Anthropology

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‫ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ )ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ(‬

‫ﺍﺘﺨﺫﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺎﺭﺍ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺎ ﺘﺘﻀﺢ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻨﺸﺄﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻜﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﻤﺎﻟﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺠﺎﻫل ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺒﻌﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺜﻨﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺼﻑ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ( ﻓﻲ ﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﺤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪) ،‬ﻤﺜﻼ‪Barth 1965, Evans-Pritchard :‬‬

‫‪ .(1940, Geertz 1968, Gellner 1961, Westermark 1926‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻜل‬
‫ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬

‫ﺸﻬﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺠﻴﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺩﺨﻭل ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﺀ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻬﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻥ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺒﻭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺩﺃ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻹﺜﻨﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻬﺎ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﺼﻑ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻀﺭ ) ‪Aswad 1967, Fernea 1969,‬‬

‫‪ .(Grinqvist 1931, Mohsen 1967, Sweet 1967‬ﻟﻜﻥ "ﺃﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ" ﻟﻡ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻜﻔﺭﻉ ﻤﺴﺘﻘل ﻗﺒل ﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺩﺨﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺩﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻉ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻬﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺘﻰ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻜﻔﺭﻉ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺩﺭ ﻻ ﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻭﺼﻑ "ﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ" ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻠﻘﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺭﻀﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ) ‪Rosaldo and Lamphere 1974, MacCormack and Strathern 1980,‬‬

‫‪ .(Yanangisako and Collier 1987‬ﻭﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺩ ﺼﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺩﺭ ﻜﻔﺌﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻐﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻜﺸﻲﺀ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺤﺩﻫﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﻜﻌﺩﺴﺔ ﺘﻜﺸﻑ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻨﺸﺄﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻘﺎل ﺴﻴﻨﺜﻴﺎ ﻨﻴﻠﺴﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٧٤‬ﻡ )‪ (Cynthia Nelson 1974‬ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺨﻠﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻨﺫ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺼﺩﺭ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺤﺼﺕ ﻤﺜﻼ ﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺩﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺘﺤﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ) ‪Maher‬‬

‫‪ ،(1974‬ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )‪ ،(Joseph 1983, Altorki 1986‬ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﺨﻁﺎﺒﺎﺘﻬﺎ )‪ .(Abu-Lughod 1986‬ﻭﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻏﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﻀﺢ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﻬﻡ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ )‪ ،(Ong 1987‬ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪/‬ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪/‬ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺏ ) ‪Delaney 1991,‬‬
‫‪ ،(Papanek 1973‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺤﻴﺔ )‪ ،(Boddy 1989‬ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻴﻑ ) ‪Strobel‬‬
‫‪ ،(1979‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻗﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺭﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﺱ ﻜﻔﺭﻉ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻗﻭﻱ ﻋﻨـﺩﻤﺎ ﺍﺠﺘـﺎﺡ ﺘﻴـﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻨﻘـﺩﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠـﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩﺨﻼ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻗﺩﺭﺍ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺩل ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﺍ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺼﻭﻯ ﻟﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠـﺫﺏ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺒـﺎﻩ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔـﺭﻭﻉ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺕ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ "ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ"‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺼﺩﺭ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٧٣‬ﻡ ﻤـﻥ ﻋﻘـﺭ ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ ﻁﻼل ﺃﺴﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴـﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﻟﻘﺎﺌﻬـﺎ ﺒﺎﻻﺴـﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ) ‪Talal Asad, Anthropology and the‬‬

‫‪ ،(Colonial Encounter 1973‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺴﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺒﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪١٩٧٨‬ﻡ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸـﺭﺍﻕ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ ﺇﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ )‪ ،(Edward Said, Orientalism 1978‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻜﺘﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﻨﺎﻗﺩ ﺃﺩﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺫﻫﺏ ﻫﺫﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﻥ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﻭﻥ ﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺘﺼـﻭﻴﺭﺍ ﻀـﻌﻴﻔﺎ ﻟﻠﻭﺍﻗـﻊ‬
‫‪٤٢٥‬‬

‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻗﺼﺩﻭﺍ ﺍﻏﺘﻨﺎﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﻋـﺎﺩﺓ ﺼـﻴﺎﻏﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻜﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﻲ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻘﻬﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺘﻰ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﺜﺭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﻭﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ ﺸﺭﺤﻭﺍ ﻭﻜﺘﺒﻭﺍ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﻠﻨﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺩﺨﻭل ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺼﺭ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻜﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻟﻭﻨﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻌـﺩ ﺍﻻﺴـﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ) ‪Clifford 1988, Dirks 1992,‬‬
‫‪.(Marcus and Fischer 1986, Scott 1994‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﻴﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‬

