Anthropology
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Anthropology
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Contents
Articles
Main article
1
Anthropology
1
Supporting articles
22
History of anthropology
22
Archaeology
37
Cultural anthropology
56
Cultural history
68
Diaspora
70
Economic anthropology
78
Ethnobiology
92
Ethnography
98
Ethnology
111
Human
114
Interpersonal relationship
140
References
Article Sources and Contributors
144
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
148
Article Licenses
License
151
1
Main article
Anthropology
Anthropology
• Archaeological
• Biological
• Cultural
• Linguistic
• Social
Social and cultural subfields
• Applied
• Art
• Cognitive
• Cyborg
• Development
• Digital
• Ecological
• Environmental
• Economic
• Political economy
• Historical
• Feminist
• Kinship
• Legal
• Media
• Medical
• Musical
• Nutritional
• Political
Disciplines
Anthropology
• Psychological
• Public
• Religion
• Science and technology
• Transpersonal
• Urban
• Visual
Linguistics subfields
• Descriptive
• Ethno• Historical
• Semiotic
• Sociolinguistics
• Ethnopoetics
Archaeological and
biological subfields
• Anthrozoological
• Biocultural
• Evolutionary
• Feminist
• Forensic
• Maritime
• Palaeoanthropological
Research framework
• Ethnography
• Ethnology
• Cross-cultural comparison
• Participant observation
• Online ethnography
• Holism
• Reflexivity
• Thick description
• Cultural relativism
• Ethnocentrism
• Emic and etic
• History of anthropology
Key theories
• Actor-network and alliance theory
• Cross-cultural studies
• Cultural materialism
2
Anthropology
• Culture theory
• Feminism
• Functionalism
• Interpretive
• Performance studies
• Political economy
• Practice theory
• Structuralism
• Post-structuralism
• Systems theory
Key concepts
• Evolution
• Society
• Culture
• Prehistory
• Sociocultural evolution
• Kinship and descent
• Gender
• Race
• Ethnicity
• Development
• Colonialism
• Postcolonialism
• Value
Lists
• Outline
• Bibliography
• Journals
• By years
• Organizations
• Anthropologists by nationality
•
Anthropology portal
Anthropology /ænθrɵˈpɒlədʒi/ is the "science of humanity." [1] It has origins in the humanities, the natural sciences,
and the social sciences.[2] The term "anthropology" is from the Greek anthrōpos (ἄνθρωπος), "man", understood to
mean humankind or humanity, and -logia (-λογία), "discourse" or "study."
Since the work of Franz Boas and Bronisław Malinowski in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, anthropology has
been distinguished from other social sciences by its emphasis on in-depth examination of context, cross-cultural
comparisons, and the importance it places on participant-observation, or long-term, experiential immersion in the
area of research. Cultural anthropology in particular has emphasized cultural relativism, holism, and the use of
findings to frame cultural critiques.[3] This has been particularly prominent in the United States, from Boas's
arguments against 19th-century racial ideology, through Margaret Mead's advocacy for gender equality and sexual
3
Anthropology
liberation, to current criticisms of post-colonial oppression and promotion of multiculturalism. Ethnography is one of
its primary methods as well as the text that is generated from anthropological fieldwork.[][4][]
In the United States, the discipline is traditionally divided into four sub-fields: cultural anthropology, archaeology,
linguistic anthropology, and biological anthropology. In Europe, the discipline originated as ethnology and was
originally defined as the study of social organization in non-state societies. It was later renamed social anthropology.
It is now sometimes referred to as sociocultural anthropology in most of Europe, the Commonwealth, and in the
parts of the world that were influenced by the European tradition.[5]
Disciplines
In the United States, anthropology is traditionally divided into four fields: biological or physical anthropology, social
anthropology or cultural anthropology, archaeology and anthropological linguistics. These fields frequently overlap,
but tend to use different methodologies and techniques. In Great Britain and the Commonwealth countries, the
British tradition of Social Anthropology tends to dominate. In some European countries, all cultural anthropology is
known as ethnology (a term coined and defined by Adam F. Kollár in 1783).[6]
Anthropologists study topics that include the origin and evolution of Homo sapiens, the organization of human social
and cultural relations, human physical traits, human behavior, the variations among different groups of humans, how
the evolutionary past of Homo sapiens has influenced its social organization and culture, and so forth.[7][8]
Anthropology originated in the colonial encounter between Western people and colonized non-Western people, as
Europeans tried to understand the origins of observable cultural diversity. Today anthropology is a global discipline,
and anthropologists study all types of societies. Anthropology is one of the few places where humanities, social, and
natural sciences are forced to confront one another. As such, anthropology has been central in the development of
several new (late 20th century) interdisciplinary fields such as cognitive science,[9] global studies, and various ethnic
studies.
According to Clifford Geertz, "anthropology is perhaps the last of the great nineteenth-century conglomerate
disciplines still for the most part organizationally intact. Long after natural history, moral philosophy, philology, and
political economy have dissolved into their specialized successors, it has remained a diffuse assemblage of
ethnology, human biology, comparative linguistics, and prehistory, held together mainly by the vested interests, sunk
costs, and administrative habits of academia, and by a romantic image of comprehensive scholarship."[10]
Sociocultural anthropology has been heavily influenced by structuralist and postmodern theories, as well as a shift
toward the analysis of modern societies. During the 1970s and 1990s, there was an epistemological shift away from
the positivist traditions that had largely informed the discipline.[11]Wikipedia:Citing sources During this shift,
enduring questions about the nature and production of knowledge came to occupy a central place in cultural and
social anthropology. In contrast, archaeology and biological anthropology remained largely positivist. Due to this
difference in epistemology, the four sub-fields of anthropology have lacked cohesion over the last several decades.
Sociocultural anthropology
Sociocultural anthropology draws together the principle axes of cultural anthropology and social anthropology.
Cultural anthropology is the comparative study of the manifold ways in which people make sense of the world
around them, while social anthropology is the study of the relationships among persons and groups.[] Cultural
anthropology is more akin to philosophy, literature and the arts, while social anthropology to sociology and history.[]
Inquiry in sociocultural anthropology is guided in part by cultural relativism, the attempt to understand other
societies in terms of their own cultural symbols and values.[] Accepting other cultures in their own terms moderates
reductionism in cross-cultural comparison.[] This project is often accommodated in the field of ethnography.
Ethnography can refer to both a methodology and a product of research, namely a monograph or book. As
methodology, ethnography is based upon long-term fieldwork within a community or other research site. Participant
observation is one of the foundational methods of social and cultural anthropology.[12] Ethnology involves the
4
Anthropology
5
systematic comparison of different cultures. The process of participant-observation can be especially helpful to
understanding a culture from an emic (conceptual, vs. etic, or technical) point of view.
The study of kinship and social organization is a central focus of sociocultural anthropology, as kinship is a human
universal. Sociocultural anthropology also covers economic and political organization, law and conflict resolution,
patterns of consumption and exchange, material culture, technology, infrastructure, gender relations, ethnicity,
childrearing and socialization, religion, myth, symbols, values, etiquette, worldview, sports, music, nutrition,
recreation, games, food, festivals, and language (which is also the object of study in linguistic anthropology).
