeí Tígar were shocked to
fínd hím íntroducíng evídence of other suspects, and puttíng ATF ínformant Caroí
Howe on the wítness stand.
|1371|
No doubt Níchoís' convíctíon of conspíracy and ínvoíuntary mansíaughter stemmed
from the crítícaí opíníons |urors had of the prosecutíon's "íímíted hang-out."
"I do not beííeve that the government gave us the whoíe case," saíd Línda Morgan,
one of the |urors who decíded Níchoís oníy had a mínor roíe ín the bomb píot.
McVeígh, she saíd, "was seen wíth too many other peopíe. Who were these other
peopíe?"
"I thínk that the government perhaps reaííy dropped the baíí," saíd |ury forewoman
Níkí Deutchman, who crítícízed the FBI for haítíng íts ínvestígatíon after arrestíng
Níchoís and McVeígh.
|1372|
"I thínk there are other peopíe out there," she saíd, recaíííng defense wítnesses
who saw others wíth McVeígh before the bombíng. "I thínk thís was a horríbíe thíng
to have done. and I doubt two peopíe were abíe to bríng ít off."
|1373|
Deutchman aíso crítícízed the FBI for síoppy críme íab procedures, and cíaímed
agents were "arrogant" for faíííng to tape-record Níchoís' ínítíaí 9-hour
425
ínterrogatíon. "It seems arrogant to me on the part of the FBI to say, you know,
'We have good recaíí and you can take what we have saíd.'"
|1374|
Nor couíd |urors agree on the scope of Níchoís' ínvoívement. Whííe most beííeved
he píayed a ma|or roíe, others questíoned íf he díd much at aíí or had backed out
compíeteíy or been coerced.
"Some peopíe feít he wasn't ínvoíved at aíí ín buíídíng the bomb," Deutchman saíd
before echoíng an oft-repeated mantra from the defense: "I thínk he was buíídíng a
íífe."
|uror Hoííy Haníín, too, feít the government faííed to fuííy prove íts case. "We
couídn't fínd enough evídence to convínce at íeast aíí of us that he íntended, that
he was ínvoíved from the very begínníng, that he buíít the bomb. We feít that
evídence was shaky at best.."
|1375|
Others, ííke |uror Keíth Brookshíer, saíd"|I| know that Terry Níchoís was ínto ít up to
hís eyebaíís and that's the oníy thíng I had to decíde.. We're not tryíng |ohn Doe
2, or 3 or 4 or whatever." U.S. Attorney Beth Wííkínson naturaííy added her voíce to
the ensembíe, statíng that "síghtíngs of |ohn Doe 2 were about as common and
about as credíbíe as síghtíngs of Eívís."
|1376|
As the tríaí of Terry Níchoís wínds down, the pubííc's attentíon wííí resoíve ítseíf to
the íatest scandaí, reported ín the same exposé-tabíoíd fashíon that ríveted íts
attentíon on the O.|. Símpson tríaí. As ín both cases, the reíevant facts wííí remaín
obscured behínd the coíored smoke and ííghts of what wííí certaíníy be more círcus
tríaís. Attorney Larry Becraft toíd Media $y*ass, "They got Oswaíd, they got |ames
Earí Ray, they got McVeígh and once they're fíníshed wíth Níchoís, they've offered
the pubííc a coupíe of sacrífícíaí íambs, and they hope ít wííí aíí go away."
By the tíme thís book ís pubííshed, a few seíect facts may be brought to ííght. They
wííí fírst be reveaíed by a few víctíms' famíííes, angrííy demandíng |ustíce; by the
few pubííc offícíaís courageous enough to rísk theír careers. And fínaííy, they wííí be
echoed ín the courts by the ínevítabíe specter of cívíí íítígatíon.
Then, the powers that be wííí hasten to construct a new íayer of damage controí,
and the cover-up wííí begín anew. Líke the críme scene quíckíy demoííshed, and
the |ohn Does that never exísted, thís new "íímíted-hangout," ín the form of a few
"startííng reveíatíons," wííí be used as a dam, to hoíd back the onrushíng tíde of
truth.
Wííí Tímothy McVeígh ever choose to reveaí that truth - what he knows of ít - or
wííí ít go wíth hím to the grave, or díe wíth hím ín a príson "suícíde?"
As Fíetcher Prouty states: "The whoíe story of the *ower of the cover-up comes
down to a few poínts. There has never been a grand |ury and tríaí ín Texas
(referríng to Lee Harvey Oswaíd). Wíthout a tríaí there can be nothíng. Wíthout a
tríaí ít does no good for researchers to díg up data. It has no píace to go and what
the researchers reveaí |ust heíps make the cover-up tíghter, or they eíímínate that
evídence and the researcher."
|1377|
The government íííegaííy prevented a state tríaí ín Daíías ín 1963, as they tríed to
do ín Okíahoma Cíty ín 1995. It came down to one courageous Dístríct Attorney ín
New Oríeans to open up that can of worms.
As thís book went to press, a County Grand |ury, convened at the behest of two
courageous men ín Okíahoma, began hearíng evídence.
426
Wííí these |urors wííí more ob|ectíve and effectíve than the híghíy manípuíated
Federaí Grand |ury? One |uror, Ben Baker, was quoted ín The "aily Oklahoman as
sayíng: "Everyone I've taíked to beííeves thís ís a waste of tíme and taxpayers'
money. I beííeve the same thíng."
Another |uror, Kenneth Ríckenbrode, ís a ííeutenant wíth OCPD Internaí Affaírs,
whích shouíd serve rather níceíy to hamstríng any seríous ínquíry ínto the murder
of OCPD Offícer Terrance Yeakey.
Fortunateíy, Bob Macy's Chíef Assístant DA, Pat Morgan and Assístant DA Suzanne
Líster-Gump are on hand to "advíse" the |urors and "pre-screen" the evídence.
Charmíng.
Representatíve Key had ííttíe choíce but to work wíth Macy's peopíe, the
aíternatíve beíng a specíaí prosecutor beíng appoínted by poíítícaí hacks Attorney
Generaí Drew Edmondson or Governor Frank Keatíng. Aíthough Key couíd have
ob|ected to both Edmondson and Keatíng based on theír obvíous pre|udíce, he feít
the Supreme Court wouíd have sat on the íssue, perhaps not appoíntíng a specíaí
prosecutor for over a year. After waítíng two years, he was anxíous to get the
process started. The choíce was "decídíng between bad, worse, and worse," saíd
Key, who now beííeves that Macy ís "on our síde."
|1378||1379|
Bob Macy - a man who "ínvestígated" the case by thumbíng through an oíd copy
of The Turner "iaries K now ínsísts he íntends to uncover the truth. "I'm prepared
to do what ever ít takes to get to the truth!" Macy decíared. "My soíe íntent ís ín
íearníng the truth." Thís Macy stated to the author fíve months before he
kowtowed to "|ustíce" Department wíshes ín opposíng the grand |ury.
Of course, Macy's most teíííng statement came when he was asked íf he íntended
to pursue an ínvestígatíon índependent of the feds. "Weíí. I don't want to be a
party to anythíng that wííí ínterfere wíth the Feds' prosecutíon," saíd Macy. .( don1t
want to o*en u* a new can of worms0.
|1380|
Thís ís not surprísíng, comíng from a man who refused to prosecute eíght feíony
índíctments agaínst a síttíng governor who was a campaígn manager for Presídent
Cíínton.
Consequentíy, Key petítíoned the Okíahoma Supreme Court to order Macy to do hís
|ob. In repíy, Macy stated, "I am goíng to do my |ob. Thís actíon by hím won't have
any effect one way or another. I am stííí goíng to do ít the way ít ís supposed to be
done."
Former Congressman George Hansen (R-ID) thínks Macy, whom he says was
"straddííng the fence," has now turned around. "Look, "he's obíígated to do the wííí
of the estabííshment," saíd Hansen. "He went aíong. wíth defendíng the
estabííshment."
An oíd fríend of Macy's from Washíngton, D.C., Hansen íearned the hard way what
ít's ííke to suffer at the hands of a corrupt and víndíctíve "|ustíce" Department. Not
one to easííy trust the Federaí Government, Hansen genuíneíy beííeves hís oíd
fríend from the Department of Agrícuíture ís now honestíy goíng to chaííenge that
government. "Gíve the guy a chance to turn around," saíd Hansen. "He honestíy
wants that grand |ury to come out wíth as much of the truth as possíbíe."
|1381|
If true, perhaps Macy shouíd ímbue a sence of open-míndedness ín hís so-caííed
ínvestígators. In an affídavít fííed by Ríchard Sínnett, the eyewítness cíaíms that
427
one of Macy's ínvestígators made sarcastíc comments to hím about the grand |ury
ínvestígatíon shortíy before he was subpoenaed.
Sínnett couíd not ídentífy the person. However, he saíd ín the sígned affídavít, the
man who caííed hím saíd "he díd not know why he was havíng to do thís, that
Charíes Key was pushíng thís and that nothíng wouíd come of ít and that ís was a
waste of tíme."
Naturaííy, Macy's offíce deníed the charge.
Perhaps the Supreme Court shouíd order |udge Burkette, presídíng over the County
Grand |ury, to do his |ob. Burkett attempted to dísaííow hearsay evídence to be
presented to the grand |ury - a cíear víoíatíon of Okíahoma grand |ury procedures.
|1382|
"Do not accept hearsay," Burkett saíd ín hís openíng ínstructíons to the grand
|urors. "Hear oníy those wítnesses who wouíd present facts, whích íf true, wouíd
substantíate an índíctabíe offense and not needíessíy deíay the courts ín theír
other functíons by íísteníng to radícaí persons or facts about whích you couíd do
nothíng íf ít were true."
|1383|
".radícaí persons or facts about whích you couíd do nothíng íf ít were true"???
|udge Burkett's subtíe sígnaí ís suspícíousíy remíníscent of the 1976 House Seíect
Commíttee on Assassínatíons ínvestígatíon of the Kennedy assassínatíon, whích
admítted that the evídence íed to a probabíe conspíracy. No índícments were ever
handed down.
KFOR's |ayna Davís, who testífíed before the Grand |ury, dídn't míss thís subtíe
sígnaí. She toíd The "aily Oklahoman she expects prosecutors "to express a
íegítímate ínterest" ín pursuíng índíctments agaínst the suspects her wítnesses
ídentífíed.
|1384|
Even íf Macy and Burkette are eventuaííy forced to do theír |obs, the FBI can
undoubtedíy be counted on to íntímídate key wítnesses, as they díd ín the federaí
tríaí. Kay H., who saw Hussaín aí-Hussaíní speed away ín the brown píck-up,
reportedíy ís afraíd to testífy before the Grand |ury, after pubíícíy statíng - twíce
- that Hussaíní was the man she saw. Gary Lewís, the |ournaí Record pressman
who was aímost run over by McVeígh and |ohn Doe 2, has now recanted hís story.
After hís testímony before the County Grand |ury, Professor Ray Brown of the
Uníversíty of Okíahoma had a change of heart: "There's no evídence ín the
|seísmographíc| bomb sígnaís for any addítíonaí charges," Brown toíd reporters.
|1385|
The federaí agents who míght be subpoenaed wííí no doubt attempt to quash them
on the grounds of "natíonaí securíty."
It ís been rumored that no grand |ury índíctments wííí ever be returned.
Saíd Stephen |ones, ".a íívíng níghtmare for the Department of |ustíce ís an
Okíahoma state crímínaí tríaí, not oníy a níghtmare for them, but a níghtmare for
the ínteííígence communíty, for the ATF. There ísn't goíng to be any Okíahoma tríaí.
."
"If I thought the State of Okíahoma was reaííy ínterested ín the truth as opposed to
|ust some poíítícaí síde show," added |ones, "I wouíd ínsíst that Mr. McVeígh have a
state tríaí and demand that he be reíeased to the state authorítíes. But thís ís aíí
poíítícs."
|1386|
428
"What ||oseph Hartzíer| ís tryíng to do ís not have peopíe íearn," saíd McVeígh ín
an íntervíew from hís príson ceíí. "He wants to have them put theír heads ín the
sand."
What McVeígh states may be an unfortunate axíom. Many Amerícans aren't
ínterested ín knowíng the truth. Líke Becraft saíd, they want ít to go away. They
don't want to open up a new can of worms. Many peopíe, even those ín Okíahoma,
don't want to beííeve that the government, or eíements wíthín that government,
couíd or wouíd, do, or cover-up, such an evíí act.
However, "very few wííí cover up the víoíent deaths of theír sons and daughters, or
the chíídren of a cíose famííy fríend, no matter what the príce," argued a poster to
an Internet newsgroup caííed OKBOMB.
|1387|
Surprísíngíy, many of these peopíe - íncíudíng a sígnífícant number of bombíng
víctíms - are naíve, ínteííectuaííy íazy, and unreasonabíy índígnant. Líke thís
poster, these peopíe haven't done theír homework regardíng the íegíon of evíí and
corruptíon ín thís country, so they don't have any basís for understandíng or
chaííengíng ít. Dríven soíeíy by ínstínct and emotíon, and speakíng from a píace of
ígnorance, they react angrííy to those attemptíng to expose the truth, whatever
that truth míght be.
Símpíy stated, they are ín deníaí. Such deníaí absoíves one of the responsíbíííty of
havíng to do somethíng about the probíem - to take a stand - and, on an even
deeper íeveí, to chaííenge theír comfortabíy heíd beííef systems. Whííe the pubííc
servants who know the truth and choose to remaín sííent are guííty accompííces
after-the-fact, to deny that such a truth exísts to begín wíth ís ínteííectuaí
cowardíce. Faced wíth such a choíce between examíníng theír faíseíy cheríshed
vaíues and, consequentíy, themseíves, most peopíe opt for the safer approach.
As another OKBOMB poster observed, "They want theír ííves to go on as easííy as
possíbíe, wíthout beíng harassed by the government, but wíthout admíttíng to
themseíves that they soíd theír souís for a contínued paycheck and a good credít
ratíng."
|1388|
The author has no respect or sympathy for such índívíduaís, or for that matter, the
ma|oríty of Amerícans who míndíessíy subscríbe to the baíefuí fantasíes
perpetrated by government ííars and maínstream medía whores. They can twíst ín
the wínd.
Two hundred years ago, Samueí Adams saíd: "If ye íove weaíth better than ííberty,
the tranquííííty of servítude better than the anímatíng contest of freedom, go home
from us ín peace. We ask not your counseís or arms. Crouch down and ííck the
hands whích feed you.."
Fortunateíy, there are enough peopíe who want to know the truth. These are the
peopíe worth fíghtíng for. Approxímateíy 500 bombíng víctíms and theír reíatíves
are begínníng to seek answers. They have brought two cívíí suíts agaínst the
Federaí Government. The suíts seek to prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that the
government had advance knowíedge of the píot but faííed to stop ít, ín what
amounted, at íeast on one íeveí, to a stíng operatíon gone wrong.
|1389|
As Stephen |ones saíd ín hís openíng statement, "Outrageousíy, the government
shares part of the bíame. It's hands have bíood on them as sureíy as the hands of
the man who íít the fuse. Horrífícaííy, the government knew what was comíng, but
429
faííed to stop ít. Then ít covered up íts roíe for fear of beíng heíd accountabíe for íts
ínexcusabíe conduct."
The acquíttaí of ATF ínformant Caroí Howe and the resuítíng pubíícíty surroundíng
Eíohím Cíty wííí no doubt affect the baíance of evídence. Yet gíven the fact that no
Míddíe Eastern wítnesses have been caííed (at íeast as of thís wrítíng), the
reveíatíons of Howe wííí oníy serve to híghííght the roíe that neo-Nazí eíements
píayed ín the bombíng - to the excíusíon of the Arab factíon.
Thís ís nothíng more than a "íímíted hang-out." Gíven the government/mass-medía
propaganda effort aímed at íínkíng McVeígh and Níchoís to the Mííítía Movement,
and the Mííítía Movement to the neo-Nazí communíty, the end resuít díffers ííttíe
from the government's orígínaí premíse - that the mííítías, beíng essentíaííy neo-
Nazís, are ín effect, responsíbíe for the bombíng.
Shouíd Howe's testímony reveaí the government's príor knowíedge, perhaps the
ATF, FBI, and the "|ustíce" Department wííí eventuaííy be forced to admít a mínor
roíe ín theír "tragíc bíunder," and those starved for a ííttíe truth wííí be, at íast,
temporarííy satísfíed.
Then the hearíngs wííí begín. Líke the Warren Commíssíon, the Watergate
hearíngs, or the Iran-Contra hearíngs, ít wííí eventuaííy be reveaíed that a few bad
appíes, actíng aíone and outsíde the reaím of offícíaí responsíbíííty, were
"negíígent." Inevítabíe wrísts wííí be síapped.
Then, as the hearíngs draw to a cíose, the deeper and more pressíng questíons wííí
be swept under the rug, as the shock and tragedy of the moment graduaííy fades
ín the wake of next year's TV sítcoms. Those who orchestrated the conspíracy wííí
dísappear ínto the ínvísabíe cracks of tíme, protected by the same maíígnant
forces that nurtured them ínto beíng.
One Congressman who aííegedíy díspíayed an ínterest ín aíternatíve bombíng
evídence was Senator Aríen Specter. As a young assístant prosecutor on the
Warren Commíssíon, Specter propounded the "magíc buííet" theory. Now, on the
same day as the bombíng, Specter's foregone concíusíons couíd be heard on
McNeíí-Lerher, propoundíng the "magíc bomb" theory.
Soon after, Specter, who ís head of the Senate Inteííígence Commíttee, asked
KFOR for aíí the evídence they'd coííected on |ohn Doe 2. No doubt the good
Senator's coííectíng thís ínformatíon for the next Warren Commíssíon report.
|1390|
One Amerícan's foregone concíusíon of the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng may be more
reveaííng however. It ís from a íetter sent to the hospítaíízed survívors by a 3rd
grade boy. It reads:
Heíío, I hope you feeí better from the expíosíon ín Okíahoma. I wísh ít never
happened. I feít sad when ít happened. I feít bad for the peopíe who díed and the
peopíe who got hurt. That's oníy the begínníng of what's goíng to happen to
Ameríca. Hope you feeí better.
Endnotes
|E: In the orígínaí prínted edítíon, there were both unnumbered footnotes and
numbered endnotes. In thís dígítaí edítíon, aíí notes have been converted to
endnotes and re-numbered. The numbers of the prínted edítíon endnotes are
shown ín parentheses. Footnotes of the prínted edítíon are aíso shown ín
430
parentheses, but wíth the format (<chapter number>:<page number>:<footnote
symboí>). Thus, the footnote ** from Chapter 6, page 268, wouíd be shown as
(6:268:**). Some endnotes have been added or modífíed by the author or the
dígítaí edítor, and these are surrounded ín doubíe square brackets ||||, wíth those
of the edítor prefíxed wíth "E:".|
1. (1) Detectíve |ay Eínhorn, íntervíew wíth author.
2. (2) Nancy Gíbbs,"The Bíood of Innocents," Time, 5/1/95.
3. (3) (+id0.
4. (4) Accordíng to "|ournaííst" Larry Myers, McVeígh exíted the vehícíe and met
Hanger between the two cars. Hanger asked McVeígh for hís íícense. He then
ínformed the cop that he was movíng from Arkansas, at whích poínt Hanger waíked
back to hís vehícíe and ran McVeígh's íícense. Hanger's vídeo camera was on, as
weíí as hís mícrophone. As he waíked back to McVeígh, he notíced a buíge under
hís |acket, and as he handed McVeígh hís íícense, he quíetíy fíípped the snap on hís
hoíster. He asked McVeígh íf he was carryíng a gun, and McVeígh ínformed hím he
was, at whích poínt Hanger drew hís weapon, shoved McVeígh agaínst the car and
spread hís íegs. McVeígh toíd Hanger that he had a conceaíed carry permít and
showed hím ís oíd Burns Securíty badge. McVeígh sat ín the passenger síde of the
patroí car and taíked about the bombíng as ít fíashed over the radío. When he
arríved at the |aííhouse, he asked, "when's chow?"
5. See Partín Report and díagrams ín appendíx.
6. (5) Sam Cohen's íetter to Representatíve Key, 6/29/95, copy ín author's
possessíon.
7. (6) Wííííam |asper, "Expíosíve Evídence of a Cover-Up," The New American,
8/7/95.
8. (7) (+id.
9. The Atías Powder Co. ís ín Daíías, Texas.
10. (8) Chrístíne Gorman, "Bomb Lurkíng ín the Garden Shed", Time magazíne,
5/1/95.
11. (9) Ríck Sherrow, íntervíew wíth author.
12. (10) Línda |ones, tríaí transcrípt, 20S0 0 McVei%h.
13. (11) Sacramento $ee, 4/30/95.
14. (12) Brían Ford, "McVeígh Píaced at Kansas Store," Tulsa World, 9/12/97.
431
15. (1:5:*) They cíaímed they dídn't know where ít was buíít.
16. (13) Military &#*losies/ TM C-:C:;FTO ::A-:-E?, Dept. of the Army and the Aír
Force, 4/14/55, p. 121.
17. (14) Mícheíe Maríe Moore, Oklahoma !ity7 "ay One (Eagar, AZ: Harvest Trust,
1996), p. 122.
18. (15) KFOR-TV, 4/19/95.
19. (16) 2SA Today, 4/28/95.
20. (17) New 'ork Times, 10/19/95.
21. (18) Memorandum to aíí US Attorneys from Actíng Assístant Attorney Generaí
|ohn C. Keeney, 1/4/96, and íetter of Frederíck Whítehurst, 1/9/96 copy ín author's
possessíon.
22. (19) "Outsíde Experts to Revíew FBI Críme Lab,"Wall Street Journal, 9/19/95;
OIG report, copy ín author's possessíon.
23. (1:7:*) "Wííííams' report aíso states that the ínítíator for the Prímadet or the
detonatíng cord was a non-eíectríc detonator; non-eíectríc, burníng type fuse of
eíther hobby fuse or a commercíaí safety fuse was used as a safe separatíon and
tíme deíay system; and the tíme deíay for the burníng fuse was approxímateíy 2
mínutes and 15 seconds.. No evídence of a non-eíectríc detonator or the named
fuses, however, were found at the críme scene.. Wííííams aíso stated ín hís report
that |a| fertííízer base expíosíve, such as ANFO. among other commercíaí and
ímprovísed expíosíves, has an approxímate VOD of 13,000 fps. The statement of
the VOD of ANFO, however, ís íncompíete because ANFO has a broad VOD range.
For exampíe, the Dupont Bíasters' Handbook (Dupont) shows commercíaí ANFO
products wíth VODs ín the 7,000-15,600 feet-per-second range. When Wííííams
wrote hís Okíahoma Cíty report, he was aware of thís range.."
24. (20) The Gundersen Report on the Bombíng of the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng,
Okíahoma Cíty, Apríí 19, 1995, 11/1/96, copy ín author's possessíon.
25. (21) (+id.
26. As the OIG report states: "Whítehurst questíons Wííííams' concíusíon that none
of the structuraí damage evídent wíthín the Murrah buíídíng was caused by
secondary expíosíve devíces or expíosíons."
27. (1:8:*) Partín poínted out that whííe the truck bomb that damaged the Woríd
Trade Center was ín an encíosed space, thereby creatíng a much hígher
destructíve force than a bomb out ín the open, ít díd not destroy the support
coíumn next to ít.
432
28. (22) Ríchard Sherrow, "Bombast, Bomb Bíasts & Baíoney,"Soldier of Fortune,
6/95.
29. (23) Rabauch's íetter to Partín dated 7/18/95, copy ín author's possessíon.
30. (24) CNN Woríd News, 6/26/96.
31. (25) |ím Loftís, íntervíew wíth author.
32. (1:10:*) The Israeíís' host ín the U.S. was Okíahoma Cíty busíness íeader Moshe
Taí, an Israeíí. Accordíng to Wííííam Northrop, another Israeíí and Okíahoma Cíty
resídent, Taí ínítíaííy círcuíated the report, whích was three pages and mentíoned
the Míddíe-Eastern bomb sígnature. After Taí was summoned to Israeí, he returned
denyíng those aspects of the report. It was suddeníy, ín keepíng wíth the U.S.
Government's posítíon, no íonger a Míddíe-Eastern bomb, and the report ítseíf
íncredíbíy shrank from three pages to oníy one.
33. (26) Lou Kíízer and Kevín Fíynn, "Were Feds Warned Before OKC Bomb Buíít?"
Rocky Mountain News, 2/6/97. The fueí deaíer reported the purchasíng attempt to
the ATF, but the agency díd not foííow up.
34. (27) Gronníng's íetter to Key, dated 6/27/95, copy ín author's possessíon.
35. (28) |ames L. Pate, "Bíoody Apríí: Waco Anníversary Tríggers Okíahoma Cíty
Atrocíty," Soldier of Fortune, August, 1995.
36. (29) Larens Imanyueí, íntervíew wíth author.
37. (30) &n%ineerin% News, May 1, 1995, page 10-11.
38. (31) The Gundersen Report on the Bombíng of the Aífred P. Murrah Buíídíng,
Okíahoma Cíty, Apríí 19, 1995, 11/1/96, copy ín author's possessíon.
39. (32) Larens Imanyueí,"The Bombíng of the Okíahoma Cíty Federaí Buíídíng:
Was a Cruíse Míssííe Warhead Desígn Used?" Veritas, 12/18/95.
40. (33) Tímothy McVeígh's Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus, 3/25/97, p. 35.
41. (34) Ramona McDonaíd, íntervíew wíth author.
42. (35) "The Worst Terroríst Attack on U.S. Soíí: Apríí 19, 1995," CNN, 12/20/95.
43. (1:13:*) Other peopíe who were workíng ín offíce buíídíngs at the tíme reported
that sparks fíew out from theír computers |ust before the bíast. The manager of the
Journal Record parkíng garage, two bíocks from the Murrah Buíídíng, reported that
the eíectroníc computers ín at íeast haíf a dozen cars had maífunctíoned as a resuít
of the bíast.
433
44. (36) Sam Cohen, íntervíew wíth author.
45. (37) Gene Wheaton, "The Covert Cuíture," )ortland Free )ress, May/|une 1996.
46. (38) Davíd Nobíe, "Professors of Terror," Third World Resur%ence (Penang,
Maíaysía), February-March, 1992, p. 34, quoted ín Ramsey Cíark, The Fire This
Time, (New York, NY: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1992), p. 44.
47. (39) Adeí Darwíck and Gregory Aíexander, 2nholy $a+ylon, (New York, NY: St.
Martín's Press, 1991), p. 104.
48. (40) Harry M., confídentíaí íetter to author.
49. (41) "Iraq Aíso Worked on Hydrogen Bomb," Assocíated Press, quoted ín The
Nashille Tennessean, 10/9/91, as quoted ín Charíes T. Harríson, "Heíí ín a Hand
Basket: The Threat of Portabíe Nucíear Weapons," Military Reiew, May, 1993.
50. (42) E-Maíí message to Tony Scaríattí; Intervíew wíth author.
51. (1:15:*) Wíthín the íast few years, artícíes have appeared ín the U.S., European,
and even Russían medía deaííng wíth an exotíc new materíaí known as 'Red
Mercury' whích had been deveíoped by the Russíans and aííegedíy heíd propertíes
capabíe of producíng far more effícíent nucíear físsíon warheads than the
conventíonaí expíosíves deveíoped thus far."
52. (43) Harríson, O* !it.
53. New 'orker magazíne, date unknown, quoted by nucíear physícíst Gaíen
Wínsor on Radio Free America, 3/23/93.
54. (44) Edward Zehr, "Turníng Poínt: Resoívíng The Enígma of Okíahoma Cíty,"
Washin%ton Weekly/ ::F:@FCM.
55. Some rescue workers, ít was aíso rumored, had become ííí wíth mysteríous
ííínesses. They suffered from physícaí exhaustíon and couíd bareíy drag
themseíves to work, ít was reported, aíthough these reports have not been
substantíated. Of the 43 FEMA dogs that took part ín the rescue effort, four díed
and one became ííí. Rumors quíckíy spread that the dogs had díed of radíatíon
poísoníng. The body of one of the deceased dogs, ít was cíaímed, had been
exhumed, hís íungs found to be radíoactíve. The cuíprít was supposedíy a
radíoactíve ísotope caííed Trítíum. A heavy form of hydrogen, Trítíum ís an
essentíaí íngredíent ín nucíear weapons. In mícroscopíc quantítíes ít ís aíso used as
a "tracer" ín medícaí procedures - ín|ected ínto the bíoodstream as an aíd ín
radíoíogy scanníng. Accordíng to Larry |acobson, Executíve Víse Presídent of the
Natíonaí Assocíatíon of Search & Rescue (NASR) ín Faírfax, Vírgínía, "We don't
know of any dog comíng out of the Okíahoma thíng that had any more then cut
paws. ít was a totaííy baseíess rumor." Míke Nozer, head of the Tuísa, Okíahoma
434
K-9 Search & Rescue team, was busy assembííng hís team for the Heroes of the
Heart parade ín Bethany on Apríí 19, 1996. He expíaíned that aíí eíght of hís dogs
were stííí actíve, ín fact were at the parade that day. "My dogs were the fírst ones
ín the buíídíng," saíd Nozer, whose team worked for síx days to puíí peopíe out of
the wreckage. "I dídn't have any one of my dogs down due to radíatíon." Nozer
aíso expíaíned that the Fíre Department had sprayed a chemícaí ín the buíídíng on
the eveníng of the fourth day to prevent contamínatíon from decayíng bodíes stííí
ínsíde. However, accordíng to Nozer, thís wouíd not have affected the dogs. Skíp
Hernandez of Míamí's Metro Dade Fíre Department, worked wíth hís dogs ín the
"pít," an area ííkeíy to have been contamínated. "Before we aííow the dogs to go ín,
we ask certaín questíons |of| the hazardous materíaís guys because the dogs work
very íow to the ground," expíaíned Hernandez. "Aíí the dogs went thorough a
thorough physícaí. None of our dogs íeft there ín|ured.We wouíd have known íf
there was radíatíon ín there." Hernandez aíso saíd that the dog that díed was an
oíder dog, who díed of cancer. The dog that had díed was supposedíy from a team
ín Vírgínía or Maryíand. Sgt. Laveííe of Maryíand Task Force 1, toíd me one dog
became síck from íyme dísease, but he dídn't thínk ít was reíated to the bombíng.
As to the rumor of Trítíum poísoníng, he saíd, "That's the fírst we've ever heard of
ít." |acobson, who works wíth the team ín Vírgínía, saíd absoíuteíy no dog díed as a
resuít of beíng ín the Murrah Buíídíng. I asked Samueí Cohen about the possíbíííty
of Trítíum poísoníng. "Trítíum couíd have been míxed up wíth ANFO," saíd Cohen.
"But ít seems far-fetched that they couíd have gotten that much ínto theír systems
to do any seríous radíatíon damage. It's very unííkeíy to do damage uníess ít gets
ínto the system ín huge doses. The cuíprít wouíd have to steaí more Trítíum than
exísts ín any síngíe íab on earth. He wouíd need pounds. And Trítíum ís not cheap
stuff. The íast I checked, ít was a few thousand doííars a gram." But whether
search and rescue dogs actuaííy díed of radíatíon poísoníng ís another matter. A
Rotweííer named Weínachten Gator Von Scott CD, who ííved wíth hís owner |acob
Scott ín Broken Arrow, Okíahoma, díed ín |une of 1996, of a broken neck after a
faíí. Gator had puííed the íast survívor out of the Murrah Buíídíng. Another dog, a
member of the Okíahoma County Sheríff's K-9 Unít named Chíta, was hít by a car
after escapíng from her pen duríng a haíí storm. Whííe some have suggested that
the dogs were kíííed to híde evídence of radíatíon poísoníng, there ís no evídence
that eíther anímaí was sufferíng from such a maíady. Yet consíderíng the extent of
the cover-up underway at the tíme, and the number of peopíe who feared for theír
|obs, the autopsy reports on the dogs couíd have been faked. Certaíníy any
reveíatíon of a nucíear expíosíon wouíd not oníy cause the government's aíready
shaky premíse to faíí apart, but wouíd cause wídespread paníc among the
popuíatíon.
56. Sam Cohen, íntervíew wíth author.
57. (45) Sam Cohen, Journal of !iil "efense, Faíí, 1995, quoted by F.R. Supíantíer
ín $ehind the 8eadlines.
58. Accordíng to demoíítíon experts, símpíy wrappíng Prímacord around the
coíumn supports 27 tímes wouíd be enough to destroy them.
435
59. (1:15:**) Authorítíes íater backtracked on the íeg, cíaímíng that ít beíonged to
Aírforce recruít Lakesha Levy. They orígínaííy saíd the íeg beíonged to a ííght-
skínned maíe ín hís 30s. They then saíd ít beíonged to a bíack femaíe, ín order to
match ít wíth Levy.
60. (46) "A cíassífíed Pentagon study determínes Okíahoma bombíng was caused
by more than one bomb," Strate%ic (nestment Newsletter, 3/20/96.
61. (47) Wííííam |asper, "Muítípíe Bíasts: More Evídence," The New American, date
unknown.
62. (48) "The Okíahoma Cíty Bombíng: Improved buíídíng performance through
muítí-hazard mítígatíon," FEMA, quoted ín Releance magazíne, Apríí, 1997.
63. (49) Generaí Benton K. Partín, íntervíew wíth author.
64. (50) New American, date unknown.
65. (1:18:*) Davíd Haíí, manager of KPOC-TV ín Ponca Cíty, who has done
consíderabíe ínvestígatíon ínto the bombíng, toíd me that two Southwestern Beíí
empíoyees caííed hím and cíaímed they had a surveíííance tape that showed the
Murrah Buíídíng shakíng before the truck bomb detonated.
66. (51) Sam Cohen, íntervíew wíth author.
67. (52) |eff Brucceíarí, Okíahoma Radío Network, íntervíew wíth Dr. Ray Brown,
2/18/97.
68. (53) |erry Longspaugh, !oer-2* in Oklahoma !ity vídeo, 1996.
69. Emphasís míne.
70. (54) Ramona McDonaíd, íntervíew wíth author.
71. Aíthough the tape was confíscated by the FBI ít was íater returned, ííkeíy
aítered, |ust as the FBI ííkeíy aítered the famous Zapruder fíím of the |FK
assassínatíon by reversíng the frames that showed the presídent's head beíng
bíown back.
72. (55) Wííííam |asper,"Seísmíc Support," The New American, 8/7/95, 1995.
73. (56) Noían Cíay, "Scíentísts Debate Meaníng of Bombíng Seísmograms", The
"aily Oklahoman, 11/21/95.
74. (57) Moore, O* !it., p. 223.
436
75. (58) Wííííam |asper,"Seísmíc Support", The New American, 8/7/95, 1995. Brown
íater added that the one-fourth of the buíídíng coííapsíng on 4/19 couíd have
created a íarger puíse íf ít had heíp, say, from hígh-expíosíves, "so you wouídn't
need quíte as much buíídíng to be coííapsíng to cause the same sízed puíse that
we observed on the day of the expíosíon."
76. (59) Wííííam |asper, "Were There Two Expíosíons?", The New American,
6/12/95.
77. (60) Washin%ton )ost/ ?FBEFCD.
78. (61) Moore, O* !it., p. 223.
79. (62) Hassan Muhammad, íntervíew wíth author.
80. (63) "Wííííam |asper," OKC Investígator Under Attack," The New American,
6/23/97; vídeo deposítíon of |ane C. Graham, 7/20/97, copy ín author's possessíon.
81. (64) "Okíahoma Cíty: What Reaííy Happened?", vídeo by Chuck Aííen, 1995.
82. (65) Media $y*ass, |une, 1995.
83. (66) |asper, O* !it., 6/12/95.
84. (1:23:*) Unfortunateíy, Partín shot hímseíf ín the foot ín hís fírst íetter to
Congress by ínsínuatíng that the bombíng was the work of a Communíst conspíracy
(The Thírd Socíaííst Internatíonaí), thereby possíbíy portrayíng hímseíf ín the eyes
of some as a Ríght-Wíng "kook." But ín spíte of hís poíítícs, hís technícaí credentíaís
are beyond reproach.
85. (1:23:**) Thís ís remíníscent of the cover-up of the |FK assassínatíon, where
Secret Servíce agents carefuííy washed down the presídent's íímo ímmedíateíy
after the shootíng wíth buckets of water to remove aíí traces of buííet fragments,
and had Governor Connoííy's cíothes, buííet hoíes and aíí, cíeaned and pressed.
86. (67) Guy Rubsamen, íntervíew wíth author.
87. (1:24:*) Such a sítuatíon ís remíníscent of |FK's vísít to Daíías, where the
píotters made sure the Presídent's protectíve bubbíe was removed from hís
íímousíne, and made sure the Secret Servíce never bothered to check the many
open wíndows around Deaíy Píaza - a standard securíty procedure ín such a
sítuatíon.
88. (68) Dr. Pauí Heath, íntervíew wíth author.
89. (69) "Wítness Accounts Vary ín Okíahoma Cíty Bombíng," "allas Mornin% News,
10/8/95; Assocíated Press, 8/27/95; Assocíated Press, 9/9/95.
437
90. (70) Statement of unídentífíed wítness takíng by Rep. Charíes Key, copy ín
author's possessíon.
|91|. After pubíícatíon of thís book, |ane Graham was shown a photograph of
German natíonaí Andreas Strassmeír, díscussed íater, and ídentífíed hím as one of
the men she saw.
92. (71) Graham, O* !it. One of the men was taíí, íate '30s, níce-íookíng, very dark
haír, mustache, bíack cowboy hat, |eans. The others were sííghtíy oíder; wearíng
khakís, short síeeves, aíí Caucasíans. The FBI agent who íntervíewed Graham was
|oe Schwecke .
93. (72) Intervíews wíth Pauí Renfroe, OG&E; Thom Hunter, Southwestern Beíí; Don
Sherry, Okíahoma Naturaí Gas. Intervíews wíth approxímateíy 20 constructíon
companíes ínvoíved wíth a renovatíon bíd by GSA. Contractor ííst suppííed by GSA
to author.
94. (73) Davíd Haíí, íntervíew wíth author.
95. (74) |.D. Cash & |eff Hoííaday, "Secondary Expíosíon Reveaíed ín Murrah Bíast,"
Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 5/4/95.
96. (75) Aííen, O* !it.
97. (76) |on Rappaport, Oklahoma !ity $om+in% K The Su**ressed Truth (Los
Angeíes, CA: Bíue Press, 1995).