‫"ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻔﺕ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﻻ ﻤﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﻏﻤـﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺴـﺎﺌل‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻬﻤﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺫﺍﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻼﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ‪/‬ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻀﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ‬

‫)‪ .(Clifford and Marcus 1986, Behar and Gordon 1995‬ﻭﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻨﻪ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻔﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺏ ﻟﻪ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺫﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﺒﺘﻜﺭﻥ ﻨﻭﻋﺎ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺃﺴﻤﻴﻨﻪ "ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﻴﺔ" )‪ ،(Reflexive Anthropology‬ﻭﻓﻴﻪ ﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴـﺭﺓ ﻟﻭﻀـﻌﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻴﺯ ﻜﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻠﻔﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﺨﺘﺯﺍل ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺃﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻤﺤﺴﻭﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻌل ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻟﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻭ ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺯﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻤﺘﻭﻁﻨـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺃﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻲ )‪.(Crapanzano 1980, K. Dwyer 1982, Koptiuch 1999, Lavie 1990‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﻁـﺭﻴﻘﺘﻴﻥ ﻫـﺎﻤﺘﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺜﻨﺘﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺘﺎﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻤﺠﺎﻻ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻀﻴﻕ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜـﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻟـﺫﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﺴـﻭﺍ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺼﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﺍﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻜﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺭﻱ ﻤﻌـﺯﻭل‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺒﻌﻴﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )‪ .(Geertz 1968, Gellner 1961‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﺒﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻔﻭﻕ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻡ ﻟﻺﺴﻼﻡ ﻜﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﻗﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﺩ ﻻ‬

‫ﻴﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻁﺭﺃ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺼﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺒﻭﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠﺕ ﻜﻴﻑ ﺃﺴﻬﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻜﺭﻴﺱ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻟﻼﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل ) ‪Abu-Lughod 1989, Ahmed 1982, Hammami and Rieker 1988, Lazreg 1989, Mohanty et‬‬

‫‪ .(al. 1991‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﻗﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺼﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻜﻜﺎﺌﻨﺎﺕ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﻬـﻭﺭﺓ ﺒﺄﻨﻬـﺎ ﺨـﺩﻤﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﻤﻘﻨﻌﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ﻟﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﺘﻔﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺘـﺎﺡ ﻟﻬـﺎ ﺼـﻴﺎﻏﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺩﺨﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺒﻠﻐﺔ ﺒﺭﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺇﻨﻘﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻬﺭ ﺍﻷﺒﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻭﻗﻌﻪ ﺒﻬﻥ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ) ‪Ahmed 1992,‬‬

‫‪ .(Alloula 1986‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺠﺎﺩل ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺩﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟـﻨﻬﺞ ﺠﻌـل‬
‫ﺍﻟﻼﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﺘﺒﺩﻭ ﻜﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻘﺎﺌﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺹ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﻜﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﺏ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻜـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻻ ﻴﻘل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻟﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺩﻯ ﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺃﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺇﺯﺍﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻜﻀﺤﺎﻴﺎ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﻘﻬﺭ ﺍﻷﺒﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻔﺘﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺒل ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴـﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﻠﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺨﻠﻘﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻭﺍﻟﻡ ﻤﺭﻜﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻭﻤﻥ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒﻬﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻭﺘﻭﺍﻁﺄﻥ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨـﺎ ﻟﻤﺴـﺎﻨﺩﺘﻬﺎ )‪Abu-‬‬

‫‪ .(Lughod 1993, Boddy 1989, Callaway 1994, Friedel 1989, Hegland 1991, Mies 1982, Tohidi 1998‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬

‫ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻜﺩﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺠﺏ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺒﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺼﻭﺏ ﺴﻼﺤﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺒﺎﻤﺘﻼﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻟﻬﻡ‬

‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﺫ ﺒﺎﻹﺜﻨﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍ ﻤﻌﺘﺒﺭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺠﺭﻱ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ‬
‫‪٤٢٦‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﻭﻀﻌﻬﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻜﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﺭﺍﺩﻓـﺎ ﻟﻠﻭﻀـﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﺭﺠل ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺤﺩﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼل ﺇﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﺴﺘﺘﺒﻌﻪ ﻤﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺴﺘﺩﻋﻲ ﺍﻷﺨـﺫ‬
‫ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴـل ﻭﻁـﺭﺡ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻀـﻴﺎﺕ ) ‪Abu-Lughod 1993, Altorki and El-Solh 1988, Behar and‬‬

‫‪ .(Gordon 1995‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﺴﻠﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻴل ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺘﻬﻥ ﺃﻭﻀﺤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻭﻴﺘﻬﻥ ﺍﻟﻌِﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﻀﻌﻬﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻴﺅﺜﺭﺍﻥ ﻻ ﻤﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﺘﺠﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ )ﺍﻨﻅﺭﻱ‪/‬ﺍﻨﻅـﺭ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .(Koptiuch 1999, Lavie 1990, Lazreg 1989‬ﻭﻻﺒﺩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺘﻀﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺠـﺭﻱ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴـﺎﺀ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﻤﺭﺕ ﺒﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻜﻔﺭﻉ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺩﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻌﺘﺒﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻟﺩﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻓﺠﻭﺍﺕ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻟﻤﻥ ﻴﺩﺭﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺘﺨﺫﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻏﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﺴﺘﺤﻴل ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻜﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺤﻠﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﻤﺴﺘﻨﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻤﺤل ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻁﺌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ‬

‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺼﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﻤﻴل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻭﻟﻴﺩ ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻜﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻠﻴل‪ .‬ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺒﻌﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﻟﺩﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺭﺍﻕ ﺒﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻨﻔﻜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﺒﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻭﺍﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠل ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺸﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﺌﺔ "ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺨﺫ ﻜﺄﻤﺭ ﻤﺴﻠﱠﻡ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺸﻴﺌﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ "ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ" ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻨﻘﺎﺭﻨﻪ ﺒﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ "ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﺕ"‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ‪-‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻪ ﻟﻭﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻁﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﻋﺎﺕ ‪ -‬ﻨﺎﺩﺭﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻟﻠﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﻤﺘﻔﺭﻗﺔ ﻜﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﻭﺘﻨﺯﺍﻨﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻭﻟﻨﺩﺍ ﻭﻓﺭﻨﺴﺎ ﻭﺇﻴﻁﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭﺃﺴﺘﺭﺍﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ‬

‫ﺸﻴﻭﻋﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻬﻭﻴﺘﻬﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺘﻬﻥ ﺒﻌﻘﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻤﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺭﻨﺴﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺜﻭﻟﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻡ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ "ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ"‬
‫ﻻ ﺒﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ "ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﺕ‪ (.‬ﻭﺒﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ "ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﺕ" ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻁﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺎﺩﺭﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻤل ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺤﺫﻴﻥ ﺤﺫﻭﻫﻥ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻥ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻴﺯ ﺸﺘﻰ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﻌل ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﺩﺍل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﺍ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺘﺴﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ )ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺇﻨﺩﻭﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﻤﺎﻟﻴﺯﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩ ﻭﻤﺼﺭ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻠﻡ ﺠﺭﺍ(‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ "ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻠﻤﻴﺢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻤﻌﻨﻲ ﺒﺘﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬

‫)ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﻥ ﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ( ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﺭﺠﺎﺀ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺢ ﺍﻟﺴﺭﻴﻊ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟﺕ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺜﻨﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻨﻰ ﺒﺘﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺒﺔ ﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ )ﻟﻺﻁﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻨﻅﺭﻱ‪/‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‪ .(Joseph 1983, Peteet 1991 :‬ﺇﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻓﺠﻭﺓ ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻁﻨﺕ ﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻟﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻟﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﺘﺨﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻫﻭﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﻠﺔ‬
‫‪٤٢٧‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺼﻭﺭﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻓﻤﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺼﻑ ﺃﻗﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﺼﺭ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻜﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ "ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﺫ ﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺭﺤﻴل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ (.‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻀﺩ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﺎﺭ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻁﺭﺃﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺒل ﺇﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ "ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ" ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﻴﺭﺕ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻻ ﺘﺨﻠﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻭل ﺴﺅﺍل ﻴﺭﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺫﻫﻥ ﻫﻭ ﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ؟ ﻓﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺴﺎﺀل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻫل ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺘﻨﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻠﻬﺎ؟ ﻜﻴﻑ‬