Comparison across cultures is a key element of method in sociocultural anthropology, including the industrialized
(and de-industrialized) West. Cultures in the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample (SCCS) [] of world societies are:
Africa
Circum-Mediterranean
East Eurasia
Insular Pacific
North America
South America
Nama (Hottentot) • Kung (San) • Thonga • Lozi • Mbundu • Suku • Bemba • Nyakyusa (Ngonde) • Hadza • Luguru •
Kikuyu • Ganda • Mbuti (Pygmies) • Nkundo (Mongo) • Banen • Tiv • Igbo • Fon • Ashanti (Twi) • Mende •
Bambara • Tallensi • Massa • Azande • Otoro Nuba • Shilluk • Mao • Maasai
Wolof • Songhai • Wodaabe Fulani • Hausa • Fur • Kaffa • Konso • Somali • Amhara • Bogo • Kenuzi Nubian • Teda •
Tuareg • Riffians • Egyptians (Fellah) • Hebrews • Babylonians • Rwala Bedouin • Turks • Gheg (Albanians) •
Romans • Basques • Irish • Sami (Lapps) • Russians • Abkhaz • Armenians • Kurd
Yurak (Samoyed) • Basseri • West Punjabi • Gond • Toda • Santal • Uttar Pradesh • Burusho • Kazak • Khalka
Mongols • Lolo • Lepcha • Garo • Lakher • Burmese • Lamet • Vietnamese • Rhade • Khmer • Siamese • Semang •
Nicobarese • Andamanese • Vedda • Tanala • Negeri Sembilan • Atayal • Chinese • Manchu • Koreans • Japanese •
Ainu • Gilyak • Yukaghir
Javanese (Miao) • Balinese • Iban • Badjau • Toraja • Tobelorese • Alorese • Tiwi • Aranda • Orokaiva • Kimam •
Kapauku • Kwoma • Manus • New Ireland • Trobrianders • Siuai • Tikopia • Pentecost • Mbau Fijians • Ajie • Maori •
Marquesans • Western Samoans • Gilbertese • Marshallese • Trukese • Yapese • Palauans • Ifugao • Chukchi
Ingalik • Aleut • Copper Eskimo • Montagnais • Mi'kmaq • Saulteaux (Ojibwa) • Slave • Kaska (Nahane) • Eyak •
Haida • Bellacoola • Twana • Yurok • Pomo • Yokuts • Paiute (Northern) • Klamath • Kutenai • Gros Ventres •
Hidatsa • Pawnee • Omaha (Dhegiha) • Huron • Creek • Natchez • Comanche • Chiricahua • Zuni • Havasupai •
Papago • Huichol • Aztec • Popoluca
Quiché • Miskito (Mosquito) • Bribri (Talamanca) • Cuna • Goajiro • Haitians • Calinago • Warrau (Warao) •
Yanomamo • Carib • Saramacca • Munduruku • Cubeo (Tucano) • Cayapa • Jivaro • Amahuaca • Inca • Aymara •
Siriono • Nambicuara • Trumai • Timbira • Tupinamba • Botocudo • Shavante • Aweikoma • Cayua (Guarani) •
Lengua • Abipon • Mapuche • Tehuelche • Yaghan
See also the List of indigenous peoples.
Biological anthropology
Biological Anthropology and Physical Anthropology are synonymous
terms to describe anthropological research focused on the study of
humans and non-human primates in their biological, evolutionary, and
demographic dimensions. It examines the biological and social factors
that have affected the evolution of humans and other primates, and that
generate, maintain or change contemporary genetic and physiological
variation.[13]
Forensic anthropologists can help identify
skeletonized human remains, such as these found
lying in scrub in Western Australia, c.
1900–1910.
Anthropology
6
Archaeological anthropology
Archaeology is the study of the human past through its material
remains. Artifacts, faunal remains, and human altered landscapes are
evidence of the cultural and material lives of past societies.
Archaeologists examine these material remains in order to deduce
patterns of past human behavior and cultural practices.
Ethnoarchaeology is a type of archaeology that studies the practices
and material remains of living human groups in order to gain a better
understanding of the evidence left behind by past human groups, who
are presumed to have lived in similar ways.[14]
Excavations at the 3800-year-old Edgewater Park
Site, Iowa
Linguistic anthropology
Linguistic anthropology (also called anthropological linguistics) seeks to understand the processes of human
communications, verbal and non-verbal, variation in language across time and space, the social uses of language, and
the relationship between language and culture. It is the branch of anthropology that brings linguistic methods to bear
on anthropological problems, linking the analysis of linguistic forms and processes to the interpretation of
sociocultural processes. Linguistic anthropologists often draw on related fields including sociolinguistics,
pragmatics, cognitive linguistics, semiotics, discourse analysis, and narrative analysis.[15]
Key topics by field: Sociocultural anthropology
Anthropology of art, media, music, dance & film
Part of a series on the
Anthropology of
art,
media, music,
dance
and film
Social and cultural
anthropology
Anthropology of art
One of the central problems in the anthropology of art concerns the universality of 'art' as a cultural phenomenon.
Several anthropologists have noted that the Western categories of 'painting', 'sculpture', or 'literature', conceived as
independent artistic activities, do not exist, or exist in a significantly different form, in most non-Western
contexts.[16] To surmount this difficulty, anthropologists of art have focused on formal features in objects which,
without exclusively being 'artistic', have certain evident 'aesthetic' qualities. Boas' Primitive Art, Claude Lévi-Strauss'
The Way of the Masks (1982) or Geertz's 'Art as Cultural System' (1983) are some examples in this trend to
transform the anthropology of 'art' into an anthropology of culturally-specific 'aesthetics'.
Anthropology
7
Media anthropology
Anthropology of media (also anthropology of mass media, media
anthropology) emphasizes ethnographic studies as a means of
understanding producers, audiences, and other cultural and social
aspects of mass media. The types of ethnographic contexts explored
range from contexts of media production (e.g., ethnographies of
newsrooms in newspapers, journalists in the field, film production) to
contexts of media reception, following audiences in their everyday
responses to media. Other types include cyber anthropology, a
relatively new area of internet research, as well as ethnographies of
other areas of research which happen to involve media, such as
development work, social movements, or health education. This is in
addition to many classic ethnographic contexts, where media such as
radio, the press, new media and television have started to make their
presences felt since the early 1990s.[17][18]
Musical anthropology
A Punu tribe mask. Gabon West Africa
Ethnomusicology is an academic field encompassing various
approaches to the study of music (broadly defined) that emphasize its
cultural, social, material, cognitive, biological, and other dimensions or
contexts instead of or in addition to its isolated sound component or
any particular repertoire.
Visual anthropology
Visual anthropology is concerned, in part, with the study and production of ethnographic photography, film and,
since the mid-1990s, new media. While the term is sometimes used interchangeably with ethnographic film, visual
anthropology also encompasses the anthropological study of visual representation, including areas such as
performance, museums, art, and the production and reception of mass media. Visual representations from all
cultures, such as sandpaintings, tattoos, sculptures and reliefs, cave paintings, scrimshaw, jewelry, hieroglyphics,
paintings and photographs are included in the focus of visual anthropology.