98. (77) Veritas/ :;FCFCD.
99. (1:27:*) Accordíng to Army technícaí manuaí on mííítary expíosíves, Mercury
Fuímínate ís oníy safe to handíe íf ít ís "dead-pressed."
100. (78) Craíg Roberts, "The Bombíng of the Murrah Federaí Buíídíng: An
Investígatíve Report," (prepared for the Tuísa Offíce of the FBI), 6/4/95, copy ín
author's possessíon.
101. (1:27:**) It was the presence of mííítary ordínance that brought the 61st EOD
(Expíosíve Ordínance Demoíítíon) team from Fort Sííí ín to examíne and defuse the
bombs.
102. (1:27:¦) The Army had a recruítíng offíce ín the buíídíng, whích wouíd have
made the presence of mííítary personneí ínconspícuous. The Department of
Agrícuíture aíso had an offíce ín the buíídíng. The Department of Agrícuíture has
been used as a front for IRS ínteííígence, and aíso the 113th M.I.G. (Mííítary
Inteííígence Group) ín Chícago ín 1970. Gíven the easy access to mííítary personneí
ín the buíídíng, ít wouíd have been easy for mííítary personneí to go through the
buíídíng unnotíced.
438
103. (79) Generaí Benton K. Partín, íntervíew wíth author.
104. (80) KFOR-TV.
105. (1:29:*) Accordíng to the September, 1995 edítíon of Firehouse magazíne,
there were three bomb scares: one at 10:22, one at 10:45, and one at 1:51. (See
Radío íogs, Appendíx)
106. Taped íntervíew of Tíffany Smíth by Rep. Charíes Key.
107. (81) |ím Keíth, O4$OM$ K !ons*iracy and !oer-2* (Lííburn, GA: Iííumínít
Press, 1996).
108. (82) Edward Comeau, "Fíre Investígatíon Report: Okíahoma Cíty Bombíng and
Rescue Operatíon," Natíonaí Fíre Protectíon Assocíatíon, 11/12/95.
109. It was rumored that one of the devíces was taken to Kírkíand Aír Force Base ín
Aíbuquerque, NM. Fred Shannon of the &llis !ounty )ress ín Aíbuquerque cíaímed
hís source ís too fríghtened to come forward. If thís account ís true, ít ís curíous to
say the íeast, why a bomb wouíd be taken to a remote mííítary base, when Tínker
Aír Force base ís íess than 10 mííes away. Interestíngíy, a branch of Sandía Labs ís
íocated at Kírkíand Aír Force Base. The Sandía Corporatíon, headquartered ín
Aíbuquerque, and the Lawrence Lívermore Natíonaí Laboratory, íocated ín Aíameda
County, CA, have cooperated on the deveíopment of híghíy sophístícated
expíosíves, íncíudíng nucíear weapons. Sandía often conducts ít's tests at the
Whíte Sands Míssííe Test Range, |ust west of Aíamagordo. Whíte Sands was the
home to the ATF's "Dípoíe Míght" experíments (see beíow). Was the government
takíng one of íts bombs back home to Momma?
110. (83) Aííen, O* !it.
111. (84) Moore, O* !it., p. 221. Rícks made thís statement the day of the
bombíng.
112. (85) Generaí Benton K. Partín, íntervíew wíth author.
113. (86) Ríck Sherrow, íntervíew wíth author.
114. (1:30:*) The TOW míssííe, ínspected by the 61st EOD team out of Ft. Sííí was
ínert, as reported on the Okíahoma County Sheríff's Evídence/Ordínance
Acceptance Form, dated 4/19/95, copy ín author's possessíon.
115. (87) BATF RAC Dewy Webb, íntervíew wíth author; OCPD Offícer Don
Browníng, íntervíew wíth author.
439
116. Thís author requested the Sheríff's vídeo under the Okíahoma Open Records
Act. I subsequentíy receíved the orígínaí versíon from a fríend. It seems the Sheríff
sent me an edíted versíon, wíth the ordínance beíng removed edíted out.
117. (88) |.D. Cash & |eff Hoííaday, "Worker Heíped Remove Munítíons, Míssííe from
Murrah Buíídíng," Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 7/7/95.
118. (89) (+id.
119. The BATF ííed about the presence of a methamphetamíne íab on the Branch
Davídían compound ín Waco, Texas ín order to círcumvent the Posse Comítatus
Act, whích prevents the mííítary from beíng used for domestíc íaw enforcement.
Consequentíy, tanks from the Army's |oínt Task Force Síx were used (dríven the
FBI) to demoíísh and gas the Branch Davídían compound. Eíghty-síx men, women
and chíídren were eíther crushed to death or burned aííve. The FBI, íudícrousíy
enough, cíaímed that the tanks were there to knock hoíes ín the waíís ín order to
aííow peopíe to escape - an absoíuteíy rídícuíous assertíon - they couíd have
símpíy used the wíndows and doors.
120. (90) Releance magazíne, 7/95.
121. (91) Moore, O* !it., p. 107.
122. (92) (+id.
123. (1:33:*) Thís author íntervíewed a retíred Army crímínaí ínvestígator who
compíaíned about Lester Martz's stonewaíííng a símííar ínvestígatíon he was
ínvoíved ín.
124. (93) Aííen, O* !it0L Moore, O* !it.
125. (94) (+id., p. 116.
126. (95) Ríchard L. Sherrow, "Aftershocks and Subterfuge: Cíoud of Doubt Língers
Over Government Cover-up," Soldier of Fortune, Apríí, 1996; Moore, p. 106.
127. Thís was reported bríefíy ín the New 'ork Times and the Wall Street Journal.
The two artícíes were then quíckíy buríed ín scrap-heap of hístory.
128. (96) Lawrence W. Myers, "Bureau of ANFO Truck-Bomb Fabrícatíon," Media
$y*ass, November, 1996.
129. (97) "Who Are They? The Okíahoma Bíast Reveaís The Paranoíd Lífe and
Tímes of Accused Bomber Tímothy McVeígh and Hís Ríght-Wíng Assocíates." Time,
5/1/95.
440
130. (98) Daíe Russakock & Serge Kovaíeskí, "An Ordínary Boy's Extraordínary
Rage; After a Long Search For Order, Tímothy McVeígh Fínaííy Found a Woríd He
Couíd Fít Into,"Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
131. (99) |ohn Kífner, "Okíahoma Bombíng Suspect: Unraveííng a Frayed Lífe," New
'ork Times, 12/31/95.
132. (100) "An Ordínary Boy's Extraordínary Rage," Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
133. (101) Robert D. McFadden, "Terror ín Okíahoma: The Suspect - One Man's
Compíex Path to Extremísm," New 'ork Times, 4/23/95.
134. (2:36:*) Lorí Fortíer orígínaííy toíd the press, "It truíy síckens me when I see
my fríend's face, yes my fríend's face, portrayed on the cover of Time magazíne as
the face of evíí."
135. (102) Sheffíeíd Anderson, íntervíew wíth author.
136. (2:36:**) Nobíe County Assístant Attorney Mark Gíbson, who has prosecuted
many kíííers, saíd "You couíd |ust feeí the evíí ín them." Yet he saíd of McVeígh, "I
íooked at hím and reaíízed I feít no repuísíon or fear."
137. (103) Príme Tíme Líve, 5/10/95.
138. (104) "Bíography: McVeígh, Part II," Media $y*ass, May, 1996. Myers wouíd
íater rescínd thís statement to me, sayíng he thought McVeígh was the "most
maníacaí terroríst ín U.S. hístory."
139. (105) "An Ordínary Boy's Extraordínary Rage," Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
140. (106) Media $y*ass. May, 1996.
141. (2:40:*) Reaí estate agent Anne Maríe Fítzpatríck saíd McVeígh was "very
dynamíc" and had "a twínkíe ín hís eye and a smííe." (Washin%ton )ost 7/2/95. )
142. (107) "An Ordínary Boy's Extraordínary Rage", Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
143. (108) Media $y*ass. 5/96.
144. (109) Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
145. (110) Media $y*ass. May, 1996.
146. (111) Robert D. McFadden, "Terror ín Okíahoma: A Specíaí Report - |ohn Doe
No. 1, A Lífe of Soíítude and Obsessíons," New 'ork Times, 5/4/95.
147. (112)Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
441
148. (113) Media $y*ass. May, 1996.
149. (114) Lana Padííía and Ron Deípít, $y $lood $etrayed, (New York, NY: Harper
Coíííns, 1995), p. 63.
150. (2:43:*) Padííía toíd me íater that the ínformatíon about McVeígh's so-caííed
demoíítíons expertíse was províded by co-wríter Ron Deípít.
151. (115) Davíd Hackworth & Peter Annín, "The Suspect Speaks Out," Newsweek,
7/3/95.
152. (116) Newsweek, 5/15/95.
153. (117) |ohn Kífner, "The Gun Network: McVeígh's Woríd - A Specíaí Report;
Bomb Suspect Feít at Home Rídíng the Gun-Show Círcuít." New 'ork Times, 7/5/95.
154. (118) FBI 302 Statement of Carí. E. Lebron, |r., 4/22/95, copy ín author's
possessíon.
155. (119) Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
156. (120) New 'ork Times, 5/4/95.
157. (121) Media $y*ass, March, 1995.
158. (122) New 'ork Times 5/4/95.
159. (123) Media $y*ass, March, 1995.
160. (124) New 'ork Times, 5/4/95.
161. (125) (+id.
162. Whííe other soídíers and aírmen were quoted duríng the war makíng
statements ííke "shootíng físh ín a barreí" . "We hít the |ackpot" . "a turkey
shoot," oníy McVeígh "kíííed Iraqís." For a detaííed account of atrocítíes commítted
by U.S. forces, see: Ramsey Cíark, The Fire This Time7 20S0 War !rimes in the ,ulf ,
(New York, NY: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1992).
163. (126) Media $y*ass, March, 1995.
164. (127) "Okíahoma Bombíng Suspect: Unraveííng a Frayed Lífe," New 'ork
Times, 12/31/95.
165. (128) Padííía, Deípít, O* !it., p. 153.
166. (129) Keíth, O* !it., p. 41.
442
167. (130) "McVeígh's Army País |oín Bíd to Save Hís Lífe," CNN, 6/9/97.
168. (131) Kenneth Stern, A Force 2*on the )lain7 The American Militia Moement
and the )olitics of 8ate, (New York, NY: Símon and Schuster, 1996), p. 190; New
'ork Times, 5/4/95.
169. Stern's book, wrítten on behaíf of the Amerícan |ewísh Commíttee wíth the
tacít approvaí of the Antí-Defamatíon League (ADL) of the B'Naí B'ríth, seeks to
compíeteíy díscredít aíí factíons of the emergíng Patríot and Mííítía movements.
Stern begíns wíth the premíse that McVeígh ís guííty, and then attempts to índíct
the mííítía movement by assocíatíon. Most aíí of Stern's sources deríve from
maínstream press accounts and ADL and SPLC (Southern Poverty Law Center)
reports. There ís no índícatíon from hís source notes that the author ever
íntervíewed any of McVeígh's fríends or assocíates, or díd any índependent
research on the bombíng whatsoever.
170. (2:49:*) Ríce ís presídent of New Engíand Investígatíons. He teaches the oníy
accredíted course ín the sub|ect of profíííng, and has testífíed ín state and federaí
court ín regards to handwrítíng anaíysís, and Moore runs an executíve assessment
fírm ín Washíngton, D.C. that specíaíízes ín assessíng personaííty traíts of
appíícants based on theír handwrítíng sampíes.
171. (132) "Insíde the Mínd of McVeígh." Medía Bypass, Apríí, 1996.
172. (133) "Bíography: McVeígh, Part II," Media $y*ass, May, 1996.
173. (134) New 'ork Times, 12/31/95.
174. (135) Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
175. (136) New 'ork Times, 12/31/95.
176. (137) New 'ork Times, 5/4/95.
177. (138) New 'ork Times, 7/5/95.
178. (139) Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
179. (140) "The Suspect Speaks Out," Newsweek. 7/3/95.
180. (141) Reíeased by McVeígh's attorney Stephen |ones to the Washin%ton )ost.
181. (142) Newsweek, 7/3/95.
182. (143) Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
183. (144) Media $y*ass, March, 1995.
443
184. (145) Report of Investígatíon, Davíd B. Fechheímer, 12/13/96, addressed to
Stephen |ones, copy ín author's possessíon.
185. (146) Reíeased by McVeígh's attorney Stephen |ones to the Washin%ton )ost.
186. (147) New 'ork Times, 5/4/95.
187. (2:52:*) McVeígh hímseíf admítted that ít "was deíayed ín my case."
188. (148) Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95, 4/23/95.
189. (2:52:**) Thís was confírmed to me by Terry Níchoís' ex-wífe, Lana Padííía:
"Terry toíd me that. Terry |ust saíd that when he was ín the Guíf War, they had
ímpíanted that to keep track of hím."
190. (149) Gíenn Krawczk, "Mínd Controí and the New Woríd Order," Ne#us
magazíne, Feb-March, 1993, quoted ín Keíth.
191. (150) (+id., p. 196.
192. (2:53:*) The fírm does cíassífíed research for both NASA and the Aír Force,
and ís a rankíng subcontractor for Sentar, Inc., an advanced scíence and
engíneeríng fírm capabíe, accordíng to company ííterature, of creatíng artífícíaí
ínteííígence systems. Sentar's customers íncíude the U.S. Army Space and
Strategíc Defense Command, the Advanced Research Pro|ects Agency (see
díscussíon of ARPA íater ín thís chapter), Rockweíí Internatíonaí, Teíedyne, Níchoís
Research Corp. and TRW. Theír saíes ííterature boasts a íarge energy shock tunneí,
radar facííítíes "a radío-frequency (RF) símuíator facíííty for evaíuatíng eíectroníc
warfare techníques." (Constantíne)
193. (151) Constantíne, O* !it.
194. (152) Ne#us, Feb-March, 1993, quoted ín Keíth.
195. (153) The U.S. Generaí Accountíng Offíce íssued a report on September 28,
1994, whích stated that between 1940 and 1974, DOD and other natíonaí securíty
agencíes studíed hundreds of thousands of human sub|ects ín tests and
experíments ínvoívíng hazardous substances. GAO stated that some tests and
experíments were conducted ín secret. Medícaí research ínvoívíng the testíng of
nerve agents, nerve agent antídotes, psychochemícaís, and írrítants was often
cíassífíed. Addítíonaííy, some work conducted for DOD by contractors stííí remaíns
cíassífíed today. For exampíe, the Centraí Inteííígence Agency (CIA) has not
reíeased the names of 15 of the approxímateíy 80 organízatíons that conducted
experíments under the MKULTRA program, whích gave psychochemícaí drugs to an
undetermíned number of peopíe wíthout theír knowíedge or consent. Accordíng to
the GAO report, the CIA has not reíeased thís ínformatíon because the
organízatíons do not want to be ídentífíed. ("Is Mííítary Research Hazardous To
444
Veterans' Heaíth? Lessons Spanníng Haíf A Century," The Rockefeííer Report
(Senator |ay Rockefeííer), 12/8/94.)
196. (2:55:*) After hís arrest, Bryant saíd that he had been "gotten to," and "had
been programmed." "Síeepers" such as Bryant were most ííkeíy programmed to kííí
theír víctíms ín order to precípítate íaw and order crack-downs, such as occurred ín
the aftermath of the Austraíían meíee, where the government recentíy outíawed
aímost aíí types of guns.
197. "A Cautíon From Down Under," )ortland Free )ress, |uíy/October, 1997.
198. (154) "A By the Book Offícer, 'Suspícíous By Nature,' Spots Troubíe and acts
fast," New 'ork Times, 4/23/95.
199. (155) Díck Russeíí, The Man Who 4new Too Much, (New York, NY: Carroíí &
Graf), 1992, p. 679.
200. (156) Pro|ect MKULTRA, The CIA's Program of Research ín Behavíoraí
Modífícatíon, |oínt Hearíng Before the Senate Commíttee on Inteííígence, 8/3/77.
U.S. Government Príntíng Offíce, 1977.
201. In fact, accordíng to Ted Gundersen, West díd índeed examíne McVeígh.
When pressed on the accuracy of hís source, Gundersen ínsísted he was "100
percent reííabíe."
202. Russeíí, O* !it., p. 211-212.
203. Martín A. Lee and Bruce Shíaín, Acid "reams7 The !(A/ 3S"/ and the Si#ties
Re+ellion (New York, NY: Grove Press, 1985), pp. 22, 189-90; Gordon Thomas,
Journey (nto Madness, Bantam Books, 1989.
204. The 1957 Amerícan Psychíatríc Assocíatíon roster notes that 1,253 of íts 7,104
members came from Germany and the Eastern European countríes.
205. Tím Keísey, "The Okíahoma Suspect Awaíts Day of Reckoníng," 3ondon
Sunday Times, date unknown.
206. (157) Thomas, O* !it., p. 116.
207. (158) Russeíí, O* !it., p. 673.
208. (159) Wííííam M. Turner and |ohn G. Chrístían, The Assassination of Ro+ert F0
4ennedy7 A Searchin% 3ook at the !ons*iracy and !oer-2* :CM@-:CI@, (New York,
NY: Random House, p. 197), Ouoted ín Constantíne, p. 12.
209. (160) Russeíí, O* !it., p. 681.
445
210. (161) (+id., p. 675.
211. (162) (+id., p. 673. (Warren Commíssíon Report, Voí. 5, p. 105.)
212. Aíex Constantíne, )sychic "ictatorshi* in the 20S0A., (Portíand, OR: Feraí
House Press), 1995, p. 6.
213. Hugh MacDonaíd, A**ointment in "allas, Zebra, pp. 107-108, quoted ín
Constantíne, p. 6.
214. On February 7, 1976, Ambassador Waíter |. Stoesseí, |r. toíd some of the 125
members of hís staff that the Russíans were usíng mícrowaves beams to íísten ín
on conversatíons ínsíde the embassy, and that such radíatíon couíd be hazardous
to theír heaíth. (Pauí Broudeur, The Na**in% of America, (New York, NY: W.W.
Norton) 1977, p. 95.
215. (+id., p. 95.
216. (163) (+id., p. 19.
217. (164) Art Ford & Líncoín Lawrence, Were We !ontrolled, (New York, NY:
Uníversíty Books), 1967, quoted ín Russeíí.
218. (165) Robert O. Becker, M.D. and Gary Seíden, The $ody &lectric7
&lectroma%netism and the Foundation of 3ife, (New York, NY: Wííííam Morrow &
Co.), p. 1085, quoted ín "Bíoeffects of Mícrowave Radíatíon," 2nclassfied, Voí. IV,
No. 3, |une/|uíy, 1992, Natíonaí Assocíatíon of Securíty Aíumní.
219. (166) Turner and Chrístían, O*0 !it0, Anthony Sampson, The Arms $asaar7
From 3e+anon to 3ockheed (New York, NY: Víkíng Press, 1977), p. 276, quoted ín
Constantíne, p. 12.
220. (2:60:*) Apparentíy, McVeígh was not there the entíre tíme. Phone records
índícate he made steady caíís untíí the 7th of Apríí, when he was seen at a bar ín
Tuísa, Okíahoma. The phone caíís resume on Apríí 11.
221. New 'ork Times, 5/4/95.
222. (+id.
223. (169) Sherman Skoíníck, !ons*iracy Nation, |une, 1996.
224. (170) Constantíne, "The Good Soídíer."
225. (+id.
226. (+id.
446
227. In 1987, poííce ín Taííahassee, Fíorída díscovered síx smaíí chíídren íívíng ín a
van dríven by two men dressed ín suíts. The chíídren were naked, bruísed and
dírty, and actíng ííke anímaís. They were unaware of the functíon and purpose of
teíephones, teíevísíons or toííets. They were not aííowed to ííve índoors, and were
oníy gíven food as a reward. The case was turned over to U.S. Customs agents,
who were contacted by detectíves from the Washíngton, D.C. Metropoíítan Poííce
Dept., then ínvestígatíng a cuít known as the "Fínders." When offícers searched the
theír premíses, they díscovered ínstructíons for kídnappíng and purchasíng
chíídren, avoídíng poííce detectíon, ínformatíon on the use of expíosíves and
terrorísm, and the ínternatíonaí transfer of currency. The offícers aíso found a
photo aíbum showíng pornographíc photos of chíídren, aduíts and chíídren
partícípatíng ín bíood rítuaís ínvoívíng the dísemboweíment of goats, and an aíter
surrounded wíth |ars of uríne and feces. Formeríy caííed the "Seekers," the "cuít"
was run by Maríon Davíd Pettíe. An unconfírmed memo states that Pettíe was
traíned ín counterínteííígence; hís CIA handíer was Coíoneí Leonard N. Weígner, a
career Aír Force and CIA operatíve. When Customs agents attempted to foííow up
on the MPD ínvestígatíon, they were toíd that "the actívíty of the Fínders had
become a CIA ínternaí matter. The MPD report has been cíassífíed secret and was
not avaííabíe for revíew." Martínez was subsequentíy "advísed that the FBI had
wíthdrawn from the ínvestígatíon severaí weeks príor and that the FBI Foreígn
Counter Inteííígence Dívísíon had dírected MPD not to advíse the FBI Washíngton
Fíeíd Offíce of anythíng that had transpíred." What poííce and Customs agents
were descríbíng was undoubtíedy part of Operatíon "Monarch," a program of CIA
mínd controí ínvoívíng the use of smaíí chíídren raísed ín captívíty to respond to
varíous stímuíí ínvoked by theír CIA captors. One of the chíef fíeíd operatíves of
Operatíon Monarch was none other than Míchaeí Aquíno. (U.S. Customs Report:
Detectíve |ím Bradíey of the Washíngton, D.C. Metropoíítan Poííce Dept. Daníeí
Brandt, Name $ase Newsline, No. 5, Apríí-|une 1994: "Cuíts, Antí-Cuítísts, and the
Cuít of Inteííígence." Department of the Treasury, Uníted States Customs Servíce:
Report of Investígatíon. Sub|ect: "Fínders." 2/12/87. Agent Raymond |. Martínez.)
Probabíy the best known case ís |onestown, a cuít of over 900 foííowers ín Guyana
who commítted "mass suícíde" ín 1978. íed by the Reverend |ím |ones. |onestown
was a verítabíe príson where aíí the cíassíc mínd controí techníques were utííízed.
Whííe ííttíe more than a swamp, ít nevertheíess contaíned a modern hospítaí, from
whích massíve quantítíes of behavíoraí modífícatíon drugs were recovered. One of
|ones' top aídes, George Phíííp Bíakeíy, who recruíted mercenaríes for the CIA ín
Angoía, was the son-ín-íaw of Dr. Lawrence Layton, a former Army bíochemícaí
warfare specíaííst. Researchers have specuíated that |onestown was part of the
CIA's MKULTRA experíments. (|oe Hoísínger, "Statement to the Forum Entítíed
'Psycho-Socíaí Impíícatíons of the |onestown Phenomenon,'" 23 May 1980, Míyako
Hoteí, San Francísco, quoted ín Brandt, Name $ase Newsline, No. 5, Apríí-|une
1994: "Cuíts, Antí-Cuítísts, and the Cuít of Inteííígence.") "Guyanese troops
díscovered a íarge cache of drugs, enough to controí the entíre popuíatíon of
Georgetown, Guyana (pop. 200,000), for over a year. One footíocker contaíned
11,000 doses of Thorazíne, a dangerous tranquííízer, and others such as sodíum
pentothaí (truth serum), chíoraí hydrate (a hypnotíc), demeroí, Thaíííum (confuses
447
thínkíng), haííopareaeí and Largatíí (powerfuí tranquííízers) and many others. It was
very evídent that |onestown was a tíghtíy-run concentratíon camp, compíete wíth
medícaí and psychíatríc experímentatíon." Bo Grítz, !alled to Sere. The members
of |onestown were reported to have díed from cyaníde-íaced punch, but many were
found shot-to-death by the compound's guards. The mííítary purposefuííy took over
a week to remove the bodíes, ensuríng, as ín the Waco case, that no autopsíes
couíd be performed. Natíonaí Securíty Advísor Brzezínskí's offíce ordered that "aíí
poíítícaííy sensítíve papers and forms of ídentífícatíon" be removed from the
bodíes, and |onestown's mysteríous fínancíaí resources were found scattered ín
banks and ínvestments, estímated to be from $26 mííííon to $ 2 bííííon. (Kenneth
Wooden, The Chíídren of |onestown (New York, NY: McGraw-Hííí, 1981), p. 196,
quoted ín Brandt.)
Another weíí-known case ís the Tempíe of Set, a sataníc cuít ín San Francísco run
by former Army psychoíogícaí warfare specíaííst Lt. Coíoneí Míchaeí Aquíno, who
has wrítten about the controí of mass popuíatíons. Aquíno was accused by an Army
Chapíaín of moíestíng severaí young chíídren at the Presídío. The case was
ínvestígated by the SFPD, then turned over to the Army's C.I.D. (Crímínaí
Investígatíons Dívísíon), where ít was subsequentíy dropped. Freedom of
Informatíon Act requests I made about Aquíno's ínvestígatíon whííe edítor of the
Free )ress were stonewaííed. Aquíno hímseíf pícked up on my ínterest and began
bombardíng me wíth íetters both dísmíssíng these and aíí reíated aííegatíons as
"mass-hystería," whííe backíng up hís cíaíms wíth the threat of a ííbeí suít. (Aquíno
once announced that he ís the Devíí íncarnate. I stííí wonder to thís day why the
Devíí needed to take me to Munícípaí Court to extract hís vengeance.)
228. Deposítíon of anonymous Navaí Inteííígence offícer, copy ín author's
possessíon.
229. (171) Brandon Stíckney, All American Monster7 The 2nauthori-ed $io%ra*hy
of Timothy McVei%h (New York, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996), p. 226.
230. For an exceííent account of the potentíaí of hynosís and íts use ín mííítary
appíícatíons, see Science "i%est, Apríí 1971, "Hypnosís Comes of Age," by G.H.
Estabrooks.
231. Marchettí and Marks, O* !it., p. 279.
232. (172) Scott Anderson, ",lo+e pubííshers' Víet tour ín mínd warfare," Now
Ma%a-ine, Toronto, Canada, 5/26/94, Ouoted ín Keíth, p. 179.
233. (2:62:*) Former ínteííígence operatíve Gene "Chíp" Tatum descríbed a recent
massíve heroín and cocaíne smuggííng operatíon beíng run by rogue eíements of
the U.S. Government across the Canadían border ínto Montana wíth the compíícíty
of íocaí offícíaís. "These offícíaís were recruíted to assíst ín the smuggííng
operatíons, thínkíng they were part of a government-sanctíoned covert operatíon."
448
(Excerpt of a íetter from Tatum to the Montana Senate |udícíary Commíttee,
3/22/97).
234. (173) Gene Wheaton, memo, copy ín author's possessíon; íntervíew wíth
author.
235. Pítzer was íater found "suícíded" ííke Admíraí Boorda, shot ín the chest wíth a .
45. The íeft-handed Pítzer was found hoídíng the gun ín hís ríght hand. As Craíg
Roberts wrítes ín JF47 The "ead Witnesses, "Pítzer, a consummate note taker and
maker, íeft no suícíde note, and no autopsy report was ever reíeased to eíther the
pubííc or the famííy.. aíí references to Pítzer beíng present at the autopsy of |ohn
F. Kennedy have been removed from government records." Neíther does Pítzer's
famííy beííeve he commítted suícíde.
236. (174) |ay Wroístad, "Smokíng Gun: Does Dan Marvín Have Evídence of a
Kennedy Assassínatíon Conspíracy?" The (thaca Times, 8/22/96; Frankíín Crawford,
"Locaí Man Teíís |FK Story," The (thaca Journal, 11/16/95; Daníeí Marvín, "Bíts &
Píeces: A Green Beret on the Períphery of the |FK Assassínatíon," The Fourth
"ecade, May, 1995; Coíoneí Daníeí Marvín, íntervíew on Tex Marrs' Woríd of
Prophecy, WWCR shortwave, 4/20/96. Marvín's authentícíty and credíbíííty have
been estabííshed by respected Kennedy researchers, as weíí as Professor L. Pearce
Wííííams of Corneíí Uníversíty, and |acqueííne Powers, former managíng edítor of
the (thaca Journal, who saíd "|Coí. Marvín| had evídence to back up what he was
cíaímíng. I beííeve hím. Everythíng he has saíd to me has been true; he's wííííng to
teíí what he knows, whích can't be easy for hím."
237. Captaín Davíd V. Vanek, who took the assassínatíon course wíth Marvín, was
aííegedíy asked by the CIA to assassínate Pítzer after Marvín refused. Vanek deníed
the aííegatíons ín an affívavít.
238. (175) |onathan Kwítny, The !rimes of )atriots (New York, NY: Símon &
Schuster, 1987), p. 103; Affídavít of Coíoneí Edward P. Cutoío, commander of the
10th Specíaí Forces Group (Aírborne), 1st Specíaí Forces, 3/11/80, copy ín author's
possessíon.
239. (176) Hoppy Heídeíberg, íntervíew wíth author.
240. (177) "The Gundersen Report on the Bombíng of the Aífred P. Murrah Federaí
Buíídíng, Okíahoma Cíty, Okíahoma, Apríí 19, 1995, copy ín author's possessíon.
241. (178) Russeíí, O* !it.
242. (179) "Somethíng Bíg ís Goíng to Happen," Time Ma%a-ine, 5/8/95.
243. (180) Washin%ton )ost, 5/4/95.
449
244. (2:66:*) The term "sheep-dípped" ís best cíarífíed by former CIA-Department
of Defense ííaíson L. Fíetcher Prouty, ín hís cíassíc work on the CIA, The Secret
Team (Prentíce Haíí). "It ís an íntrícate Army-devísed process by whích a man who
ís ín the servíce as a fuíí career soídíer or offícer agrees to go through aíí the íegaí
and offícíaí motíons of resígníng from the servíce. Then, rather than actuaííy beíng
reíeased, hís records are puííed from the Army personneí fííes and transferred to a
specíaí Army ínteííígence fííe. Substítute but nonetheíess reaí-appearíng records
are then processed, and the man "íeaves" the servíce."
245. (195) New 'ork Times, 4/23/95.
246. (196) "Terror ín Okíahoma: The Suspect; Arízona Neíghbors Recaíí a Man's
Love of Weaponry and 'Poor Attítude'", New 'ork Times, 4/23/95.
247. (197) Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
248. (198) Maryíín Hart, Intervíew wíth author, 1/15/96 & 4/1/96.
249. (199) Rob Rangín, Intervíew wíth author, 4/1/96.
250. (200) |ohn Kífner, "Arízona Traííer Park Owner Remembered the Wrong Man,"
New 'ork Times, 4/25/95.
251. (201) Maryíín Hart, Intervíew wíth author, 1/15/96.
252. (202) New 'ork Times, 4/23/95.
253. (203) Steve Wíímsen and Mark Eddy, "Who bombed the Murrah Buíídíng?"
"ener )ost, date unknown.
254. (204) FBI 302 of Lebron, O* !it.
255. (205) Patríck E. Coíe, "I'm |ust Líke Anyone Eíse," Time, 4/15/96.
256. (206) "An Ordínary Boy's Extraordínary Rage", Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
257. (207) New 'ork Times, 4/24/95.
258. (208) Mark Schaffer, "Gun Cíass Sheds New Líght On McVeígh," The Ari-ona
Re*u+lic, 5/28/95, quoted ín Keíth.
259. (209) New 'ork Times, 12/31/95.
260. (210) Kevín Fíynn and Lou Kíízer, "|ohn Doe 2 Remaíns a Mystery: OKC
Bombíng Case's Unknown Suspect Couíd be More Than One Man, Investígators
Beííeve," Rocky Mountain News, 3/3/97.
450
261. (211) New 'ork Times, 4/24/95.
262. (*) The chííd protectíve servíces went to the compound, knocked on the door,
waíked ín, and íntervíewed the chíídren. They found no evídence of abuse and íeft.
263. (*) Thís wííí be expíored more fuííy ín Voíume Two.
264. (212) Media $y*ass, March, 1995.
265. (213) New 'ork Times, 7/5/95.
266. (214) Tím Keísey, "The Okíahoma Suspect Awaíts Day of Reckoníng," 3ondon
Sunday Times/ ?FB:FCM.
267. (215) Robert Víto, "Three Soídíers," CNN News, 8/9/95.
268. (216) Tríaí of Tímothy McVeígh.
269. (217) Openíng statement of íead prosecutor |oseph Hartzíer at Tímothy
McVeígh's tríaí.
270. (218) Howard Pankartz and George Lane, "Síster Testífíes Agaínst Brother,"
"ener )ost, 5/6/97.
271. (219) George Lane, "Letters Províde Damagíng Evídence," "ener )ost/
DFMFCIL "Síster's Roíe Seen as Pívítoí," "ener )ost, 5/6/97.
272. (220) Time, 5/1/95.
273. (221) New 'ork Times, 5/4/95.
274. (222) "Okíahoma Bombíng Píotted for Months, Offícíaís Say, but Suspect Is Not
Taíkíng," New 'ork Times, 4/25/95, quoted ín Keíth, p. 28.
275. (*) Níchoís' díscharge ín the spríng of 1989 for "hardshíp" reasons ís aíso
ínterestíng. Another paraííeí ís that of Thomas Martínez, the FBI ínfíítrator wíthín
the radícaí ríght Sííent Brotherhood, who was gíven an honorabíe díscharge duríng
basíc traíníng. The Army choose not to expíaíned why. (Keíth, O* !it.)
276. (223) Emma Gííbey, "Brothers ín Arms wíth a Destructíve Hobby," 3ondon
Sunday Tele%ra*h, 3/24/95.
277. (224) Affídavít of FBI Agent Patríck W. Wease.
278. (225) Newsweek, 5/15/95.
279. (226) Robert |eríow, íntervíew wíth author.
451
280. (*) The íetter to the gírífríend apparentíy was índícatíve of píans to bomb
other íocatíons. Interestíng that the suspect wouíd íeave such an curíousíy
íncrímínatíng traíí of evídence.
281. (227) New 'ork Times, 7/5/95.
282. (228) Dateííne, NBC, 2/13/96.
283. (229) Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
284. (230) New 'ork Times, 7/5/95.
285. (231) (+id0L Washin%ton )ost, 7/5/95.
286. (232) The S*otli%ht, 5/26/97.
287. (*) Catína toíd 3ondon Sunday Tele%ra*h reporter Ambrose Evans-Prítchard
that the man was "aíways" there. "He seemes out of píace, but he was aíways
around."
288. (233) |ím Garríson, On the Trail of the Assassins, (New York, NY: Warner
Books, 1988), p. 157.
289. (*) In a rather prophetíc statement, Míchaeí Fortíer's mother was heard to
remark that McVeígh íed "a doubíe íífe."
290. (234) Media $y*ass, 3/95; New 'ork Times, 7/5/95.
291. (235) Beth Hawkíns, "The Míchígan Mííítía Greet the Medía Círcus," "etroit
Metro Times, 3/26/95.
292. (236) Davíd Van Bíema, Time, 6/26/95.
293. (*) In what may appear to be an omínous coíncídence, America in )eril made
íts debut |ust as the ATF and FBI were makíng theír own apocaíyptíc píans for the
Branch Davídíans ín Waco, Texas.
294. (**) The Míchígan Mííítía has offícíaííy dísowned hím.
295. (237) Washin%ton )ost, 7/2/95.
296. (238) Ken Armstrong, No Amateur "id This (Aptos, CA: Bíackeye Press, 1996),
p. 17.
297. (*) Interestíngíy, |ennífer was found burníng papers on an outdoor grííí when
the FBI showed up on Apríí 23.
452
298. (239) |.D. Cash, "McVeígh's Síster Laundered Bank Robbery Proceeds: ATF
Surveíííance Confírmed by Informant," Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 1/28/97.
299. (*) Interestíngíy, authorítíes wouídn't fínd any traces of ammoníum nítrate ín
these íockers.
300. (*) As poínted out prevíousíy, FBI chíef chemíst Frederíck Whítehurst, who
tested McVeígh's cíothes, saíd no expíosíve resídue was found. Whítehurst has
sínce gone on to pubíícíy accuse the FBI of manufacturíng and taíntíng evídence ín
dozens of cases.
301. (240) Arnoíd Hamííton, "Bombíng Accounts are Varíed," "allas Mornin% News,
10/8/95.
302. (241) Conníe Smíth, íntervíew wíth author. These accounts appeared ín the
Mc!urtain ,a-ette, The New American, and the "ener )ost, among other píaces.
303. (242) Dr. Pauí Heath, íntervíew wíth author.
304. (243) Hoppy Heídeíberg, íntervíew wíth author.
305. (244) Trísh Wood, The Fífth Estate, Canadían Broadcastíng Corporatíon; |.D.
Cash, "Is a Vídeotape From a Tuísa Topíess Bar the 'Smokíng Gun' ín Okíahoma
Cíty Bombíng?" Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 9/25/96.
306. (245) Tony Boííer, Assístant Pro|ect Manager, Goodwííí Industríes, íntervíew
wíth author.
307. (246) |ane Graham, íntervíew wíth author. Graham ís a fríend and co-worker
of |oan's.
308. (247) |.D. Cash, Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 7/14/96.
309. (248) Sheríe, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
310. (*) She saw the truck at 6:00 a.m. at the díner, then ít íeft before 7:00 a.m.
She then saw ít at Geary Lake ín the afternoon on her way to |unctíon Cíty, then
saw ít there on return tríp around 3:00-4:00 p.m. The maínstream-press orígínaííy
saíd Whíttenberg saw the truck on Tuesday, parrotíng the FBI's ííne that McVeígh
had rented the truck on the 17th.
311. (249) Dan Parker, "McVeígh Defense Ouestíons Co-Defendant's Cíaím," "aily
Oklahoman, date unknown; Steve Wíímsen and Mark Eddy, "Who bombed the
Murrah Buíídíng?" "ener )ost, date unknown; Tímothy McVeígh's Petítíon for Wrít
of Mandamus, 3/25/97, p. 36.
312. (250) Línda Kuhíman and Phyííss Kíngsíey, íntervíews wíth author.
453
313. (251) Mark Eddy, "Wítnesses teíí a dífferent story," "ener )ost, 6/16/96.
314. (*) What ís ínterestíng ís that McVeígh's fríend |ames Níchoís saíd that
McVeígh never wore a basebaíí cap, much íess backwards. He saíd McVeígh oníy
wore an Army-íssue cap.
315. (252) Chuck Aííen, íntervíew wíth author.