‫ﻴﺘﺄﺘﻰ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺼﻑ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺃﺼﻼ‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻭﺒﺔ؟ ﻭﻜﻴﻑ ﻨﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺭﻗﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺸﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺼﻴﻎ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺎﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺇﻻ ﻋﺭﻀﺎ؟ ﻭﺒﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺀ ﻭﺯﻨﺎ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺎ ﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﻭﺠﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺸﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ "ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ" ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﺘﺯل ﺃﺤﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ؟‬

‫ﺒل ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺘﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﺍ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﻠﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﻫل‬

‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻟﻠﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻥ ﻤﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩ ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺸﻜﻠﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺃﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻡ‪ -‬ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻅل "ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ"‪،‬‬

‫ﺃﻡ ﻫل ﺘﺭﺍﻫﻡ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻅل "ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﺩﻭﺴﻴﺔ"؟ ﻫل ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻓﺼل ﺍﻻﺜﻨﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺽ؟ ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻤﻜﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻴﺠﺭﻱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺠﺭﻴﻪ؟ ﻭﺒﺎﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﻴل ﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﻬﻨﺩ ﻭﺍﻹﺭﺙ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻭل ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺅﺍل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﻓﻌﺕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺯﻭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺯﺠﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﻴﻕ ﻟﻔﺌﺘﻲ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﻼﻗل ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺠﺘﺎﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻡ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅل ﻋﻥ ﺼﻠﺔ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫"ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ" ﺒﺎﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻟﻠﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻭﻀﻊ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺃﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﺠﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺤﺠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺀ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻪ ﺘﻔﺎﺩﻱ ﺃﺨﺫ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺒﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ "ﺍﻷﺼﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ" ﻟﺘﺘﺤﺩﺙ‬

‫ﻋﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺇﺜﻨﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻴﺔ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ "ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ" ﻋﻥ ﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺔ ﻴﻐﺫﻴﻬﺎ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﺎ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﺎﻴﺵ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺒﺤﺙ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﺸﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺤﻤﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺠﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻥ ﺘﺩﺭﺱ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺒﺎ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺎ ﻤﻤﻥ ﺘﺩﺭﺴﻬﻡ ﻴﻤﻨﺤﻬﺎ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻗﺎﺌﻕ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﻥ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬

‫ﻤﻠﻴﺌﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻓﺎﺭﻏﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺸﻨﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﺴﻌﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻨﻘل ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻤﺜﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺤل ﻤﺤل ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻁﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﺄﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺇﺜﻨﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻴﺴﺠل‬
‫ﺒﺄﻤﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺏ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﻴﺭﻓﺽ ﺤﺒﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﻴﺘﻬﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺨﺘﺯل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ )‪.(D. Dwyer 1983, Early 1993, Friedel 1989‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﺘﻬﺩﻓﻪ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻭﺍﺌﺩ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺜﻴﺭ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻠﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻔﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺒﻔﻀل ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻤﻬﺎ "ﻭﺼﻔﺎ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﻜﺜﻴﻔﺎ" ﺃﻭ ﺘﺴﺠﻴﻼ ﻨﻘﻴﺎ ﻟـ"ﺍﻷﺼﻭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺤﻤل ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﺒﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺃﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻲ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻭﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﻨﻭﻋﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺨﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻲ ﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻴﺴﺘﺤﻴل ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻁﺭ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺼﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺒل ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺌﻜﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻜﻴﻑ‬

‫ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺀ ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻨﺎﻓﺫﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺼﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻫل ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻭل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺭﺠﺎل؟‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺼﺎﺭ ﻴﺤﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﺘﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﺯﻴﺩﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﺭﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻜﺱ ﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﺒﺘﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻋﺎ ﺤﺎﺩﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻨﺤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﺸﻬﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺼﻌﻭﺩﺍ ﻤﺜﻴﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ )ﻴﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ "ﺍﻹﺤﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ"( ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﺤﻭل ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ) ‪Hefner 2000, Hirschkind 2001, Mahmood‬‬