Economic, Political Economic, Applied & Development anthropology
Part of a series on
Economic, applied
and development
anthropology
Social and cultural anthropology
Anthropology
Economic anthropology
Economic anthropology attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural
scope. It has a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical. Its origins as a
sub-field of anthropology begin with the Polish-British founder of Anthropology, Bronislaw Malinowski, and his
French compatriot, Marcel Mauss, on the nature of gift-giving exchange (or reciprocity) as an alternative to market
exchange. Economic Anthropology remains, for the most part, focused upon exchange. The school of thought
derived from Marx and known as Political Economy focuses on production, in contrast.[19] Economic
Anthropologists have abandoned the primitivist niche they were relegated to by economists, and have now turned to
examine corporations, banks, and the global financial system from an anthropological perspective.
Political economy
Political Economy in anthropology is the application of the theories and methods of Historical Materialism to the
traditional concerns of anthropology, including, but not limited to, non-capitalist societies. Political Economy
introduced questions of history and colonialism to ahistorical anthropological theories of social structure and culture.
Three main areas of interest rapidly developed. The first of these areas was concerned with the "pre-capitalist"
societies that were subject to evolutionary "tribal" stereotypes. Sahlins work on Hunter-gatherers as the 'original
affluent society' did much to disapate that image. The second area was concerned with the vast majority of the
world's population at the time, the peasantry, many of whom were involved in complex revolutionary wars such as in
Vietnam. The third area was on colonialism, imperialism, and the creation of the capitalist world-system.[] More
recently, these Political Economists have more directly addressed issues of industrial (and post-industrial) capitalism
around the world.
Applied anthropology
Applied Anthropology refers to the application of the method and theory of anthropology to the analysis and solution
of practical problems. It is a, “complex of related, research-based, instrumental methods which produce change or
stability in specific cultural systems through the provision of data, initiation of direct action, and/or the formulation
of policy”.[20] More simply, applied anthropology is the practical side of anthropological research; it includes
researcher involvement and activism within the participating community. It is closely related to Development
anthropology (distinct from the more critical Anthropology of development).
Anthropology of development
The anthropology of development tends to view development from a critical perspective. The kind of issues
addressed and implications for the approach involve asking why, if a key development goal is to alleviate poverty, is
poverty increasing? Why is there such a gap between plans and outcomes? Why are those working in development
so willing to disregard history and the lessons it might offer? Why is development so externally driven rather than
having an internal basis? In short why does so much planned development fail?
Anthropology of Kinship, Feminism, Gender & Sexuality
8
Anthropology
9
Part of a series on
Anthropology of
kinship
Social and cultural
anthropology
Kinship & family
Kinship can refer both to the study of the patterns of social relationships in one or more human cultures, or it can
refer to the patterns of social relationships themselves. Over its history, anthropology has developed a number of
related concepts and terms, such as descent, descent groups, lineages, affines, cognates and even fictive kinship.
Broadly, kinship patterns may be considered to include people related both by descent (one's social relations during
development), and also relatives by marriage.
Feminist anthropology
Feminist Anthropology is a four field approach to anthropology (archeological, biological, cultural, linguistic) that
seeks to reduce male bias in research findings, anthropological hiring practices, and the scholarly production of
knowledge. Anthropology engages often with feminists from non-Western traditions, whose perspectives and
experiences can differ from those of white European and American feminists. Historically, such 'peripheral'
perspectives have sometimes been marginalized and regarded as less valid or important than knowledge from the
western world. Feminist anthropologists have claimed that their research helps to correct this systematic bias in
mainstream feminist theory. Feminist anthropology is inclusive of birth anthropology [21] as a specialization.
Medical, Nutritional, Psychological, Cognitive & Transpersonal Anthropology
Part of a series on
Medical and
psychological
anthropology
Social and cultural
anthropology
Medical anthropology
Medical anthropology is an interdisciplinary field which studies "human health and disease, health care systems, and
biocultural adaptation".[] Currently, research in medical anthropology is one of the main growth areas in the field of
anthropology as a whole. It focuses on the following six basic fields:
• the development of systems of medical knowledge and medical care
• the patient-physician relationship
• the integration of alternative medical systems in culturally diverse environments
• the interaction of social, environmental and biological factors which influence health and illness both in the
individual and the community as a whole
Anthropology
10
• the critical analysis of interaction between psychiatric services and migrant populations ("critical
ethnopsychiatry": Beneduce 2004, 2007)
• the impact of biomedicine and biomedical technologies in non-Western settings
Other subjects that have become central to medical anthropology worldwide are violence and social suffering
(Farmer, 1999, 2003; Beneduce, 2010) as well as other issues that involve physical and psychological harm and
suffering that are not a result of illness. On the other hand, there are fields that intersect with medical anthropology
in terms of research methodology and theoretical production, such as cultural psychiatry and transcultural
psychiatry or ethnopsychiatry.
Anthropology of food and nutrition
Nutritional anthropology is a synthetic concept that deals with the
interplay between economic systems, nutritional status and food
security, and how changes in the former affect the latter. If economic
and environmental changes in a community affect access to food, food
security, and dietary health, then this interplay between culture and
biology is in turn connected to broader historical and economic trends
associated with globalization. Nutritional status affects overall health
status, work performance potential, and the overall potential for
economic development (either in terms of human development or
traditional western models) for any given group of people.
Psychological anthropology
Psychological anthropology is an interdisciplinary subfield of
anthropology that studies the interaction of cultural and mental
processes. This subfield tends to focus on ways in which humans'
Old Chinese medical chart on acupuncture
development
and enculturation within a particular cultural group—with
meridians
its own history, language, practices, and conceptual categories—shape
processes of human cognition, emotion, perception, motivation, and mental health. It also examines how the
understanding of cognition, emotion, motivation, and similar psychological processes inform or constrain our models
of cultural and social processes.[22][23]
Cognitive anthropology
Cognitive anthropology seeks to explain patterns of shared knowledge, cultural innovation, and transmission over
time and space using the methods and theories of the cognitive sciences (especially experimental psychology and
evolutionary biology) often through close collaboration with historians, ethnographers, archaeologists, linguists,
musicologists and other specialists engaged in the description and interpretation of cultural forms. Cognitive
anthropology is concerned with what people from different groups know and how that implicit knowledge changes
the way people perceive and relate to the world around them.[24]
Transpersonal anthropology
Transpersonal anthropology studies the relationship between altered states of consciousness and culture. As with
transpersonal psychology, the field is much concerned with altered states of consciousness (ASC) and transpersonal
experience. However, the field differs from mainstream transpersonal psychology in taking more cognizance of
cross-cultural issues—for instance, the roles of myth, ritual, diet, and texts in evoking and interpreting extraordinary
experiences (Young and Goulet 1994).