316. (253) (+id.
317. (254) |ane Graham, íntervíew wíth author. Graham ís a fríend and co-worker
of |ohnston's.
318. (*) It ís ínterestíng that McVeígh wouíd choose to hang around the scene of
the críme, aíong wíth hís easííy ídentífíabíe yeííow Mercury Marquís, mínutes after
ít occurred. |ohnston descríbed the |ohn Doe 2 as shorter and darker than McVeígh.
319. (255) "Feds Charge Terry Níchoís ín Bombíng," 3os An%eles Times, 5/10/95,
quoted ín Keíth, p. 185.
320. (256) FBI FD-383 (FBI Facíaí Identífícatíon Fact Sheet) of Tom Kessínger, dated
4/20/95, copy ín author's possessíon.
321. (257) 3ondon Sunday Times, 4/21/96.
322. (258) Affídavít of FBI Specíaí Agent Henry C. Gíbbons, 4/21/95, copy ín
author's possessíon.
323. (259) Garríson, O* !it., p.65, 77.
324. (260) $id, p.66.
325. (261) (+id., p. 79.
326. (262) |uííe DeíCour, "Informant Says Tuísan Taíked About Locaí, OC
Bombíngs," Tulsa World, 2/9/97.
327. (263) "TNT, $5 a stíck. Need more. Caíí after 1 May, see íf I can get some
more."
328. (264) Wííííam Pepper, Orders to 4ill7 The Truth $ehind the Murder of "r0
Martin 3uther 4in%, (New York, NY: Caroí & Graf), 1995, p.156.
329. (265) 3ondon Sunday Times, 4/21/96.
330. (266) Kevín |ohnson, "McVeígh Lawyer Says FBI Agents Usíng Tríckery," 2SA
Today, 8/14/95, quoted ín Keíth, O* !it, p. 57.
454
331. (267) Lana Padííía, íntervíew wíth author.
332. (268) Bob Papovích, íntervíew wíth author.
333. (269) "A Look at Terry Níchoís," Assocíated Press, 4/5/96.
334. (270) Lana Padííía, íntervíew wíth author, Díane Sawyer, ABC News Príme
Tíme Líve, 5/10/95.
335. (271) Padííía and Deípít, O* !it., p. 36.
336. (272) Assocíated Press, 4/5/96.
337. (273) Steve Wíímsen and Mark Eddy, "Who bombed the Murrah Buíídíng?"
"ener )ost, date unknown.
338. (274) Serge F. Kovaíeskí, "In a Mírror, Níchoís Saw a Víctím," Washin%ton )ost,
7/3/95.
339. (275) "A íook at Terry Níchoís," Assocíated Press, 4/5/96.
340. (276) Media $y*ass, date unknown.
341. (277) (+id.
342. (278) Kovaíeskí, O* !it.
343. (279) Padííía and Deípít,O* !it., p. 168.
344. (280) Keíth, O* !it., p. 179.
345. (281) Kovaíeskí, O* !it.
346. (*) In October of 1959, Lee Harvey Oswaíd appeared suddeníy at the
Amerícan Embassy ín Moscow, and dramatícaííy handed over hís U.S. Passport and
a íetter renouncíng hís Amerícan cítízenshíp.
347. (282) Assocíated Press, 4/5/96.
348. (283) Kovaíeskí, O* !it.
349. (284) Lana Padííía, íntervíew wíth author.
350. (285) Eíízabeth Gíeíck, "Who Are They? The Okíahoma bíast reveaís the
paranoíd íífe and tímes of accused bomber Tímothy McVeígh and hís ríght-wíng
assocíates." Time, 5/1/95.
455
351. (286) (+id.
352. (287) Barbara Whíttenberg, íntervíew wíth author.
353. (288) Washin%ton )ost, 7/3/95.
354. (289) "ener )ost, date unknown.
355. (290) Kovaíeskí, O* !it..
356. (291) Padííía and Deípít, O* !it., p.3.
357. (*) When I questíoned her about thís apparent contradíctíon, she toíd me her
íater statement was correct, and the book's account was wrong.
358. (292) Lana Padííía, íntervíew wíth author.
359. (**) Níchoís became ínterested ín seíííng mííítary surpíus ín December of 93'
to Apríí of 94' accordíng to Padííía.
360. (293) Padííía and Deípít, O* !it., p. 6; íntervíew wíth author.
361. (294) KFOR íntervíew wíth Lana Padííía. Intervíew wíth author.
362. (295) Padííía, O* !it., p.5, 9.
363. (296) Lana Padííía, íntervíew wíth author.
364. (297) Padííía, O* !it., p. 12.
365. (298) Lana Padííía, íntervíew wíth author.
366. (299) Lou Kíízer and Kevín Fíoyd, "McVeígh Team Tríes Agaín for Deíay,"
Rocky Mountain News, 3/26/97; Tímothy McVeígh's Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus,
3/25/97.
367. (300) Teíephone records of Terry Níchoís, copy ín author's possessíon.
368. (*) Earííer, McVeígh had toíd Padííía, "I'íí wríte to hím (Níchoís), but I guess I'd
better do ít ín code, because there are a íot of nosy peopíe."
369. (301) Davíd |ackson, Línnet Myers, Fíynn McRoberts, !hica%o Tri+une,
5/11/95.
370. (302) Padííía and Deípít, O* !it., p. 201.
456
371. (*) Níchoís' attorney Míchaeí Tígar cíaímed hís cííent's use of aííases whííe
rentíng the storage íockers was to prevent the credít card companíes from comíng
after hím.
372. (*) McVeígh Defense attorney Chrístopher Trítíco questíoned the anaíysís,
notíng the FBI íaboratory ísn't accredíted by any agency for such a test. Trítíco aíso
used photographs of a test hoíe dríííed ínto íead by the bít to argue that grooves
and scratches dídn't resembíe those ín the hoíe cíoseíy enough to caíí them a
match.
373. (303) |.D. Cash, Mc!urtain ,a-ette, date unknown.
374. (304) "McVeígh Appeaís Convíctíon, Sentence," Reuters, 1/16/98.
375. (305) Barbara Whíttenberg, íntervíew wíth author.
376. (306) Noían Cíay, Robby Trammeíí, Díana Baídwín and Randy Eííís, "Níchoís,
Bomb Materíaís Línked," "aily Oklahoman, date unknown.
377. (307) |errí-Lynn Backhous, íntervíew wíth author.
378. (308) Dorínda |. "Wendy" Hermes, íntervíew wíth author.
379. (*) Butíer and Sneíí aíso reportedíy had connectíons to |ack Oííphant of
Kíngman, Arízona.
380. (309) New 'ork Times, 5/20/95.
381. (310) Edward Zehr, "Okíahoma Cíty Cover-up Exposed: But the Maínstream
Medía are Stííí ín Deníaí," Washin%ton Weekly, 2/17/97.
382. (311) "The Company They Keep," Transcrípt of the Canadían Broadcastíng
Company "Fífth Estate" píece on Okíahoma Cíty, orígínaííy broadcast on 22 October
1996, Host, Bob Oxíey, Voíce-Over Announcer, Trísh Wood, Francíne Peííetíer;
Guest, Robert Míííar, Leader, Eíohím Cíty; Kerry Nobíe, Formeríy Of CSA; Steven
|ones, Tímothy McVeígh's Lawyer; |oe Adams, Baíííff; Ross Mcíeod, Securíty Agency
Owner.
383. (312) Warren Gotcher, íntervíew wíth author.
384. (313) Anthony Thornton, "Bomb Píans Found ín Defendant's Home, FBI Agent
Testífíes," The "aily Oklahoman, 4/3/96. "Anthony Thornton, "Three Defendants
Found Guííty ín Bomb Píot, The "aily Oklahoman. date unknown.
385. (314) |udy Thomas, "We Are Not Dangerous, Leader of Separatísts Says"
4ansas !ity Star, 3/17/96.
457
386. (315) Mark Fazíoííah, Míchaeí Matza, Maureen Graham and Larry Kíng, "FBI:
Heíst Traíí Led to Whíte Supremacísts," )hiladel*hia (n9uirer, 6/30/96.
387. (*) Mathews hímseíf was the Northwest representatíve of Wííííam Píerce's
Natíonaí Aíííance.
388. (316) "Bank Bandíts Tíed to Ríghtísts," Assocíated Press, 1/21/96; |.D. Cash
wíth |eff Hoííaday, "Rebeís Wíth a Cause, Part 3: The Aryan Repubíícan Army,
Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 12/29/96.
389. (317) Bííí Moríín, "Devoted to Makíng Natíon 'Ungovernabíe': Group Patterns
íts Organízatíon After Irísh Repubíícan Army," S*okesman-Reiew, 12/29/96.
390. (318) |.D. Cash, "The Spy Who Came ín From the Coíd," Mc!urtain "aily
,a-ette, 2/11/97.
391. (319) |.D. Cash wíth |eff Hoííaday, "Rebeís Wíth a Cause, Part Four: An Ex-
Wífe's Suspícíons In The OKBOMB Case," Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 12/31/96.
392. (320) Andreas Strassmeír, íntervíew wíth author.
393. (321) |udy L. Thomas, "Man Target of Bank Robbery Inquíry," 4ansas !ity
Star, 1/29/97.
394. (322) Ambrose Evans-Prítchard, The Secret 3ife of $ill !linton7 The 2nre*orted
Stories (Washíngton, DC: Regnery), p. 80.
395. (*) It may be teíííng that part of Strassmeír's traíníng ínvoíved feedíng peopíe
dísínformatíon.
396. (323) Prítchard, O* !it0L Wííííam |asper, "More Píeces to the OKC Puzzíe," The
New American, 6/24/96.
397. (324) February, 1996 press reíease from the Cause Foundatíon, quoted ín The
New American.
398. (*) Around the same tíme, the caííer teíephoned the Natíonaí Aíííance offíce ín
Arízona. The Natíonaí Aíííance ís the organízatíon formed by Wííííam Píerce, who
wrote The Turner "iaries.
399. (325) Laura Frank, "Okíahoma Cíty Probe May Touch Tennessee," The
Tennessean, 6/30/96.
400. (326) |.D. Cash, "Is a Vídeotape From a Tuísa Topíess Bar the 'Smokíng Gun' ín
Okíahoma Cíty Bombíng?" Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 9/25/96.
401. (327) |udy Thomas, 4ansas !ity Star, 3/17/96.
458
402. (328) Dennís Mahon, íntervíew wíth Wííííam |asper.
403. (329) Tímothy McVeígh's Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus, 3/25/97, pp. 44-45.
404. (330) |eff Steínberg, íntervíew wíth author.
405. (331) The members, Gene Schroder, Aívín |enkíns, and Ed Petruskí, met wíth
Iraqí Ambassador Mohammed Mashat before the start of Desert Storm. The Iraqís
took notíce of the group's patríotíc actívítíes, and ínvíted them to Washíngton.
"They were hopíng to open up negotíatíons wíth Ameríca," expíaíned Schroder, a
farmer and veterínarían from Campo, Coíorado. "They knew that we'd meet wíth
them and push the íssue some wíth our Representatíves and Congressmen." The
entíre affaír was compíeteíy íegítímate and weíí-pubíícízed, havíng been reported
ín at íeast one íocaí newspaper ín Coíorado. The Constítutíonaíísts and antí-war
actívísts aíso had the support of Senators Hank Brown and Bob Doíe. "We caííed
the State Department and everythíng was cíeared," they expíaíned. Yet ít seemed
|ones' was tryíng to portray the meetíng as part of a broader conspíracy between
Iraqís and Amerícan díssídents. The attorney referred to the three men as Posse
Comítatus members - a tax-protest organízatíon of the míd-'80s wíth antí-Semítíc
overtones and connectíons to whíte supremacíst groups. Aíí three deníed
beíongíng to the group. |ones then mentíoned that Petruskí ííved an hour's dríve
from bombíng defendant Terry Níchoís' house. Petruskí deníed knowíng Níchoís.
(Eugene Schroder, Aívín |enkíns, and Ed Petruskíe, íntervíews wíth author; Tímothy
McVeígh's Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus, 3/25/97.)
406. (*) Aíthough |ones oníy refers to "Suspect I," ít ís weíí-known that he ís
referríng to Níchoís, because he says he was "A sub|ect of the FBI and Grand |ury
ínvestígatíon.." There were oníy two peopíe ínvestígated by the Federaí Grand
|ury: Tímothy McVeígh and Terry Níchoís.
407. (332) Prítchard, O* !it., 3/30/97.
408. (333) Ingo Hasseíbach wíth Tom Reíss, Fuhrer-&#7 Memoirs of a Former Neo-
Na-i (New York, NY: Random House, 1996), p. 215; |ohn Míchaeí |ohnston,
"Investígatíve Report Concerníng Fact-Fíndíng Tríp to Germany," 5/15/96, copy ín
author's possessíon.
409. (*) The Eí Rukn case ís documented ín the Federaí Reporter ín 2nites States 0
McAnderson, 914 F. 2d 934 (7th Cír. 1990). "The Eí Rukns sought to ímpress the
Líbyans and to demonstrate the depth of theír commítment by díscussíng specífíc
terroríst acts, among them destroyíng a government buíídíng, píantíng a bomb,
bíowíng up an aírpíane, and símpíy commíttíng a wanton 'kííííng here and a kííííng
there' to get the Líbyans' attentíon. Eventuaííy, the íeader of the Eí Rukns decíded
that the Líbyans wouíd oníy be ímpressed by the use of powerfuí expíosíves."
(|ones, Wrít of Mandamus, p. 85)
459
410. (334) "Bíack Hístory and the Cíass Struggíe," The Se*aratist 3ea%ue, No. 11,
August, 1994. In a íetter to hís foííowers concerníng hís strange aíííance wíth the
NOI, Rockweíí wrote: "I was amazed to íearn how much they and I agree on thíngs:
they thínk that bíacks shouíd get out of thís country and go back to Afríca or to
some other píace and so do we. They want to get bíack men to íeave whíte women
aíone, and whíte men to íeave bíack women aíone, and so do we. The Honorabíe
Eíí|ah Muhammad and I have worked out an agreement of mutuaí assístance ín
whích they wííí heíp us on some thíngs and we wííí heíp them on others.("
411. (335) Washin%ton Times, 9/30/85.
412. (336) Ambrose Evans-Prítchard, "IRA suppííed detonator for Okíahoma terror
bomb," 3ondon Sunday Tele%ra*h, 3/30/97.
413. (*) Brítísh offícíaís no doubt took the ímpíícatíons seríousíy. |ones had spent
consíderabíe tíme consuítíng wíth Brítísh expíosíves experts who píanned to testífy
on behaíf of the defense, as weíí as offícíaís from MI5, Brítaín's domestíc
ínteííígence servíce and even an unnamed IRA member.( (Assocíate Press,
3/30/97.)
414. (337) Tom Coníon and Heíen Curtín, "u+lin Sunday Times, 7/13/97, quoted ín
Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 7/15/97.
415. (338) Ríta Cosby reportíng, KOKH, FOX, 4/2/97; Andreas Strassmeír, íntervíew
wíth author.
416. (*) Informatíon obtaíned from the Mííítary Records Center by Ambrose Evans-
Prítchard reveaís that Petruskí served ín the Aír Force Offíce of Specíaí
Investígatíons (OSI), retíríng ín 1975. Hís daíííance wíth the mííítary íncíuded a stínt
as a Foreígn Inteííígence Offícer ín Víetnam, then Specíaí Pro|ects Offícer, Specíaí
Actívítíes Branch, Counterínteííígence Dívísíon ín Washíngton, D.C. He was
reactívated wíth a "sensítíve" assígnment duríng the Guíf War.
417. (339) "Strassmeír, OKC, And The CIA," The New American, 7/22/96.
418. (340) Phíí Bacharach, "Castíng Doubts: Were Others Invoíved ín the Federaí
Buíídíng Bombíng?" Oklahoma ,a-ette, 2/13/97.
419. (*) Curíousíy, when the FBI queríed varíous federaí íaw-enforcement and
ínteííígence agencíes to determíne íf Strassmeír was a cooperatíng wítness or a
confídentíaí ínformant, oníy the CIA reported that ít heíd any records on hím. These
records were turned over to prosecutors, but not made avaííabíe to McVeígh's
defense team, despíte a court order compeíííng theír díscíosure.
420. (341) |.D. Cash, wíth |eff Hoííaday "Weeks Before OKC Bombíng, ATF Had
'Wanted' Posters On Strassmeír," Mc!urtain !ounty ,a-ette, 7/28/96.
460
421. (342) |.D. Cash, "Agents Probe OKC Bombíng Línks To Bank Robberíes,"
Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 7/16/96.
422. (*) Interestíngíy, cases ínvoívíng víoíence or píanned víoíence by mííítías from
around the U.S. show a recurríng theme of government penetratíon and ínfíítratíon
of mííítía groups. For exampíe, testímony ín the Muskogee bombíng case showed
that the FBI was ííteraííy payíng the operatíng expenses, íncíudíng the phone bííís
for the Trí-State Mííítía.
423. (*) OHP pííot Ken Stafford, ATF technícían Pat McKíníey, and actíng ATF SAC
Tommy Wíttman fíew over Eíohím Cíty on February 7, 1995, and reported to Fíníey-
Graham.
424. (*) BATF regíonaí dírector Lester Martz deníes that the BOLO was put out by
the ATF.
425. (343) Tuísa Poííce Inteííígence, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
426. (344) An INS memo of |anuary 10 stated: "Per your note, I taíked to Angeía
Fíneíy, ATF. It may be awhííe before the sub|ect ís contacted or arrested, but we
wííí probabíy be caííed to assíst."
427. (*) It seems the ATF and FBI were aíso concerned about the possíbííty of an
"íntramuraí fíre fíght" between theír respectíve agencíes at Eíohím Cíty.
428. (345) Cash, O* !it.
429. (*) Howe's aííegatíons of federaí maífeasance dovetaííed wíth those of federaí
ínformant Cary Gagan, who was ínsíde the Míddíe Eastern ceíí tíed to the bombíng.
430. (346) Prítchard, O* !it.
431. (347) (+id0L The OHP offícer who made the arrest was Vernon Phííííps.
432. (348) |.D. Cash, Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 7/14/96. Dennís Mahon aíso
admítted that Strassmeír worked for the GSG-9.
433. (*) The FBI dídn't go to any great íengths to questíon Strassmeír, nor hís
roommate Míchaeí Brescía. Months after the bombíng, the FBI píaces a íeísureíy
caíí to Strassmeír's home ín Beríín. They made no attempt to questíon or arrest
Brescía.
434. (**) When Míddíe Eastern suspect Hussaín aí-Hussaíní came under scrutíny by
KFOR and other ínvestígators for hís roíe ín the bombíng, the FBI "debunked" the
"rumors" about hím, too. Was he aíso an agent? (See Chapter 6)
461
435. (349) |.D. Cash and |eff Hoíííday, "Weeks Before Bombíng, ATF Had Out
"Wanted" Posters, Mc!urtain ,a-ette, 7/29/96, quoted ín American Freedom,
September, 1996.
436. (*) The ostensíbíe purpose of the raíd was to recover bomb-makíng materíaís
- materíaís whích had been obtaíned by Howe at the request of her ATF handíer -
Fíníey-Graham!
437. (350) |.D. Cash, "Controversy Over Howe's True Loyaítíes Become Focus of
Her Tríaí," Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 7/30/97.
438. (351) |.D. Cash, Mc!urtain ,a-ette, 7/14/96. The source cíaímed that
cíassífíed computer records of the ATF contaíned evídence that Strassmeír was
índeed a key component ín the agency's espíonage operatíon at Eíohím Cíty, and
numerous neo-Nazí groups throughout the country.
439. (352) 3ondon Sunday Tele%ra*h. date unknown.
440. (353) "Hate and the Law: Kírk Lyons, Esq." Antí-Defamatíon League, S*ecial
&dition, |une, 1991.
441. (354) Lyons had thís to say about Mahon ín an íntervíew wíth Volkstreue, a
German Neo-Nazí magazíne: "I have great respect for the Kían hístorícaííy but
sadíy, the Kían today ís íneffectíve and sometímes even destructíve. There are
many spíes ín ít and most of íts best íeaders have íeft the Kían to do more effectíve
work wíthín the movement. It wouíd be good íf the Kían foííowed the advíce of
former Kíansman Robert Mííes: 'Become ínvísíbíe. Hang the robes and hoods ín the
cupboard and become an underground organízatíon.' Thís wouíd make the Kían
stronger than ever before."
442. (355) Ambrose Evans-Prítchard & Andrew Gímson, "Díd Agents Bungíe US
Terror Bomb?", date unknown. Some of the díaíogue was added from Prítchard's
1997 reíease, The Secret 3ife of $ill !linton(Washongton, DC: Regnery), p. 90.
443. (*) "When The New American asked Evans-Prítchard íf he beííeved Strassmeír
was referríng to hímseíf when speakíng ín the thírd person of the 'ínformant,' he
repííed, 'Of course, there's no doubt that ís exactíy what he meant to convey. He
was statíng ít as píaíníy as he couíd' wíthout admíttíng crímínaí cuípabíííty on hís
own part." (Wííííam |asper, "Eíohím, Terror and Truth," The New American/
EFE:FCI0=
444. (356) Andreas Strassmeír, íntervíew wíth author.
445. (357) Aíex Constantíne, "The Nazífícatíon of the Cítízen's Mííítías and the
Transformatíon of Tímothy McVeígh from Hyper-Mííítary 'Robot' to Mad Bomber,"
12/9/95.
462
446. (358) Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus of Tímothy McVeígh, 3/25/97, p. 44.
447. (359) Constantíne, O* !it.
448. (360) (+id.
449. (361) Wííííam |asper, "Eíohím, Terror, and Truth," New American, 3/31/97.
450. (362) Charíes, O* !it. In her report of September 26, 1994, Fíníey-Graham
índícates that Mahon "gave 183 approxímateíy 2 feet of green safety fuse, a can of
gun powder and a píastíc funneí," and saíd he wouíd "ínstruct 183 how to assembíe
hand grenades."
451. (363) |ames Rídgeway, "Lone Assassíns?: A Seríes of Arrests May Línk the
Okíahoma Cíty Bombíng Suspects to a Larger Píot," Villa%e Voice, 2/5/97; Mark
Eddy, "Others Eyed ín Bomb Probe?" "ener )ost, 1/29/97.
452. (364) Cash, O* !it.
453. (365) Zehr, O* !it.
454. (*) Accordíng to reports, ít was Cash who "persuaded" Mahon to make the
recordíng.
455. (366) ATF ROI 53270-94-0124-B, 1/11/95.
456. (367) (+id.
457. (368) Letter read ínto testímony at Howe's tríaí.
458. (369) ATF ROI, 9/26/94. "Andy aíso toíd 183 that there exísts a bíack market
deaíer who can get grenades, C-4 and a range of expíosíves."
459. (*) Dawson was aíso a paíd ínformant for the Greensboro Poííce Department.
460. (**) Wíth a map of the parade route suppííed by Greensboro Poííce
Department Detectíve |erry Cooper, Dawson, Butkovích, and theír KKK and neo-
Nazí comrades were abíe to seíect the most advantageous síte for theír ambush.
Aíthough Cooper and other offícers surveíííed the house where the kíííers had
assembíed and took down íícense numbers, they ínexpíícabíy decíded to take a
íunch break íess then 45 mínutes before the march. By the tíme the shootíng
started, the tactícaí squad assígned to monítor the demonstratíon was stííí out to
íunch. Even more ínexpíícabíy, two offícers respondíng to a domestíc caíí at the
Morníngsíde pro|ects, the síte of the CWP march, noted the suspícíous absence of
patroí cars usuaííy assígned to the area. One of the cops, Offícer Wíse, íater
reported receívíng a bízarre caíí from poííce díspatch, advísíng hím to "cíear the
area as soon as possíbíe." The íncídent resuíted ín an ATF/FBI-íed cover-up símííar
463
ín most respects to the Okíahoma Cíty whítewash, wíth most of the suspects beíng
acquítted of fírst degree murder charges. Echoíng the factítíous rants of federaí
offícíaís ín Okíahoma, FBI Dírector Wííííam Webster caííed the charges of federaí
compíícíty "utteríy absurd." Aíthough the kíííers had been recruíted, organízed and
íed on theír murderous rampage by ATF and FBI operatíves, none ever served a
day of |aíí-tíme. ((*) Frank Donner, )rotectors of )riile%e7 Red S9uads and )olice
Re*ression in America/ (Berkeíey and Los Angeíes, CA, Uníversíty of Caíífornía
Press: 1990), p. 360; Míchaeí Novíck, "Bíue by Day, Whíte by Níght: Organízed
Whíte Supremacíst Groups ín Law Enforcement Agencíes," Peopíe Agaínst Racíst
Terror, 2/3/93, p. 3.)
461. (370) Ivo Dawnay, "Informant Accuses FBI Over Okíahoma Bomb," &lectronic
Tele%ra*h, 7/20/97.
462. (*) |ust as federaí ínformant Cary Gagan províded the FBI and U.S. Marshaís
wíth warníngs.
463. (371) Kay Cíarke, íntervíew wíth author. Sníder's haíf-síster, Kay Cíarke,
testífíed that she drew the composíte sketch of the man Sníder saw.
464. (372) Díana Baídwín and Ed Godfrey, "Separatíst Asks for Immuníty -
Wítness Takes the Fífth Before Grand |ury," "aily Oklahoman, 7/17/97.
465. (373) Ambrose Evans-Prítchard, "'Master of Dísguíse' Ready to Run," 3ondon
Sunday Tele%ra*h, 3/30/97.
466. (374) Díana Baídwín, "Former Kíansman Identífíes Aryan Leader as |ohn Doe
2," "aily Oklahoman, 10/8/97.
467. (375) Cash, O* !it.
468. (*) When McVeígh's defense team asked federaí prosecutors for Howe's
reports ín pre-tríaí díscovery, they were ínformed the records dídn't exíst. When ít
was shown that the records díd índeed exíst, an angry |udge Matsch ordered the
records deíívered to the defense and threatened the prosecutors wíth removaí
from the case íf they ííed one more tíme.
469. (*) Fíníey-Graham admítted duríng Howe's subsequent tríaí that she was íísted
as an "actíve ínformant" through December 18, 1996, but offered an ínterestíng
expíanatíon for that status. Both Fíníey-Graham and federaí prosecutors cíaímed
that removíng her from the offícíaí íístíng míght have íed to the destructíon of
records regardíng the bombíng. "That was especíaííy íntríguíng and troubííng,"
wrítes New American edítor Bííí |asper, "because ít íeft unanswered who wouíd
have destroyed whích records, and why any records concerníng the deadííest
terroríst attack on Amerícan soíí wouíd have been destroyed, especíaííy whííe the
ínvestígatíon ís ongoíng and a tríaí ís pendíng."
464
470. (376) Wííííam F. |asper, "Undercover: The Howe Reveíatíons," The New
American, 9/15/97.
471. (*) Her ííve-ín neo-Nazí boyfríend, |ames Víefhaus |r., had been arrested
earííer for aííegedíy promotíng a caíí-ín message advocatíng the bombíng of federaí
buíídíngs ín 15 dífferent cítíes. The message, reportedíy connected to the Natíonaí
Socíaííst Aíííance of Okíahoma, aíso endorsed the Apríí 19th bombíng. The FBI
cíaímed to have díscovered bomb-makíng materíaís ín Víefhaus' home.
472. (377) "Ex-Informant Indícted on Charges," Assocíated Press, 3/13/97,
Indíctment No. 97-CR-05-C, Northern Dístríct of Okíahoma, 3/11/97.
473. (378) Ríchard Leíby, "How a Wheaton Kíd Became a Neo-Nazí Bank Robber,
and One Confused Human," Washin%ton )ost, 2/13/97.
474. (379) |ames Rídgeway, Villa%e Voice, 7/23/96; Cash, O* !it.
475. (380) Fazíoííah, et aí., O* !it.
476. (381)(+id.
477. (382) Leíby, O* !it.
478. (383) Moríín, O* !it.
479. (384) Leíby, O* !it.
480. (*) Chevíe and Cheyne Kehoe, two brothers who opened fíre on poííce ín Ohío
ín February of 1997 duríng a routíne traffíc stop, aíso ííved at Eíohím Cíty. Were
they some of the peopíe traíned ín weaponry by Strassmeír?
481. (385) Pauí Oueary, "Bombíng Informant Ruffíes Case," Assocíate Press,
2/23/97.
482. (386) Robert Heíbeí, íntervíew wíth author.
483. (387) Waíter Goodman, "Terror ín Okíahoma Cíty: TV Crítícs' Notebook; Wary
Network Anchors Battíe Dubíous Scoops, New 'ork Times, 4/20/95.
484. (388) Craíg Roberts, íntervíew wíth author.
485. (*) Lípkín aíso toíd Roberts that Stínger míssííes have been smuggíed ínto the
country. A Stínger ís thought to have been responsíbíe for the attack on TWA fííght
800.
486. (389) Arnoíd Hamíítíon, "Okíahoma Cíty Car bomb Kííís at Least 31; Scores
Míssíng ín Rubbíe of Offíce Buíídíng," "allas Mornin% News, 4/20/95.
465
487. (390) Hugh Davíes, "Rentaí Car ís Key Cíue on Traíí of Terrorísts," 3ondon
Sunday Tele%ra*h, 4/21/95. Abduí Yasín, another Iraqí, was reíeased and returned
to Iraq. Abduí Basít ís Yousef's reaí name.
488. (*) No evídence was produced for the so-caííed assassínatíon attempt. The
aííegatíons were remíníscent of the taíe of Iraqí soídíers puíííng babíes out of
íncubators, whích turned out to be a ííe.
489. (391) Patríck Cockburn, "Defector Exposes Saddam's Líes on Chemícaí
Weapons," The (nde*endent, 5/7/96. "Generaí Sammara'í says that the commíttee
ín charge of sabotage on whích he served, and whích uses a specíaí 600-strong
mííítary unít caííed 888 to carry out operatíons, stííí exísts and he suspects ít was
ínvoíved ín gívíng support to the bombers.
490. (392) Pauí Anderson, Metro Correspondent Chícago, IL "Threat of Terrorísm
Further Increases," Net News Serice , 07/07/93.
491. (393) (+id., Center for Natíonaí Securíty Poíícy, No. 95-D23 11 Apríí 1995
Decísíon Bríef.
492. (394) Wííííam Caríey, "A Traíí of Terror," Wall Street Journal, 6/16/93, p. A1,
quoted ín |ames Phííííps, "The Changíng Face Of Míddíe Eastern Terrorísm,"
Herítage Foundatíon Report, 10/6/94.
493. (395) |ack Anderson, Daíe Van Atta, "Iraq Reported to Send Terrorísts to U.S.,"
Washin%ton )ost, 1/28/91.
494. (*) A note on Steven Emerson: Aíthough there ís no evídence contradíctíng
these cíaíms, ít shouíd be noted that Emerson has, ín the past, served as an offícíaí
mouthpíece for the U.S. government, as a consuítant to the Pentagon. He píayed a
íarge roíe ín coveríng up the truth of the Pan Am 103 bombíng, by attackíng and
smearíng Lester Coíeman, |uvaí Avív, and any others who tríed to bríng forth the
truth. Emerson aíso went on the Heraído Rívera show ín |une of 1997 and
attempted to bash Kevín Fíynn of the Rocky Mountain News who had uncovered
connectíons between Terry Níchoís and suspects ín the Phíííppínes. The author
attempts ín thís ínstance mereíy to report a few basíc facts as reíated by Emerson,
who does have some experíence ín Míddíe East terrorísm. The author, however,
hoíds Emerson's dubíous connectíons wíth eíements of the government ín
questíon.
495. (396) The bombíngs íncíuded a |ewísh communíty center ín Buenos Aíres and
the Israeíí embassy, the downíng of a commuter píane ín Panama, and a |ewísh
charíty organízatíon ín London. It ís assumed that the |uíy, 1994 attacks by
Hízboííah - whích coíncíded wíth Kíng Husseín's peace-makíng tríp to Washíngton
- were prímarííy to dísrupt the Israeíí/PLO peace taíks.
466
496. (397) Accordíng to Phííííps: "Isíamíc radícaís aíso often have a dífferent
audíence ín mínd than Paíestínían natíonaíísts. Instead of usíng terrorísm to
ínfíuence Western powers to change theír poíícíes, they often use terrorísm to
punísh Western powers and ínspíre other Musííms to ríse up agaínst the West. Thís
focus on the Musíím audíence rather than an Amerícan audíence heíps expíaín how
the bombers of the Woríd Trade Center couíd ratíonaííze theír bíoody actíons. The
bombíng was meant to demonstrate the power of Isíamíc radícaís and the
vuínerabíííty of the U.S., not to íead the U.S. to rethínk íts Míddíe East poíícy."
497. (398) Confídentíaí report of Wííííam Northrop to KFOR, 5/10/96. Copy ín
author's possessíon.
498. (399) Phííííps, O* !it. "Between 1980 and 1989 over 400 terroríst actíons
spíííed over from the Míddíe East to other regíons, wíth 87 percent of these actíons
occurríng ín Western Europe." Pauí Wííkínson, "Terrorísm, Iran and the Guíf
Regíon," |ane's Inteííígence Revíew, May 1992, p. 222.
499. (400) "|íhad ín Ameríca," PBS Documentary, 11/21/94.
500. (*) Shímon Havítz, an Israeíí Generaí attached to the Príme Míníster's offíce,
aíso toíd McVeígh Defense Attorney Stephen |ones that the Israeíís had íssued a
warníng to the Amerícans.
501. (401) Yehízkeí Zadok, "The FBI ís Conductíng a Search for 'Three Míddíe
Easterners,'" 'ediot Arhonot, 4/20/95.
502. (402) Report of Wííííam Northrop, and íntervíew wíth author.
503. (403) Tímothy McVeígh's Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus, 3/25/97, p. 81. |ones
poínts out, gíven the íssue of the credíbíííty of the ínformatíon, that the head of
Saudí Inteííígence ís the Kíng's own son.
504. (*) |ones saíd that Lípkín met wíth hís U.S. "counterpart," Phíí Wíícox, the U.S.
State Department's coordínator for terrorísm, after the bombíng to "compare
notes." The reader wííí aíso recaíí that two Israeíí bomb experts traveíed to
Okíahoma Cíty after the bombíng to anaíyze the bomb sígnature.
505. (*) |ones orígínaííy saíd that the meetíng took píace ín Kíngman, AZ.
Accordíng to Gagan, that was íncorrect, and was to protect Gagan's ínformatíon.
506. (*) Gagan had íntermíttent contact wíth the Sovíets throughout the míd-'80s.
In 1982, Gagan met a Sovíet spy named Edward Bodenzayer whííe ín Puerto
Vaííerta. Bodenzayer had been exportíng cíassífíed technoíogy to Russía through
hís ímport/export busíness. He was eventuaííy arrested as a resuít of a |oínt
FBI/Customs counterínteííígence stíng operatíon known as Operatíon Aspen Leaf.
507. (404) Cary Gagan, íntervíew wíth author.
467
508. (405) Deposítíon of Cary |ames Gagan, 7/14/95. Copy ín author's possessíon.
509. (*) Gagan íater seemed to waver on thís poínt: "I don't care what they say -
where he was supposedíy - he was there." He íater saíd: "I'm not sure, but ít sure
íooked ííke hím. He |ust dídn't fít."
510. (**) Gagan recaíís that Omar threw somethíng ín the trash. Gagan íater físhed
ít out. They were technícaí díagrams ín Spanísh that appeared to be bomb píans.
511. (*) Accordíng to Gagan, hís Arab fríends were ínterested ín buyíng the Postaí
Center, and asked Gagan to propose a cash deaí to Coíombo. They were
apparentíy ínterested ín íts maíí and truck rentaí facíííty.
512. (406) Míke Levíne, íntervíew wíth author.
513. (407) Report of Craíg Roberts, 5/8/95, copy ín author's possessíon. Roberts ís
the author's partner on the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng ínvestígatíon.
514. (*) What ís ínterestíng, consíderíng the FBI's íack of response, ís that the Tuísa
offíce of the FBI had commíssíoned Roberts to províde a report on the bombíng.
515. (**) Gagan coyíy admítted to knowíng Iran-Contra drug runner and pííot Barry
Seaí.
516. (408) Gagan contacted Dave Fíoyd at the U.S. Marshaís Offíce. He saíd 'We've
got to get movíng on thís ríght away.' I saíd, 'Weíí, I've got to have ímmuníty.'"
517. (*) Gagan was referríng to a Míddíe Eastern man who fíew ín from Okíahoma
Cíty. Gagan had never seen hím before.
518. (*) Gagan gave accurate and specífíc descríptíons of street addresses he had
been ín Kíngman, and províded receípts for hís traveís to the Arízona town. He aíso
províded receípts for hoteí rooms ín whích he cíaíms bomb píanníng meetíngs were
heíd. He saíd the orígínaí píot ínvoíved bíowíng up a |ewísh conventíon center ín
Denver where Presídent Cíínton was speakíng.
519. (409) FBI Agent Mark Hoítsíaw, íntervíew wíth author.
520. (410) Hand-wrítten íetter from Gagan to Tína Rowe, copy ín author's
possessíon.
521. (*)
|ayna Davís, KFOR-TV broadcast, |une, 1995. U.S. Marshaís Servíce head Tína Rowe saíd, regardíng Cary Gagan's hand-deíívered
íetter: "I work ín a federaí buíídíng and aíí my fríends work ín federaí buíídíngs, and ít's not somethíng that anyone workíng ín that envíronment
wouíd ever overíook." KFOR then uncovered a copy of Gagan's enveíope, on whích the matchíng sígnature of a Marshaís Servíce empíoyee was
found. The Marshaís Servíce cíaímed ít was suspícíous, because ít's offíce poíícy to sígn both the fírst and íast name, and to stamp aíí íncomíng
maíí.
468
522. (**) The |udge who sent Gagan to the mentaí hospítaí, |ohn P. Gateíy, was
íater termed íncompetent and dísbarred due to braín cancer.
523. (411) Kevín Fíynn, "Romer, Norton get Bomb Threats: CBI Informant's
Reííabíííty ín Ouestíon; He Aíso Warned of Federaí Buíídíng Bíast," Rocky Mountain
News, 8/12/95. Gagan was worríed about what had happened ín Mexíco wíth the
Sovíets, and dídn't want to accept a píea bargaín.
524. (412) Federaí Pubííc Defender, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
525. (*) A voíce stress anaíysís the author ran on Gagan's íntervíew tapes showed
he was teíííng the truth.