‫‪ .(forthcoming, Peletz 2002‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻟﻥ ﺘﻜﺘﻤل ﺃﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻜﺎﻑ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﺠﺘﻴﺎﺤﻬﺎ ﻟﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻤﺘﺴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ )ﻤﻥ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻁﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻁﺭﺤﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺜﻼﺜﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻠﺤﻭﻅ ﺃﻥ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﻴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺘﺯﺩﻫﺭ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻟﻔﺕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺃﻨﻅﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﺭﻱ ﺍﻹﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻟﻌﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺃﺒﻭﻱ ﻗﻭﻱ ﺭﻏﻡ ﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﺃﺘﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺘﻤﺴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻭﺍﻤﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻜﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻼﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻀﺩ ﺘﻔﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻵﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺎ ﻟﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﺩ ﺩﺨﻭل ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺸﻬﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻔﺎﺴﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺴﺒﻴﻼ ﻫﺎﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺴﺒل ﺩﺨﻭل ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒﺸﻜل ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺒﻭﻕ )‪.(Brenner 1996, Mahmood 2001, Mir-Hosseni 1999‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺤﺎﻭﻟﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻨﻅﺭ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬

‫ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻷﺒﻭﻱ ﻟﻠﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻔﺴﺭﻩ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﺭﺠﺎل ﺒﻐﺯﻭﻫﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ )ﻜﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻭﻅﻑ ﻭﺸﻐل ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ( ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻘﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﻗﺒل ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻁﺭﺡ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻤﺘﻔﺭﻗﺔ ﻜﺎﻟﻤﻐﺭﺏ ﻭﻤﺎﻟﻴﺯﻴﺎ ﻭﺒﻨﻐﻼﺩﻴﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل ﻻ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﺭ ) ‪Mernissi‬‬

‫‪ .(1987, Ong 1990, Siddiqi 1999‬ﻭﻴﺘﻡ ﻁﺭﺡ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﻏﻴﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﺸﻜل ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻓﺘﺤﺕ ﻟﻬﻥ ﺃﺒﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺭﺠﺎل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻟﺠﺄﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺒﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺩﺨﻠﻬﻥ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺸﻌﺭﻭﺍ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻟﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺠﺎﺩل ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﻗﺎﺌﻠﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺘﻤﺜل "ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﺎ ﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎ" ﻭﻴﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺇﻤﺎ ﺒﺈﻴﻘﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ )ﻭﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺜﻡ ﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺘﻬﻡ ﻟﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺒﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫)ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﺸﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ( )‪.(Ong 1990, Mernissi 1987‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻔﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺒﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻫﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻫﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻭﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺞ ﻴﻠﻤﺢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺭﻜﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ )ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻫﺠﻭﻤﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ(‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻌﺘﻨﻘﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﺭﺍﺤﺘﻬﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻻ ﻴﻌﻭﻕ ﺘﺄﻗﻠﻤﻬﻥ ﻤﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺴﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻭﺍﺠﻬﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺭﻨﺎﺌﻬﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺴﻠﹼﻤﻨﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻴﺨﻀﻌﻭﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺒﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻠﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻻ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺄ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﻓﻘﻁ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻴﺼﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﻅل ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ؟ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﺃﺨﻴﺭﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻷﺒﻭﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﺴﻼﻡ )ﻤﺜل ﺍﺭﺘﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺎﺏ( ﻟﻡ ﻴﻔﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻨﺘﺠﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ "ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ" ﻟﻺﺴﻼﻡ ) ‪Brenner 1996, El-Guindi 1981, Göle 1996, Hale 1996, Mahmood 2001, Zuhur‬‬
‫‪٤٢٩‬‬

‫‪ .(1992‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺭﻏﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻭﻉ "ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺯﺍﺌﻑ" ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻨﺠﺤﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻁﻌﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﺴﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻭ‪ :‬ﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﺸﺭﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻴﻌﺎﻟﺞ "ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ" ﻜﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻭﻟﻊ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺭﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ؟ )ﻟﻼﻁﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺅﺍل‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻨﻅﺭﻱ‪/‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‪.(Abu-Lughod 2002, Göle 1996, Hirschkind and Mahmood 2002, Mahmood 2001 :‬‬
‫ﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﻟﻔﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﺨﻁﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒل‬

‫ﻟﻺﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩﻱ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﻴﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺁﺨﺭ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﺨﻠﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‬

‫)ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ( ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻜﺘﺒﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻟﻺﺴﻼﻡ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺘﺠﻤﺩﺍ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺯﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺘﻔﺼل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺜﻴﻼﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻤﺭﺍﺭﺍ ﻭﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺩﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻐﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺸﻜﻠﻬﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﺭﻏﺒﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻀﻭﻉ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻔﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻁﻤﺤﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﻟﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻀﻔﺎﺀ ﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺠﺎﻫل ﺭﻏﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﻁﻤﻭﺤﺎﺘﻬﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺇﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ‬
‫ﺘﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺘﺒﻪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ )ﺍﻨﻅﺭﻱ‪/‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻲ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪ ،Mahmood 2001‬ﻭﺍﻨﻅﺭﻱ‪/‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ‪Strathern‬‬