Anthropology
11
Political & Legal anthropology
Part of a series on
Political and
legal
anthropology
Social and cultural
anthropology
Political anthropology
Political anthropology concerns the structure of political systems, looked at from the basis of the structure of
societies. Political anthropology developed as a discipline concerned primarily with politics in stateless societies, a
new development started from the 1960s, and is still unfolding: anthropologists started increasingly to study more
“complex” social settings in which the presence of states, bureaucracies and markets entered both ethnographic
accounts and analysis of local phenomena. The turn towards complex societies meant that political themes were
taken up at two main levels. First of all, anthropologists continued to study political organization and political
phenomena that lay outside the state-regulated sphere (as in patron-client relations or tribal political organization).
Second of all, anthropologists slowly started to develop a disciplinary concern with states and their institutions (and
of course on the relationship between formal and informal political institutions). An anthropology of the state
developed, and it is a most thriving field today. Geertz’ comparative work on "Negara", the Balinese state is an early,
famous example.
Legal anthropology
Legal anthropology, also known as Anthropology of Law specializes in "the cross-cultural study of social
ordering".[25] Earlier legal anthropological research often focused more narrowly on conflict management, crime,
sanctions, or formal regulation. More recent applications include issues such as Human Rights, Legal pluralism,
Islamaphobia and Political Uprisings.
Public anthropology
Public Anthropology was created by Robert Borofsky, a professor at Hawaii Pacific University, to "demonstrate the
ability of anthropology and anthropologists to effectively address problems beyond the discipline - illuminating
larger social issues of our times as well as encouraging broad, public conversations about them with the explicit goal
of fostering social change" (Borofsky 2004 [26]).
Anthropology of nature, science & technology
Anthropology
12
Part of a series on
Anthropology of
nature,
science and
technology
Social and cultural
anthropology
Cyborg anthropology
Cyborg anthropology originated as a sub-focus group within the American Anthropological Association's annual
meeting in 1993. The sub-group was very closely related to STS and the Society for the Social Studies of Science.[27]
Donna Haraway’s 1985 Cyborg Manifesto could be considered the founding document of cyborg anthropology by
first exploring the philosophical and sociological ramifications of the term. Cyborg anthropology studies humankind
and its relations with the technological systems it has built, specifically modern technological systems that have
reflexively shaped notions of what it means to be human beings.
Digital anthropology
Digital anthropology is the study of the relationship between humans and digital-era technology, and extends to
various areas where anthropology and technology intersect. It is sometimes grouped with sociocultural anthropology,
and sometimes considered part of material culture. The field is new, and thus has a variety of names with a variety of
emphases. These include techno-anthropology,[28] digital ethnography, cyberanthropology,[29] and virtual
anthropology.[30]
Ecological anthropology
Ecological anthropology is defined as the “study of cultural adaptations to environments”.[] The sub-field is also
defined as, "the study of relationships between a population of humans and their biophysical environment".[] The
focus of its research concerns “how cultural beliefs and practices helped human populations adapt to their
environments, and how people used elements of their culture to maintain their ecosystems.”[]
Environmental anthropology
Environmental anthropology is a sub-specialty within the field of anthropology that takes an active role in examining
the relationships between humans and their environment across space and time.[] The contemporary perspective of
environmental anthropology, and arguably at least the backdrop, if not the focus of most of the ethnographies and
cultural fieldworks of today, is political ecology. Many characterize this new perspective as more informed with
culture, politics and power, globalization, localized issues, and more.[] The focus and data interpretation is often used
for arguments for/against or creation of policy, and to prevent corporate exploitation and damage of land. Often, the
observer has become an active part of the struggle either directly (organizing, participation) or indirectly (articles,
documentaries, books, ethnographies). Such is the case with environmental justice advocate Melissa Checker and her
relationship with the people of Hyde Park.[]
Anthropology
13
Historical anthropology
Ethnohistory is the study of ethnographic cultures and indigenous customs by examining historical records. It is also
the study of the history of various ethnic groups that may or may not exist today. Ethnohistory uses both historical
and ethnographic data as its foundation. Its historical methods and materials go beyond the standard use of
documents and manuscripts. Practitioners recognize the utility of such source material as maps, music, paintings,
photography, folklore, oral tradition, site exploration, archaeological materials, museum collections, enduring
customs, language, and place names.[]
Anthropology of religion
Part of a series on
Anthropology
of religion
Social and cultural
anthropology
The anthropology of religion involves the study of religious institutions in relation to other social institutions, and
the comparison of religious beliefs and practices across cultures. Modern anthropology assumes that there is
complete continuity between magical thinking and religion,[31] and that every religion is a cultural product, created
by the human community that worships it.[32]
Urban anthropology
Urban anthropology is concerned with issues of urbanization, poverty, and neoliberalism. Ulf Hannerz quotes a
1960s remark that traditional anthropologists were "a notoriously agoraphobic lot, anti-urban by definition". Various
social processes in the Western World as well as in the "Third World" (the latter being the habitual focus of attention
of anthropologists) brought the attention of "specialists in 'other cultures'" closer to their homes.[33] There are two
principle approaches in urban anthropology: by examining the types of cities or examining the social issues within
the cities. These two methods are overlapping and dependent of each other. By defining different types of cities, one
would use social factors as well as economic and political factors to categorize the cities. By directly looking at the
different social issues, one would also be studying how they affect the dynamic of the city.[34]
Key topics by field: Archaeological & biological anthropology
Anthrozoology
Anthrozoology (also called human–animal studies or HAS) is the study of interaction between living things. It is a
modern interdisciplinary and burgeoning field that overlaps with a number of other disciplines, including
anthropology, ethology, medicine, psychology, veterinary medicine and zoology. A major focus of anthrozoologic
research is the quantifying of the positive effects of human-animal relationships on either party and the study of their
interactions.[35] It includes scholars from a diverse range of fields, including anthropology, sociology, biology, and
philosophy.[36]
Anthropology
Biocultural anthropology
Biocultural anthropology is the scientific exploration of the relationships between human biology and culture.
Physical anthropologists throughout the first half of the 20th century viewed this relationship from a racial
perspective; that is, from the assumption that typological human biological differences lead to cultural differences.[]
After World War II the emphasis began to shift toward an effort to explore the role culture plays in shaping human
biology.
Evolutionary anthropology
Evolutionary anthropology is the interdisciplinary study of the evolution of human physiology and human behaviour
and the relation between hominins and non-hominin primates. Evolutionary anthropology is based in natural science
and social science, combining the human development with socioeconomic factors. Evolutionary anthropology is
concerned with both biological and cultural evolution of humans, past and present. It is based on a scientific
approach, and brings together fields such as archaeology, behavioral ecology, psychology, primatology, and
genetics. It is a dynamic and interdisciplinary field, drawing on many lines of evidence to understand the human
experience, past and present.
Forensic anthropology
Forensic anthropology is the application of the science of physical anthropology and human osteology in a legal
setting, most often in criminal cases where the victim's remains are in the advanced stages of decomposition. A
forensic anthropologist can assist in the identification of deceased individuals whose remains are decomposed,
burned, mutilated or otherwise unrecognizable. The adjective "forensic" refers to the application of this subfield of
science to a court of law.