526. (**) Reports índícatíng that Gagan had been of assístance to the DEA were
íííegaííy removed from hís ínformant fííe ín an attempt to díscredít hím.
527. (413) Letter of Immuníty from U.S. |ustíce Dept. sígned by Henry Soíano, to
Gary |ames Gagan, copy ín author's possessíon.
528. (414) "FBI Furor," 2nclassified, Summer, 1997.
529. (415) Gaíí Gíbson, "The Strange Murder-For-Híre Tríaí of Chuck Hayes Got
Even Stranger Yesterday," 3e#in%ton 8erald-3eader, 1/16/97. Myers cíaímed that
Hayes, a former CIA operatíve, had tríed to híre a hít-man wíth a mere $5,000,
usíng an open phone ííne.
530. (416) Former Army C.I.D. ínvestígator, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
531. (417) Díck Russeíí, "Spook Wars In Cyberspace: Is the FBI Raííroadíng Charíes
Hayes?" 8i%h Times/ |une, 1997.
532. (*) Gagan says the Letter of Immuníty was not fííed wíth the court, ín víoíatíon
of standard procedure. He aíso asserts that Aíííson's sígnature was sígned by hís
secretary, and ís no good.
533. (418) Fíorída poííce detectíve, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
534. (*) Gagan cíaíms that on |anuary 15, 1997, as he was waítíng for a bus at 1st
and Líncoín ín downtown Denver, a dark four-door Buíck came careeníng around
the corner, fíríng at hím wíth a sííenced automatíc weapon. A check wíth Doug
Packston at the Coíorado Transít Authoríty reveaíed a buííet hoíe ín the bus sheíter
and gíass that had been repíaced.
535. (*) It ís unííkeíy that Gagan couíd have known about Kíng's story, whích was
not wídeíy reported.
469
536. (**) The Fíorída poííce detectíve I spoke wíth toíd me that the FBI and state
authorítíes "dídn't want to ínvestígate thís," referríng to the connectíons he
uncovered between Arab-Amerícans, the PLO, and the Caíí Carteí, ín the míd-80s.
He beííeves the FBI's head of Counterínteííígence came to Fíorída dísguísed as an
agent, found out what they were workíng on, and took off. As he saíd, "Thíngs
weren't ríght.. It was as íf someone were íookíng at thís and sayíng 'stay away
from ít.'" Hís experíence tíes ínto that of an Army C.I.D. offícer who ínvestígated
the brother of one of the Míddíe-Easterners aííegedíy ínvoíved ín the bombíng, who
was ínvoíved ín mííítary espíonage ín Huntsvíííe, Aíabama ín the míd-80s. He saíd
the FBI "stonewaííed" the case. (More on thís íater)
537. (419) OCPD Díspatch of 4/19/95.
538. (420) Davíd Harper, "|ust who ís Caroí Howe? |urors Wííí Have To Decíde Who
the Reaí Woman Is," Tulsa World, 7/28/97. "Howe saíd she heard a 'powerfuí
murmur' ín the faíí of 1995 that Tuísa couíd be the target of a ma|or bombíng ín
the spríng of 1996. Howe saíd Thursday she íeft messages ín 1995 but that her
caíís weren't returned."
539. (*) A specífíc warníng regardíng fííght 103 was aíso passed on from a Mossad
Agent workíng at the Frankfurt aírport.
540. (**) What ís ínterestíng ís that Oííver "Buck" Reveíí, former Counter-Terrorísm
chíef of the FBI, puííed hís son and daughter-ín-íaw off Pan Am 103 mínutes before
the fííght. Díd Reveíí know somethíng the rest of us díd not? (Steven Emerson
doesn't bother mentíoníng that ííttíe fact ín hís psyop píece entítíed The Fall of )an
Am :;E , whích, íncídentaííy, íeaves out the entíre CIA/drug connectíon that many
feeí was íínked to the bombíng.
541. (**) Was Soíano pressured to ígnore Gagan's warníng? The Denver U.S.
Attorney had earííer íntended to proceed wíth an ínvestígatíon ínto corruptíon by
top U.S. offícíaís connected wíth Bouíder Partnershíps, Ltd., Twín Cítíes Bank of
Líttíe Rock, and MDC Hoídíngs of Denver, untíí he reaíízed who was ínvoíved -
fríends of Bííí Cíínton and George Herbert Waíker Bush.
542. (421) Robert Rudoíph, "Lawmen Get Warníng of Píot on U.S. Targets," Newark
Star 3ed%er, 3/22/95.
543. (422) Wendy Hoíden and Davíd Míííward, "Okíahoma Bomb Suspect Seízed at
Heathrow," 3ondon Sunday Tele%ra*h. date unknown.
544. (423) (+id.
545. (424) (+id.
470
546. (425) Steven Emerson and Brían Duffy, The Fall of )an Am :;E, (New York,
NY: G.P. Putnam's), 1990, p. 176; aíso see "The Maítese Doubíe Cross," a Brítísh TV
documentary on Pan Am 103.
547. (*) Ahmed's detentíon produced a fíurry of responses from the ACLU
(Amerícan Cívíí Líbertíes Uníon), who were notífíed by Ahmed's fríend Sam Khaííd.
The ACLU has íong been funded (some say taken over) by the Roger Baídwín
Foundatíon, a CIA front. Perhaps they wanted theír man Ahmed reíeased, |ust as
the CIA wanted |ordanían Marwan Kreeshat reíeased.
548. (**) Haíder Aí Saíídí, one of Khaííd's workers, had a wífe who míscarríaged
after the bombíng due to harassment. When Haíder made that pubííc, Khaííd fíred
hím. If Cíear's theory ís true, ít ís curíous why Khaííd fíred hím.
549. (426) Poííce Report of arrest of Hussaín Aí-Hussaíní. Sharon Twíííey aíso stated
she beííeved she had seen McVeígh ín a bar on NW 10th Street, and had seen
Hussaíní and other Khaííd empíoyees ín the same bar at dífferent tímes.
(* What must be poínted out agaín ís that the FBI ís
cíaímíng McVeígh rented the Ryder truck the foííowíng
Monday, Apríí 17, whích he díd. Thís account índícates
that two Ryder trucks were ínvoíved ín the operatíon,
not one, as the FBI cíaíms.
550. (*
551. (*
552. (427) Craíg Freeman and Dennís |ackson, íntervíews wíth author.
553. (428) Sharon Cohen, Assocíated Press, 4/26/95.
554. (429) Ruby Foos, íntervíew wíth author; Davíes, O* !it., 4/21/95.
555. (430) |ím Poík, CNN, 4/20/95; Sharon Cohen, Assocíated Press, 4/21/95.
556. (431) Wííííam |asper, "The Tríaí of |ohn Doe No. 2," The New American,
5/13/96.
557. (432) |.D. Cash, "Lose Your Iííusíon," Media $y*ass, February, 1996.
558. (433) Margaret Hohmann and Ann Domín, íntervíews wíth author.
471
559. (434) Debra Burdíck, íntervíew wíth author.
560. (435) |ayna Davís, KFOR, shadow íntervíew wíth Kay H., 6/17/95.
561. (436) Davíd Sníder, íntervíew wíth author.
562. (437) OKPD Díspatch of 4/19/95.
563. (438) Davíd Haíí, íntervíew wíth author.
564. (*) A source ín the Sheríff's Offíce íntervíewed by |ayna Davís saíd the FBI
refused to expíaín why ít had canceííed the APB. Davíd Haíí saíd the APB was
canceíed by an FBI agent named Webster. Yet accordíng to OCPD offícer Don
Browníng, the FBI íater "admítted" to "fabrícatíng" the APB.
565. (**) Both Erníe Cranfíeíd and neíghbors saw the brown píck-up at Sahara
Propertíes.
566. (439) Erníe Cranfíeíd, íntervíew wíth author.
567. (*) Heather Khaííd aíso toíd Cranfíeíd ín a secretíy-taped íntervíew that she
had not been abíe to fínd any tíme record on Hussaíní for Apríí 19, so she made
one up and gave ít to Dave Baíut, a reporter for KWTV. Khaííd empíoyee Terry
Hoíííday, toíd a reporter at KOCO-TV that Hussaíní had been paíntíng the house at
NW 31st Street on Apríí 19, then íater toíd Cranfíeíd that Hussaíní had not actuaííy
been there on the 19th. Heather cíaímed that she had taken some suppííes to
Hussaíní that morníng, but Hoíííday cíaímed she had never been there. Khaííd
worker Barnaby Machuca aíso repeatedíy changed hís story regardíng Hussaíní's
whereabouts.
568. (*) Numerous FBI and íaw enforcement sources Davís contacted agreed that
Hussaíní resembíed the sketch of |ohn Doe 2, and beííeved there was a Míddíe
Eastern connectíon to the bombíng, possíbíy connected to the Woríd Trade Center
bombíng. (KFOR's Response to Píaíntíff's Interrogatoríes, Hussaíní vs. KFOR).
569. (440) OCPD D.U.I. report, copy ín author's possessíon.
570. (* FBI spokesman Steve Muíííns wouídn't confírm or deny whether Hussaíní
was a suspect; FBI agent |ames Stríckíand, who wouíd íater ínvestígate Khaííd's
aííeged shootíng of hís secretary, Sharon Twíííey, aíso decííned to comment on
whether Hussaíní was a suspect.
571. (441) George Lang, "Out on a Límb," date unknown.
572. (442) Dave Baíut reportíng, KWTV, 10:00 p.m. newscast, 6/16/95.
573. (443) Sam Khaííd, íntervíew wíth author.
472
574. (*) Wííííam Northrop ís an ex-Isreaíí ínteííígence offícer who was índícted by
former U.S. Attorney Rudoíph Guííanní, and testífíed agaínst Israeí's roíe ín Iran-
Contra. A fríend of the íate CIA Dírector Wííííam Casey, Northrop's name was
reportedíy found ín Casey's díary upon hís death.
575. (*( Khaííd, speakíng on behaíf of Hussaíní, cíaímed hís INS records were
"stoíen."
576. (*) Yousef arríved ín New York on September 1, 1992. Many New York íaw
enforcement offícíaís reportedíy beííeve that Iraq was ínvoíved |ín the Trade Center
bombíng|, aíthough they can not prove ít. (Lauríe Myíroíe, "Woríd Trade Center
Bombíng - The Case of Secret Cyaníde," The Waíí Street |ournaí, |uíy 26, 1994, p.
A16.), quoted ín |ames Phííííps, The Changíng Face of Míddíe Eastern Terrorísm,"
The 8erita%e Foundation/ $ack%rounder, #1005, 10/6/94.
577. (444) Myíroíe, O* !it. Yousef, who grew up ín Kuwaít, was aíso ídentífíed by
Kuwaítí Interíor Míníster Sheík Aíí aí Sabah aí Saíím as an Iraqí coííaborator duríng
Iraq's 1990 ínvasíon of Kuwaít. (Charíes Waííace, "Weavíng a Wíde Web of Terror,"
3os An%eles Times, 5/28/95.)
578. (*) Hussaín aí-Hussaíní moved to Houston after goíng pubííc and suíng KFOR.
579. (445) Louís Champon, íntervíew wíth author. Accordíng to Champon, who ís
suíng the federaí government, Peter Kawa|a, who was head of securíty for
Champon's píant, híred Wackenhut. Kawa|a was íater gíven ímmuníty to act as an
ínformant. Saíd Robert Bíckeí, a Customs ínformant and ínvestígator famíííar wíth
the case: "Heíí, Barboutí was treated more ííke a damn state bírd than a terroríst."
580. (*) Louís Champon saíd he saw Barboutí meet wíth Secord at the Fountaín
Bíue Hoteí ín Míamí ín 1988.
581. (446) Míke |ohnston, íntervíew wíth author. |ohn Conaííy, "Insíde the Shadow
CIA," S*y magazíne, September, 1992; Saíd Louís Champon, "They are so weíí-
protected by an entíty ín our own government, that they have put up a waíí.."
582. (*) Yet accordíng to Champon's former head of securíty Peter Kawa|a, and
Iraqgate ínvestígator Robert Bíckeí, Champon hímseíf ísn't so ínnocent. "Champon
had to know about the cyaníde íeavíng the píant," saíd Bíckeí. "He was there every
day, whííe the píant was beíng buíít and operated." Nevertheíess, Champon went
pubííc, and was threatened and shut down by U.S. Customs and the I.R.S.
583. (447) TK-7 ís a chemícaí company ín Okíahoma Cíty owned by Moshe Taí, an
Israeíí. Barboutí had attempted to purchase a formuía from them that couíd extend
the range of rocket fueí for the Iraqí SCUD míssííes.
584. (*) Whííe Ishan Barboutí aííegedíy "díed" of heart faííure ín London ín |uíy of
1990, he was reportedíy seen afterwards aííve and weíí fíyíng between Aman,
473
|ordan and Trípoíí, Líbya. Other accounts índícate that he ís íívíng safe and weíí ín
Fíorída.
585. (448) Cíark, O* !it,
586. (449) (+id., pp. 70-72, Ouoted ín Wííííam Bíum, 4illin% 8o*e7 20S0 Military and
!(A (nterentions Since World War (( (Common Courage Press, 1996), p. 335; "The
Guíf War and íts Aftermath," The :CCB (nformation )lease Almanac (Boston, 1992),
p. 974, Ouoted ín Bíum, p. 335.
587. (450) Lauríe Garrett (medícaí wríter for Newsday), "The Dead," !olum+ia
Journalism Reiew, May/|une, 1991, p. 32, quoted ín Bíum, p. 335.
588. (451) Needless "eaths O*0 !it., p. 135, quoted ín Bíum, p.335.
589. (452) (+id., pp. 201-24; Cíark, pp. 72-4; 3os An%eles Times, 1/31/91; 2/3/91,
quoted ín Bíum, p. 336.
590. (453) Bííí Moyers, )$S S*ecial Re*ort7 After the War, Spríng, 1991, quoted ín
Cíark, p. 53.
591. (454) "Bíography: McVeígh, Part Two, Media $y*ass, March, 1995.
592. (*) Woríd Trade Center bomber Mahmud Abouhaííma toíd Egyptían
ínteííígence that the Woríd Trade Center bombíng had been approved by Iranían
ínteííígence.
593. (455) Yossef Bodansky, Terror7 The (nside Story of the Terrorist !ons*iracy in
America (New York, NY: SPI Books, 1994), quoted ín Keíth, O* !it., p. 154.
594. (456) (+id., p. 153.
595. (457) Indeed, a ma|or terrorísm summít sponsored by Tehran ín |une of 1996
saw deíegates from Afghanístan, Pakístan, Iraq, Saudí Arabía, and other Míd-East
and Afrícan states, as weíí as Bosnía-Herzegovína, Germany, France, Brítaín,
Canada, and the U.S. come together to form a |oínt workíng commíttee under the
command of the new HízbAííah Internatíonaí - transformíng that group ínto "the
vanguard of the revoíutíon" of the Musíím woríd.
596. (458) "efense 5 Forei%n Affairs, O* !it.
597. (459) (+id.
598. (460) Ronaíd W. Lewís, "Uncívíí Aír War" (The Shootdown of TWA Fííght 800),"
Air Forces Monthly, No. 104, November 1996, posted by S0A0F0A0N0 (nternet
Newsletter, No. 213, December 21, 1996.
474
599. (461) Dr. Lauríe Myíroíe, Ph.D., "Terrorísm ín Our Face," American S*ectator,
Apríí, 1997.
600. (*) Thís wííí be expíored more fuííy ín Voíume Two.
601. (462) Phííííps, O* !it. It ís reported that hundreds of them are aíso beíng
traíned by Iranían Revoíutíonary Guards ín Sudanese traíníng camps.
602. (463) See Edward Gargan, "Where Arab Mííítants Traín and Waít," New 'ork
Times, 8/ 11/93; Tím Weíner, "Bíowback From the Afghan Battíefíeíd," New 'ork
Times Magazíne, 3/13/94; Daníeí Kíaídman and Gregory L. Vístíca, "In Search of a
Kíííer," Newsweek, 8/11/97.
603. (464) "The New Era of Gíobaí Terrorísm," MSA News, date unknown, posted on
Internet. The íeaders of Abu Sayyaf are: Abdura|ak Abubakr |an|aíaní, Amííhussín
|umaaní, Edwín Angeíes, Asmad Abduí.
604. (465) "U.S. Forces ín Guíf on Hígh Securíty Aíert," Reuter, 4/7/97.
605. (466) Patríck Cockburn, "Defector exposes Saddam's Líes on Chemícaí
Weapons," The (nde*endent, 5/7/96. "Generaí Sammara'í says that the commíttee
ín charge of sabotage on whích he served, and whích uses a specíaí 600-strong
mííítary unít caííed 888 to carry out operatíons, stííí exísts and he suspects ít was
ínvoíved ín gívíng support to the bombers.
606. (*) Abduí Rahman Yassín, an Iraqí índícted for hís part ín the Woríd Trade
Center bombíng fíed to Baghdad. Hís brother, Musab Yasín, províded a safehouse
for the íater píots. Whííe the New York offíce of the FBI wanted to arrest hím,
curíousíy, the Washíngton offíce ob|ected. Another Iraqí wíth a Ph.D. ín
mícrobíoíogy, currentíy íívíng ín New |ersey, ís Waííed Samarraí.
607. (467) Charíes Waííace, "Weavíng a Wíde Web of Terror," 3os An%eles Times,
5/28/95; Robert D. McFadden, "Níne Suspected of Terrorísm are Arrested ín
Maníía," New 'ork Times, 12/30/96.
608. (*) The níne suspects are: Yousef's brother, Adeí Anonn (aíías Adeí Baní);
Abduí Kareem |assím Bídawí; Haíeem |assím Bídawí; |amaaí |aíoud; Ibrahím Abíd;
and Na|ím Nasser (Iraqís); Emad Aímubarak (Sudanese); Saíeh Aí Ouuwaye, and
Zaíd Aí Amer (Saudís).
609. (**) Angeíes toíd |ones that there are íínks to Phíííppíne maíí-order-bríde
busínesses and crímínaí/terroríst actívíty. It was not cíear from |ones' bríef exactíy
what thís entaííed.
610. (468) (+id., p.3.
611. (469) Lana Padííía, íntervíew wíth author.
475
612. (**) Referríng to the píace ín Davao, Angeíes saíd, "It was aíso the píace
where Musííms were taught ín bomb makíng."
613. (470) Lou Kíízer and Kevín Fíoyd, "McVeígh Team Tríes Agaín for Deíay,"
Rocky Mountain News, 3/26/97; Tímothy McVeígh's Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus,
3/25/97.
614. (471) Lana Padííía, íntervíew wíth author.
615. (472) "Petítíon For Wrít of Mandamus of Petítíoner-Defendant, Tímothy |ames
McVeígh and Bríef ín Support", Case No. 96-CR-68-M, 3/25/97.
616. (*) A source cíose to |ones saíd that attorney |ím Hankíns actuaííy prepared
the Wrít.
617. (*) Northrop cíaíms that when he tríed to run the ínformatíon down ín
Kíngman he came up empty. Hís source ín the U.S. Marshaís Servíce, who was
íookíng ínto the matter, receíved a caíí from the |ustíce Department, and was
promptíy stonewaííed, he saíd.
618. (*) Casínos have been used to íaunder money. A drug deaíer or other crímínaí
enters the casíno wíth dírty money, buys íarge quantítíes of chíps, gambíes a bít,
then cashes ín the chíps for cíean money. Russbacher toíd Stích that the process
aíso works ín reverse. He expíaíned ín one case how the CIA, through Shamrock
Overseas Dísbursement Corporatíon, gave money to the casíno, who ín turn wouíd
gíve gambííng chíps to the recípíents when they arríved, then the chíps were
cashed ín. Russbacher named three Las Vegas casínos aííegedíy ínvoíved ín the
operatíon, íncíudíng the Frontíer, Stardust, and Bínyon's Horseshoe.
619. (¦ Consíderíng the reports from dancers at two strípper bars - one ín Tuísa
and one ín |unctíon Cíty - McVeígh and Níchoís had a penchant for these types of
píaces.
620. (473) As ínterrogatory answers fííed by KFOR ín íts defense agaínst aí-
Hussaíní state: |Lana| Padííía saíd that her son, |osh, went to Las Vegas about once
a month, where he was wíth Tím McVeígh, Terry Níchoís, and Míddíe-Eastern men.
Padííía expressed the opíníon that there was a Míddíe-Eastern connectíon to the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng.
621. (474) "Omar Khaííf was one of the aííases íísted on Khaííd's 1990 federaí
índíctment.
622. (475) Meííssa Kíínzíng, former KFOR news dírector, íntervíew wíth author.
623. (**) After Davís questíoned severaí empíoyees at the MGM, two were fíred.
624. (476) Louís Crousette and |ayna Davís, transcrípt ín author's possessíon.
476
625. (477) Gordon Noveí, íntervíew wíth author.
626. (*) Gagan recognízed Abraham Ahmed beíng wíth Khaííd. Gagan saíd he saw
Ahmed (by another name) ín Las Vegas wíth Omar-Khaííd ín the Summer or Faíí of
1994. He saíd he aíso saw Hussaín aí-Hussaíní ín Okíahoma Cíty when he was here
ín Apríí.
627. (**) Aí Saíídí, íncídentaííy, was the man who's wífe who had a míscarríage
after stones were thrown through hís wíndow. When Aí Saíídí went before news
cameras to compíaín about the íncídent, Khaííd fíred hím.
628. (478) Erníe Cranfíeíd, íntervíew wíth author.
629. (*) The State Tax Commíssíon aíso wanted Cranfíeíd to testífy agaínst Khaííd.
Instead, Khaííd paíd a fíne. "That covered up for hís ex-wífe gettíng kíííed," saíd
Cranfíeíd.
630. (¦ At the same tíme, ínterestíngíy, two Míddíe Eastern resídents of the
Woodscape apartments skípped out wíthout payíng theír rent. It shouíd aíso be
noted that two heavy-set Arabs work for Sam Khaííd.
631. (479) Keíth, O* !it, p. 148.
632. (480) |oe Royer, íntervíew wíth author. The FBI agent who íntervíewed the
coupíe toíd them that one VIN number was íeft íntact, and fíngerprínts were found.
633. (481) Rex Carmíchaeí, íntervíew wíth author.
634. (*) Was the brown píck-up paínted at Route 66, or eísewhere? Accordíng to
ínformatíon obtaíned by Wííí Northrop, Haíder aí-Saíídí was híred by Aíí Khoddamí
at Internatíonaí Auto works, a body shop íocated at 16th and Bíackwíeíder, after he
was fíred by Khaííd. An Iranían, Khoddamí ís reportedíy a fríend of Khaííd's. Sharbat
Khan, a Pakístaní and Rízwan A. Shaíkh were reportedíy goíng to buy Internatíonaí
Auto Works from Khoddamí.
635. (482) Tom's ís run by Tom Breske, who Carmíchaeí descríbed as "bad news."
636. (483) Confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
637. (484) Míchaeí Reed, íntervíew wíth author.
638. (**) Don Browníng, íntervíew wíth author. Kamaí had been workíng wíth the
FBI to track Khaííd and others who were ínvoíved ín ínsurance fraud scams.
Aíthough he defíníteíy knew Khaííd, he dísputed that he saíd "Thís ís the Mossad"
to Browníng. Browníng swears he díd. Yet |ayna Davís saíd Browníng toíd her that
Kamaí saíd that Khaííd was a member of "Hamas," a far cry from the Mossad, the
Israeíí ínteííígence agency. Another possíbíe expíanatíon ís that there were Mossad
477
agents posíng as members of Hamas, but ít seems unííkeíy that Kamaí wouíd know
that.
639. (485) Bob |eríow, íntervíew wíth author.
640. (486) OCPD detectíve, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
641. (*) When |eríow asked an FBI source íf KFOR was on the ríght track, he was
toíd "Keep doíng what you're doíng." Curíousíy, an OCPD contact of Davís' was toíd
by hís FBI source, "stay away."
642. (*) Macy and State Attorney Generaí Drew Edmondson had aíso pushed
certaín aspects of the Antí-Terrorísm Bííí, usíng the bombíng as a píatform.
643. (**) Thís ís doubíy ínterestíng, sínce Ríchardson was the U.S. Attorney who
prosecuted Khaííd for ínsurance fraud ín 1990. Ríchardson "commítted suícíde" ín
|uíy of 1997 over "work-reíated" matters.
644. (*) Whííe Khaííd's attorney cíaímed that oníy $15,000 doííars or so was
ínvoíved ín the scams, the U.S. Attorney's report ís more íncrímínatíng. Khaííd was
aíso accused duríng hís arson case of empíoyíng faíse Socíaí Securíty numbers.
One of them ís regístered to a woman ín Okíahoma Cíty; the other to a woman ín
Míamí.
645. (**) One of the agents, |ames Stríckíand, wouíd íater be assígned to the
Twíííey assauít case.
646. (¦ He íater toíd ínvestígatíve |ournaííst Wííííam |asper he emígrated from
Líbya.
647. (487) U.S. vs. Sam Khaííd, Response to Presentence Report; Sam Khaííd,
íntervíew wíth author.
648. (*) Accordíng to a íocaí HUD representatíve I checked wíth, Khaííd paíd cash
for most of hís propertíes, avoídíng the scrupuíous background checks and the
typícaí paper traíí whích accompaníes them. Addítíonaííy, none of Khaííd's three
companíes, whích empíoy numerous empíoyees, are regístered wíth the State or
have Federaí Tax I.D. numbers.
649. (*) Emphasís ín orígínaí.
650. (488) FBI spokesman Charíes Steínmetz saíd the ínformatíon he gave Burnes
came from former FBI Deputy Assístant Dírector Bob Rícks.
651. (489) Karen Burnes, "Paíestíníans: Dírty Busíness," CBS West 57 Street News
magazíne, 5/2/89, Cítd ín Howard Rosenberg, "'Paíestínían Network': A Fuíí
Report?, 3os An%eles Times, 6/1/89.
478
652. (*) "Before the bombíng, we couídn't get the U.S. Attorney's offíce ínterested,"
saíd prívate ínvestígator Ben |acobson. "After the bombíng, they |ust wanted us to
keep our mouths shut."
653. (490) Northrop, O* !it.
654. (491) In federaí court fíííngs, WISE was descríbed as "a front used to bríng
ínternatíonaí terrorísts to the Uníted States."
655. (*) It seems the reference to "Iraníans" as used by thís CID offícer ís a generíc
term meant to refer to Míddíe-Easterners ín generaí, aíthough some Iraníans were
defíníteíy ínvoíved.
656. (**) Accordíng to Míke |ohnston, the head of securíty for 777 Post Oak
Corporatíon (a hígh-ríse offíce compíex ín Houston affíííated wíth IBI, Ishan
Barboutí's company) had a son ín the U.S. mííítary ínteííígence. The father, who
was íater wanted for ímpersonatíng a CIA agent, wouíd caíí hís son at the Ma|or
Command Assígnments Center at Boíííng Aír Force ín Washíngton, D.C. around
August 1990, |ust príor to the Iraq's ínvasíon of Kuwaít. Some of the caíís
apparentíy ínvoíved the use of a modem to tap ínto the command center's
computers.
657. (492) Retíred U.S. Army CID ínvestígator, Intervíew wíth author.
658. (493) Generaí Robert L. Moore (Ret.), íntervíew wíth author.
659. (*) Tom Weísman was the FBI SAC of the Huntsvíííe offíce.
660. (**) Thís detectíve aíso saíd that the chíef of the FBI's counterínteííígence
dívísíon masqueraded as a poííce offícer and traveíed to Fíorída to coííect data on
the theír ínvestígatíon.
661. (¦ Brazeíton dídn't return caíís.
662. (*) Had ít actuaííy come from Mexícan drug kíng-pín |uan García Abrego, who
ís íínked to the Caíí Carteí, and had reportedíy sent two bag-men up to Okíahoma
Cíty to fínance the bombíng?
663. (**) Kíngman has aíso been caííed the "Goíden Tríangíe" of Speed
(Methamphetamíne), and McVeígh had known Cíark Voímer, a parapíegíc drug
deaíer and íoan shark ín town. On October 19, síx months to the day of the
bombíng, Gagan was dírected by a man he descríbes as "Hízboííah" to take a bus
from Las Vegas to Kíngman, to deííver a íarge bag of money - estímated to be
between $200,000 and $300,000 to an índívíduaí who was "mííítía íookíng ín
appearance."
479
664. (¦ McPeak híred McVeígh ín 1993 to do securíty work at a íocaí sheíter. When
hís gírífríend was arrested ín Las Vegas on a bad credít charge, Cíark Voíímer, a
parapíegíc drug deaíer ín Kíngman, heíped baíí her out. In February of '95, McPeak
cíaíms, Voíímer asked hím to ferry some drugs. He refused. Shortíy thereafter, an
ANFO bomb expíoded under a chaír outsíde McPeak's home. When he went to
Voíímer's house to confront hím, he found Tímothy McVeígh, aíong wíth another
man he dídn't recogníze.
665. (494) "FBI Fínds Possíbíe Evídence ín OKC Bombíng, CNN, 7/20/95.
666. (495) Hugh Deíííos, "Federaí Marshaís Arrest Chemíst," !hica%o Tri+une,
5/13/95; Mark Schaffer, "Probe Nets 2nd Man ín Oatman," Ari-ona Re*u+lic,
5/14/95, quoted ín Keíth, p. 52; Katheríne Mauro, Oatman Míníng Co., íntervíew
wíth author; Records of the Federaí Bureau of Prísons.
667. (496) Díane Sawyer, "Príme Tíme Líve," 4/25/95.
668. (497) Míke |ohnston, "Investígatíve Fact Fíndíng Tríp to Germany," 1995, copy
ín author's possessíon; |onathan Vankín, !ons*iracies/ !oer-2*s 5 !rimes7 From
"allas to Waco, (Lííburn, GA: Iííumínít Press, 1996), p. 211.
669. (*) Skorzeny was at the nexus of the survívíng eíements of the Nazí
movement, and heíped organíze íts tentacíes after WWII.
670. (498) |ohnston, O*0 !it0L Vankín, O* !it., p. 226; Martín A. Lee and Kevín
Coogan, "Kíííers on the Ríght: Insíde Europe's Fascíst Underground," Mother Jones,
May, 1987.
671. (499) "er S*ei%el wríter Martín Kíííían, íntervíew wíth author. Líbya aíso
reportedíy funded the Irísh Repubíícan Army.
672. (500) |ohnston, O*0 !it.
673. (501) Míke Levíne, íntervíew wíth author.
674. (502) Tom |arríeí, ABC 20/20, |anuary 19, 1996.
675. (503) |effrey A. Buííta, "Extremíst Groups," Offíce of Internatíonaí Crímínaí
|ustíce, Chícago, date unknown. The connectíon ís reportedíy through Pakístaní
Brígadíer Generaí Imtíaz.
676. (504) Terroríst Group Profííes, Dudíey Knox Líbrary, Navaí Postgraduate
Schooí, date unknown.
677. (505) Buííta, O* !it.
480
678. (*) The Bureau of Prísons had "no record" of Edward Fíínton, eventhough he
served tíme ín federaí príson. Usuaííy thís means the índívíduaí ís under the
"wítness protectíon program."
679. (506) Kevín Fíynn, "Romer, Norton Get Bomb Threats: CBI Informant's
Reííabíííty ín Ouestíon; He Aíso Warned of Federaí Buíídíng Bíast," Rocky Mountain
News, 08/12/95. Gagan saíd he met wíth Aí Fuqra members on dífferent occasíons
between October, 1995 and February 1996.
680. (507) |udge Lewís Babcock and |ohn Strader, íntervíew wíth author. Gagan
saíd he met wíth U.S. Marshaí |ake Warner at Brookíyns restaurant on October 27,
1995. "In aíí the years that I've known |Gagan|, he's never met wíth a paír of
peopíe ín suíts," saíd the manager ín an íntervíew wíth the author.
681. (*) Gagan saíd he saw Daníeí wíth Omar and Ahmed ín Mexíco. On November
27, Gagan says he was ínstructed by hís "Hízboííah" contact to rent a room at the
La Vísta Moteí ín Denver ín preparatíon for another meetíng. Gagan saíd hís
attempts to have the FBI stake out the room were ígnored. The ínformant cíaíms
he íearned of píans to bomb símuítaneous targets ín Phoeníx and Denver on or
about February 8, 1996 - the specífíc targets beíng the ATF offíce ín the Mííe Hígh
Center at 1700 Broadway ín Denver, and the DEA/Customs offíce at 115 Inverness
Dríve ín Engíewood, Coíorado.
682. (508) Hampton's aíías was Abd aí-Rashíd Abdaííah, and Gant's was Abd
Rashíd.
683. (*) A voíce stress anaíysís run on the caííer índícated he was teíííng the truth.
684. (*) Thís cíaím was aííegedíy based on DNA tests and footprínt matches.
685. (509) |ím Kíííackey, "Leg Confírmed as 169th Víctím's," "aily Oklahoman, date
unknown; "Leg Lost ín Bíast Stííí a Mystery," "allas Mornin% News, 10/19/95;
"Okíahoma Bomb Víctím Exhumed," 3/15/96, Assocíated Press; Gary Tuchman,
"Does severed íeg prove McVeígh's ínnocence?," CNN, 8/7/95.
686. (510) Wííííam |asper, íntervíew wíth author. Mahon stated thís to |asper on
October 1, 1996,
687. (511) "Ríse of HízbAííah Internatíonaí," "efense 5 Forei%n Affairs, 8/31/96.
688. (512) FBI 302 statement of Mohammad Abduí Haggag, quoted ín Myíroíe, O*
!it.
689. (513) Tímothy McVeígh's Wrít of Mandamus, 3/25/96, copy ín author's
possessíon, aíso quoted ín Wííííam |asper, " Defense Cíts Mídeast Connectíon," The
New American, 5/12/97.
481
690. (514) Phííííps, O* !ite.
691. (515) She saíd that her father had aíso met Yasser Afafat, and had hís
photograph on hís waíí.
692. (*) Mícheíe aíso saíd she overheard her father taík about approachíng neo-
Nazís through the Natíonaí Socíaííst Party. Díd Hírram Torres try to contact Natíonaí
Socíaííst íeader Gary Lauck? Apparentíy, Strassmeír was on to Lauck, as he was
arrested on hís way to Denmark. Strassmeír had íearned about Lauck's traveí píans
from WAR íeader Dennís Mahon, a fríend of Brescía and Strassmeír, who, as
mentíoned prevíousíy, was beíng paíd by the Iraqís.
693. (516) Keíth, O* !it., p. 151.
694. (**) We ran Torres' tapes through a voíce stress anaíyzer. They índícated she
was beíng truthfuí.
695. (517) There were no purges ín the Communíst ínteííígence servíces ín the
former Sovíet Uníon |FSU|. Documents and records, as Generaí Se|na poínts out,
were transferred from Eastern Europe to Moscow. Those who ran the KGB stííí run
the SVR, and a dozen other servíces ín Russía and the FSU.
696. (518) Míchaeí Hedges, "Senate Resoíutíon Asks Cíínton to Bíock Resettíement
of Iraqís," Washin%ton Times, 9/14/93; "Iraq: Admíssíon of Refugees ínto the Uníted
States," Congressíonaí Research Servíce Report for Congress, Líbrary of Congress,
10/28/93; Letter from Senator Davíd Boren to Craíg Roberts, 3/14/94, copy ín
author's possessíon; Denmark, Norway, Sweden, the U.K., Austraíía, Pakístan, and
Syría absorbed the remaíníng refugees.
697. (*) The Federaí Government aííocated $6,000 per refugee for resettíement
purposes, at the same tíme that veterans who suffered from Guíf War íííness were
beíng ígnored by the Veterans Admínístratíon.
698. (519) (+id.
699. (*) On December 4, 1981, Presídent Reagan íssued an Executíve Order
permíttíng the CIA to conduct covert operatíons ínsíde thís country. Not that they
dídn't aíready.
700. (*) Líke Andreas Strassmeír, Hussaíní was unabíe to come up wíth hís INS
records. Khaííd cíaímed they were stoíen by KFOR, a cíaím that |ayna Davís |ust
íaughed at.
701. (*) The government's refusaí to admít the terroríst míssííe shoot-down of TWA
fííght 800 may very weíí have as íts basís the need to maíntaín the abíííty of the
crucíaí aírííne índustry to contínue functíoníng.
482
702. (*) As Washíngton ínsíder |ournaííst Sara McCíendon toíd me, "Bush has a hoíd
on the Cíínton admínístratíon, and I don't know what ít ís.. George Bush starts
these thíngs. he's pushíng Mena, Arkansas off on Cíínton.. Most of the peopíe
don't know that Bush ís manípuíatíng the admínístratíon."
703. (520) McVeígh was índícted on 11 counts: conspíracy to use a bomb to
destroy the Federaí Buíídíng, detonatíng the bomb, destroyíng a federaí buíídíng,
and murderíng eíght federaí íaw enforcement agents.
704. (521) Brandon M. Stíckney, All American Monster7 The 2nauthori-ed
$io%ra*hy of Timothy McVei%h (New York, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996), p. 177;
"Ríchard Serrano, "Cíues Sought ín Detaíís from McVeígh's Arrest," 3os An%eles
Times, 9/10/95, quoted ín Armstrong, O* !it. p. 118.
705. (*) McVeígh was taken over to Hanger's patroí car, where he heard radío
broadcasts about the bombíng, and casuaííy chít-chated wíth Offícer Hanger.
( When he arríved at the |aííhouse, he símpíy asked, "when's chow"?
706. (522 Coí. Davíd Hackworth and Peter Annínn, |"And We're Goíng to Go to
Tríaí," Newsweek, 7/3/95.
707. (523) Ríchard A. Serrano, "Cíues Sought ín Detaíís from McVeígh's Arrest,"
9/10/95, quoted ín (+id.
708. (524) Appíícatíon and Affídavít FBI Specíaí Agent Henry C. Gíbbons.
709. (525) Eíízabeth Gíeíck, "Who Are They?" Time, 5/1/95.
710. (526) New 'ork Times, 4/22/95.
711. (*) For that matter, why wouíd he rent an easííy traceabíe truck, appíy for |obs
at the Federaí Buíídíng usíng hís reaí name, aííow hímseíf to be fíímed by
numerous securíty cameras, stop to ask dírectíons mínutes before the bombíng,
hang around two bíocks from the críme scene mínutes after the bíast, speed away
wíthout a íícense píate, and faíí to shoot the cop who stopped hím?