‫‪ .(1987‬ﻟﻜﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺴﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻟﺭﻏﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﺕ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻨﻁﺎﻗﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ )ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺫﻋﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﻭﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻻ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﻀﻔﺎﺀ ﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠل ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺨﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﻟﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻟﻼﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺤﻔﻭﻅﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺕ ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻨﻬﻥ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺼﺢ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻲ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺄﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﺍﺌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻬﺭﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻷﻫﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺭﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺘﻜﺎﺏ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻷﺨﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺘﻜﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺸﺭﻗﻴﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﻭﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ "ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﻤﺭﺍﺩﻓﺎ ﻟـ"ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻡ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺠﻭﻫﺭ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻴﻠﺘﺯﻤﻥ ﺒﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻴﺤﻤل ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺄ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌل ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺃﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻨﻬﻥ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺸﺭﻗﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻟﻐﺔ ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻠل ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺸﺩﻴﺩﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﻨﺘﺒﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻐل ﺤﻴﺯﺍ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﺒﺘﻌﺩﺩﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺜل ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻏﺭﺒﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻬﺘﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭ ﺒﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﻫﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺨﺘﺯﺍل ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ )ﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻠﻡ ﺠﺭﺍ(‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﻟﺴﺒل‬

‫ﻋﻴﺵ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﺃﻗﻭﻯ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻤﻨﺤﻪ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺸﺭﺤﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻤﻠﻲﺀ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ‬
‫ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻴﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻭﺠﻪ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﺒـ"ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ" ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺠﺫﺭﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻥ‬
‫ﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺏ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺀ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺩ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺇﺫ ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺴﺘﺘﺒﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﺍ ﺒﻔﻌل ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺫﻜﺭﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬

‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺘﻌﻴﺵ ﻜﺄﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺎ ﻤﻌﺘﺒﺭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ "ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ" ﻟﻴﺴﻭﺍ ﺒﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺜﻡ ﻴﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﺍ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻨﺨﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﻥ ﻜﺄﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻜﺄﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﻴﻭﺍﺠﻬﻥ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻋﺎ ﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺃﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺎﻜﻥ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻁﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬

‫ﻟﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﺴﻪ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺎ ﺸﺩﻴﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻤﻊ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻬﺎ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻜﺸﻑ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺴﻊ‬
‫ﻟﻸﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺸﻜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻟـ"ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺔ" )ﺍﻨﻅﺭﻱ‪/‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻤﺜﻼ‪Aswad and Bilgé :‬‬

‫‪.(1996, Haddad and Smith 1994, Hasan 1994, Jeffery and Basu 1998, Rath 2001‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻅل ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﻀﺎل ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﻨﺤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻨﺄﺨﺫ ﻤﺜﻼ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻟﻌﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎل ﻀﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎل ﻀﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺸﺎﺭﻜﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺎﺘﻬﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩﻭﺴﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻗﻭﻯ ﺒﺈﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻘﺏ ﺭﺤﻴل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﺨﻁﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎل‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﻜﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺯﻯ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀﺍﺘﻬﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻠﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻜﺴﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺃﺭﻀﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩ )ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩﻭﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﻟﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﺎﻋﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻓﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻨﻔﺱ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﻭﺘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﻤﺎﻟﻴﺯﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻨﺩﻭﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺤﺎﻭﻟﺕ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺨﻠﻕ ﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺨﻁﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﺒﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺠﻨﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﺍﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻥ ﺘﻨﻘﺼﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎل ﺍﻟﺒﺩﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀﺍﺕ ) ‪Jeffery and Basu 1996, Hasan 1994,‬‬
‫‪ ،(Peteet 1991‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻨﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺘﻜﺘﻨﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻼ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺒﺨﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ‪.‬‬

‫ﺤﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻜﻔﺭﻉ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﺘﺒﺩﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻴﺘﻴﺢ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﻼﻉ ﺒﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‪.‬‬

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(Saba Mahmood) ‫ﺴﺎﺒﺎ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‬
‫ ﺴﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬:‫ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ‬

٤٣٣

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