Palaeoanthropology
Paleoanthropology combines the disciplines of paleontology and physical anthropology, is the study of ancient
humans as found in fossil hominid evidence such as petrifacted bones and footprints.
Anthropological Organizations
Contemporary anthropology is an established science with academic departments at most universities and colleges.
The single largest organization of Anthropologists is the American Anthropological Association (AAA), which was
founded in 1903.[37] Membership is made up of anthropologists from around the globe.[38]
In 1989, a group of European and American scholars in the field of anthropology established the European
Association of Social Anthropologists (EASA) which serves as a major professional organization for anthropologists
working in Europe. The EASA seeks to advance the status of anthropology in Europe and to increase visibility of
marginalized anthropological traditions and thereby contribute to the project of a global anthropology or world
anthropology.
Hundreds of other organizations exist in the various sub-fields of anthropology, sometimes divided up by nation or
region, and many anthropologists work with collaborators in other disciplines, such as geology, physics, zoology,
paleontology, anatomy, music theory, art history, sociology and so on, belonging to professional societies in those
disciplines as well.[39]
List of major organizations
14
Anthropology
15
•
American Anthropological Association
•
Center for World Indigenous Studies
•
N. N. Miklukho-Maklai Institute of Ethnology
and Anthropology
•
American Ethnological Society
•
Ethnological Society of London
•
Radical Anthropology Group
•
Asociación de Antropólogos
Iberoamericanos en Red, AIBR
•
Institute of Anthropology and
Ethnography
•
Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain
and Ireland
•
Moving Anthropology Student Network
•
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary
Anthropology
•
Society for anthropological sciences
•
Anthropological Society of London
•
Network of Concerned Anthropologists •
•
[40]
Society for Applied Anthropology
USC Center for Visual Anthropology
Controversial ethical stances
Anthropologists, like other researchers (especially historians and scientists engaged in field research), have over time
assisted state policies and projects, especially colonialism.[41][42]
Some commentators have contended:
• That the discipline grew out of colonialism, perhaps was in league with it, and derived some of its key notions
from it, consciously or not. (See, for example, Gough, Pels and Salemink, but cf. Lewis 2004).[43]
• That ethnographic work was often ahistorical, writing about people as if they were "out of time" in an
"ethnographic present" (Johannes Fabian, Time and Its Other).
The ethics of cultural relativism
At the same time, anthropologists urge, as part of their quest for scientific objectivity, cultural relativism, which has
an influence on all the sub-fields of anthropology.[] This is the notion that particular cultures should not be judged by
one culture's values or viewpoints, but that all cultures should be viewed as relative to each other. There should be no
notions, in good anthropology, of one culture being better or worse than another culture.[44]Wikipedia:Citing sources
Ethical commitments in anthropology include noticing and documenting genocide, infanticide, racism, mutilation
including circumcision and subincision, and torture. Topics like racism, slavery or human sacrifice, therefore, attract
anthropological attention and theories ranging from nutritional deficiencies [45] to genes[46] to acculturation have
been proposed, not to mention theories of colonialism and many others as root causes of Man's inhumanity to man.
To illustrate the depth of an anthropological approach, one can take just one of these topics, such as "racism" and
find thousands of anthropological references, stretching across all the major and minor sub-fields.[47][48]
Ethical stance to military involvement
Anthropologists' involvement with the U.S. government, in particular, has caused bitter controversy within the
discipline. Franz Boas publicly objected to US participation in World War I, and after the war he published a brief
expose and condemnation of the participation of several American archaeologists in espionage in Mexico under their
cover as scientists.
But by the 1940s, many of Boas' anthropologist contemporaries were active in the allied war effort against the
"Axis" (Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and Imperial Japan). Many served in the armed forces, while others worked in
intelligence (for example, Office of Strategic Services and the Office of War Information). At the same time, David
H. Price's work on American anthropology during the Cold War provides detailed accounts of the pursuit and
dismissal of several anthropologists from their jobs for communist sympathies.
Attempts to accuse anthropologists of complicity with the CIA and government intelligence activities during the
Vietnam War years have turned up surprisingly little (although anthropologist Hugo Nutini was active in the
stillborn Project Camelot).[49] Many anthropologists (students and teachers) were active in the antiwar movement.
Numerous resolutions condemning the war in all its aspects were passed overwhelmingly at the annual meetings of
Anthropology
the American Anthropological Association (AAA).
Professional anthropological bodies often object to the use of anthropology for the benefit of the state. Their codes of
ethics or statements may proscribe anthropologists from giving secret briefings. The Association of Social
Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth (ASA) has called certain scholarship ethically dangerous. The
AAA's current 'Statement of Professional Responsibility' clearly states that "in relation with their own government
and with host governments ... no secret research, no secret reports or debriefings of any kind should be agreed to or
given."
Anthropologists, along with other social scientists, are working with the US military as part of the US Army's
strategy in Afghanistan.[50] The Christian Science Monitor reports that "Counterinsurgency efforts focus on better
grasping and meeting local needs" in Afghanistan, under the Human Terrain System (HTS) program; in addition,
HTS teams are working with the US military in Iraq.[51] In 2009, the American Anthropological Association's
Commission on the Engagement of Anthropology with the US Security and Intelligence Communities released its
final report concluding, in part, that, "When ethnographic investigation is determined by military missions, not
subject to external review, where data collection occurs in the context of war, integrated into the goals of
counterinsurgency, and in a potentially coercive environment – all characteristic factors of the HTS concept and its
application – it can no longer be considered a legitimate professional exercise of anthropology. In summary, while
we stress that constructive engagement between anthropology and the military is possible, CEAUSSIC suggests that
the AAA emphasize the incompatibility of HTS with disciplinary ethics and practice for job seekers and that it
further recognize the problem of allowing HTS to define the meaning of “anthropology” within DoD."[52]
Post–World War II developments
Before WWII British 'social anthropology' and American 'cultural anthropology' were still distinct traditions. After
the war, enough British and American anthropologists borrowed ideas and methodological approaches from one
another that some began to speak of them collectively as 'sociocultural' anthropology.
Basic trends
There are several characteristics that tend to unite anthropological work. One of the central characteristics is that
anthropology tends to provide a comparatively more holistic account of phenomena and tends to be highly
empirical.[3] The quest for holism leads most anthropologists to study a particular place, problem or phenomenon in
detail, using a variety of methods, over a more extensive period than normal in many parts of academia.
In the 1990s and 2000s (decade), calls for clarification of what constitutes a culture, of how an observer knows
where his or her own culture ends and another begins, and other crucial topics in writing anthropology were heard. It
is possible to view all human cultures as part of one large, ever-changing global culture. These dynamic
relationships, between what can be observed on the ground, as opposed to what can be observed by compiling many
local observations remain fundamental in any kind of anthropology, whether cultural, biological, linguistic or
archaeological.[53]
Biological anthropologists are interested in both human variation[54] and in the possibility of human universals
(behaviors, ideas or concepts shared by virtually all human cultures)[55] They use many different methods of study,
but modern population genetics, participant observation and other techniques often take anthropologists "into the
field," which means traveling to a community in its own setting, to do something called "fieldwork." On the
biological or physical side, human measurements, genetic samples, nutritional data may be gathered and published as
articles or monographs.