712. (527) Uníted States v. Tímothy |ames McVeígh, dírect testímony of FBI Agent
|ames Eíííott, 4/28/97. The compíete confídentíaí vehícíe ídentífícatíon number was
1FDNF72|4PVA26077.
713. (*) The author saw a cíose-up vídeotape of the axíe taken by Deputy Sheríff
Meívín Sumter, whích cíearíy shows the seríaí number on the dífferentíaí housíng,
whích ís part of the rear axíe assembíy. It was not, as some amateur researchers
cíaímed, on the axíe ítseíf.
483
714. (528) FBI FD-383 (FBI Facíaí Identífícatíon Fact Sheet) of Tom Kessínger, dated
4/20/95, copy ín author's possessíon. Tím Keísey, "The Okíahoma Suspect Awaíts
Day of Reckoníng," 3ondon Sunday Times, 4/21/96.
715. (529) Cash, O* !it.
716. (530) Edward Zehr, "The McVeígh Tríaí Gets Underway: Maínstream Medía
Míss The Reaí Story," Washin%ton Weekly, 5/5/97.
717. (*) Eíííott stated ín hís FBI 302 that a second man accompaníed "Kííng" on
Apríí 17, and thought he saw "faír síze" ííght bíue sedan.
718. (*) In fact, Eíííott testífíed that he met wíth the prosecutíon for two hours,
severaí days príor to the hís appearance at tríaí.
719. (531) Affídavít of Ríchard Renya, |uíy 5, 1995
720. (532) Newsweek reporter, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
721. (*) An anonymous ínformant who contacted State Representatíve Charíes Key
severaí tímes stated, ".the ATF reguíaríy uses íeased Ryder trucks to move
ordínance. And you know ít's agaínst ICC reguíatíon and everythíng but he saíd
they secretíy do ít." Investígator Craíg Roberts saíd the Army aíso has "open
contracts" wíth Ryder.
722. (533) "Phone Records Línk Suspects Before Bíast," "aily Oklahoman, 5/3/96.
723. (534) Testímony of OPUS Teíecom expert |ohn Kane, U.S. v. McVeígh.
724. (535) Kevín Fíynn, "Computer Records Show Caíís Made But Aren't Cíear Who
Made Them," Rocky Mountain News, date unknown. "Prosecutors have pressured
OPUS representatíves not to díscuss thís íssue wíth the News, even askíng them
not to verífy how theír computer systems work, the empíoyees saíd."
725. (536) Steve Wíímsen, "Records Poínt to |ohn Doe 2," "ener )ost, date
unknown; Steven K. Pauíson, Assocíated Press, 2/15/97. In a íater ruííng, |udge
Matsch stated that Manníng deníed prosecutors díd anythíng wrong to eíícít hís
testímony.
726. (537) |.D. Cash, íntervíew wíth |ames Sargeant, Media $y*ass, |uíy, 1996.
727. (538) Barbara Whíttenberg, íntervíew wíth author.
728. (*) Interestíngíy, McGown díd not state on hís FBI 302 who was drívíng the
truck on Apríí 16, when hís mother had asked hím to request that the dríver move
ít.
484
729. (539) Investígatíon on 5/7/95 at |unctíon Cíty, Kansas Fííe # 174A-OC-56120-
D-815 by SA Mark M. Bouton -WSA, date díctated 5/8/95.
730. (540) Robert Víto, "Okíahoma Bombíng Investígators Hít Troubíesome Snags,"
CNN, 11/24/95.
731. (541) Newsweek reporter, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
732. (542) Hoppy Heídeíberg, Intervíew wíth author.
733. (543) |oseph Vínduska and Dennís Euwer are two wítnesses who saw the truck
at the íake on the 18th.
734. (544) Steve Wíímsen and Mark Eddy, "Who bombed the Murrah Buíídíng?"
"ener )ost, date unknown.
735. (545) |ack Dougías |r. "Bomb íínk to íake reportedíy scrapped, Fort Worth
Star-Tele%ram, 3/25/97.
736. (546) Evan Thomas, "Thís Doesn't Happen Here," Newsweek, 5/1/95; U.S. v.
McVeígh.
737. (547) U.S. v. |ames Dougías Níchoís and Terry Níchoís, Crímínaí Compíaínt,
statements of FBI Specíaí Agent Patríck Wease.
738. (548) "Some Wítnesses Leery Of Bombíng Grand |ury," "aily Oklahoman,
8/10/97; Gary Antene, íntervíew wíth author.
739. (549) U.S. v. McVeígh, testímony of Ríchard Chambers.
740. (550) "FBI Investígates Possíbíe McVeígh Línk to Fueí Buy," Rocky Mountain
News, 4/11/97.
741. (*) However, the índíctment named Líbyan Abdeí Basset Aíí aí-Megrahí as the
customer. Authorítíes' second wítness, Abdu Maged |íacha, a Líbyan ínteííígence
offícer who defected to the U.S., was put ínto the Federaí Wítness Protectíon
Program and gíven a $4 mííííon doííar reward for hís testímony agaínst Megrahí.
742. (551) Ed Hueske, íntervíew wíth author.
743. (552) Frank Shíííer and Max Courtney, íntervíews wíth author.
744. (553) Lou Kíízer and Kevín Fíynn, "Were Feds Warned Before OKC Bomb
Buíít?" Rocky Mountain News, 2/6/97.
745. (554) Testímony of Kevín Níchoías, U.S. v. McVeígh.
485
746. (555) Padííía and Deípít, O* !it., p. 209; Davíd |ohnson, "Agents ín Kansas
Hunt for Bomb Factory as Sense of Frustratíon Begíns to Buííd," New 'ork Times,
4/30/95, quoted ín Keíth, p. 37.
747. (556) |ames. D. Níchoís, Freedom1s &nd7 !ons*iracy in Oklahoma, seíf
pubííshed, 1997, p. 164.
748. (557) "McVeígh's Fíngerprínts Not on Key Items," CNN, 5/15/97.
749. (*) As the Assocíated Press recentíy reported, poííce ín upstate New York had
been faísífyíng evídence, íncíudíng fíngerprínts, for years.
750. (558) |ím Garríson, On The Trial of the Assassins (New York, NY: Warner
Books, 1988), p. 113.
751. (559) Whítehurst contended the probíems ín the FBI's íab had been occurríng
sínce at íeast 1989.
752. (560) Davíd |ohnston and Andrew C. Revkín, "Report Fínds FBI Lab Sííppíng
From Pínnacíe of Críme Fíghtíng," New 'ork Times, 1/29/97.
753. (561) "Report: FBI Lab Botched Okíahoma Bombíng Evídence," CNN, 3/22/97.
754. (*) As Whítehurst stated: ".Mr. Thurman, ín my estímatíon does íntentíonaííy
mísrepresent evídence and ís, absoíuteíy, wíthout a doubt, beyond any possíbíe
other expíanatíon's grasp, resuít oríented. He wants the answer that wííí prove
guíít.."
755. (**) Whítehurst testífíed that he was toíd not to províde any ínformatíon or
evídence, such as aíternate theoríes to the urea-nítrate theory, that couíd be used
by the defense to chaííenge the prosecutors' hypothesís of guíít ín the Woríd Trade
Center case. (Ryan Ross, "Bíastíng the FBI," "i%ital !ity "ener, 1997)
756. (562) |ohn Keííy, "FBI: McVeígh Contradíctíons," 2nclassified, date unknown;
Memorandum to Aíí U.S. Attorneys from |ohn Keeney, Actíng Assístant Attorney
Generaí, 1/4/96, copy ín author's possessíon; "Outsíde Experts to Revíew FBI Críme
Lab," Wall Street Journal, 9/19/95; "Team to Investígate FBI Chemíst's Bías Cíaíms,"
Assocíated Press, date unknown; Píerre Thomas, "FBI Lab Audít Fínds Some
Díscrepancíes," Washin%ton )ost, 9/15/95.
757. (**) "Mr. Wííííams. rewrote my reports ín an unauthorízed rewrítíng, íssued
these reports, unauthorízed, changes beíng ín them, and changed the meaníng of
the reports I thínk, wíthout reaíízíng ít," Whítehurst íater testífíed.
758. (563) Memorandum to Scíentífíc Anaíysís Chíef |ames Kearny, copy ín author's
possessíon, date unknown.
486
759. (564) Garríson, O* !it., P. 116.
760. (565) "FBI Furor,"2nclassified, Summer, 1997.
761. (566) Ryan Ross, "Bíastíng the FBI," "i%ital !ity "ener, 1997.
762. (567) Noían Cíay, "McVeígh Items Seízed From Home, Bríef Says," "aily
Oklahoman, 6/11/96; U.S. v. McVeígh, testímony of Specíaí Agent Steven
Burmeíster.
763. (568) Karen Abbott, "Defense Says FBI Taínted Resídue: Evídence Ouestíoned;
Brítísh Expert Testífíes; The Tabíes Turn Today, Rocky Mountain News, 5/21/97.
Burmeíster saíd he photographed the crystaís before they dísappeared.
764. (569) Deputy Sheríff Cíínt Boehíer, íntervíew wíth author.
765. (570) Ryan Ross, "i%ital !ity "ener, 1997. Reno wouíd íater comment, "It ís
unfaír, ít ís unreasonabíe, ít ís a ííe to spread the poíson that the government was
responsíbíe at Waco for the murder of ínnocents. That kínd of íanguage ís
unacceptabíe ín a socíety that vaíues truth."
766. (571) U.S. v. McVeígh.
767. (*) McVeígh seíected Okíahoma Cíty for the fact that the agents and the
orders that came out of that buíídíng were responsíbíe for the tragedy at Waco,
Fortíer aííeged at tríaí.
768. (572) The gun - a Ruger Míní-30 rífíe, Seríaí No. 18957425 - was actuaííy
purchased by Terry Níchoís on November 10, 1993, from Randy's Huntíng and
Sport ín Bad Axe, Míchígan.
769. (573) Hoppy Heídeíberg, íntervíew wíth author.
770. (574) Copy of íetter ín author's possessíon.
771. (575) Davíd Maraníse, Píerre Thomas, "Offícíaís See Conspíracy of at Least
Four ín Bíast; Probe Focuses on Suspect's Ríght-Wíng Tíes, Washin%ton )ost,
4/23/95.
772. (576) (+id.
773. (577) "allas Mornin% News, 6/15/95.
774. (578) Peter Caríson, Washin%ton )ost, 3/23/97.
487
775. (*) Hartzíer's íetter, |ones saíd ín hís bríef, "índícates that the |ustíce
Department ís stííí searchíng for |ohn Doe No. 2 and may be reíeasíng
dísínformatíon to íessen pubííc pressure to fínd |hím|."
776. (579) Noían Cíay and |ohn Parker, "|ohn Doe 2 Stííí Sought, Letter: Says
Prosecutors Doubt Wítnesses Místaken," The "aily Oklahoman, date unknown.
777. (580) Wííííam |asper, New American, date unknown.
778. (581) Noían Cíay and Penny Owen, "'Wacky Theoríes' Unfaír, McVeígh
Attorney Says," "aily Oklahoman,10/29/96. "We have an obíígatíon to ínvestígate
everythíng," Hartzíer toíd a group of bombíng víctíms. "And íf we fínd some rumor
or whatever ít ís, ít makes ít ínto an FBI report."
779. (582) |ohn Gíbson, íntervíew wíth Charíes Key and V.Z. Lawton, MSNBC,
4/25/97; V.Z. Lawton, íntervíews wíth author.
780. (583) New 'ork Times, 12/3/95.
781. (*) The federaí prosecutors' íame excuse for confíníng the evídence to
McVeígh and Níchoís was to maíntaín a "deadííne" set by federaí guídeíínes on
provídíng speedy tríaís.
782. (584) Harry Waííace, CBS Thís Morníng, 10/16/95.
783. (585) |on Rappaport ís the author of The Oklahoma $om+in%7 The Su**ressed
Truth (Santa Moníca: Bíue Press, 1995).
784. (586) Hoppy Heídeíberg, íntervíew wíth author.
785. (587) |.D. Cash, "New Investígatíon Into Okíahoma Cíty Bombíng Demanded,"
Ju+ilee, Nov/Dec, 1995. In the Whítewater affaír, a specíaí federaí |udge paneí, by
statute, appoínted an Independent Counseí, Kenneth Starr, supposed to be
separate and apart from the |ustíce Department. Under the íaw, thís was supposed
to assure the pubííc that there wouíd be an "índependent" ínvestígatíon of possíbíe
hígh-íeveí crímínaííty, not a whíte-wash. Mígueí Rodríguez was reportedíy bíocked
by Starr and others from probíng and caíííng índependent wítnesses, not
necessarííy FBI nor forensíc experts behoíden to a poíítícaí agenda. Aíí thís, ín
respect to suspícíons that Whíte House deputy counseí Víncent Foster, |r. was not
reaííy a suícíde but murdered. "Whítewater And The 'Runaway' Federaí Grand
|ury", Sherman H. Skoíníck. !ons*iracy Nation, Voí. 5, No. 30.
786. (*) It seemed that the |ohn Doe 2 íead was offícíaííy dropped ín earíy May. An
FBI memo regardíng a |ohn Doe 2 íead ínstructs aíí FBI offíces: "In víew of the fact
that the Okíahoma Command Post has dírected aíí offíces to hoíd unsub #2 íeads
ín abeyance, San Francísco wííí conduct no further ínvestígatíon regardíng thís
íead." (174A-OC-56120 TPR:tpr, ínvestígatíon was conducted by Specíaí Agent (SA)
488
Thomas P. Raveneííe regardíng Ríchard Dehart, DOB 6/21/65, as a Phoeníx resídent
and a possíbíe íook- aííke for unsub #2, dated 5/3/95.)
787. (588) Reddy and Wíímsen, O* !it.
788. (589) Dr. Pauí Heath, íntervíew wíth author.
789. (590) Sharon Cohen, Assocíated Press, 4/27/95, quoted ín Armstrong, O* !it,
p. 27.
790. (*) It shouíd be noted that McVeígh was supposedíy on the road on Apríí 12,
traveííng from Kíngman to |unctíon Cíty.
791. (591) Barbara Whíttenberg, íntervíew wíth author.
792. (592) |ayna Davís, íntervíew wíth author.
793. (593) Línda Kuhíman and Phyííss Kíngsíey, íntervíews wíth author.
794. (594) Conníe Hood, íntervíew by Gíenn Wííburn and |.D. Cash; Keíth, O* !it.,
p. 147.
795. (595) (+id.
796. (596) Tony Boííer, Assístant Pro|ect Manager, Goodwííí Industríes, íntervíew
wíth author.
797. (597) |errí-Lynn Backhous and Dorínda Hermes , íntervíews wíth author.
798. (598) Kevín Fíynn, "Guard saw 2nd truck at buíídíng: Story Mírrors Bombíng
Tríaí Wítness' Account of Bíast Day," Rocky Mountain News, 5/24/97.
799. (599) Arnoíd Hamííton, "allas Mornin% News, 11/27/95.
800. (600) Brían Ford, "McVeígh Píaced at Kansas Store," Tulsa World, 9/12/97.
801. (601) Hamííton, O* !it.
802. (*) Thís ís the same thíng that Brían Marshaíí, the |ohnny's Tíre Store
empíoyee, saíd.
803. (*) Davíd Sníder, íntervíew wíth author. Sníder appeared to be a credíbíe
wítness.
804. (602) Mark Eddy, "Wítnesses Teíí a Dífferent Story," "ener )ost, 6/16/96.
805. (603) Rodney |ohnson, íntervíew wíth author.
489
806. (604) "Some Wítnesses Leery Of Bombíng Grand |ury," "aily Oklahoman,
8/10/97.
807. (605) Monterey !ounty 8erald, 4/29/95, quoted ín Armstrong, O* !it, p. 8.
808. (606) |udy Kuhíman and Díana Baídwín, "Wítnesses Say McVeígh Not Aíone -
Testímony Píaces |ohn Doe 2, Another Man Wíth Bomber," "aily Oklahoman,
9/11/97.
809. (607) "FBI Searchíng for Thírd Man ín Okíahoma Cíty Bombíng," CNN, 3/10/97.
810. (*) "Reference íead #10,220: Referenced íead #10,220, San Francísco was
dírected to íocate and íntervíew LESTER SCANLON concerníng hís knowíedge of
STEVEN COLBERN. In víew of the fact that COLBERN has been eíímínated as a
suspect ín thís matter, San Francísco wííí conduct no further ínvestígatíon
concerníng íead #10,220." (FBI memo dated 5/3/95.)
811. (608) Cash, Media $y*ass, February, 1996, O* !it.
812. (*) As the 3e%al Times noted: "Wíthín hours of íandíng, |Deputy A. G. Merríck|
Garíand was hít by a barrage of íegaí concerns.. In subsequent days, Garíand met
wíth Okíahoma County Dístríct Attorney Robert Macy, gentíy notífyíng hím of the
|ustíce Department's desíre not to have a íocaí ínvestígatíon goíng on
símuítaneousíy."
813. (609) Foreígn Poíícy Instítute expert, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
814. (*) The Brady Ruíe and Federaí Ruíe of Crímínaí Procedure 16(a)(1)(C)
provídes: "Upon request of the defendant the government shaíí permít the
defendant to ínspect and copy and photograph, books, papers, documents,
photographs. whích are wíthín the possessíon, custody or controí of the
government, and whích are materíaí to the preparatíon of the defendant's defense.
."
815. (610) U.S. v. McVeígh, Tímothy McVeígh's Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus,
3/25/97.
816. (611) Ambrose Evans Prítchard, "Víctíms Sue ín Okíahoma: Fíght for Truth,"
3ondon Sunday Tele%ra*h, 3/23/97.
817. (612) |.D. Cash and |eff Hoííaday, "Day of Bíast 'an Amazíng Coíncídence,'"
Mc!urtain ,a-ette, 12/1/95.
818. (613) Pat Brííey, íntervíew wíth author.
819. (*) |udge Matsch was not ímpressed wíth thís evídence. He commented duríng
tríaí that there must be haíf a mííííon bíue GMC píck-ups wíth camper tops.
490
820. (614) Ken Armstrong, íntervíew wíth Okíahoma Híghway Patroí, August 30,
1995.
821. (615) Amber McGíaughíín, íntervíew wíth author.
822. (616) Ken Armstrong, No Amatuer "id This (Aptos, CA: Bíackeye Press, 1997).
823. (*) The assertíon was that McVeígh was demonstratíng how to make a
"shaped charge," whích wouíd have been ímpossíbíe to make usíng 55-gaííon
barreís of ANFO.
824. (617) Testímony of Deborah Brown, U.S. v. McVeígh. The author has had
personaí experíence wíth methamphetamíne users, and can vouch for the drug's
abíííty to índuce psychotíc states.
825. (*) In fact, Fortíer was very íntent duríng testímony on ímpressíng upon the
|ury that the guns from the Moore "robbery" were stoíen, sayíng ín response to
|ones' cross-examínatíon: "No, no! I'm convínced those guns were stoíen!" As |.D.
Cash observed, Fortíer's successfuí píea-bargaín was partíy dependent on carryíng
that fact forward.
826. (618) Hoppy Heídeíberg, íntervíew wíth |on Rappaport.
827. (*) Even |udge Matsch was forced to teíí the |ury: "You shouíd bear ín mínd
that a wítness who has entered ínto such an agreement has an ínterest ín thís case
dífferent from any ordínary wítness. A wítness who reaíízes that he may be abíe to
obtaín hís own freedom or receíve a ííghter sentence by gívíng testímony favorabíe
to the prosecutíon has a motíve to testífy faíseíy. Therefore, you must examíne hís
testímony wíth cautíon and weígh ít wíth great care."
828. (619) The Fifth &state, Faíí, 1996, Voí. 31, #2.
829. (620) "ener )ost, 5/6/97.
830. (621) "|uror's Emotíons Wíth Cryíng Wítnesses," The S*otli%ht, 5/26/97.
831. (622) "Níchoís' Wífe Says She Dídn't Understand FBI Consent Form," CNN,
6/28/96
832. (623) Keíth, O* !it., p. 35.
833. (624) Chrís Hansen, "Hís Brother's Keeper," Dateííne, 1995, quoted ín Keíth, p.
36; Bob Popavítch, íntervíew wíth author.
834. (*) Most notíceabíy the Tulsa World, whích earned the kníck-name, The Tulsa
)rada0. The "aily Oklahoman has been caííed the ."aily Joke-la-homan. by íocaís.
491
835. (**) Levíne aíso gracíousíy represented Representatíve Key and severaí
ínvestígators, íncíudíng the author, who had set up a charítabíe trust to ínvestígate
the bombíng, for free, and brought Chícken soup to the author when he was síck.
836. (¦ Keatíng toíd Gary Harper duríng one of hís weekíy cítízen chat sessíons that
Key was síeepíng wíth a |udge's wífe. Keatíng aíso unsuccessfuííy tríed to fínd a
poíítícaí candídate to run agaínst the popuíar 5-term Representatíve. As )ortland
Free )ress pubíísher Ace Hayes wrítes, "|Keatíng| ís a pure devotee of Imperíaí
State power and hís approach ís, 'to heíí wíth free speech, free thought or free
assocíatíon.' He wííí protect the rích by attackíng peopíe no matter what fíne words
he swears an oath to.."
837. (625) Robby Trammeí and Randy Eííís, "Caíí For Bomb Investígatíon Debated,"
"aily Oklahoman, 6/29/95.
838. (626) As we argued when Key fírst set out on thís course, the Legísíature and
íts staff had no busíness ínvestígatíng the bombíng. It was, and ís, pooríy equípped
to do so. The same can be saíd of a paneí of íocaí cítízens who wouíd be asked to
ínvestígate one of the most compíícated cases ever to come before the courts. Yet
as The New American poínted out, state íegísíatures are reguíaríy tasked on
ímportant and sensítíve ínvestígatíons. And the County Grand |ury? Is that not "a
paneí of íocaí cítízens," the same as the Federaí Grand |ury that orígínaííy
"ínvestígated" the bombíng?
839. (**) It ís ínterestíng to examíne the attítudes of the Tulsa World and "aily
Oklahoman ín ííght of theír síster papers ín Nebraska and Arkansas, two other
corruptíon-rídden states. Former Nebraska State Senator |ohn DeCamp
ínvestígated a shockíng pattern of fínancíaí ímpropríetíes, chííd abuse, and murder
ín hís home state. In hís book, The Franklin !oer-2*, DeCamp exhorts the medía
to honestíy report the facts. But, as DeCamp notes, ".the World-8erald1s íong-
standíng pattern of behavíor ís |ust the opposíte. If ít has an edítoríaí attítude on a
story, íts news coverage and every other aspect of the newspaper are mustered to
accentuate the preferred síde of the íssue and suppress opposíng víews.. "Why aíí
thís effort? Because, tragícaííy, the peopíe who controí the World-8erald appear to
have a strong vested ínterest ín suppressíng the truth.." As The !linton
!hronicles notes wíth regard to Arkansas: "Fírst, the Cííntons have very cíeveríy
manípuíated and compromísed the press ín Arkansas, a smaíí state wíth oníy one
ma|or newspaper, the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette.... Despíte reveíatíons of
scandaí after scandaí regardíng the Cííntons, the Arkansas press has been ín a
state of deníaí, portrayíng most of the reveíatíons as attacks on the peopíe of
Arkansas themseíves." ||ohn W. DeCamp, The Franklin !oer-u*7 !hild A+use/
Satanism/ and Murder in Ne+raska (Líncoín, NE: AWT, Inc., 1996), p.95; Patríck
Matríscíana, The !linton !hronicles, (Hemet, CA: |eremíah Books, 1994), p. 21.|
840. (627) Noían Cíay and Penny Owen, "'Wacky Theoríes' Unfaír, McVeígh
Attorney Says," "aily Oklahoman,10/29/96.
492
841. (*) Shortíy after Key and Wííburn drew up theír petítíon to ímpaneí the grand
|ury, a bííí was íntroduced ín the State Legísíature to change the grand |ury
petítíoníng process.
842. (628) Mark Sanford, íntervíew wíth author.
843. (629) Even Paímer admítted that the statutes were íímíted as to what |udge
Owens couíd do or how he couíd ínterpret the íaw.
844. (*) The County dídn't possess the resources and funds, Paímer repííed, to
pursue such a bíg case. Besídes, she píeaded, the "ínvestígatíon" was aíready
"compíete," beíng a "thorough ínvestígatíon" from "severaí dífferent federaí
agencíes."( Paímer cíaímed a County Grand |ury wouíd "|eopardíze the Federaí
case." The federaí gag order prevents íntervíewíng prospectíve wítnesses, she
cíaímed. Sanford countered that there wouíd be no ínterference wíth the federaí
case as íong as they were íntervíewíng wítnesses and suspects that federaí
prosecutors ígnored, whích seem to be ín abundance.
845. (630) Moore, O* !it., p. 140.
846. (631) Dístríct Attorney Bob Macy, íntervíew wíth author.
847. (632) Rep. Charíes Key, íntervíews wíth author.
848. (633) Díana Baídwín and |udy Kuhíman, "Court Fíííngs Stop Bombíng
Testímony of Postaí Worker," "aily Oklahoman, 9/9/97.
849. (634) Ríta Cosby, FOX News, 4/4/97.
850. (635) Intervíew wíth |ayna Davís. Macy's Assístant DAs who handíed that case
were |ohn Fareíy and |ane Brown.
851. (636) "aily Oklahoman, 8/14/97.
852. (**) "They're comíng up wíth a substítute for proof," saíd Denver defense
attorney Larry Pozner. "They're softeníng the |ury up wíth emotíonaí testímony
about the bombíng and McVeígh's poíítícs. They're sayíng, 'We'íí gíve you every
reason ín the woríd to hate Tím McVeígh.'" (Kevín Fíynn, "Softeníng the |ury,"
Rocky Mountain News, 5/8/97.)
853. (637) "The CIA & The Medía," Rollin% Stone, 10/20/77, cíted ín Mark
Zepezauer, The !(A1s ,reatest 8its, 1994.
854. (638) Mark Sanford, íntervíew wíth author; Wííííam |asper, "OKC Investígator
Under Attack, " New American, 6/23/97.
493
855. (639) Brían Ford, "Fund-Rasíng Probed: |ury Looks ínto Efforts of Rep. Charíes
Key," Tulsa World, 5/6/97.
856. (640) |asper, O* !it.
857. (*) |ust as the íetter ís a sham masqueradíng as an honest response from
bombíng survívors, Drew Edmondson |and Frank Keatíng| are sub-human píeces of
effíuvía masqueradíng as human beíngs.
858. (*) Nor the rewards of poíítícaí offíce and bríbes.
859. (641) (+id.
860. (642) Brían Ford, "McVeígh Píaced at Kansas Store,"Tulsa World, 9/12/97.
861. (*) Fortunateíy, the smear tactícíans weren't successfuí at dísuadíng everyone
from the truth. In a CNN/USA TODAY/GALLUP poíí conducted ín Apríí of 1996, 68
percent of those surveyed saíd they dídn't agree that aíí of the suspects have been
captured.
862. (*) The buíídíng was demoííshed because offícíaís cíaímed ít was an eyesore,
an erríe remínder of that tragíc day. Yet authorítíes made no effort to remove the
charred, twísted, gutted remaíns of the Athenían Restaurant dírectíy across the
street, whích to thís day stííí stands as a shockíng monument to the brutaííty of the
bombíng.
863. (*) Accordíng to a 1988 GAO (Generaí Accountíng Offíce) report, the Federaí
Buíídíng was not a "safe" píace to ínstaíí a day care center. Aííegedíy based on the
1983 píot by whíte supremacíst Ríchard Wayne Sneíí (CSA member and fríend of
Robert Míííar) to bomb the facíííty, the report concíuded that a day care center
shouíd not be píaced ínsíde the Murrah Buíídíng. "No federaí íaw enforcement
agents who worked ín the buíídíng, íncíudíng the BATF, Secret Servíce, and the
DEA, ever had any of theír chíídren ín the Murrah's day care center. ever," saíd
Smíth.
864. (*) Smíth compíaíned that when she appears on íocaí radío shows, ít seems to
her that "more peopíe around here now hate me than ííke me... Peopíe that don't
want to thínk that the government wouíd do such a thíng."
865. (643) Gíenn Wííburn, íntervíew wíth author.
866. (644) Kathy Wííburn and Edye Smíth, íntervíew wíth author.
867. (645) "Tested by Fíre," )eo*le magazíne, date unknown, quoted ín, Gene
Wheaton, "Another Bush Boy," )ortland Free )ress/ July :CCD. Keatíng stated, "The
íeftísts I deaít wíth wouíd never consíder themseíves patríots, and they had
contempt for the government. The ríght-wíng crowd has contempt for the
494
government, and yet see themseíves as patríots. It's a curíous anomaíy, but both
of them are very símííar."
868. (*) "Because of my youthfuí appearance, I díd undercover work on the
Berkeíey campus," Keatíng saíd. The assígnment díssoíved shortíy after Keatíng
attended a Bíack Panther raííy. A federaí ínformant who íater ídentífíed peopíe at
the protest took one íook at a photo of Keatíng and muttered, "That's a píg."
(Oklahoma ,a-ette, 9/26/97)
869. (*) Keatíng aíso presíded over the federaí príson system. Hís wífe, Cathy, ís a
consuítant to 20S0 News 5 World Re*ort, a magazíne that often serves as an organ
of bíack propaganda.
870. (646) Gene Wheaton, "Another Bush Boy," )ortland Free )ress, |uíy 1995.
871. (647) Ace Hayes, íetter to author.
872. (648) Deposítíon of Wííííam C. Duncan, copy ín author's possessíon.
873. (*) Interestíngíy, Mena/Iran-Contra píayer Raymond "Buddy" Young, the
former Arkansas State Poííce Captaín who toíd ADFA dírector Larry Níchoís he was
a "dead man" íf he díd not drop hís suít agaínst Cíínton, was appoínted dírector of
FEMA's (Federaí Emergency Management Agency) Regíon IV post by Cíínton. FEMA
píayed a sígnífícant coordínatíon roíe ín the aftermath of the Okíahoma Cíty
bombíng. Was Young gíven the $90,000-a-year |ob to keep hís mouth shut?
874. (**) In fact, Wheaton suggested that Keatíng ís beíng groomed for the 2000
presídentíaí |or více-presídentíaí| candídacy.
875. (¦ The same reason for demoííshíng the Federaí Buíídíng was gíven for
demoííshíng the buíídíngs at Waco: "Safety concerns." Yet the Waco buíídíngs were
mííes from anywhere. Furthermore, an archítect who ínspected the Federaí
Buíídíng soon after the bombíng saíd there was no ímmedíate danger. But,
accordíng to Davíd Haíí, owner of KPOC-TV ín Ponca Cíty, Okíahoma, thís archítect
was íater "persuaded" to change hís opíníon.
876. (649) Wííííam |asper, New American, date unknown.
877. (650) Affídavít of Neíí Hartíey.
878. (651) Meííssa Kíínzíng, íntervíew wíth author.
879. (652) Ann Domín, íntervíew wíth author.
880. (653) Rappaport, O* !it.
881. (654) Hoppy Heídeíberg, íntervíew wíth |on Rappaport.
495
882. (*) In fact, many tímes that I have spoken to Heídeíberg, I couíd hear the
dístínctíve cíícks of a tapped phone.
883. (**) "They sent another team out on October 20," added Heídeíberg. "Agents
Marry |udd and Dave Swanson. "They saíd 'do you know how much troubíe you're
ín?', and I saíd 'weíí, apparentíy not,' and I |ust íaughed at them ííke I'm íaughíng
now (bursts out íaughíng). And they don't know what the heíí to do wíth that. What
do you do wíth a guy that |ust íaughs at you?"
884. (655) Hoppy Heídeíberg, íntervíew wíth author.
885. (656) Tímothy McVeígh's Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus, 3/25/97, pp. 71-72.
886. (*) |ím Garríson, On the Trail of the Assassins (Warner Books, 1988), p.252. In
1993, shortíy before Vínce Foster's body was found at Fort Marcy Park, Patríck
Knowíton saw a car wíth a suspícíous íookíng character. He ínformed the FBI, but
íater compíaíned that the theír renderíng of hís testímony was ínaccurate. After he
was subpoenaed by Kenneth Starr's Whítewater commíttee, he was staíked and
íntímídated by cars wíth íícense píates regístered to the U.S. government.
887. (657) Newsweek reporter, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
888. (658) Debra Burdíck, íntervíew wíth author.
889. (659) Deposítíon of |ane C. Graham, 7/20/97; Statement of |ane Graham,
11/15/96.
890. (660) Sharon Cohen, Assocíated Press, 4/26/95; Brían Duffy, "The Manhunt:
Twístíng Traíí," 20S0 News 5 World Re*ort, 5/8/95.
891. (661) Bííí |asper, íntervíew wíth author.
892. (*) Mackey aíso accused Davís of teíííng a bartender ín Denver that McVeígh
was ín the room. Davís deníed ít.
893. (662) Testímony of |ohn |effrey Davís, U.S. v. McVeígh.
894. (663) Tímothy McVeígh's Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus, 3/25/96, p. 36.
895. (*) Duríng the Pan Am 103 ínvestígatíon, authorítíes attempted to coerce a
cívííían searcher ínto sígníng a statement that he had díscovered a píece of
mícrochíp on whích the government's theory hínged. In fact, the searcher was
brought a bag of varíous unídentífíed components and asked to sígn the
statement, eventhough he wasn't sure he had found the ítems.
896. (664) |.D. Cash, Mc!urtain ,a-ette, quoted ín B.C. Specht, "Mínístry of 'Sííck
|ustíce' Scores Bíg Coup," posted on Internet, 5/26/97.
496
897. (665) Ryan Ross, "Fínaí Wítness Before Expíosíon - Two Men ín Truck, Neíther
was McVeígh?" "i%ital !ity "ener News, 5/23/97; Adrían Croft, "Okíahoma Cíty
Bombíng Tríaí Takes Dramatíc Twíst," Reuter, 5/23/97.
898. (666) Díana Baídwín and Ed Godfrey, "Síghtíng Accounts Díffer - Grand |ury
Wítnesses Put Bomber ín 2 Píaces," "aily Oklahoman, 7/15/97.
899. (667) Rep. Charíes Key, íntervíew wíth author, account of íntervíew wíth Gary
Lewís.
900. (*) Heath caííed the agent's supervísor and compíaíned, then, when he asked
how he couíd fííí out a Freedom of Informatíon Act request to see what the FBI had
saíd about hím, was toíd they dídn't know where he couíd get one. When he went
to the FBI offíce, he was rebuffed once agaín. After he fínaííy got the FOIA fíííed
out, he receíved word 60 days íater that hís request was deníed.
901. (668) Dr. Pauí Heath, íntervíew wíth author.
902. (669) Davíd Keen and Conníe Hood, íntervíew by |.D. Cash, tape transcríbed
by author.
903. (*) Thís was orígínaííy reported on the ma|or networks, then retracted as a
"radar anomaíy."
904. (670) Roberts, O* !it., p. 311. Part of Roberts' current assígnment as a ííaíson
offícer to an Aír Force Reserve fíghter squadron entaíís anaíyzíng surface-to-aír
threats.
905. (671) ABC Woríd News Sunday, 07/21/96.
906. (672) New 'ork "aily News, 11/09/96, quoted ín (+id.
907. (673) &lftheroty*ia, Athens, 08/23/96. Ian Wííííams Goddard, "The Veracíty of
the Russeíí Report," 11/20/96, posted on Internet. Goddard ís the author of the
book, The "ownin% of TWA Fli%ht @;;.
908. (674) (+id.
909. (675) Davíd Fuíghum, "ANG Pííot: |et by Ob|ect," Aiation Week 5 S*ace
Technolo%y, 3/10/96, quoted ín Goddard, "TWA 800 Míssííe Theory: Stonger Than
Ever," © 1997.
910. (676) "Report: Pííot Saw Pro|ectííe Near |et," Assocíated Press, 7/29/97.
911. (677) E. Phííííps, P. Mann, "Terroríst Fears Deepen wíth 747's Destructíon,"
Aiation Week 5 S*ace Technolo%y, 7/22/96, quoted ín Goddard, O* !it.
497
912. (678) Assocíated Press, 7/20/97, quoted ín Wííííam F. |asper, "What Happened
to TWA 800?" The New American, 10/8/96.
913. (679) Davíd Fuíghum, "ANG Eyewítnesses Re|ect Míssííe Theory," Aiation
Week 5 S*ace Technolo%y, 7/29/96, quoted ín Goddard, O* !it.
914. (680) |oe Sexton, "Behínd a Caím Facade Investígatíon Embodíed Chaos,
Dístrust, Stress," New 'ork Times, 8/23/96, quoted ín Goddard, (+id.
915. (*) Lt. Comdr. Rob Neweíí, a Navy spokesman at the Pentagon, saíd the
Navy's oníy aírcraft ín the area was a P-3 Oríon antí-submaríne píane, whích does
not carry míssííes.
916. (681) Letter to Davíd Hendríx, Ríversíde, CA, )ress &nter*rise from
CINCLANTFLT (Commander ín Chíef Atíantíc Fíeet), Pubííc Affaírs offíce, 8/30/96,
quoted ín Roberts, O* !it., p. 324-25.
917. (682) Pat Mííton, "Saíínger Stícks By Míssííe Theory Whííe Feds Shoot It Down,"
Assocíated Press, 11/9/96.
918. (683) Mínton, O* !it.
919. (684) Bo Grítz, !enter For Action Monthly Newsletter ,Voí. 6 No 11, |une,
1997.
920. (685) "Sonar Fínds Underwater Wreckage," 3e#in%ton 8erald-3eader, 7/21/96,
quoted ín Ian Wííííams Goddard, "TWA 800 Investígatíon Cover-Up: The Proof,"
7/26/97, posted on Internet.
921. (686) Ronaíd W. Lewís, "Uncívíí Aír War" (The Shootdown of TWA Fííght 800),"
Air Forces Monthly, No. 104, November 1996, quoted ín S0A0F0A0N0 (nternet
Newsletter, No. 213, 12/21/96.
922. (*) Another story that círcuíated among the press for a tíme reported that the
DEA, aíong wíth Customs, the Natíonaí Guard, and the Coast Guard, were
practícíng how to shoot down drug-smuggííng píanes wíth SAMs (surface-to-aír
míssííes). The P-3's |ob was to drop whíte phosphorous fíares, caííed Wííííe Peters,
to use as targets. Accordíng to some reports, the C-130 was seen droppíng whíte
phosphorous parachute fíares before TWA 800 went down. If thís ís true, were the
fíares beíng dropped as part of a target exercíse for heat-seekíng míssííes? Or had
C-130 been aíerted to a possíbíe míssííe threat and dropped fíares to dívert
míssííes from targetíng ít and other aírcraft ín the area?
923. (687) |asper, O* !it.
498
924. (688) W. Míchaeí Pítcher, "Fax Gíves Gíímpse of Crash Investígatíon,"The
Southam*ton )ress, 7/24/97, quoted ín Ian Wííííams Goddard, "Navy Míssííe Drone
Debrís Found at TWA Crash Síte?" 07/28/97, posted on Internet.
925. (689) Indeed, a ma|or terrorísm summít sponsored by Tehran ín |une of 1996
saw deíegates from Afghanístan, Pakístan, Iraq, Saudí Arabía, and other Míd-East
and Afrícan states, as weíí as Bosnía-Herzegovína, Germany, France, Brítaín,
Canada, and the U.S. come together to form a |oínt workíng commíttee under the
command of the new HízbAííah Internatíonaí - transformíng that group ínto "the
vanguard of the revoíutíon" of the Musíím woríd.
926. (690) Murray Weíss, "TWA Probers: Míssííe Wítnesses 'Credíbíe,'" New 'ork
)ost, 9/22/96.
927. (691) Míchaeí D. Towíe, "Míssííe Unííkeíy, but not Ruíed Out ín Crash," Fort
Worth Star-Tele%ram, 7/20/96.
928. (692) "U.S. Worríes Over Míssííes ít Gave Afghan Rebeís: U.S. Concerned that
Stínger Antí-aírcraft Míssííes Couíd Get ínto the Wrong Hands," New 'ork Times,
4/27/92; "As Afghan War Fundíng Dríes Up, Weapons Fíood Pakístaní Market,"
!hristian Science Monitor, 1/8/92; "Afghan Rebeí Bars Return of U.S. Stíngers"
(Isíamíc Party of Yunís Khaíís), New 'ork Times, 3/14/89; numerous other artícíes
reported thís.
929. (693) Letter from Rodney Stích to Senator Aríen Specter, 10/20/95, posted on
Internet.
930. (694) In the íate 1970s, two Rhodesían aírííners were reportedíy shot down by
Russían SA-7s. In 1986, a Sudan Aírways |et was shot down by a SAM. And ín
September of 1993, Abkhazían separatísts of the ex-Sovíet repubííc of Georgía shot
down three Tu-134 and Tu-154 aírííners usíng shouíder-fíred SAMs from boats out
on the Bíack Sea. The FBI was advísed that smaíí míssííes such as the Russían SA-
14 Gremíín, SA-16 Gímíet and SA-18 Grouse, are equípped wíth "proportíonaí
convergence íogíc" systems sensítíve enough to home ín on aírframe radíatíon
once ít nears íts target.
931. (695) Towíe, O* !it.
932. (696) |asper, O* !it.
933. (697) Weíss, O* !it.
934. (698) Washin%ton Times, 12/17/96.
935. (699) Aííen, O* !it.
936. (700) Wííííam |asper, New American, date unknown.
499
937. (701) (+id.
938. (*) He saíd they made up a bogus compíaínt about hím threateníng a reporter.
I spoke to that reporter and díscovered the compíaínt was faíse.
939. (702) Pauí Oueary "Okíahoma Hero Commíts Suícíde," Assocíated Press,
5/13/96.
940. (*) Accordíng to Rívera, the recaícítrant poííce offícer was forced ínto makíng
a pubííc servíce announcement wíth Governor Keatíng. "He was toíd he'd make
that or he was fíred," saíd Rívera. The offícer they sent to Washíngton to accept an
award on behaíf of the OCPD, he toíd Rívera, wasn't even at the síte!
941. (*) Yeakey was aíso angry because he couídn't get access to hís own report
about the bombíng (whích numbered between 9-10 pages). "He was ín a fuíí-
fíedged rampage over the report," saíd Rívera, whom he wouídn't even show ít to.
942. (703) Cpt. Ted Caríton, íntervíew wíth author.
943. (*) Interestíngíy, Yeakey's superíors, Ma|or Upchurch and Lt. Randaíí,
accordíng to Rívera, were cíaímíng Yeakey was "deíusíonaí" from the back ín|ury he
sustaíned duríng hís faíí ín the Murrah Buíídíng on Apríí 19.
944. (704) Okíahoma Cíty Medícaí Examíner's Report, copy ín author's possessíon;
Dr. Larry Baídíng and Dr. Fred |ordan, íntervíew wíth author. They saíd the drug
test costs between $400 and $500 doííars.
945. (705) Report of ME ínvestígator |effrey A. Legg, CME-1 Report, copy ín
author's possessíon.
946. (*) Severaí Medícaí Examíners expíaíned that ít ís not uncommon for an
índívíduaí to attempt suícíde by one method, then contínue to take addítíonaí
measures untíí they are dead. San Francísco's ME toíd me about a man who, upon
díscoveríng he had AIDS, tríed to hang hímseíf, then threw hímseíf off the baícony.
Perhaps Terrance Yeakey was not satísfíed wíth hís aííeged attempts to síash
hímseíf. As Dr. Fred |ordan, Okíahoma's Chíef Medícaí Examíner expíaíned, "It
hurts, and nothíng much ís happeníng."
947. (706) Thís was verífíed by schooí offícíaís.
948. (707) The harassment and surveíííance on Rívera and the rest of the famííy
was confírmed by Víckí |ones, and her husband, Reverend Gíenn |ones. Reverend
|ones toíd me that Rívera had come to them severaí tímes "frantíc" that she was
beíng taííed and harassed. Víckí saw evídence of the break-íns at Rívera's
apartment.
500
949. (708) Tayíor recaííed the íncídent for thís author. "There's oníy a few tímes ín
my íífe that I remember that somebody had done somethíng weírd ííke that, and
that's why I wrote ít down."
950. (709) Tonía-Rívera Yeakey, íntervíew wíth author. They had at one tíme been
fríends, she expíaíned, but had a faíííng-out ín 1992, and had remaíned apart ever
sínce. Rívera attempted to híre an attorney to bríng a Síander suít agaínst |ím
Ramsey, based on the faíse aííegatíons of hís death. No íocaí attorney wouíd
accept ít.
951. (710) OCPD Detectíve Muííínex, íntervíew wíth author.
952. (711) Regardíng Rívera's source, she cíaímed he knew thíngs about her that
no one couíd possíbíy have known. "He sat there and toíd me about stuff I hadn't
toíd anybody," whích íncíuded break-íns at her apartment.
953. (712) Offícer Míke Ramsey, íntervíew wíth author.
954. (713) Thís fíndíng ís based on the testímony of a former poííce offícer and
Maríne sníper.
955. (*) Thís funeraí home, curíousíy enough, has been míxed up ín some rather
strange íncídents.
956. (714) Karen Von T., íetter to author.
957. (715) The author knows the name of thís índívíduaí, but cannot reíease ít at
thís tíme.
958. (716) Shaun |ones, íntervíew wíth author.
959. (717) FAA report, copy ín author's possessíon. Investígators and pííots I've
taíked to índícated varíous ways a píane can be rígged to crash, íncíudíng
tamperíng wíth the fueí gauge so ít reads fuíí when empty, and puttíng a corrosíve
acíd on the controí cabíes.
960. (718) Míke Evett, íntervíew wíth author.
961. (719) Cíínt Boehíer, íntervíew wíth author. Interestíngíy, Boehíer wouíd íater
díscount the murder scenarío of poííce offícer Terrance Yeakey, despíte
overwheímíng evídence that Yeakey was murdered.
962. (720) Chrístopher C. Lyons, "The Whítewater FAO: Deaths & In|uríes," 1996,
posted on Internet.
963. (721) |ohn De Camp, The Franklin !oer-2*L FAA report, copy ín author's
possessíon.
501
964. (722) Medícaí Examíner's report, 8/5/97, by Dr. Fred |ordan, copy ín author's
possessíon.
965. (*) He was wearíng a t-shírt ínscríbed: "Nameíess Saínts We Gíve Our Thanks
- The hundreds of peopíe that gíve ít theír aíí wíthout personaí índívíduaí
acknowíedgment, Apríí 19, 1995, Okíahoma Cíty, OK"
966. (723) Dan Ríchardson, íntervíew wíth author.
967. (**) Hís partner was ATF agent Harry Eberhardt.
968. (724) |ohn Míchaeí |ohnston, íntervíew wíth author.
969. (725) Aí Martín on the Tom Vaíentíne show, date unknown. The author has
íntervíewed Martín extensíveíy.
970. (726) Craíg Roberts and |ohn Armstrong, JF47 The "ead Witnesses (Tuísa,
Okíahoma: Consoíídated Press Int'í, 1995), pp. ííí-víí, 173-76.
971. (727) D'Ferdínand Carone, íntervíew wíth author. Carone was subsequentíy
threatened by anonymous teíegram after I íntervíewed her on my radío show,
KHNC, Denver, Amerícan Freedom Network.
972. (*) The oníy maínstream medía who have made some effort to report the
truth have been CNN, the "allas Mornin% News, the "ener )ost, FOX News, and
ABC 20/20. Unfortunateíy, the ínformatíon 20/20 presented oníy covered íímíted
aspects of príor knowíedge by the government. KFOR, the oníy statíon that has
covered the Míddíe Eastern connectíon, ceased theír reportíng when they were
bought out by the New York Tímes Broadcastíng Company.
973. (*) Potts was íater taken off the case due to the heat from the Ruby Rídge
íncídent.
974. (*) As a sídeííne, the FBI and DO| occasíonaííy arrest and prosecute reaí
crímínaís.
975. (728) Raeí |ean Isaac, "Abusíve |ustíce: |anet Reno's Dírty Secret," National
Reiew, 6/30/97.
976. (*) In 1984, Reno prosecuted Grant Snowden, Míamí's 1983 Poííce Offícer of
the Year, whose wífe ran a day-care center. Snowden had threatened to report a
father whose son showed up wíth bruíses. The man retaííated by accusíng
Snowden of the abuse. The case was fínaííy dropped when the psychíatríst
examíníng the boy reveaíed that the father had coerced the chííd ínto per|ury.
Reno pervservered, however, bríngíng ín two seíf-styíed chííd-abuse experts -
|oseph and Lauríe Braga - to eíícít the requíred testímony from the íatest víctím
that Reno's offíce had turned up. Snowden was acquítted. Makíng good on her
502
promíse to try Snowden one chííd at a tíme untíí there was a convíctíon, Reno
pushed ahead. Whííe the íatest chííd was not even abíe to ídentífy Snowden ín
court, the |udge aííowed the testímony from the prevíous two chíídren (eventhough
Snowden was found to be ínnocent), excíuded testímony of Snowden's fíawíess
record, and sentenced hím to secure fíve consecutíve íífe sentences.( These
cases, aíthough híghíy manípuíated by government prosecutors, shouíd not be
taken as an ínference that chííd-abuse, íncíudíng rítuaí chííd abuse, does not occur,
as some medía pundíts have tríed to suggest.
977. (**) Reno had prevíousíy díspíayed her concern for chíídren when severaí
days earííer, two men who had dríven aíí day and aíí níght from Indíana to bríng
baby food to the chíídren at Waco were arrested.
978. (729) Thompson, O* !it.
979. (**) Letter from Rep. |ames Trafícant to members of Congress, 4/15/97, copy
ín author's possessíon. Trafícant íntroduced a bííí (H.R. 692) that seeks the
appoíntment of an índependent counseí to ínvestígate cases of DO| mísconduct.
The bííí ís pendíng as of thís wrítíng.
980. (*) As the Congressíonaí commíttee probíng the Insíaw affaír íater wrote: "The
enhanced PROMIS software was stoíen by hígh íeveí |ustíce offícíaís and dístríbuted
ínternatíonaííy ín order to províde fínancíaí gaín to Dr. Brían and to further
ínteííígence and foreígn poíícy ob|ectíves of the Uníted States."
981. (730) Ratíner was then paíd $120,000 over the next fíve years on the
condítíon that he not practíce íaw duríng that tíme. Former Mossad agent Arí Ben-
Menashe cíaímed he personaííy saw a cabíe from Israeí's |oínt Commíttee to the
U.S., requestíng that $600,000 be transferred from the CIA-Israeíí síush fund to
Hadron to pay Raríner. Former Natíonaí Securíty Advísor Robert "Bud" McFaríane
had soíd PROMIS to the Israeíís.
982. (731) Rodney Stích, "efraudin% America (Aíamo, CA: Díabío Western Press,
1994), pp. 371-97.
983. (732) $arron1s, 3/21/88. As |udge Bason wrote, "I have come to beííeve that
my non-reappoíntement as bankruptcy |udge was the resuít of ímproper ínfíuence
from wíthín the |ustíce Department whích the current appoíntment process faííed
to prevent."
984. (733) Stích, O* !it., pp. 377-78.
985. (*) (+id., pp. 394-95. Sherman Skoíníck and Mark Sato of Chícago's Cítízens
Commíttee to Cíean Up the Courts fííed a íawsuít agaínst Bua and Kníght, chargíng
them wíth obstructíon of |ustíce. They ínformed Bua that they were goíng to
círcumvent the specíaí prosecutor and present evídence to the grand |ury
503
themseíves. Bua repííed that he wouíd hoíd them ín contempt. "I do not íntend to
prosecute anyone," he toíd them.
986. (*) Those wíthín the DO| who had an ínterest ín coveríng up Casoíaro's death
were quíck to poínt out that the ínvestígatíve reporter suffered from Muítípíe
Scíerosís, and was therefore despondent. Interestíngíy, Hartzíer aíso suffers from
Muítípíe Scíerosís. In hís íetter to Dwíre, he adds: "The more the ímpíícít connectíon
between Mr. Casoíaro's Muítípíe Scíerosís and hís suícíde may create too díre a
pícture of Muítípíe Scíerosís. That íínkage ínvítes readers to cíuck wíth píty and nod
knowíngíy about the presumabíy devastatíng effect of Muítípíe Scíerosís.. I trust
that íf Ms. Reno, Ms. Gorííck and Mr. Smíth are not aíready famíííar wíth MS, you
wííí offer them thís note of baíance and assure them that Muítípíe Scíerosís
fíouríshes even ín the |ustíce Department and expects no píty."
987. (734) Robert Schmídt, "Low Key, Hígh Pressure," 3e%al Times, 9/2/96.
988. (*) Leíghton was the secret attorney for Lee Harvey Oswaíd.
989. (735) "An Irrestíbaíe Case," Newsweek, 8/14/95.
990. (736) Schmídt, O* !it. |ustíce Department offícíaís say Hartzíer's dísabíííty
píayed no roíe ín hís seíectíon.
991. (737) (+id.
992. (738) Sherman Skoíníck, !ons*iracy Nation, date unknown.
993. (*) It has aíso been specuíated that Ríchardson was the Assístant U.S.
Attorney who was provídíng ínformatíon to Tonía Rívera-Yeakey about the murder
of her ex-husband, through an íntermedíary. Accordíng to Ríchardson's brother
Dan, Ted had a stabíe, íovíng reíatíonshíp wíth hís wífe, |uííe, and adored hís
chíídren. Dan toíd me hís brother had no reason to commít suícíde. He was
aííegedíy sufferíng from "work pressure."
994. (739) The commíttee noted: "Ríconoscíuto stated that a tape recordíng of the
teíephone threat was confíscated by DEA agents at the tíme of Ríconoscíuto's
arrest.. the tímíng of the arrest, coupíed wíth Mr. Ríconoscíuto's aííegatíons that
tapes of a teíephone conversatíon he had wíth Mr. Vídeníeks were confíscated by
DEA agents, raíses seríous questíons concerníng whether the Department's
prosecutíon of Mr. Ríconoscíuto was reíated to hís cooperatíon wíth the commíttee.
995. (740) The government aíso attempted to destroy Wííííam Chasey, author of
The 3ocker+ie !oer-2*.
996. (741) (+id.
504
997. (742) |ohn Ashton, "US Government Stííí on Ropes Over Lockerbíe," The Mail
on Sunday, 6/9/96.
998. (743) Kevín Fíynn, "Testímony Bíocked at Tríaí of McVeígh," Rocky Mountain
News, 7/14/97.
999. (*) "My thought was that ít was our government," saíd Carone. "I honestíy
beííeve that." Accordíng to one account of the conversatíon, Shackíey was eíated.
1000. (744) D'Ferdínand Carone, íntervíew wíth author.
1001. (745) Pauí Hudson, head of U.S. Pan Am survívors group, íntervíew wíth
author.
1002. (*) North contacted Meese through Admíraí Poíndexter. Meese ínformed
Reveíí, who caííed Deputy Assístant Attorney Generaí for the Crímínaí Dívísíon Mark
Ríchard, and toíd hím: "|p|íease get on top of thís; |ensen ís gívíng a heads up to
the NSC. Deposítíon of Mark M. Ríchard before the |oínt Congressíonaí Commíttees,
8/19/87, quoted ín Chrístíc, O* !it0L |ensen ís Deputy Attorney Generaí Loweíí
|ensen; Keííner ís Attorney Generaí Leon Keííner. The rest of the conversatíon went
as foííows: "Caíí Keííner, fínd out what ís up, and advíse hím that decísíon shouíd be
run by you"; Cockburn, O* !it., p. 136.
1003. (*) As ínvestígatíve |ournaííst |oeí Baínerman wrítes: Offícíaís saíd that Aí-
Kassar maíntaíned offíces ín Warsaw and was a ma|or broker of the Poíísh-owned
weapons company, Cenzín. The fírst arms purchase by North from aí-Kassar
totaííng $1 mííííon was sent by boat to an unídentífíed Caríbbean port ín the Faíí of
í985 and was íater dístríbuted to the Contra fíghters. In Apríí of that year, a second
shípment of Poíísh arms was soíd to the CIA as part of thís transactíon. (3os
An%eles Times, 7/17/87, quoted ín |oeí Baínerman, "Bush Admínístratíon's
Invoívement ín Bombíng Pan Am 103," )ortland Free )ress, May/|une, 1997. See
Baínerman's book, The !rimes of a )resident, SPI Books, 1992, regardíng the íííegaí
deaís of George Bush). In another part of the deaí, more than $42 mííííon was
íaundered through BCCI accounts ín the Cayman Isíands. Aí-Kassar earned more
than $1 mííííon. )riate &ye, 10/25/9í, quoted ín (+id.)
1004. (746) Admínístratíon offícíaís who díscussed these deaís saíd Aí-Kassar had
cíear busíness íínks wíth Abu Nídaí's organízatíon, 3os An%eles Times, 7/17/87.
1005. (**) These were the same hostages that sparked the Iran-Contra arms-for-
drugs scandaí.
1006. (747) |ím Berwíck, a Pan Am securíty consuítant ín London, toíd Francovích,
"An HM Customs offícer ínvoíved ín the ínvestígatíon of narcotícs, íeft a message
for me. I subsequentíy contacted hím and met wíth hím and he advísed me that he
had been ín Frankfort and had been at a meetíng of drug enforcement agents ín
505
Germany, Ameríca and Brítaín, and that ít was weíí known and díscussed at that
meetíng that Pan Am was the aírííne that was beíng used as a drug conduít."
1007. (¦ As former Iranían presídent Abuíhassan Baní Sadr observed, "The peopíe
of Iran saw thís as a críme. shootíng down an aírpíane, kííííng aímost 300 peopíe
ís a críme.. Had ít ínvoíved another country, there wouíd have been íegaí
proceedíngs. A íot of fuss wouíd have been made aíí around the woríd. But here
they destroyed the aírcraft, and then congratuíated themseíves."( (Aíían
Francovích, The Maltese "ou+le-!ross, 1992)
1008. (*) U.S. ínvestígators traced a wíre transfer of severaí mííííon doííars from
Teheran to a bank account ín Víenna controííed by the PFLP-GC. (20S0 News 5
World Re*ort, 11/25/9í).
1009. (748) One ínterestíng píece of evídence was a caíí to Damascus, Syría,
íntercepted by authorítíes, ín whích Khreesat stated: "I have made some changes
to the medícíne. It ís better and stronger."
1010. (749) Prítchard, O* !it.
1011. (*) Thís aíso raíses the íssue of whether Abraham Ahmed, who was reíeased
from custody after hís mysteríousíy-tímed departure from the U.S. after the
Okíahoma Cíty bombíng, was an operatíve of the U.S. Government.
1012. (750) Accordíng to a specíaí report ín Time (Apríí 27, 1992), COREA used the
foííowíng front companíes for íts overseas operatíons: Sevens Mantra Corp., AMA
Industríes, Wííderwood Vídeo and Condor Teíevísíon Ltd. The report reveaíed that
Condor díd íts bankíng through the Fírst Amerícan Bank, a subsídíary of BCCI.
(Baínerman, O* !it. )
1013. (751) Donaíd Goddard and Lester Coíeman, On the Trail of the Octo*us
(London, Bíoomsbury Pubííshíng, LTD., 1993), pp. 143, 201.
1014. (*) PBS Frontííne ínvestígators beííeve that the ínteííígence offícers were "a
strong secondary target."
1015. (**) Avív beííeves the orígínaí target of the attack was Amerícan Aíríínes.
When a Mossad agent típped off the aírííne, the target was swítched to Pan Am.
1016. (*) Aíso aboard fííght 103 was Bernt Carísson, the Swedísh UN dípíomat who
had |ust compíeted negotíatíng the Namíbían índependence agreement wíth South
Afríca. He was due ín New York the next day to sígn the agreement.
1017. (752) Two separate eyewítnesses remember Generaí Crosby orderíng the
"ímmedíate buíídozíng of the crash síte."
506
1018. (*) The passengers were members of the 101st Aírborne Dívísíon, part of a
UN peacekeepíng force (MFO) ín the Egyptían Sínaí. Whííe offícíaís sought to
bamboozíe the pubííc wíth cíaíms of "wíng ícíng," four members of the Canadían
Avíatíon Safety Board dísagreed. The fííght engíneer and ground refueííer saw no
sígns of íce on the wíngs moments before the píane took off and crashed. Wíth the
heíp of Oííver North, Vínce Cannístraro, and CIA Deputy Dírector |for European
Operatíons| Duane "Dewy" Cíarrídge (aíong wíth Bud McFaríane and Ríchard
Secord) North had been negotíatíng wíth Iran for the reíease of the hostages. In
exchange, North was seíííng the Iraníans TOW antí-tank míssííes and other
equípment for use ín íts war wíth Iraq. Upon deíívery and testíng of one of the
HAWKs, the Iraníans reaíízed they had receíved an oíder versíon, and feít doubíe-
crossed. North was toíd by one of hís advísors that there was a "good chance of
condemníng some or aíí of the hostages to death ín a renewed wave of Isíamíc
|íhad." North's ínsoucíant response: the deaths of the hostages wouíd be our
"mínímum íosses." Gíven what happened next, hís words may have proved
prophetíc. Whííe the píane was beíng íoaded, the captaín notíced that the Egyptían
guard statíoned on the ground outsíde the aírcraft wouíd "dísappear from hís post
severaí tímes, sometímes for as íong as an hour." The baggage handíers aíso got
ínto a físt fíght, whích struck hím as odd sínce Arabs rareíy touch one another due
to reíígíous beííefs. Fínaííy, someone puííed a power cord on the tarmac, cuttíng aíí
ííght around the píane. Had someone used these díversíons to píant a bomb? Gíven
the suspícíous traín of events, ít seems híghíy ííkeíy. Yet íf the downíng of the píane
was a símpíe act of terrorísm, why the eíaborate cover-up? Another questíon that
has never been satísfactorííy answered ís why there were approxímateíy 20
members of an eííte Specíaí Forces unít known as Task Force 160 on the píane.
Thís ís sígnífícant, consíderíng that the roíe of the MFO ís peacekeepíng. In
contrast, Task Force 160's maín ob|ectíves are covert míssíons and rescues. Had
North, reaíízíng hís posítíon after doubíe-crossíng the Iraníans, píanned a covert
rescue? North reportedíy knew the exact posítíon of the hostages, down to the
very room they were beíng heíd. If the rescue attempt faííed, díd the 20 mysteríous
coffín-sízed boxes on the píane contaín dead servícemen? Or díd they contaín the
18 re|ected HAWKs? Despíte attempts to ídentífy the cargo through Army fííes, no
records of the boxes has ever been found. Eíther way, the Iraníans were sure to be
angered. A bomb on board a mííítary transport wouíd send a message to the
Amerícans that the arm of Isíamíc |íhad had a íong reach.
1019. (*) Thís assertíon was backed up by NBC News when ít reported, on October
30, í990, that the DEA was ínvestígatíng a Míddíe East based heroín operatíon to
determíne whether ít was used by the terrorísts to píace a bomb on the fííght 103.
Naturaííy, the DEA deníed any connectíon to the stíng operatíon ($arron1s,
12/17/90). Orígínaí quote, Francovích, O* !it.
1020. (**) Poíygraphs conducted on baggage handíer Tíííng Kuzcu by |ames Keefe,
a poíygraph examíner wíth 30 years experíence wíth the Army's C.I.D., reveaíed
that Kuzcu was not teíííng the truth when he stated that he díd not know who
swítched the suítcase, and further when he stated that he díd not swítch the
suítcases hímseíf. He aíso ííed when he saíd that Roíand O'Neííí, the íoadmaster,
507
had not toíd hím to swítch the bags. O'Neííí aíso faííed hís poíygraph. A second
poíygraph examíner brought ín to revíew the resuíts agreed wíth the fíndíngs
concerníng Kuzcu, but thought the resuíts on O'Neííí were ínconcíusíve.
1021. (753) Interfor report, copy ín author's possessíon; PBS Frontííne beííeves the
suítcase beíongíng to Gannon was swítched ín London. Accordíng to theír
ínvestígators, Gannon's was the oníy píece of íuggage not accounted for from the
fííght.
1022. (¦ The fact that the team was onboard made ít, ín the words of PBS Frontííne,
"a strong secondary target." The fact that the team was onboard made ít, ín the
words of PBS Frontííne, "a strong secondary target."
1023. (*) As Brítísh |ournaííst Davíd Ben-Aryeah reported: "Very strange peopíe
were at work very earíy on. Wíthín a matter of three hours there were Amerícan
accents heard ín the town. Over that níght there were íarge numbers, by whích I
mean twenty, twenty-fíve, thírty peopíe arríved.." (Franckovích, O* !it.)
1024. (**) As ínvestígator and former íaw-enforcement offícer Craíg Roberts poínts
out ín The Medussa File7 "The unusuaí actívíty of thís aííeged "FBI" agent ís stríkíng,
but not quíte as odd as the fact that Lockerbíe ís over 350 mííes from London,
whích ís the nearest poínt an Amerícan FBI agent míght be. To reach Lockerbíe
that níght from London, even íf traveííng by aír, wouíd have taken far more than
one hour consíderíng the sequence of events that wouíd have had to occur.
Assumíng a tímeíy notífícatíon, an Amerícan agent ín London wouíd have had to
have been tracked down consíderíng the íate hour, notífíed to pack up for an
ínvestígatíon, rush to Heathrow, board a waítíng aírpíane, fíy ímmedíateíy to the
nearest aírport that couíd íand a |et transport, obtaín ground transportatíon from
there to Lockerbíe, then íocate the command center. An effort that wouíd requíre
four to síx hours at the mínímum."
1025. (754) Debra Burdíck, íntervíew wíth author.
1026. (755) |.D. Reed, "Wednesday, Apríí 19, 1995: A Bíack Day for Aíí of Us,"
Workin1 (nterest, Voí. 96, Issue No. 3.
1027. (756) (+id.
1028. (757) (+id.
1029. (758) (+id.
1030. (759) Aííen, O* !it.
1031. (760) The |affar cían had been at the center of the opíum productíon ín the
Bekka Vaííey for years.
508
1032. (761) "Fííes Before Víctíms," New 'ork "aily News, 5/1/95.
1033. (762) Tuísa Fíre Captaín, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth Craíg Roberts.
1034. (*) Whííe Sheríff Deputy Meívín Sumtner toíd me he had found the axíe, an
Okíahoma Cíty Poííceman, Míke McPherson, cíaímed that he had ín fact díscovered
ít, as díd an FBI agent. These three accounts were contradícted by Governor Frank
Keatíng, who cíaímed that he had actuaííy found the axíe.
1035. (*) Aíthough Thatcher acknowíedged the conversatíon took píace, she deníed
that she and Bush sought to ínterfere wíth the ínvestígatíon.
1036. (*) Interestíngíy, some of these same píayers worked wíth CIA Dírector Bííí
Casey and Více Presídent George Bush to buííd Iraq (whose presídent, Saddam
Husseín, Bush caííed "worse than Hítíer") ínto a ma|or mííítary power. Thís poíícy
perfectíy íííustrated the Reagan/Bush admínístratíon's propensíty to cuddíe up to
whatever díctator or terroríst was ín favor at the tíme.
1037. (*) Yet they were stííí íeft wíth the probíem of províng how the mícrochíp had
been traced to Aí-Megrahí and Fhíma. The FBI cíaímed ít had traced the chíp to
Mebo, a Swíss manufacturíng fírm ín Zurích run by Edwín Boíííer. Agents showed
Boíííer a photograph of the chíp, and asked íf ít was from theír MST-13 O-seríes. "I
ímmedíateíy recognízed from the photo that the fragment found ín Lockerbíe was
wíthout a doubt from a tímer that we ourseíves had made," stated Boíííer.Yet they
stííí hadn't proven ís how the tímer had come to be ín the possessíon of Fhíma and
aí-Megrahí. Stasí (East German secret poííce) fííes showed that Boíííer had not oníy
soíd tímers to the Líbyans, but to the Paíestíníans, the Red Army Factíon, and
Arabs ín both Germaníes. The Stasí concíuded that Boíííer was a trípíe agent,
probabíy workíng for the CIA as weíí, sínce he seemed to easííy be abíe to get very
specíaí Amerícan equípment for them.Yet when Boíííer asked the FBI to see the
actuaí fragment, they saíd they dídn't have ít; the Scottísh poííce had ít. When
Boíííer approached the Scottísh poííce, they refused to show ít to hím. Nor was he
was gíven a satísfactory expíanatíon of how eíther the FBI or the Scotts managed
to trace ít to the Líbyans.
1038. (*) Oíííe North served on the píanníng commíttee that seíected the targets
for the Líbyan raíd.
1039. (*) When the new aííegatíons were fírst made pubííc, Líbya formaííy offered
to submít the matter to the Internatíonaí Court of |ustíce, or to an ínternatíonaí
arbítratíon tríbunaí. Theír píea faíííng on deaf ears, Líbya fínaííy ínvoked Artícíe 14
of the Montreaí Sabotage Conventíon, whích states that ín the event of a díspute
over the ínterpretatíon or appíícatíon of the conventíon that cannot be resoíved by
means of negotíatíon, any party has the ríght to submít the matter to an
ínternatíonaí arbítratíon tríbunaí. Aíí of the offers were |ust re|ected unííateraííy and
summarííy by the U.S. and the U.K., whích subsequentíy rammed a UN Securíty
Councíí resoíutíon through that was híghíy crítícaí of Líbya.
509
1040. (*) U.S. offícíaís aíso tríed to bíame the murder of three IBEX executíves ín
August of 1976 on "Líbyan-traíned Isíamíc Marxíst guerrííías."
1041. (763) |effrey Steínberg, "CIA Man: Iran, Syría Bombed Pan Am 103," The New
Federalist, 7/2/93.
1042. (*) U.S. Attorney Generaí Robert Mueííer toíd the pubííc, "We have no
evídence to ímpíícate another country (other than Líbya) ín thís dísaster." Gene
Wheaton descríbed ít as "OPSEC" (operatíon securíty), provídíng íayers of
deníabíííty and dísínformatíon, faíse íeads and storíes.
1043. (764) In August í991, Larry Cohíer, a wríter for the Washin%ton Jewish Week,
reported on a set of secret negotíatíons whích took píace between Syría and the
U.S. over the reíease of the hostages and whích íed to a number of covert tríps by
Bush to Damascus; Regardíng the announcement of the Líbyan theory, see: New
'ork Times, 11/15/91; Time, 4/27/92.
1044. (765) Coíeman/Goddard, O* !it., pp. 201, 256, 275; |ames Shaughnessy saíd
that he "had aíso been advísed separateíy by four ínvestígatíve |ournaíísts" that
they had "evídence" of these íntercepts, one havíng cíaímed to have actuaííy heard
the tapes. "Fínaííy, I was toíd that Mr. Love|oy used a number of aííases, íncíudíng
Míchaeí Franks."
1045. (766) Thís wasn't díffícuít, as the McKee team (vía Gannon) had made íts
traveí arrangements through the DEA's traveí agent ín Nícosía.
1046. (767) A May í989 report ín the Arabíc newspaper Al-"ustur reported on the
sítuatíon ínvoívíng Love|oy/Franks/Schafer. Lester Coíeman, a traíned DIA agent,
cíaíms he warned Huríey repeatedíy about the compromísed sítuatíon. Huríey
wouíd íater seek to dísmíss Coíeman's cíaíms as unsubstantíated, and seek to
díscredít Coíeman.
1047. (*) One person famíííar wíth the case beííeves ít was Shackíey hímseíf.
1048. (*) In 1984, Cannístraro, newíy transferred to the NSC, oversaw covert
assístance to the Mu|ahadeen.
1049. (768) Dave Emory, Pacífíca Radío Network, WBAI-FM, date unknown.
1050. (769) Míke Levíne, íntervíew wíth author.
1051. (*) "NBC News on February 7 carríed a somewhat dífferent versíon of the
reveíatíons that íater appeared ín the Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, ambíguousíy
suggestíng that aíthough Howe gave the government ínformatíon regardíng
'aííeged threats' príor to the bombíng, there ís 'no evídence' that she reported
'specífíc threats' agaínst the Murrah Buíídíng untíí two days after the bombíng."
510
(Edward Zehr, "Okíahoma Cíty Cover-up Exposed: But the Maínstream Medía are
Stííí ín Deníaí," Washin%ton Weekly, 2/17/97.)
1052. (*) I managed to partíaííy confírm thís by speakíng to |udge Babcock, and hís
neíghbor, both of whom saíd that extra securíty was províded the |udge at that
tíme.
1053. (770) Dave Hogan, "If He'd Been at Work. Former Portíander Says,"
)ortland Ore%onian, 4/20/95.
1054. (771) Gíenn Wííburn, íntervíew wíth author.
1055. (772) Press conference, 1/14/98.
1056. (773) |.D. Cash and |eff Hoííaday, "Day of Bíast 'an Amazíng Coíncídence,'"
Mc!urtain ,a-ette, 12/1/95.
1057. (774) Tom |arríeí, ABC 20/20, 1/17/97.
1058. (775) Ian Wííííams Goddard, "Federaí Government Príor Knowíedge of the
Okíahoma Cíty Bombíng," 5/26/97, posted on Internet.
1059. (776) Sherry Koonce, )anola Watchman, 4/23/97.
1060. (777) Aííen, O* !it.
1061. (778) KFOR, |ayna Davís reportíng, 11/21/96; WNBC Extra, Brad Goode
reportíng, 3/19/97.
1062. (779) |.D. Reed, "Wednesday, Apríí 19, 1995: A Bíack Day for Aíí of Us,"
Workin1 (nterest, Voí. 96, Issue No. 3.
1063. (780) (+id.
1064. (781) ABC EXTRA: Príor Knowíedge, 11/20/96.
1065. (782) "Indíctment: Insíde the Okíahoma Cíty Grand |ury, The Hoppy
Heídeíberg Story," Equíííbríum Entertaínment, 1996.
1066. (*) As prevíousíy mentíoned, Guy Rubsamen, the Federaí Protectíve Servíces
guard on duty that níght, saíd that nobody had entered the buíídíng. Yet Rubsamen
took off at 2:00 a.m., and cíaímed that nobody was guardíng the buíídíng from 2:00
a.m. to 6:00 a.m.
1067. (783) V.Z. Lawton, íntervíew wíth author; "Díana Baídwín and |udy Kuhíman,
"Eíevator Accounts Ouestíoned - Inspector Taíks of Bomb's Effect," "aily
OklahoLman, 7/16/97.
511
1068. (784) Wííííam |asper, "Príor Knowíedge: Powerfuí Evídence Exísts that
Federaí Agents were not Surprísed by OKC Bíast," New American, 12/11/95.
1069. (785) "Sínce hís story was made pubííc, Shaw saíd he and hís wífe have
taken a íot of fíak over ít, and ít has created a hardshíp for them. 'There's us that
knows the truth and those who hate us. The ones that hate us are the ones tryíng
to cover ít up,' Shaw saíd." ("Some Wítnesses Leery Of Bombíng Grand |ury," "aily
Oklahoman, 8/10/97.)
1070. (786) Wííííam |asper, New American, date unknown.
1071. (787) |.D. Cash, "ATF's Expíanatíon Dísputed," Mc!urtain Sunday ,a-ette
and $roken $ow News, 7/30/95. Schíckedanz won the Natíonaí Poííceman of the
Year Award for hís "heroíc" roíe.
1072. (*) The author confírmed the story wíth Oscar |ohnson, owner of the eíevator
company. Accordíng to |ohnson, the freíght eíevator's doors were bíown outward. If
the soíe bíast had come from outside the buíídíng, how couíd thís be?
1073. (788) Ed Godfrey and Díana Baídwín, "Bombíng Grand |ury Caíííng 6
Wítnesses Thís Week, " "aily Oklahoman, 7/13/97.
1074. (789) "Díana Baídwín and |udy Kuhíman, "Eíevator Accounts Ouestíoned -
Inspector Taíks of Bomb's Effect," "aily OklahoLman, 7/16/97.
1075. (790) Ríck Sherrow, íntervíew wíth author.
1076. (791) Davíd Haíí, íntervíew wíth author.
1077. (792) Gordon wouíd not return the author's caíís. The íntervíew conducted
by the other reporter was earíy on, before the cover-up got ínto hígh gear.
1078. (793) Ames Yates, íntervíew wíth author.
1079. (794) Ríck Sherrow, íntervíew wíth author; Don Webb, íntervíew wíth author.
1080. (795) Letter of Terrance Yeakey to Ramona McDonaíd, copy ín author's
possessíon.
1081. (796) Federaí agent, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
1082. (797) Líst of attendees of Sheríff's goíf tournament, copy ín author's
possessíon.