Along with dividing up their project by theoretical emphasis, anthropologists typically divide the world up into
relevant time periods and geographic regions. Human time on Earth is divided up into relevant cultural traditions
based on material, such as the Paleolithic and the Neolithic, of particular use in archaeology.[citation needed] Further
16
Anthropology
cultural subdivisions according to tool types, such as Olduwan or Mousterian or Levalloisian help archaeologists and
other anthropologists in understanding major trends in the human past.[citation needed] Anthropologists and
geographers share approaches to Culture regions as well, since mapping cultures is central to both sciences. By
making comparisons across cultural traditions (time-based) and cultural regions (space-based), anthropologists have
developed various kinds of comparative method, a central part of their science.
Commonalities between fields
Because anthropology developed from so many different enterprises (see History of Anthropology), including but
not limited to fossil-hunting, exploring, documentary film-making, paleontology, primatology, antiquity dealings and
curatorship, philology, etymology, genetics, regional analysis, ethnology, history, philosophy, and religious
studies,[56][57] it is difficult to characterize the entire field in a brief article, although attempts to write histories of the
entire field have been made.[58]
Some authors argue that anthropology originated and developed as the study of "other cultures", both in terms of
time (past societies) and space (non-European/non-Western societies).[59] For example, the classic of urban
anthropology, Ulf Hannerz in the introduction to his seminal Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban
Anthropology mentions that the "Third World" had habitually received most of attention; anthropologists who
traditionally specialized in "other cultures" looked for them far away and started to look "across the tracks" only in
late 1960s.[60]
Now there exist many works focusing on peoples and topics very close to the author's "home".[61] It is also argued
that other fields of study, like History and Sociology, on the contrary focus disproportionately on the West.[62]
In France, the study of Western societies has been traditionally left to sociologists, but this is increasingly
changing,[63] starting in the 1970s from scholars like Isac Chiva and journals like Terrain ("fieldwork"), and
developing with the center founded by Marc Augé (Le Centre d'anthropologie des mondes contemporains, the
Anthropological Research Center of Contemporary Societies).
Since the 1980s it has become common for social and cultural anthropologists to set ethnographic research in the
North Atlantic region, frequently examining the connections between locations rather than limiting research to a
single locale. There has also been a related shift toward broadening the focus beyond the daily life of ordinary
people; increasingly, research is set in settings such as scientific laboratories, social movements, governmental and
nongovernmental organizations and businesses.[64]
References
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4]
"anthropology" (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ EBchecked/ topic/ 27505/ anthropology) at Britannica Online Encyclopedia
Wolf, Eric (1994) Perilous Ideas: Race, Culture, People. Current Anthropology 35: 1-7. p.227
Hylland Eriksen, Thomas. (2004) "What is Anthropology" Pluto. London. p. 79.
On varieties of cultural relativism in anthropology, see Spiro, Melford E. (1987) "Some Reflections on Cultural Determinism and Relativism
with Special Reference to Emotion and Reason," in Culture and Human Nature: theoretical papers of Melford E. Spiro. Edited by B. Kilborne
and L. L. Langness, pp. 32-58. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
[5] Layton, Robert (1998) An Introduction to Theory in Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[6] Han F. Vermeulen, "The German Invention of Völkerkunde: Ethnological Discourse in Europe and Asia, 1740-1798." In: Sara Eigen and
Mark Larrimore, eds. The German Invention of Race. 2006.
[7] What is Anthropology - American Anthropological Association (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ about/ WhatisAnthropology. cfm)
[8] What is Anthropology - Anthropology Report (http:/ / anthropologyreport. com/ what-is-anthropology/ )
[11] Geertz, Behar, Clifford & James
[12] Bernard, H. Russell, Research Methods in Anthropology. Altamira Press, 2002. p.322.
[13] University of Toronto. (n.d.). Research Subfields: Physical or Biological. Retrieved March 14, 2012, from http:/ / anthropology. utoronto.
ca/ about/ research/ physical-or-biological
[14] Robbins, R. H. & Larkin, S. N. (2007). Cultural Anthropology: A problem based approach. Toronto, ON: Nelson Education Ltd.
[15] Salzmann, Zdeněk. (1993) Language, culture, and society: an introduction to linguistic anthropology. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
[16] Robert Layton. (1981) The Anthropology of Art.
17
Anthropology
[17] Deborah Spitulnik. (1993) 'Anthropology and Mass Media', Annual Review of Anthropology, 22: 293-315
[18] Lila Abu-Lughod. (1997) 'The Interpretation of Cultures after Television', Representations, 59: 109-133
[21] http:/ / www. springerreference. com/ docs/ html/ chapterdbid/ 2940. html
[22] D'Andrade, R. G. (1995). The development of cognitive anthropology. New York, Cambridge University Press.
[23] Schwartz, T., G. M. White, et al., Eds. (1992). New Directions in Psychological Anthropology. Cambridge, UK, Cambridge University
Press.
[26] http:/ / www. publicanthropology. org
[27] Dumit, Joseph. Davis-Floyd, Robbie. Cyborg Anthropology. Routledge International Encyclopedia of Women, 2001
[31] Cassirer, Ernst (1944) An Essay On Man (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=pe9fWSv-iLsC& pg=PA102), pt.II, ch.7 Myth and Religion,
pp.122-3. Quotation:
[32] Guthrie (2000) pp.225-6 (http:/ / books. google. es/ books?id=wlNJQoZlGC4C& pg=PA225)
[33] Hannerz, Ulf (1980). Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology, p.1
[34] Griffiths, Michael. B., Flemming Christiansen, and Malcolm Chapman. (2010) 'Chinese Consumers: The Romantic Reappraisal’.
Ethnography, Sept 2010, 11, 331-357.
[35] Mills, Daniel S. "Anthrozoology" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=vrueZDfPUzoC& pg=PA28), The Encyclopedia of Applied Animal
Behaviour and Welfare. CABI 2010, pp. 28–30.
[36] DeMello, Margo. Teaching the Animal: Human–Animal Studies Across the Disciplines. Lantern Books, 2010, p. xi.
• Also see Animals & Society Institute (http:/ / www. animalsandsociety. org/ content/ index. php?pid=41), accessed February 23, 2011.
• Note: the term should not be confused with "animal studies," which often refers to animal testing.
[37] AAAnet.org (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ about/ )
[38] AAAnet.org (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ membership/ upload/ MAY-08-AAA. pdf)
[39] Johanson, Donald and Kate Wong. Lucy's Legacy. Kindle Books. 2007; Netti, Bruno. The Study of Ethnomusicology. University of Illinois
Press, 2005. Chapter One
[40] http:/ / www. radicalanthropologygroup. org/
[41] Asad, Talal, ed. (1973) Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press.
[42] van Breman, Jan, and Akitoshi Shimizu (1999) Anthropology and Colonialism in Asia and Oceania. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press.
[43] Gellner, Ernest (1992) Postmodernism, Reason, and Religion. London/New York: Routledge. Pp: 26-29.
[44] Levi-Strauss, Claude. The Savage Mind. 1962; Womack, Mari. Being Human. 2001
[45] Harris, Marvin. Cows, Pigs, Wars, and Witches.
[46] Timeshighereducation.co.uk (http:/ / www. timeshighereducation. co. uk/ story. asp?storyCode=209831& sectioncode=26)
[47] AAAnet.org (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ stmts/ racepp. htm;)
[48] Sciencemag.org (http:/ / www. sciencemag. org/ cgi/ content/ summary/ 282/ 5389/ 654?maxtoshow=& HITS=10& hits=10&
RESULTFORMAT=& titleabstract=DNA+ challenges+ race& searchid=QID_NOT_SET& FIRSTINDEX=;), Shanklin, Eugenia. 1994.
Anthropology & Race; Faye V. Harrison. 1995. "The Persistent Power of 'Race' in the Cultural and Political Economy of Racism." Annual
Review of Anthropology. 24:47-74. Allan Goodman. 1995. "The Problematics of "Race" in Contemporary Biological Anthropology." In
Biological Anthropology: The State of the Science.; Yearbook of Physical Anthropology, 1945-. "Melanin, Afrocentricity...,"
36(1993):33-58.; see Stanford's recent collection of overarching bibliographies on race and racism, Library.stanford.edu (http:/ / library.
stanford. edu/ depts/ ssrg/ misc/ race. html)
[49] Horowitz, Lewis ed.(1967) The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot.
[50] Christian Science Monitor (http:/ / www. csmonitor. com/ 2007/ 0907/ p01s08-wosc. htm)
[51] Army.mil (http:/ / www. army. mil/ professionalwriting/ volumes/ volume4/ december_2006/ 12_06_2. html)
[52] AAA Commission Releases Final Report on Army Human Terrain System « American Anthropological Association (http:/ / blog. aaanet.
org/ 2009/ 12/ 08/ aaa-commission-releases-final-report-on-army-human-terrain-system/ )
[53] Rosaldo, Renato. Culture and Truth: The remaking of social analysis. Beacon Press. 1993; Inda, John Xavier and Renato Rosaldo. The
Anthropology of Globalization. Wiley-Blackwell. 2007
[54] Robert Jurmaiine, Lynn Kiilgore, Wenda Treavathan, and Russell L. Ciochon. Introduction to Physical Anthropology. 11th Edition.
Wadsworth. 2007, chapters I, III and IV.; Wompack, Mari. Being Human. Prentice Hall. 2001, pp. 11-20.
[55] Brown, Donald. Human Universals. McGraw Hill. 1991; Roughley, Neil. Being Humans: Anthropological Universality and Particularity in
Transciplinary Perspectives. Walter de Gruyter Publishing. 2000
[56] Erickson, Paul A. and Liam D. Murphy. A History of Anthropological Theory. Broadview Press. 2003. p. 11-12
[57] George Stocking, "Paradigmatic Traditions in the History of Anthropology." In George Stocking, The Ethnographer's Magic and Other
Essays in the History of Anthropology (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992):342-361.
[58] Leaf, Murray. Man, Mind and Science: A History of Anthropology. Columbia University Press. 1979
[59] See the many essays relating to this in Prem Poddar and David Johnson, Historical Companion to Postcolonial Thought in English,
Edinburgh University Press, 2004. See also Prem Poddar et al , Historical Companion to Postcolonial Literatures--Continental Europe and its
Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008
[60] Ulf Hannerz (1980) "Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology", ISBN 0-231-08376-9, p. 1
[61] Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences (http:/ / links. jstor. org/
sici?sici=0002-7294(199809)2:100:3<716:TMOAAI>2. 0. CO;2-3) American Anthropologist 100:" 716-731
18
Anthropology
[62] Jack Goody (2007) The Theft of History (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=jo1UVi48KywC) Cambridge University Press ISBN
0-521-87069-0
[63] *
[64] Fischer, Michael M. J. Emergent Forms of Life and the Anthropological Voice. Duke University Press, 2003.
Further reading
Dictionaries and encyclopedias
• Barnard, Alan and Spencer, Jonathan eds. (2010) The Routledge Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural
Anthropology London: Routledge
• Barfield, Thomas (1997). The dictionary of anthropology. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing.
• Levinson, David and Melvin Ember. eds. (1996) Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology. (4 vols.) New York:
Henry Holt.
• Rapport, Nigel and Overing, Joanna (2007) Social and Cultural Anthropology: The Key Concepts. New York:
Routledge
Fieldnotes and memoirs of anthropologists
• Barley, Nigel (1983) The innocent anthropologist: notes from a mud hut. London: British Museum Publications.
• Geertz, Clifford (1995) After the fact: two countries, four decades, one anthropologist. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
• Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1967) Tristes tropiques. Translated from the French by John Russell. New York:
Atheneum.
• Malinowski, Bronisław (1967) A diary in the strict sense of the term. Translated by Norbert Guterman. New
York, Harcourt, Brace & World.
• Mead, Margaret (1972) Blackberry winter: my earlier years. New York: William Marrow.
• Mead, Margaret, (1977) Letters from the field, 1925 - 1975. New York: Harper & Row.
• Rabinow, Paul. (1977) Reflections on fieldwork in Morocco.
Histories
• Asad, Talal, ed. (1973) Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press.
• Barth, Fredrik, Andre Gingrich, Robert Parkin, One Discipline, Four Ways: British, German, French, and
American anthropology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• D'Andrade, R. "The Sad Story of Anthropology: 1950-1999." In E. L. Cerroni-Long, ed. Anthropological Theory
in North America. Westport: Berin & Garvey 1999. Anthro.ucsd.edu (http://www.anthro.ucsd.edu/~rdandrad/
Sadstory)
• Darnell, Regna. (2001) Invisible Genealogies: A History of Americanist Anthropology. Lincoln, NE: University of
Nebraska Press.
• Harris, Marvin. (2001[1968]) The rise of anthropological theory: a history of theories of culture. AltaMira Press.
Walnut Creek, CA.
• Kehoe, Alice B. (1998) The Land of Prehistory: A Critical History of American Archaeology.
• Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) "The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences." American
Anthropologist, 100: 716-731. Interscience.wiley.com (http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/
120141882/abstract), Lewis
• Lewis, Herbert S. (2004) "Imagining Anthropology's History." Reviews in Anthropology, v. 33.
• Lewis, Herbert S. (2005) "Anthropology, the Cold War, and Intellectual History. In R. Darnell & F.W. Gleach,
eds. Histories of Anthropology Annual, Vol. I.
• Pels, Peter & Oscar Salemink, eds. (2000) Colonial Subjects: Essays on the Practical History of Anthropology.
19
Anthropology
20
• Price, David. (2004) Threatening Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's Surveillance of Activist
Anthropologists.
• Stocking, George, Jr. (1968) Race, Culture and Evolution. New York: Free Press.
• Trencher, Susan. (2000) Mirrored Images: American Anthropology and American Culture, 1960-1980.