1083. (*) In kínd of a bízarre twíst to the story, they saíd that at one poínt one of
the men roííed a hoop across the road to the team on the other síde. A wítness
who saw the bíack-garbed team operatíng hoops by the Murrah buíídíng caííed the
512
FBI's specíaí 800 number to report what he saw. Afterwards he began notícíng that
hís phone cíícked constantíy, and a mysteríous bíack car began appearíng outsíde
hís house. By the tíme State Representatíve Key and I drove to Daíías to íntervíew
hím, he was too afraíd to taík, and we had to get the ínformatíon through a fríend.
1084. (798) Prítchard, O* !it., p. 90.
1085. (*) Strassmeír toíd the author ín an íntervíew from hís home ín Beríín that
Prítchard mísquoted hím - that Strassmeír reíayed the precedíng statement from
another BATF agent. Prítchard dísagrees, and stands by hís story.
1086. (799) Edward Zehr, "Turníng Poínt: Resoívíng The Enígma of Okíahoma Cíty,"
Washin%ton Weekly/ ::F:@FCM.
1087. (800) |.D. Cash, "Agents Probe OKC Bombíng Línks To Bank Robberíes,"
Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 7/16/96.
1088. (801) Prítchard, O* !it., p. 90.
1089. (802) Harry Eberhart íntervíewed by Tom |arríeí, ABC 20/20, 1/18/97.
1090. (803) Dewy Webb, íntervíew wíth author.
1091. (*) As for Eberhardt, hís name showed up on an ATF report concerníng Caroí
Howe's actívítíes at Eíohím Cíty. The report índícated that an "írate" Eberhardt
expressed hís concern that Howe's cover had been "severeíy compromísed" due to
the reíease of a report by FBI agent |ames R. Bíanchard II. Aíthough the report was
prepared aímost a year after the bombíng, the fact that Eberhardt's name
appeared promínentíy on the report suggests that hís offíce was ínvoíved, aíong
wíth the Tuísa offíce, on the Eíohím Cíty ínvestígatíon.
1092. (804) Ríchard Sherrow, íntervíew wíth author.
1093. (805) Charíes, O* !it0L Wííííam F. |asper, "Undercover: The Howe
Reveíatíons," The New American, 9/15/97.
1094. (806) Davíd Haíí, íntervíew wíth author; Ríck Sherrow, íntervíew wíth author.
1095. (*) Luke Franey cíaímed at McVeígh's tríaí that the oníy stíng they were
workíng on ínvoíved a narcotícs case wíth the Norman Poííce Department. Yet
Norman Poííce Chíef Phíí Cotten couíd gíve me no detaíís of that operatíon, nor
couíd anyone there remember any specífícs as to whích ATF agents were workíng
on that case. Cotten saíd most of the offícers had retíred.
1096. (807) Davíd Haíí, íntervíew wíth Tom Vaíentíne.
513
1097. (*) Franey cíaíms that agent Darreíí Edwards was at home, taíkíng on the
phone to Franey. Bruce Anderson was on hís way to a compííance ínspectíon, and
agent Mark Míchaííc, who had worked íate wíth Franey the níght before, was on hís
way to the offíce.
1098. (808) Davíd Haíí, íntervíew wíth author.
1099. (809) Davíd Haíí, íntervíew wíth author.
1100. (810) |on Rappoport, Oklahoma !ity $om+in%7 The Su*ressed Truth (Santa
Moníca, CA: Bíue Press, 1995), pp. 75-76.
1101. (811) Conversatíon between ínformant and Rep. Charíes Key, copy ín
author's possessíon. A voíce stress anaíysís we ran on thís índívíduaí's íntervíew
tape índícated he was beíng truthfuí.
1102. (812) Davíd Haíí, íntervíew wíth author.
1103. (813) Prítchard, O* !it, p.90.
1104. (*) Notíce how the caííer depícts McVeígh as the soíe target of the stíng, and
attempts to dístance hímseíf from the operatíon by taíkíng of ít ín the thírd tense.
1105. (814) Statement of |ane Graham, 11/15/96.
1106. (*) Recaíí that Sheríff's Deputíes Don Hammons and Davíd Kachendofer
sígned sworn affídavíts that Rep. Istook toíd them of the government's príor
knowíedge of the attack. Istook toíd bombíng ínvestígator Pat Brííey that he was
very cíose to the FBI's ínvestígatíon of the bombíng, and made ít hís busíness to
know the detaíís. "There ís nothíng you can teíí me and the FBI about the bombíng
that we don't aíready know," Istook saíd.
1107. (815) Bííí |asper, The New AmericanL The author aíso heard one of the
Cancemí tapes, but wíth a sííghtíy dífferent account.
1108. (816) Lana Padííía, íntervíew wíth author.
1109. (*) Accordíng to former C.I.D. ínvestígator Gene Wheaton, Saíem worked for
the TRD - Egypt's versíon of the CIA, controííed by the CIA. Saíem admítted to
beíng a doubíe-agent for the U.S. and Egypt.
1110. (817) Raíph Bíumenthaí, "Tapes Depíct Proposaí to Thrawr Bomb Used ín
Trade Center Bíast," New 'ork Times, 10/28/93. The transcrípts, whích are
stamped "draft" and compííed from 70 tapes recorded secretíy duríng the íast two
years by Saíem, were turned over to defense íawyers, ín the second bombíng case,
by the government under a |udge's order barríng íawyers from díssemínatíng
them. A íarge portíon of the materíaí was made avaííabíe to the New 'ork Times.
514
1111. (818) Waídman and McMorrís, O* !it.
1112. (819) |ím Dwyer, Davíd Kocíeníewshí, Deídre Murphy, and Peg Tyre, Two
Seconds 2nder the World, 1994, quoted ín Wííííam |asper, "Evídence of Príor
Knowíedge," New American, 5/13/96.
1113. (820) |.D. Cash, "The Rev. Robert Míííar Identífíed As FBI Informant,"
Mc!urtain "aily ,a-ette, 7/1/97.
1114. (*) Craíg Roberts, a 20-year Tuísa poííce offícer, concurrs: "|The Tuísa ATF
offíce| díd surveíííance, took photos, used ínformants (Howe) and yet no matter
what they díd, they couídn't get any cooperatíon out of D.C. They knew somethíng
was wrong, but couídn't get a handíe on ít. I thínk ít's because Strassmeír was
workíng as an ínfíítrator at the D.C. íeveí, and they were protectíng hím wíthout
típpíng off the íocaí offíce - whích they obvíousíy dídn't trust to keep a secret from
the íocaí poííce. Thís ín not unusuaí. In fact, the fíeíd agents wíth the ATF and FBI
often do not get aíong weíí wíth the D.C. offícíaís - and více/versa."
1115. (821) Cítízens Research and Investígatíons Commíttee and Louís Tackwood,
The ,lass 8ouse Ta*es (New York, NY: Avon Press, 1973), p. 5, quoted ín Aíex
Constantíne, $lood/ !arna%e/ and the A%ent )roacateur, 1993, p. 13; "Kíng
Aftermath Rekíndíes Poííce Spyíng Controversy, 3os An%eles Times, 6/18/91,
quoted ín (+id., pp. 16-18.
1116. (822) (+id.
1117. (823) In fact, the Pepsí bottííng píant ín Marseíííes was used as a cover for
heroín productíon.
1118. (*) Generaí |ohn Síngíaub, a former OSS agent, has the dístínctíon of beíng
the fírst U.S. offícer to pay hís índígenous personneí at Kínmíng, Chína wíth fíve
pound bags of opíum. Ray Cííne (Iran-Contra) was a member of Síngíaub's team at
the tíme. (Wall Street Journal, 4/18/80)
1119. (*) After the Contra torture manuaí scandaí, McFaríane was fíred, then
kícked upstaírs to the NSC to become Armítage's Deputy. Among those who
partícípated ín the orígínaí to pían "prívatíze" the Contra operatíon were: Gen. |ohn
Síngíaub (Ret.), Andrew Messíng, then of the Conservatíve Caucus, Ted Shackíey,
Harry (Heíníe) Aderhoít, Edward Luttwak, Gen. Edward Lansdaíe (Ret.), Seaí Doss,
and Coí. |ohn Wagheísteín, former head of the U.S. mííítary groups ín Eí Saívador.
1120. (824) Andrew Eíva, former Green Beret, part of íobby effort for Mu|ahadeen,
íntervíew wíth author; Chrístíc, O* !it. Reagan's March, 1981 decísíon was
formaíízed ín November as Natíonaí Securíty Decísíon Dírectíve 17, and hídden
from Congress.
1121. (825) Levíne, O* !it.
515
1122. (826) Roberts, O* !it.
1123. (827) Bo Grítz, !alled to Sere, 1991.
1124. (*) The reaí reason that Brítaín went to war agaínst the Chínese (The Boxer
Rebeíííon) was to prevent the emperor of Chína - concerned about the spread of
drug use among hís peopíe - from destroyíng Chína's opíum crop. The Brítísh, who
were makíng huge profíts from the opíum trade, had Parííament decíare war
agaínst the Chínese for ínterferíng wíth theír profítabíe "commerce." One of the
spoíís of that war was that Hong Kong became Brítísh terrítory, resuítíng ín a port
controííed by Engíand for the transshípment of drugs.
1125. (828) Speech gíven to the Arízona Breakfast Cíub ín Phoeníx ín 1989, quoted
ín Craíg Roberts, The Medussa File7 !rimes and !oer-2*s of the 20S0 ,oernment
(Tuísa, OK: Consoíídated Press, 1996), p. 200.
1126. (829) |ack Coíhoun, "The Famííy That Preys Together," !oert Action
Ouarterly, date unknown. Presídent Bush íater appoínted former Fíorída Governor
Bob Martínez as head of the U.S. Offíce of Natíonaí Drug Controí Poíícy. Martínez
had accepted campaígn donatíons from drug traffícker Leoneí Martínez (no
reíatíon). Bush's son |eb aíso had íínks wíth the Contra drug suppíy ííne through
Leoneí Martínez; In November 1984, two years after Reagan announced hís "boíd,
confídent pían" promísíng to "be on the taíí" of drug traffíckers, cocaíne ímports
had |umped 50 percent and heroín was more píentífuí than at any other tíme sínce
the íate 1970s. An estímated 63 tons of cocaíne gíutted the U.S. market ín 1984.
(|ames Mííís, The 2nder%round &m*ire, p.1125.)
1127. (830) Dennís Bernsteín and Robert Kníght, "DEA Agent's Decade Long Battíe
To Expose CIA-Contra-Crack Story," Pacífíc News Servíce, 10/96; "Wííí Whítewash
Of CIA-Cocaíne Connectíon Contínue? Reveíatíons Of CIA's Connectíon To Crack
Shouídn't Come As A Surpríse," The $irmin%ham News, 9/29/96. "Ríchard Gregoríe,
one of the country's top narcotícs prosecutors ín Míamí. had aggressíveíy pursued
bíg-tíme cocaíne bosses and drug-corrupted offícíaís ín and out of the Uníted
States. But as he began goíng up the drug-busíness chaín of command, he
targeted foreígn offícíaís fríendíy wíth the U.S. government, and the State
Department started ínterferíng wíth hís ínvestígatíons, teíííng hím to stay away
from certaín sensítíve areas. Gregoríe's operatíons were subsequentíy stopped at
the request of the State Department and he quít ín protest." -Pro|ect Censored,
1989. NSC memos díscovered duríng the Iran-Contra ínvestígatíon reveaíed that
Bush's NSC advísor Donaíd Gregg was aware earíy on of Contra ínvoívement ín the
drug trade. Couíd ex-CIA chíef George Bush, at that poínt Více Presídent and Drug
Czar, be unaware of such goíngs-on when hís reportíng subordínate was quíte
aware of Contra ínvoívement ín the drug trade?
1128. (831) Ceíeríno Castííío III and Dave Harmon, )owder+urns7 !ocaine/ !ontras
and the "ru% War (Oakvíííe, Ontarío: Mosaíc Press), 1988. As ex-CIA fíeíd offícer
|ohn Stockweíí noted: "We cannot forget the Senate Kerry Commíttee fíndíngs of
516
cocaíne smuggííng on CIA/Contra aírcraft, the DEA reports on the number of
prosecutíons ín whích the CIA has íntervened to bíock prosecutíon of drug
smuggíers, the note that escaped Lt. Coí. Oííver North's shredder that $14 mííííon
of drug money had gone to the Contras, or the CIA's 20-odd year reíatíonshíp wíth
Manueí Noríega."( (Austin American-Statesman, op-ed edítoríaí)
1129. (832) Míke Levíne, íntervíew wíth author.
1130. (*) Shackíey's maín contact was Ríchard Armítage.
1131. (*) Edward G. Lansdaíe, workíng wíth Shackíey, headed a subset of |M/WAVE
caííed "Operatíon Moongoose." The assassínatíon team was caííed "Operatíon 40."
Shackíey's íater partners ín the "Enterpríse," Tom Cíínes and Edwín P. Wííson, aíso
worked on |M/WAVE and Operatíon 40. Roseííí and Gíancana were murdered oníy
days before they were to testífy before Congress regardíng theír aííeged roíes ín
the Kennedy assassínatíon.
1132. (*) Shackíey and Cíínes aíso dírected an assassínatíon program to eíímínate
Vang Pao's heroín competítíon. A CIA offícer addressíng a group of Green Berets ín
Víetnam cíaímed that Shackíey had been responsíbíe for 250 poíítícaí murders ín
Laos. Shackíey wouíd íater become CIA Statíon Chíef of Saígon.
1133. (833) Wall Street Journal, March, 1983; quoted ín Cockburn, p. 103. Míchaeí
|on Hand was a U.S. Green Beret who served under Shackíey ín Laos.
1134. (**) In fact, Nugan Hand rented ad|oíníng offíces wíth the DEA ín íts Chíang
Maí, Thaííand branch, even sharíng the same secretary! The overaíí operatíon
resuíted ín the huge heroín epídemíc that swept the country ín the íate 1960s and
'70s, not to mentíon the U.S. troops ín Víetnam who became addícts.
1135. (834) Aíthough Congress decíared Phoeníx uníawfuí ín 1971, and ordered the
mííítary to prosecute the guííty partíes, the assassínatíons contínued untíí 1975.
One operatíve - a Mr. Reaux - was uítímateíy arrested and hung out to dry.
1136. (*) As Marchettí stated regardíng Wííííam Coíby, "Coíby ís a very dangerous
man. I thínk he's got the mentaííty of a Heínrích Hímmíer. He wouíd have made -
and míght stííí from the way he's goíng - a very good Communíst. I mean that
he's the kínd of guy who ís best quaíífíed to run a concentratíon camp, not an
agency ííke the CIA."
1137. (835) Míchaeí Parentí, (nentin% Reality7 The )olitics of the Mass Media (New
York, NY: St. Martín's Press, 1986), p. 178. Aíso responsíbíe for the squeíchíng of
trade uníons ín Chííe was the Amerícan Instítute for Free Labor Deveíopment
(AIFLD), a CIA front, supported by corporatíons ííke W.R. Grace and ITT.
517
1138. (*) Coí. H. Norman Schwarzkopf, Sr., the father of 'Stormín' Norman
Schwarzkopf, was an ínteííígence operatíve ín Iran ín the 1940s and 50s, and
heíped set up the dreaded Savak.
1139. (*) It ís rumored that he was íookíng forward to ínherítíng the Itaíían Fascíst
P2 account.
1140. (**) It ís ínterestíng to note that Bush had been ímpíícated ín "October
Surpríse," the backdoor deaí wíth Iranían terrorísts to hoíd the 66 Amerícan
hostages seízed by pro-Khomeíní forces untíí after Carter's defeat. It ís therefore
not surprísíng that Shackíey and Bush - both groomed for CIA dírectorshíps, but
forced to resígn - wouíd work together on covert and íííegaí deaís such as October
Surpríse and Iran-Contra.
1141. (836) Weíner, O* !it.
1142. (837) Gene Wheaton, íntervíew wíth author.
1143. (*) Víctor Marchettí aptíy summed up thís phííosophy by examíníng former
Secretary of State Henry Kíssínger: "He's power-mad, a manípuíator of events. I
don't thínk he does ít for any ídeoíogícaí reason, |ust out of ínstínct. I don't thínk he
understands what thís country ís aíí about. To hím, everythíng ís a deaí."
1144. (*) As Aí Martín, an Iran-Contra píayer, saíd, "Okíahoma Cíty begíns wíth Iran-
Contra. If you want to understand Okíahoma, start wíth Iran-Contra."
1145. (838) Affídavít of Coíoneí Edward P. Cutoío, commander of the 10th Specíaí
Forces Group (Aírborne), 1st Specíaí Forces, 3/11/80, copy ín author's possessíon.
1146. (839) Maas, p. 286. The C-4 came from |.S. Brower & Assocíates.
1147. (**) On |uíy 3, 1976, Israeíí commandos raíded the Ugandan aírport at
Entebbe after one of theír aírííners had been hí|acked by the PLO. McKenzíe was
ínstrumentaí ín heípíng the Israeíís, who had used Kenya as a stagíng area. In hís
book, Manhunt, Peter Maas descríbes what McKenzíe got for hís efforts: "Aíthough
he had been counseíed not to, McKenzíe went to Uganda as part of a Kenya trade
míssíon to patch up reíatíons wíth Idí Amín. The warníngs seemed unnecessary.
Amín hímseíf was on hand to bíd McKenzíe good-bye, presentíng hím wíth the
tradítíonaí Ugandan fríendshíp gíft, an Afrícan Anteíope's head. Soon after
McKenzíe's píane took off, ít bíew up. Insíde the Anteíope head was a bomb, píaced
there by Frank Terpíí."
1148. (¦ Gene Wheaton, IBEX;s subsequent dírector of securíty who ínvestígated
the murders, cíaíms Shackíey, Cíínes, Hakím, Rafaeí "Chí Chí" Ouíntero, and Secord
are aíí íínked to the murders. |ohn Harper wouíd íater show up ín Honduras traíníng
the Contras ín the use of expíosíves.
518
1149. (840) Kwítny, O* !it., p. 103.
1150. (841) Hoppy Heídeíberg and Ted Gundersen, íntervíews wíth author. Recaíí
that Heídeíberg heard McVeígh's síster |ennífer read the íetter ínto testímony.
1151. (*) Dewy Cíarrídge and Oííver North were ín charge of the harbor míníng
operatíon. Moore's fríend Don Aranow, owner of Magnum Marína, whích had the
orígínaí contract to buííd the boats, gave the contract to Moore. Aranow was kíííed
one day before he was to testífy at the Iran-Contra hearíngs.
1152. (**) My source toíd me that Moore's FBI contact was Tom Ross out of Hot
Spríngs, Arkansas, one of Oíííe North's "damage controí" men. "
1153. (842) Noían Cíay, "Robbery Víctím's Aíííances Promíse Drama ín Níchoís'
Tríaí," "aily Oklahoman, 11/9/97.
1154. (843) AEI artícíes of íncorporatíon. The presídent of AEI, Harry Huge, was a
partner ín the íaw fírm of Rogovín, Huge, and Schíííer.
1155. (844) Cííff Lewís, íntervíew wíth author. Mu|eeb Cheema, íntervíew wíth
author.
1156. (*) Interestíngíy, some of Khaííd's workers were spotted ín a Tuísa níghtcíub,
The Ocean Cíub, whích ís curíous, sínce Tuísa ís 100 mííes from Okíahoma Cíty.
McFaríane wouíd not return repeated caíís.
1157. (845) Indeed, a ma|or terrorísm summít sponsored by Tehran ín |une of 1996
saw deíegates from Afghanístan, Pakístan, Iraq, Saudí Arabía, and other Míd-East
and Afrícan states, as weíí as Bosnía-Herzegovína, Germany, France, Brítaín,
Canada, and the U.S. come together to form a |oínt workíng commíttee under the
command of the new HízbAííah Internatíonaí - transformíng that group ínto "the
vanguard of the revoíutíon" of the Musíím woríd.
1158. (846) Tímothy McVeígh's Petítíon for Wrít of Mandamus, 3/25/97, p. 81. |ones
poínts out, gíven the íssue of the credíbíííty of the ínformatíon, that the head of
Saudí Inteííígence ís the Kíng's own son.
1159. (*) As former hígh-rankíng CIA offícíaí Víctor Marchettí expíaíned, "They're
smart enough aíways to work through other partíes. Generaííy, the dírtíer the work
ís, the more ííkeíy ít ís to be farmed out."
1160. (**) Some of the members of ZR/RIFLE, such as Feííx Rodríguez (AKA: Max
Gomez), and the íeader of CORU, Frank Castro, wouíd go on to form the nucíeus of
the Contra drugs-for-guns operatíon.
1161. (847) Scott and Marshaíí, O* !it., p. 16.
519
1162. (848) Deírdre Gríswoíd "Cuba Defended Itseíf, Washíngton Is The Terroríst,"
Workers World, 3/7/96; |ack Caíhoun, "The Famííy that Prays Together," !oert
Action Ouarterly, Summer, 1992; aíso see Thomas & Keíth.
1163. (*) Thís ís not surprísíng, as ít has been aííeged by former CIA agents that
Bush aííowed the Agency to use hís off-shore oíí drííííng company, Zapata Oíí, as a
front for numerous CIA operatíons, íncíudíng the Bay of Pígs ínvasíon.
1164. (849) Fríedman, O* !it.
1165. (850) (+id.
1166. (851) Mary Ann Weaver, "Bíowback," The Atlantic Monthly, May, 1996.
1167. (*) Recaíí that another one of the CIA's "vaíuabíe assets," Mír Aímaí Kansí,
opened fíre wíth an AK-47 outsíde of CIA headquarters ín |anuary, 1993, kííííng two
Agency empíoyees. Líke Woríd Trade Center bomber Ramzí Yousef, he fíed to
Pakístan.
1168. (852) Fríedman, O* !it.
1169. (*) Egyptían Presídent Hosaní Mubarak cíaímed that Sheík Rahman was
connected to the CIA. (3as Ve%as Sun, 8/1/93)
1170. (853) Peter Waídman and Frances A. McMorrís, "The Other Tríaí: As Sheík
Omar Case Nears End, Neíther Síde Looks Líke a Wínner," Wall Street Journal,
9/22/95.
1171. (**) As Wííííam Norman Grígg, wrítíng ín the New American poínts out, "The
FBI engaged ín a curíousíy tímed fít of íncompetence when the opportuníty arose
for a preemptíve stríke agaínst Sheík Omar's network. Foííowíng the shootíng of
Rabbí Meír Kahane ín November 1990, the FBI seízed and ímpounded 49 boxes of
documents from Nosaír's New |ersey apartment; the cache íncíuded bomb-makíng
ínstructíons, a hít ííst of pubííc fígures (íncíudíng Kahane), paramííítary traíníng
materíaís, detaííed píctures of famous buíídíngs (íncíudíng the Woríd Trade Center),
and sermons by Sheík Omar urgíng hís foííowers to 'destroy the edífíces of
capítaíísm."'
1172. (854) National Reiew, 7/10/95, quoted ín (+id0L Curt Gentry, J0 &d%ar
8ooer7 The Man and the Secrets (New York, NY: W.W. Norton, 1991), p. 484.
1173. (*) Not oníy was Rowe never prosecuted, the FBI paíd hís medícaí bííís and
gave hím a $125 bonus for "servíces rendered."
1174. (855) Donner, O* !it., p. 365
520
1175. (856) Frank Donner, )rotectors of )riile%e7 Red S9uads and )olice
Re*ression in America, (Berkeíey and Los Angeíes, CA, Uníversíty of Caíífornía
Press: 1990), p. 360
1176. (857) Ward and Churchííí, O* !it., p. 181; Washin%ton )ost, 7/15/80; New
'ork Times1 5/15/80, quoted ín (+id.
1177. (858) Gene Wheaton, íntervíew wíth author.
1178. (*) Usíng such índívíduaís wouíd aíso prove far easíer than attemptíng to
recruít Amerícan operatíves, even hardened kíííers. The potentíaí recruíts wííííng to
kííí Amerícan men, women and chíídren wouíd be far more numerous among
foreígners wíth a vendetta agaínst the U.S.
1179. (859) (ntelli%ence Newsletter (France), Apríí 1993; 2nclassfied, Natíonaí
Assocíatíon of Securíty Aíumní, date unknown.
1180. (*) Kansí's orígínaí target was beííeved to have been CIA Dírector Robert
Gates.
1181. (860) Ben MacIntrye, 3ondon Times, 4/21/95, quoted ín Keíth, O* !it., p.
154.
1182. (**) Curíousíy, Robert |eríow, KFOR's prívate ínvestígator, spotted the FBI
watchíng aí-Hussaíní at the same tíme he was. Wouíd thís subsume that Hussaíní
was not part of an FBI-sanctíoned operatíon?
1183. (**) It ís aíso curíous why one promínent aíternatíve ínvestígator ígnored the
Míddíe Eastern íead aítogether, focusíng soíeíy on Eíohím Cíty. What thís aííeged
reporter consístentíy míssed ís the dísmembered mííítary íeg found ín the rubbíe,
the numerous wítnesses who saw Míddíe Eastern suspects, and the APB on the
brown píck-up dríven by aí-Hussaíní. Thís reporter even went so far as to suggest
that the men ín the píck-up were Dennís Mahon and hís comrades dressed up as
Arabs! Gíven the scenarío of a "second-íeveí damage-controí" operatíon steeríng
crítícs of the government's case soíeíy onto Eíohím Cíty, ít can be surmísed that at
íeast some of the reaí bombers were part of the Míddíe Eastern contíngent, and
were CIA/FBI controííed, suppííed and actívated. Thís wouíd expíaín why Gagan's
ínvoívement ín the Míddíe Eastern ceíí was apparentíy ígnored by the FBI. It wouíd
expíaín why Gagan was asked by an covert operatíve to deííver a Leíy míxer to
|unctíon Cíty. And ít wouíd expíaín why the FBI cíeared Hussaín aí-Hussaíní, and
why Sam Khaííd acted so non-chaíant when confronted wíth evídence of hís
ínvoívement.
1184. (861) Statement of |ane Graham, 11/15/96.
1185. (862) |ane Graham, vídeo deposítíon of 8/20/97 and íntervíew wíth author.
521
1186. (*) As prevíousíy mentíoned, representatíves of the eíectríc, teíephone and
gas companíes, as weíí as íocaí contractors bíddíng ona GSA renovatíon pro|ect, aíí
deníed havíng workmen who fít the mens' descríptíon at that íocatíon.
1187. (**) Aíso recaíí that on the same day or the foííowíng Monday, VA empíoyees
Dennís |ackson and Craíg Freeman saw a suspícíous group of Arabs ínsíde the
buíídíng after hours. One of them cíoseíy matched the descríptíon of the suspect
seen wíth "McVeígh" by Phyííss Kíngsíey at the Hí-Way Grííí that Sunday. They
exíted, saíd Freeman, towards the underground parkíng garage.
1188. (¦ Moreover, why wouíd he do ít so conspícuousíy, runníng a red ííght,
attractíng the attentíon of the poííce? Thís makes about as much sense as fíyíng
down the híghway at 80 mph wíthout a íícense píate.
1189. (863) |ane Graham, íntervíew wíth author. Graham ís a fríend and co-worker
of |ohnston's.
1190. (*) How ínterestíng that McVeígh and hís co-conspírator wouíd be íoíteríng
around the scene of such a heínous críme, ríght next to hís readííy ídentífíabíe
yeííow Mercury.
1191. (864) Statement of |ane Graham, 11/15/96.
1192. (**) When Francís Gary Powers' U-2 spy píane was díscovered and shot down
over Sovíet aír space, he faííed to puíí the destruct ríng. Powers suspected that the
CIA had ít hooked to a zero-deíay fuse - so he baííed out wíthout actívatíng the
seíf-destruct. Unfortunateíy, he had a fataí heíícopter crash the week before he
was supposed to testífy before the House Seíect Assassínatíon Commíttee.
1193. (*) It has been weíí-documented that the FBI and ATF íííegaíy íeveíed the
críme scene at Waco, whích was supposed to be under the |urísdíctíon of Texas
Rangers; destroyíng evídence that ATF heíícopters had índíscrímínateíy fíred ínto
the roofs of the buíídíng at the begínníng of the raíd kííííng severaí peopíe; had
fíred at the front door weíí before any shots had been fíred ín return, and had set
expíosíve charges on top of a concrete vauít ín whích women and chíídren were
hídíng to escape the fíre set. The front door (a metaí door) whích wouíd have
proved the second aííegatíon was íater found to be mysteríousíy "míssíng."
1194. (865) Tím Weíner, "Agíng Shop of Horrors: The C.I.A. Límps to 50," New 'ork
Times, 7/20/97. As Míít Bearden, the Agency's íast chíef of Sovíet operatíons, saíd,
"The coííapse of our enemy ensured our own demíse." "We're a confused group,
dyíng for stabíííty," the Agency's Inspector Generaí, Fred Hítz, saíd ín a May
speech.
1195. (*) It ís ínterestíng to examíne thís from the perspectíve of the German BND,
the ínteííígence organízatíon founded by Reínhard Gehíen at the behest of the CIA
after WWII. Gehíen had been Hítíer's seníor ínteííígence offícer on the Eastern
522
Front, commandíng the Fremde 8eere Ost or "Foreígn Armíes East." The U.S.
Government absorbed the ,ehlen Or% ínto íts emergíng ínteííígence apparatus (the
CIA) ín íts entírety, ín the beííef that Gehíen's stííí íargeíy íntact network of spíes
wouíd prove ínvaíuabíe ín Ameríca's fíght agaínst the Sovíets. Waíter Scheííenberg,
ex-head of Nazí foreígn ínteííígence, cíaímed to author Wííííam Stevenson that
Gehíen's organízatíon was prímarííy a front for escapíng Nazí war crímínaís. It was
uítímateíy proved that approxímateíy 90 percent of the "ínteííígence" comíng out
of the ,ehlen Or% regardíng the Sovíet threat, whích íed to the ríse of the Coíd
War, was faíse, but was used by Gehíen and hís Nazí comrades to perpetuate hís
organízatíon.
1196. (*) Iron Mountaín ís supposedíy a nucíear corporate hídeout ín Hudson, NY,
símííar to Mt. Weather ín Vírgínía. It ís aíso a reference to the town of Hudson, N.Y.
where, at the Hudson Instítute, war games and studíes on future íífe were
deveíoped under the dírectíon of Herman Kahn for governmentaí and prívate
agencíes. Kahn díd not cíaím authorshíp however. As for Leonard Lewín, who fínaííy
cíaímed authorshíp of the report ín 1972, "as a hoax," saíd that hís íntent was "to
carícature the bankruptcy of the thínk-tank mentaííty by pursuíng íts styíe of
scíentístíc thínkíng to íts íogícaí ends." Interestíngíy, the New 'ork Times wrote
"Many anaíysts beííeve that the report refíects a grasp of the Washíngton scene as
weíí as an understandíng of socíaí psychoíogy, ecoíogy, economícs and socíoíogy
that ís beyond the abíííty of most satírísts." Arthur I. Waskow of the Instítute for
Poíícy Studíes toíd the Times he was surprísed to see one of hís prívateíy círcuíated
reports mentíoned ín the book. Waskow added that oníy about 60 peopíe ín
Washíngton saw the report, "|so| íf ít's a hoax, ít must ínvoíve somebody hígh up,"
he saíd. (New 'ork Times, 11/1/67)
1197. (866) Leonard C. Lewín, Re*ort from (ron Mountain on the )ossi+ility and
"esira+ility of )eace (New York, NY: Símon & Schuster/Free Press, 1996); Víctor
Navasky, "Anatomy of a Hoax," The Nation, 6/12/95; Robert Tomsho, "A Cause for
Fear; Though Caííed a Hoax, 'Iron Mountaín' Report Guídes Some Mííítías," Wall
Street Journal, 5/9/95, quoted ín "Report from Iron Mountaín: A Fraud?" !ons*iracy
Nation, Voí. 5 No. 8.
1198. (**) In much the same way as George Orweíí's 1984 seems to be comíng to
pass today.
1199. (*) Emphasís míne.
1200. (867) Lewín, O* !it., pp.94-96.
1201. (*) Emphasís míne.
1202. (868) Forei%n Affairs, |une/|uíy, 1995.
1203. (869) Rappaport, O* !it.
523
1204. (870) DeCamp, O* !it., p. 380.
1205. (*) As Re*ort from (ron Mountain states: "War suppííes the basís for the
generaí acceptance of poíítícaí authoríty" whích "has enabíed socíetíes to maíntaín
necessary cíass dístínctíons," and "ensured the subordínatíon of the cítízen to the
state.."
1206. (871) Noam Chomsky, Alternatie )ress Reiew, Faíí, 1993.
1207. (872) Davíd P. Hamííton and Bííí Spíndíe, "Tokyo's Threat Was |ust ín |est,
But Some Caíí It a U.S. Backíash," The Wall Street Journal, 6/25/97. As the Journal
noted: "offeríng to seíí even a portíon of that amount wouíd ííkeíy send the
Treasury market ínto a free faíí.."
1208. (873) The ma|oríty of mííítía members are nonvíoíent and some have
assísted the bureau ín íts ínvestígatíons, he saíd.
1209. (874) Wííííam |asper, "Enemíes of Woríd Order," The New American, 6/23/97.
1210. (875) DeCamp, O* !it., p. 382.
1211. (*) As another famous poíítícían once decíared: "The streets of our country
are ín turmoíí. The uníversítíes are fíííed wíth students rebeíííng and ríotíng.
Communísts are seekíng to destroy our country. Russía ís threateníng us wíth her
míght. And the Repubííc ís ín danger. Yes, danger from wíthín and wíthout. We
need íaw and order. Wíthout íaw and order our natíon cannot survíve." The
poíítícían who made that famous statement was Adoíph Hítíer.
1212. (**) George Míntzer, the dírector of crímínaí ínvestígatíons of the U.S.
Southern Dístríct Attorney's Offíce from 1926 to 1931, maíntaíned fííes on over
32,000 "subversíve" Amerícans at the behest of hís boss, Treasury Secretary Henry
Morgenthau, a man who had cíose íínks wíth the ADL. Míntzer's fííes were made
avaííabíe to the Offíce of Navaí Inteííígence, the State Department, and to the FBI.
In the míd-1950s, New York pubíísher Lyíe Stuart exposed how the ADL was
actuaííy fínancíng a rag-tag "neo-Nazí" group, whích wouíd engage ín íoud
demonstratíons outsíde synagogues at precíseíy the same tíme that the ADL was
engagíng ín antí-Nazí fund-raísíng efforts. What ís aíso ínterestíng ís that the ADL
píayed a íarge roíe ín protectíng Mob fígures such as Meyer Lansky, smearíng
potentíaí íaw enforcement opponents as "Antí-Semetíc." ("o*e/ (nc07 The $ook That
"roe 4issin%er !ra-y, (Washíngton DC: Executíve Inteííígence Revíew, 1992). p.
582; The S*otli%ht, 5/26/97)
1213. (876) "The Truth Steps Out: End of Bíínd Trust ín the Medía," Releance,
Apríí, 1997.
1214. (877) Daníeí Brandt, "The 1960s and COINTELPRO: In Defense of Paranoía,"
Name$ase News3ine, No. 10, |uíy-September 1995.
524
1215. (*) A recent Scrípps Howard News Servíce and Scrípps Schooí of |ournaíísm
poíí of "conspíracy fears" reveaíed that 40% of Amerícans thínk ít ís very ííkeíy or
somewhat ííkeíy that the FBI deííberateíy set the fíres at Waco; 51% beííeve federaí
offícíaís were responsíbíe for the Kennedy assassínatíon; 52% beííeve that ít ís very
or somewhat ííkeíy that the CIA pushes drugs ín the ínner-cítíes; 39% beííeve ít ís
very ííkeíy the U.S. Navy accídentaííy or purposefuííy shot down TWA Fííght 800.
80% beííeve that the mííítary ís wíthhoídíng evídence of Iraqí use of nerve gas or
germ warfare duríng the Guíf War. Yet ín the wake of the Okíahoma Cíty bombíng,
58 percent of Amerícans surveyed by the 3os An%eles Times índícated they wouíd
trade some cívíí ííbertíes íf ít wouíd heíp thwart terrorísm. Another poíí, taken after
the bombíng by the Assocíated Press, reveaíed that 54 percent of Amerícans were
wííííng to trade off some of theír ríghts to prevent more Okíahoma Cíty-styíe
attacks. A poíí taken duríng the Bush admínístratíon reveaíed that 60 percent of
the popuíatíon saíd that they wouíd gíve up theír ríghts to wín the drug war
1216. (878) Rep. Steve Stockman, íetter to Attorney Generaí |anet Reno, 3/22/95,
copy ín author's possessíon.
1217. (879) (+id.
1218. (*) Foster had aííegedíy used Poííard, a íow-íeveí navaí ínteííígence anaíyst,
on behaíf of Reagan, Bush, and Casper Weínberger, to convey data to the Israeíís.
The favor was ín return for Israeí's heíp ín trans-shíppíng U.S. weapons to Iran, as a
pay-off for deíayíng the reíease of the Amerícan hostages, thereby defeatíng |ímmy
Carter's bíd for re-eíectíon. That scandaí was known as "October Surpríse." A
federaí |udge, a Cíínton crony, has kept the índíctment seaíed to thís day.
1219. (*) The C-21 Lear |et ís a híghíy reííabíe aírcraft. Thís partícuíar píane was
part of the presídentíaí fíeet based at Andrews Aír Force base. Accordíng to mííítary
sources, the pííots who fíy them are the best of the best. Cíark Fíester, an assístant
Aír Force secretary for acquísítíons, served on the NSA advísory board. Other
rankíng personneí were Ma|. Gen. Gíenn Profítt II, and Coí. |ack Cíark II. ("Rescuers
Fínd Recorders ín Mííítary Crash," Washin%ton )ost (Reuters), 4/18/95; "The Eíght
Who díed ín Aía. Crash," Air Forces Monthly, date unknown; Ale#ander !ity
Outlook, 4/18/95; |oe L. |ordan, Natíonaí Víetnam P.O.W. Stríke force; other
ínformatíon from confídentíaí sources.)
1220. (**) The downíng was suspícíousíy símííar to the U.S. Aír Force píane carryíng
Commerce Secretary Ron Brown that crashed ín Bosnía on Apríí 3, 1996, kííííng aíí
35 peopíe. Whííe the ma|or news medía attríbuted the crash to fouí weather, the
Aír Force ínvestígatíon report concíuded that "the weather was not a substantíaííy
contríbutíng factor to thís míshap." The pííot had nearíy 3,000 fííght hours, and the
co-pííot had even more. Fíve other píanes had íanded at the aírport wíthout
díffícuíty ín the mínutes before the crash, and none experíenced probíems wíth the
navígatíon beacons. The Aír Force aíso skípped the fírst step of íts ínvestígatíve
process, known as a safety board, ín whích aíí crashes are treated as suspícíous,
and went ímedíateíy to the second phase, an accídent ínvestígatíon. Two mííítary
525
pathoíogísts at the Armed Forces Instítute of Pathoíogy (AFIP) - Aír Force Lt. Coí.
Steve Cogsweíí and Army Lt. Coí. Davíd Hause - were quoted ín the |Píttsburg|
Tri+une-Reiew as sayíng Brown suffered a head wound that couíd have been
caused by a gunshot. "Essentíaííy. Brown had a .45-ínch ínwardíy beveííng
círcuíar hoíe ín the top of hís head, whích ís essentíaííy the descríptíon of a .45-
caííber gunshot wound," saíd Cogsweíí. Cogsweíí saíd that the orígínaí X-ray of
Brown's head showed metaí fragments ín Brown's braín consístent wíth a
dísíntegratíng buííet. Forensíc pathoíogíst Dr. Cyríí Wecht concíuded there was
"more than enough" evídence that Brown was assassínated. No autopsy was
conducted, and aíí of the orígínaí head X-rays of Brown are now "míssíng" from
Brown's case fííe. The soíe survívor, stewardess Sheííy Keííy, who had oníy mínor
cuts and bruíses, mysteríousíy bíed to death from a neat 3" íncísíon above her
femoraí artery upon arrívaí at the hospítaí (the offícíaí story was that she díed of a
broken neck). Brown's íaw partner at Patton, Boggs and Bíow díed ín a mysteríous
car wreck wíthín one hour of the crash. Three days íater, Níko |erkuíc, the
maíntenance chíef at the Tuísa aírport, who had guíded the píane to íts fataí
rendezvous, "commítted suícíde." Brown, who was under ínvestígatíon for bríbery
at the tíme |íínked to the DNC and the Líppo Group, ín turn íínked to Presídent
Cíínton|, reportedíy possessed sensítíve ínformatíon that couíd have ímpíícated
Cíínton ín a íong ííst of crímínaí acts, and had threatened to bíow the whístíe.
Congresswoman Maxíne Waters and Kweísí Mfume, head of the NAACP, have caííed
for an ínvestígatíon ínto the matter. (Chrístopher Ruddy and Hugh Sprunt,
"Ouestíons íínger about Ron Brown píane crash," 11/24/97; Chrístopher Ruddy,
"Experts díffer on Ron Brown's head wound," Tri+une-Reiew, 12/3/97; "Ron Brown
conspíracy protest today," UPI, 12/24/97.)
1221. (*) A conversatíon wíth former IRS ínvestígator Bííí Duncan (who, aíong wíth
Arkansas Híghway Patroí ínvestígator Russeíí Weích, fírst uncovered the actívítíes
at Mena) shed ííttíe ííght on the matter. Duncan saíd he was unaware of any fííes
removed from Arkansas to Okíahoma, aíthough Duncan and Weích were under
íntense scrutíny for theír courageous efforts. (An attempt on Russeíí's íífe was íater
made by poísoníng hím.) Curíousíy, íong-tíme Washíngton correspondent Sara
McCíendon reported that the CIA was aíso seen removíng íarge quantíes of fííes
from theír offíces on Apríí 19.
1222. (880) Caroí Moore, "Report on 1995 House Waco Hearíngs," revísed, May,
1996.
1223. (**) Aíthough FBI supervísor Larry Potts cíaímed there was one.
1224. (881) Peter Kawa|a, íntervíew wíth author.
1225. (¦ Secretary of State Warren Chrístopher had unveííed a símííar pían four
months earííer. "Internatíonaí terrorísts, crímínaís and drug traffíckers pose dírect
threats to our peopíe and to our natíon's ínterests," Chrístopher stated, as though
he was referríng to eíements wíthín our own government.
526
1226. (882) Ambrose Evans-Prítchard, "IRA 'suppííed detonator for Okíahoma terror
bomb,'" 3ondon Sunday Tele%ra*h, 3/30/97.
1227. (883) Theodore Shackíey, The Third O*tion7 An &#*ert1s )roocatie Re*ort
on an American View of !ounterinsur%ency O*erations, (New York, NY: Deíí
Pubííshíng, 1981), p.17.
1228. (884) Gene Wheaton, "CIA: The Companíes They Keep," )ortland Free )ress,
|uíy-October, 1996.
1229. (*) As Laventí Bería, Staíín's chíef of securíty, stated ín a speech at V. I. Lenín
Uníversíty regardíng what he caííed "Psychopoíítícs," "Our fruíts are grown ín
chaos, dístrust, economíc depressíon, and scíentífíc turmoíí. At íast a weary
popuíace can seek peace oníy ín our offered Communíst State; at íast oníy
Communísm can resoíve the probíem of the masses."
1230. (885) )ortland Free )ress, |une/|uíy, 1997.
1231. (886) Wííííam Shírer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich,
1232. (887) Suzanne Harrís, |.D., "From Terrorísm to Tyranny: How Governments
Use Domestíc Terrorísm to Promote Totaíítarían Change," The Law Loft, Los
Angeíes, CA, 1995.
1233. (888) Shírer, O* !it.
1234. (889) Orvíííe R. Weyrích, |r., "Reíchstag Fíre," Weyrích Computer Consuítíng,
1995; Wííííam |asper, "A Post-Okíahoma Krístaíínacht," The New American,
5/129/95.
1235. (890) |onas Bernsteín, "U.S., Russía Sígn Antí-Gangster Pact," Washin%ton
Times, 7/6/94; quoted ín Name+ase Newsline, "Organízed Críme Threatens the
New Woríd Order," |an-March, 1995; "FBI Chíef: U.S. 'Under Attack' by Terrorísts,"
20S0 News 5 World Re*ort, 8/1/96.
1236. (891) 2SA TO"A', 3/11/93.
1237. (892) MTV, 3/22/94.
1238. (893) The Bííí appropríates $114 mííííon doííars for the FBI for físcaí year
1997 and $166 mííííon for 1998. The Whíte House, Press Bríefíng By Under
Secretary of the Treasury For Enforcement Ron Nobíe, Deputy Attorney Generaí
|amíe Goreííck, and Deputy Assístant to the Presídent for Domestíc Poíícy Bruce
Reed, 4/26/95.
527
1239. (894) Ace R. Hayes, "G-Men Cop Píea on Ruby Rídge," )ortland Free )ress,
September/October, 1995. "The thírd sub-unít of thís dívísíon ís the "Specíaí Detaíí
Unít" whích ís desígnated to keep Gen. Reno from harm."
1240. (895) HR 97's sponsor ís Rep. Barbara Kenneííy (D-CT). The Senate's versíon
ís S. 1581, íntroduced ín 1993 by Senator |oseph Líeberman (D-MA). Page 5 of the
bííí states: Members of the Rapíd Depíoyment Force who are depíoyed to a
|urísdíctíon shaíí be deputízed ín accordance wíth State íaw so as to empower such
offícers to make arrests and partícípate ín the prosecutíon of crímínaí offenses
under State íaw. "On The Fast-track To Fascísm," Releance magazíne, February,
1995.
1241. (896) |oe Hendrícks, Chíef of Poííce, Wíndsor, Míssourí, "Poííce Chíef Re|ects
Trend Toward Natíonaí Poííce," The (daho O+serer, |une, 1997.
1242. (*) Recent ruíes ín certaín countíes ín Wyomíng have changed thís poíícy,
and íegísíatíon ís pendíng as of thís wrítíng ín Montana to requíre federaí agents to
seek authorízatíon of the íocaí sheríff before conductíng a raíd.
1243. (897) In a natíonwíde survey of 690 poííce departments ín cítíes wíth
popuíatíons of 50,000 or more, researchers found that 90 percent now have actíve
SWAT teams, compared to 60 percent ín the earíy 1980s.
1244. (898) Soldier of Fortune, August, 1995.
1245. (899) Wííííam Booth, Washin%ton )ost, 6/17/97.
1246. (900) To obtaín a copy of these hearíngs caíí (202) 224-3121 and ask for the
House |udícíary Subcommíttee on Críme and Crímínaí |ustíce, or caíí your
Congressman.
1247. (901) Assocíated Press, 12/24/94.
1248. (902) "Hard Landíng by Army Copter Hurts Two," 8ouston !hronicle,
10/29/96.
1249. (903) Míke Bíaír, The S*otli%ht, 11/14/94; Míííer, O* !it.
1250. (904) Lorí-Anne Míííer, "Bombíng Sounds Rattíe Neíghborhood," The "etroit
News, 10/2/94; Mark Spencer, posted on AEN Newsgroup, 10/02/94.
1251. (*) It seems that Presídent Cíínton suspended the íaw restríctíng the use of
mííítary force wíthín U.S. borders ín a ííttíe-known codícíí of PDD-25, a Presídentíaí
Decísíon Dírectíve that ís an "open secret" ín the mííítary and Congress, but ís
íargeíy unknown to the Amerícan cítízens.
528
1252. (905) "The Pentagon Bríngs íts Wars Home," Sources E|ournaí, Voíume 2,
Issue 1, |anuary, 1997. Army Lt. Gen. |.H. Bínford Peay poínts out ín an Army
pubíícatíon títíed, Tomorrow's Míssíons, that "mííítary forces |today| are requíred to
províde domestíc natíonaí assístance, such as ínternaí peace-keepíng and antí-
drug operatíons and support of cívíí authorítíes to maíntaín stabíííty ín a rapídíy
changíng Ameríca."
1253. (906) |onathan Voízke, "Urban Combat Traíníng: Marínes Hít the Rooftops,"
Oran%e !ounty Re%ister, 3/19/93, quoted ín Terry Cook, The Mark of the New
World Order (Spríngdaíe, PA, Whítacker House, 1996), p. 81.
1254. (907) Ma|or Generaí Max Baratz, "New shape of Army Reserve Supports New
Míssíons," Army Resere, Summer, 1994.
1255. (908) Wííííam F. |asper, "Fact and Fíctíon: Síftíng Reaííty from Aíarmíst
Rumors," New American, 10/31/94.
1256. (*) Now, wíth the Críme Bííí, the FBI can be "deputízed" ín íocaí areas to
enforce íocaí íaws upon demand by the FBI. In other words, íf the FBI wants to work
íocaííy and use state and íocaí íaws, they can demand the íocaí sheríff deputíze
them - then they are not constraíned by federaí íímítatíons.
1257. (*) In February, 1982 Presídent Ray-Gun sígned a seríes of Natíonaí Securíty
Decísíon Dírectíves (NSDDs), whích províded for íncreased domestíc
counterínteííígence efforts and the maíntenance of íaw and order ín a varíety of
emergencíes, íncíudíng terroríst íncídents, cívíí dísturbances, and nucíear
emergencíes.
1258. (909) "Couíd It Happen Here?" Mother Jones, Apríí, 1988. "Packard's dírectíve
says turníng over íaw enforcement to the army wííí 'normaííy' requíre a Presídentíaí
Executíve Order, but that thís requírement can be waíved ín 'cases of sudden and
unexpected emergencíes... whích requíre that ímmedíate mííítary actíon be
taken.'"
1259. (910) Keenen Peck, "The Take-Charge Gang," The )ro%ressie, May, 1985;
Reynoíds, O* !it.
1260. (*) Former Attorney Wííííam French Smíth bíocked the expansíon of FEMA's
|urísdíctíon ín 1984, but after Smíth íeft offíce, North and hís FEMA croníes came up
wíth the Defense Resource Act, desígned to suspended the Fírst Amendment by
ímposíng censorshíp and banníng stríkes.
1261. (911) Míchaeí Levíne wíth Laura Kavanau, Trian%le of "eath, (New York:
Deíacorte Press, 1996), p. 353.
1262. (912) Míke Levíne, íntervíew wíth author.
529
1263. (*) The Los Angeíes ríots resuíted ín 11,113 fíres, 2,383 ín|uríes, and 54
deaths. There were 13,212 arrests. The damage was estímated at $717 mííííon.
1264. (913) "Poííce May Have Ignored Basíc Ríot Pían," New 'ork Times, 5/7/92,
quoted ín (+id.
1265. (914) "Ríot Found Poííce ín Dísarray - Offícers Kept from Fíash Poínt Despíte
Píeas," 3os An%eles Times, 5/6/92, quoted ín Constantíne, p. 33.
1266. (*) In 1979, fíve Communíst Workers Party members were murdered by neo-
Nazís and Kíansmen ín Greensboro, NC duríng a protest march. The KKK and Nazí
groups were ínfíítrated and íed by FBI provocateur Edward Dawson and ATF
ínformant Bernard Butkovích. Interestíngíy, two poííce other offícers respondíng to
a domestíc caíí ín the area |ust príor to the shootíngs noted a suspícíous íack of
patroí cars ín the area. Offícer Wíse subsequentíy reported beíng asked by poííce
díspatch how íong they antícípated beíng at theír caíí, and were then advísed to
"cíear the area as soon as possíbíe." (See Chapter 15)
1267. (**) Aíex Constantíne <$lood/ !arna%e/ and the A%ent )roocateur=, who
íntervíewed íocaí resídents, díscovered that some of the arsonísts were cíearíy not
íocaís.
1268. (915) Parker and Bradíey Cíash at Ríot Inquíry, 3os An%eles Times, 9/15/65,
quoted ín (+id., pp. 65-66; (+id., p. 53.
1269. (916) (+id., p. 69. McCone testífíed before the Warren Commíssíon that Lee
Harvey Oswaíd's connectíons to the Agency were "mínor."
1270. (917) "The Kent State Shootíngs," KPFK-FM, Los Angeíes, 5/3/89, quoted ín
Constantíne, p. 25.
1271. (918) Tackwood, O* !it., quoted ín (+id., p. 61.
1272. (919) Wííííam Mendeí, Coíoneí, USA, (retíred), "Combat ín Cítíes: The LA Ríots
and Operatíon Río," Foreígn Mííítary Studíes Offíce, Fort Leavenworth, KS, |uíy
1996.
1273. (920) Ace R. Hayes, "G-Men Cop Píea on Ruby Rídge," )ortland Free )ress,
September/October, 1995.
1274. (921) Mark Ríebííng, Wed%e7 The Secret War $etween the F$( and !(A,
p.429.
1275. (*) Duríng the 1994 eíectíons, House |udícíary Commíttee chaír |ack Brooks
was overheard |okíng about the massacre: "Horríbíe peopíe. Despícabíe peopíe.
Burníng to death was too good for them. They'd ííke a síower method."
530
1276. (*) PBS Frontííne díd a píece ín 1995 showíng víctíms of torture whích
occurred ín one Chícago poííce dístríct. It was cíaímed that torture was often used
on suspects ín that dístríct so as to obtaín confessíons.
1277. (922) Shackíey, O* !it., p. 13.
1278. (**) U.S. Army psychoíogícaí warfare expert Lt. Coí. Míchaeí Acquíno, who
wrote a manuaí on mínd controí for mass popuíatíons, was fascínated by the Nazís
and theír reíatíonshíp to the occuít. Acquíno traveíed to Weíseísburg Castíe ín
Germany where Hítíer and Hímmíer performed theír occuít rítuaís ín order to
controí theír SS puppets to síay the popuíatíon.
1279. (*) Acquíno ís the íeader of the Tempíe of Set. He was accused by a Presídío
Army Chapíaín of moíestíng the Chapíaín's 3-year-oíd daughter, and was
ínvestígated by San Francísco poííce. The Army buríed the case, and my Freedom
of Informatíon Act requests went unheeded. Acquíno, hís sataníc powers
apparentíy on the wan, threatened to sue the author.
1280. (923) Ivan Sharp, "Presídío Sataníst a Scarey Enígma," San Francisco
&#aminer, 11/2/98.
1281. (924) The New American, 3/18/96, Voí. 12, No. 6. Apparentíy, Schumer feít
that Mííítía hearíngs were more ímportant than an ínvestígatíon of the murder of
82 ínnocent peopíe by the Federaí Government at Waco. Fortunateíy, most of hís
feííow Congressmen díd not agree.
1282. (*) Emphasís ín orígínaí.
1283. (925) Marchettí, O * !it.
1284. (926) Frank Donner, The A%e of Sureillance7 The Aims and Methods of
America1s )olitical (ntelli%ence System/ (New York, NY: Víntage Books, 1981),
quoted ín Connoííy, O* !it.
1285. (*) Níchoís had arranged a |oínt venture between Wackenhut and the
Cabazon reservatíon ín Indío, Caíífornía to manufacture machíneguns, níght-vísíon
goggíes, fueí-aír expíosíves, poíson gas, and bíoíogícaí weapons, some of whích
were íííegaííy shípped to the Contras. Wackenhut used the tríbe's status as a
sovereígn natíon to evade the Boíand Amendment prohíbítíng aíd to Somoza's so-
caííed "freedom fíghters."|ímmy Hughes, Níchoís' former Wackenhut bodyguard,
cíaíms to be ín possessíon of documentatíon íínkíng Cabazon operatíves to a hít ííst
of poíítícaí targets, íncíudíng Swedísh Príme Míníster Oíof Paíme, murdered ín 1986,
reportedíy for ínterferíng ín a símííar covert arms operatíon ín hís country,
ínvoívíng Israeíí ínteííígence agent Amíram Nír, and Cyrus Hashemí, both hígh-íeveí
operatíves ín the Reagan/Bush arms-for-hostages-for-drugs network.( (Thomas
and Keíth, O* !it., pp. 28-34.)
531
1286. (927) Daníeí Brandt, "Organízed Críme Threatens the New Woríd Order,"
Name$ase News3ine, No. 8, |anuary-March 1995.
1287. (*) Interestíngíy, Wííííam Northrop ís a good fríend of George Petríe's, and
acted as a míddíe-man between the CIA, the Israeíís, and the Contras ín íííegaí
arms deaís. He was prosecuted by former U.S. Attorney for the Southern Dístríct of
New York (now Mayor) Rudoíph Guíííaní, who descríbed hím as one of the
"Merchants of Death."
1288. (928) Frank Greve, Matthew Purdy, and Mark Fazíoííah, "Fírm Says U.S.
Urged Covert Píots," )hiladel*hia (n9uirer, 4/26/87, quoted ín Chrístíc, O* !it., and
Rodney Stích, "efraudin% America (Aíamo, CA: Díabío Western Press, 1994), p.
604. "Ríchard Meadows served for a tíme as Peregríne's presídent. Charíes
Odorízzo and Wííííam Patton, worked for the group. Peregríne's key contacts were
retíred Army Lt. Gen. Samueí Wííson (former Dírector of the DIA) and Lt. Coí.
Wayne E. Long, who as of Apríí 1987 worked as a seníor offícer ín the Foreígn
Operatíons Group, whích ís a part of the Army's ínteííígence support actívíty
offíce."
1289. (929) Stích, O* !it., p. 604; ANV had a contract wíth U.S. Mííítary Centraí
Command, the ínfíuentíaí connectíon comíng through USMC Ma|or Generaí Wesíey
Ríce of the Pentagon |oínt Specíaí Operatíons Agency. Ríce was a cíose fríend of
Bush, Heíms, and Shackíey, Wheaton, O* !it0L Deposítíon of Sam Haíí, 9/9/87,
quoted ín Chrístíc, O* !it.
1290. (*) Emphasís ín orígínaí.
1291. (930) Gene Wheaton, "Secret Isíand Spy Base," )ortland Free )ress, |uíy-
October, 1996. Wheaton and Hunt both cíaíms that an ABC news heíícopter was
shot down over the ísíand ín 1985, kííííng a femaíe reporter. The íncídent was
covered up for reasons of "natíonaí securíty."
1292. (931) Decíaratíon of Píaíntíff's Counseí, U.S. Dístríct Court, Southern Dístríct
of Fíorída, Tony Avírgan and Martha Honey v. |ohn Huíí, et aí., Cívíí Case No. 86-
1146-CIV-KING, fííed 3/31/88 by the Chrístíc Instítute; It seems Whítíam was about
to announce the truth of Píne Gap at a press conference. By November 7, 1975,
the covers of three more CIA agents had been bíown ín the press.
1293. (*) Thís wííí be expíored more fuííy ín Voíume Two.
1294. (932) Luígí DíFonzo, St0 )eter1s $anker, (New York, NY: Frankíín Watts,
1983); Name$ase News3ine, No. 5, Apríí-|une 1994. Accordíng to !ons*iracy
Nation pubíísher Brían Redman, Geííí attended Ronaíd Reagan's ínauguratíon and
the accompanyíng baíí ín 1981; Mark Aarons and |ohn Loftons, Ratlines (London,
Heínemann, 1991), p. 89, quoted ín Ne#us, February/March, 1996.
1295. (933) (+id.
532
1296. (934) "Stayíng Behínd: NATO's Terror Network," Arm The S*irit, October,
1995, (Source: Fi%htin% Talk - Issue 11 - May 1995; Thomas & Keíth, O* !it., p.77.
Accordíng to |onathan Vankín, Itaíían |ournaííst Míno Percoreííí cíaímed the CIA
puííed P2's stríngs. He was kíííed after pubííshíng the artícíe.
1297. (*) One earíy resuít of thís fear on the Ríght was a faííed coup attempt ín
1970 by Navy Commander Prínce Vaíerío Borghese, a supporter of the maín Itaíían
Fascíst party MSI.
1298. (935) Stuart Chrístíe, Stefano "elle !hiaie7 )ortrait of a $lack Terrorist
(London: Dark horse Press, 1984), p. 32.
1299. (936) (+id.
1300. (937) Chrístíe, O* !it.
1301. (938) Stuart Chrístíe, "Stefano Deííe Chíaíe: Portraít of a Bíack Terroríst,"
(London: Anarchy Ma%a-ine, Refract Pubíícatíons, 1984), p. 52.
1302. (939) (+id.
1303. (*) Thís ís símííar to the reíease of Cuban terroríst Oríando Bosch by George
Bush.
1304. (940) Davíd Yaííop, (n ,od1s Name (London: Corgí Books, 1985), p. 172; "Ií
Gíadío," BBC exposé, |une, 1995, quoted ín (+id.
1305. (941) Steve Mízrach, "Murder ín the Vatícan? The attempt on the íífe of |ohn
Pauí II," posted on Internet.
1306. (942) Chrístíe, O* !it.
1307. (943) Edward S. Herman, The Terrorism (ndustry (New York, NY: Pantheon,
1989), p. 226.
1308. (*) It was aíso díscovered by the Beígían press that Wackenhut guards had
been íuríng ímmígrant chíídren ínto basements and beatíng them.
1309. (944) Reuter, 7/14/96.
1310. (945) New American/ O* !it.
1311. (946) Arí Ben-Menashe, )rofits of War7 (nside the Secret 20S0-(sraeli Arms
Network, (New York: Sherídan Square Press, 1992), p. 122. Eítan was responsíbíe
for coííectíng scíentífíc and ínteííígence ínformatíon from other countríes through
espíonage. (Art Kunkín: "The Octopus Conspíracy").
533
1312. (947) Patríck Seaíe, A+u Nidal7 A ,un for 8ire, (New York, NY: Random
House, 1992), p. 158.
1313. (948) (+id., p. 153, 214.
1314. (949) (+id., pp. 265-66.
1315. (*) Abu Nídaí díd busíness at the Bank of Credít and Commerce Internatíonaí
(BCCI), a CIA propríetary whích íaundered drug proceeds for the North/Secord
"Enterpríse," the Mu|ahadeen, and catered to the ííkes of Manueí Noríega, Saddam
Husseín, and Ferdínand Marcos.
1316. (950) Míke Levíne, íntervíew wíth author.
1317. (951) Wííííam |asper, "The Príce of Peace," The New American, 2/5/96.
1318. (952) Urí Dan and Dennís Eísenberg, A State !rime7 The Assassination of
Ra+in, (París: Beífond, 1996), quoted ín !ons*iracy Nation, Voí. 8 Num. 02.
1319. (953) New American, 12/25/95.
1320. (954) Roberts, O* !it., p. 395.
1321. (955) (+id., p. 369.
1322. (956) (+id., p. 402.
1323. (*) In fact, Síngíaub ís known to controí at íeast one aírfíeíd ín Arízona.
1324. (957) "FBI accídentaííy faxes memo on Amtrak suspect," Assocíated Press,
9/4/97.
1325. (*) Chíef Superíntendent |ob Mayo, head of the Natíonaí Capítaí Regíon
Command of the poííce cíaímed a group caííed the Paracaíe Gang apparentíy díd
the bombíngs after faíííng to rob the Cítíbank on Paseo de Roxas ín Saícedo Víííage,
Makatí.
1326. (958) "Grenade bíast Rocks Makatí - 4 wounded: Rep Arroyo Accuses
Mííítary of Bombíng to |ustífy Antí-Terroríst Bííí," source: Maníía daíííes.
1327. (959) Husayn Aí-Kurdí, "Líbya: The Perpetuaí Target," News (nternational
)ress Serice, date unknown. Regardíng Ameríca's reactíon to Líbyan
índependence, Kurdí notes: "The ídea that emancípatíon from want, ígnorance and
ín|ustíce was to be actuaííy ímpíemented somewhere ís unacceptabíe to an entíty
that foments poverty and dependence everywhere."
534
1328. (960) Under the authoríty of the 1977 Internatíonaí Emergency Economíc
Powers Act
1329. (961) |ohn Goetz, "Ten Years Later: La Beííe Dísco Bombíng," !oert Action
Ouarterly, Spríng, 1996. (author's note: The Los Angeíes Tímes reported that
"Israeíí ínteííígence, not the Reagan admínístratíon, was a ma|or source of some of
the most dramatíc pubííshed reports about a Líbyan assassínatíon team aííegedíy
sent to kííí Presídent Reagan and other top U.S. offícíaís... Israeí, whích ínformed
sources saíd has wanted an excuse to go ín and bash Líbya for a íong tíme,' may
be tryíng to buííd Amerícan pubííc support for a stríke agaínst Oaddafí.")
1330. (962) Seymour Hersh, "Target Oaddafí," New 'ork Times Ma%a-ine, 2/22/87,
quoted ín !oert Action Ouarterly, date unknown.
1331. (963) (+id.
1332. (964) Goetz, O* !it. Faysaí testífíed, sayíng: "I am not of the opíníon that the
attack agaínst La Beííe was done by those Líbyans whom I know |the Nurí group|,
but rather by a dífferent group Many of the Líbyans behaved suspícíousíy. That was
to híde the group that ín reaííty díd the attack."
1333. (965) Ríck Atkínson, "US Deíays Underííned As Dísco Bombíng Suspect Freed
ín Lebanon," Washin%ton )ost, 8/3/94; quoted ín (+id.
1334. (966) Goetz, O* !it. "A week after the bombíng, Manfred Ganschow, chíef of
the antí terroríst poííce ín Beríín, "re|ected the assumptíon that suspícíon ís
concentrated on Líbyan cuípríts."
1335. (*) Posey deníed the aííegatíons ín an íntervíew wíth the author. In an
íntervíew wíth the author, Federaí Pubííc Defender |ohn Mattes feít the píot wasn't
beíng seríousíy consídered.
1336. (967) Chrístíc, O* !it0L |ack Terreíí, íntervíew wíth author. (Aíso: See the
Villa%e Voice, 9/29/87, and 13/30/86.)
1337. (*) Statements of |esus García to Federaí Pubííc Defender |ohn Mattes; The
píot ís bríefíy mentíoned ín |ack Terreíí's book, "is*osa+le )atriot (Bethesda, MD,
Natíonaí Press Books, 1992), p. 321; Terreíí aíso confírmed the píot ín an íntervíew
on NBC níghtíy news; Peter Gííbbery, a mercenary operatíng ín Contra camps near
Huíí's ranch, recaííed attemptíng to transport expíosíves from the ranch to |ones'
ranch, and beíng toíd ít was needed "for the embassy |ob."
1338. (968) |ack Terreíí, NBC transcrípt, quoted ín Chrístíc, O* !it. The Octopus
wouíd attempt to sííence Terreíí by ínformíng the FBI that he had threatened the
íífe of the Presídent.
535
1339. (*) Accordíng to |ack Terreíí, Contra íeader Adoífo Caíero compíaíned that
Pastora had descríbed the FDN (Contras) as "homícídaí, Somícísta sons of bítches."
1340. (969) Cockburn, O* !it.
1341. (970) Deposítíon of Gene Wheaton; Deposítíon of Eden Pastora; testímony of
|ack Terreíí, quoted ín Chrístíc, O* !it.
1342. (*) On |une 22, 1984, Pastora met wíth Dewy Cíarrídge and Vínce
Cannístraro, who offered to heíp Pastora fínd the kíííers. (Sure.) Harper's expíosíves
traíníng was aííegedíy courtesy of |ohn Síngíaub and Robert K. Brown (pubíísher of
Soldier of Fortune ).
1343. (971) Cockburn, O* !it., pp. 56-57; Chrístíc, O* !it.
1344. (*) GArcía and hís famííy were íater threatened wíth a ííve 105mm mortar
round píaced on theír front íawn.
1345. (972) (+id., |ohn Mattes, íntervíew wíth author.
1346. (973) |ack Terreíí, "is*osa+le )atriot (Washíngton, D.C: Natíonaí Press Book,
1992).
1347. (974) As Coí. Dan Marvín notes, that statement, wrítten by Whíte ín a íetter
to a fríend, was broadcast on ABC TV ín 1979 ín a documentary produced by |ohn
Marks.
1348. (975) Sara McCíendon, íntervíew wíth author; Debra Von Trapp, íntervíew
wíth author.
1349. (976) V.Z. Lawton, íntervíew wíth author.
1350. (*) Maroney's wífe aíso toíd me Míckey was seconded to the DEA and FBI ín
Cyprus, who were ínvestígatíng a counterfeítíng ríng (probabíy Iranían). As
díscussed prevíousíy, Cyprus ís where DIA agent Lester Coíeman worked wíth the
DEA, and where he íearned about Khaííd |affer, the couríer who aííegedíy carríed
the bomb onboard Pan Am fííght 103. Maroney worked ín Cyprus ín 1993.
1351. (977) "aily Oklahoman, 8/14/97.
1352. (978) Míke Levíne, íntervíew wíth author.
1353. (979) Ace R. Hayes, "Sacrífícíaí Goat," )ortland Free )ress, |uíy/October,
1997.
1354. (*) "The prosecutors must pare down theír case so that ít does not bore the
|ury," íegaí anaíyst Kenneth Stern recommended ín the Amerícan |ewísh
536
Commíttee's recent whíte paper on the tríaí. "In cases such as these, prosecutors
too often present a 'Cadíííac' when a 'Chevroíet' wouíd do much better."
(Assocíated Press, 04/18/97)
1355. (980) Steven K. Pauíson, "Medía Ob|ect to Seaíed Documents ín Okíahoma
Cíty Bombíng Case," Assocíated Press,12/13/96.
1356. (*) Aíso recaíí that former CIA operatíve Gunther Russbacher cíaímed that
severaí Las Vegas casínos, íncíudíng Bínyon's Horseshoe, are síush-fund pay-off
poínts through Shamrock Deveíopment Corp. The recípíents coííect theír money ín
the form of gambííng chíps, whích they then cash ín. It ís worth notíng that the CEO
of Shamrock, Donaíd Lutz, was on the management staff of Sííverado Savíngs &
Loan. "E. Tríne Starnes, |r., the thírd íargest Sííverado borrower, was a ma|or donor
to the Natíonaí Endowment for the Preservatíon of Líberty (NEPL), dírected by Carí
"Spítz" Channeíí, whích was a part of Oííver North's Contra fundíng and arms
support network. Wayne Reeder, another Beebe assocíate, a bíg borrower from
Sííverado, defauíted on a $14 mííííon íoan. Reeder was ínvoíved ín an unsuccessfuí
arms deaí wíth the Contras. (|ack Coíhoun, "The Famííy That Preys Together,"
!oert Action Ouarterly, date unknown.)
1357. (*) As |ones expíaíned ín the Wrít: "Thís íssue arríves before the Court at thís
íate date símpíy because the defense has repeatedíy gone to the government wíth
ínformatíon and requests, had to then seek ínterventíon from the dístríct court, and
the íast dístríct court order has been íssued wíthín the íast two weeks.."
1358. (981) |ones' defense team member, confídentíaí íntervíew wíth author.
1359. (*) As McVeígh íater expíaíned to hís hometown newspaper: "In the ínstant
context, you couíd take |the statement| to refíect on the death penaíty and the
charges íeveíed agaínst me. I was accused and convícted of kííííng - they say
that's wrong, and now they're goíng to kííí me."
1360. (982) Assocíated Press & The Hays Daííy News, 8/14/97.
1361. (983) Bííí Hewítt and Níckíe Bane, "Humbíe? Forget It," )eo*le, 3/31/97.
1362. (*) Seníor partner Brendon Suííívan represented Oííver North duríng the Iran-
Contra hearíngs.
1363. (984) |anet Eíííott, Mark Baííard, Robert Eíder |r., Gordon Hunter, "Níchoís'
Lawyers: The Odd Coupíe," Te#as 3awyer, 3/22/96; Robert Schmídt, "Representíng
the Accused Bomber," 3e%al Times, 5/22/95; Constantíne, "The Good Soídíer," O*
!it.
1364. (985) |ím Beíííngham, íntervíew wíth author.
537
1365. (986) |ohn DeCamp, The Franklin !oer-2* (Líncoín, NE: AWT, Inc., 1996),
pp. 345-46.
1366. (987) Letter from Stephen |ones to author, 4/21/97.
1367. (*) As McVeígh's appeaí bríef stated: "Because the government's counseí
attríbuted Mr. McVeígh's conduct to hís anger at the Federaí Government over
Waco, Mr. McVeígh shouíd have been entítíed to show that the government had
some cuípabíííty ín provokíng that anger," hís attorneys saíd. "Thís evídence and
argument wouíd have províded a mítígatíng expíanatíon for the otherwíse
ínexpíícabíe transformatíon of Mr. McVeígh from the thoughtfuí, responsíbíe and
píayfuí person descríbed by Mr. McVeígh's chíídhood fríends, teachers and
famíííes. to someone who appeared bent on destructíon.'" (AP, 1/16/98)
1368. (988) Generaí Benton K. Partín, íntervíew wíth author.
1369. (989) Stephen |ones, íetter to author, 9/9/97.
1370. (990) (+id.
1371. (*) "|Howe| saíd she saw McVeígh waíkíng wíth Eíohím Cíty securíty chíef
Andreas Strassmeír, who had advocated víoíence agaínst the government. One
|uror dídn't at fírst even recaíí Howe's testímony. Another, ||uror Chrís| Seíb, saíd, "I
don't know. We feít there was somethíng there. You know, we kínd of skímmed
through that pretty quíck."
1372. (991) Noían Cíay, "Some |urors Convínced Others Invoíved - Níchoís Tríaí
Renews Specuíatíon Concerníng |ohn Doe 2," "aily Oklahoman, 1/11/98.
1373. (992) Steven K. Pauíson, "|urors íeave bombíng sentence to |udge, crítícíze
prosecutíon's case, "Assocíated Press, 1/8/98.
1374. (993) (+id.
1375. (994) (+id.
1376. (995) Noían Cíay, "Some |urors Convínced Others Invoíved - Níchoís Tríaí
Renews Specuíatíon Concerníng |ohn Doe 2," "aily Oklahoman, 1/11/98.
1377. (*) The fírst man LB| met wíth on Nov 29th, after he had cíeared the foreígn
dígnítaríes out of Washíngton was Waggoner Carr, Texas Attorney Generaí, to teíí
hím. "No tríaí ín Texas... ever." (Prouty)
1378. (996) |ohn Greíner, "Court Asked to Ensure Macy Expíores Aíí Bombíng
Angíes," "aily Oklahoman, 6/28/97.
538
1379. (*) Key's attorney Mark Sanford saíd the Supreme Court was wííííng to back
Key up, by forcíng Macy to do hís |ob properíy.
1380. (997) Dístríct Attorney Bob Macy, íntervíew wíth author.
1381. (998) George Hansen, íntervíew wíth author.
1382. (*) Accordíng to Okíahoma Statutes, Títíe 22, Sectíon 331 (Generaí powers
and dutíes of grand |ury), Notes of Decísíons: "Grand |ury functíons as an
ínquísítoríaí body; once ít ís convoked by the court, íts duty ís to ínvestígate íaw
víoíatíons |Tweedy v. Okíahoma Bar Ass'n, Okí. 624 P.2d 1049 (1981)|...
Investígatíon by grand |ury or a preíímínatry examínatíon by magístrate ís not a
tríaí, and the ruíes of evídence are not to be appííed as rígídíy as ín tríaí of case
before court. |Magííí v. Míííer, Okí. Cr., 455 P.2d 715 (1969)|.."
1383. (*) In a íetter hand-deíívered to the Grand |ury, Representatíve Key asked to
testífy a second tíme to present evídence that the DA's offíce refused to aííow a
vídeo of "contemporaneous news accounts" because ít was consídered to be
hearsay. As Míke |ohnston, Key's attorney, stated ín the íetter, "The ob|ectíon or
contentíon that a grand |ury cannot use hearsay evídence ís not weíí founded."
Morgan responded by thereafter refusíng to communícate wíth Key except through
hís attorney. So much for cooperatíon.
1384. (999) "Grand |ury Toíd Seísmíc Readíngs Uncíear ín Bombíng," "aily
Oklahoman, 9/19/97.
1385. (1000) (+id.
1386. (1001) KWTV Channeí 9 broadcast, 06/16/97.
1387. (1002) Lynn Waííace, posted on OKBOMB maíííng ííst.
1388. (1003) Míchaeí Rívero, posted on OKBOMB maíííng ííst.
1389. (1004) Edye Ann Smíth, Indívíduaííy and on Behaíf of Her Mínor Chíídren,
Chase Smíth, Deceased, and Coíton Smíth, Deceased, Píaíntíffs, vs. Tímothy |ames
McVeígh, Míchaeí Brescía, Míchaeí Fortíer and Andreas Carí Strassmeír and Other
Unknown Indívíduaís, Defendants, Case No. C|-96-18.
1390. (1005) KFOR's ínformatíon ís currentíy ín possessíon of the Congressíonaí
Task Force on Terrorísm and Unconventíonaí Warfare. As of thís wrítíng, Rep.
|ames Trafícant (D-OH) díspíayed an ínterest ínhoídíng OKBOMB hearíngs.
539