• Gisi, Lucas Marco. (2007) Einbildungskraft und Mythologie. Die Verschränkung von Anthropologie und
Geschichte im 18. Jahrhundert, Berlin, New York: de Gruyter.
• Wolf, Eric. (1982) Europe and the People Without History. Berkeley and Los Angeles: California University
Press.
Textbooks and key theoretical works
• Clifford, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
• Geertz, Clifford (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books.
• Harris, Marvin (1997) Culture, People, Nature: An Introduction to General Anthropology (7th Edition). Boston:
Allyn & Bacon
• Salzmann, Zdeněk. (1993) Language, culture, and society: an introduction to linguistic anthropology. Boulder,
CO: Westview Press.
• Shweder, Richard A., and Robert A. LeVine, eds. (1984) Culture Theory: essays on mind, self, and emotion.
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
External links
Library resources
About Anthropology
•
•
Resources in your library (http://tools.wmflabs.org/ftl/cgi-bin/ftl?st=wp&su=Anthropology)
Resources in other libraries (http://tools.wmflabs.org/ftl/cgi-bin/ftl?st=wp&su=Anthropology&library=0CHOOSE0)
• Webpage "History of German Anthropology/Ethnology 1945/49-1990 (http://www.germananthropology.com/)
• American Anthropological Association Homepage (http://www.aaanet.org/) Home page of largest professional
organization of anthropologists
• European Association of Social Anthropologists (http://www.easaonline.org/)
• American Association of Physical Anthropologists (http://www.physanth.org/)
• Australian Anthropological Society (http://www.aas.asn.au/)
• Iberoamerican Association of Anthropology AIBR (http://www.aibr.org/)
• European Association of Social Anthropologists (http://www.easaonline.org/)
• Moving Anthropology Student Network - International Association of Social Anthropology Students (http://
www.movinganthropology.net/)
• Italian Institute of Anthropology (http://www.isita-org.com/)
• National Association for the Practice of Anthropology (http://www.practicinganthropology.org/)
• Radical Anthropology Group (http://www.radicalanthropologygroup.org/)
• The Royal Anthropological Institute Homepage (http://www.therai.org.uk/)—The Royal Anthropological
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (RAI)
• The Society for Applied Anthropology (http://www.sfaa.net/)
• Annual Review of Anthropology (http://arjournals.annualreviews.org/loi/anthro)
• Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History (http://anthro.amnh.org/) Online collections
database with detailed description and digital images for over 160,000 ethnographic artifacts.
Anthropology
• National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution (http://www.nmnh.si.edu/naa/) Collects and
preserves historical and contemporary anthropological materials that document the world's cultures and the
history of anthropology
• The Anthropological Index Online (http://www.aio.anthropology.org.uk/) Online bibliographic database.
• Anthropology Researcher and Groups (https://www.researchgate.net/science/26_Anthropology)
• Anthropology at MIT OCW (http://ocw.mit.edu/courses/anthropology/)
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Supporting articles
History of anthropology
Anthropology
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Anthropology portal
This article mainly discusses 18th- and 19th-century precursors of modern anthropology. For more information on
modern social and cultural anthropology as they have developed in Britain, France, and North America since
approximately 1900, see the relevant sections under Anthropology.
Early history
Classical Greece
Historians of anthropology, such as Marvin Harris,[1] indicate two major frameworks within which empirical
anthropology has arisen: interest in comparisons of people over space and interest in longterm human processes or,
humans as viewed through time. Harris dates studies of both to Classical Greece and Classical Rome, specifically, to
Herodotus, often called the "father of history" and the Roman historian, Tacitus, who wrote many of our only
surviving contemporary accounts of several ancient Celtic and Germanic peoples. Herodotus first formulated some
of the persistent problems of anthropology.[2]
History of anthropology
25
Middle Ages
Another candidate for one of the first scholars to carry out
comparative ethnographic-type studies in person was the medieval
Persian scholar Abū Rayhān Bīrūnī in the eleventh century, who
wrote about the peoples, customs, and religions of the Indian
subcontinent. According to Akbar S. Ahmed, like modern
anthropologists, he engaged in extensive participant observation
with a given group of people, learnt their language and studied
their primary texts, and presented his findings with objectivity and
neutrality using cross-cultural comparisons.[] Others argue,
however, that he hardly can be considered an anthropologist in the
conventional sense.[3] He wrote detailed comparative studies on
the religions and cultures in the Middle East, Mediterranean, and
especially South Asia.[4][5] Biruni's tradition of comparative
cross-cultural study continued in the Muslim world through to Ibn
Khaldun's work in the fourteenth century.[][6]
Medieval scholars may be considered forerunners of modern
anthropology as well, insofar as they conducted or wrote detailed
studies of the customs of peoples considered "different" from
themselves in terms of geography. John of Plano Carpini reported
of his stay among the Mongols. His report was unusual in its
detailed depiction of a non-European culture.[7]
Cannibalism among "the savages" in Brazil, as
described and pictured by André Thévet
Marco Polo's systematic observations of nature, anthropology, and
geography are another example of studying human variation
across space.[8] Polo's travels took him across such a diverse
human landscape and his accounts of the peoples he met as he
journeyed were so detailed that they earned for Polo the name "the
father of modern anthropology."[9]
The first use of the term "anthropology" in English to refer to a
natural science of humanity was apparently in 1593, the first of the
"logies" to be coined.[10]
The Enlightenment roots of the discipline
It took Immanuel Kant 25 years to write one of the first major
treatises on anthropology, his Anthropology from a Pragmatic
Point of View.[11] Kant is not generally considered to be a modern
anthropologist, however, as he never left his region of Germany
nor did he study any cultures besides his own, and in fact,
describes the need for anthropology as a corollary field to his own
primary field of philosophy.[12] He did, however, begin teaching
an annual course in anthropology in 1772. Anthropology is thus
primarily an Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment endeavor.
Table of natural history, 1728 Cyclopaedia
History of anthropology
26
Many scholars [citation needed] consider modern anthropology as an outgrowth of the Age of Enlightenment, a period
when Europeans attempted to study human behavior systematically, the known varieties of which had been
increasing since the fifteenth century as a result of the first European colonization wave. The traditions of
jurisprudence, history, philology, and sociology then evolved into something more closely resembling the modern
views of these disciplines and informed the development of the social sciences, of which anthropology was a part.
Developments in the systematic study of ancient civilizations through the disciplines of Classics and Egyptology
informed both archaeology and eventually social anthropology, as did the study of East and South Asian languages
and cultures. At the same time, the Romantic reaction to the Enlightenment produced thinkers, such as Johann
Gottfried Herder[13] and later Wilhelm Dilthey, whose work formed the basis for the "culture concept," which is
central to the discipline.[citation needed]
Institutionally, anthropology emerged from the development of natural history (expounded by authors such as
Buffon) that occurred during the European colonization of the seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth
centuries. Programs of ethnographic study originated in this era as the study of the "human primitives" overseen by
colonial administrations.
There was a tendency in late eighteenth century Enlightenment thought to understand human society as natural
phenomena that behaved according to certain principles and that could be observed empirically. In some ways,
studying the language, culture, physiology, and artifacts of European colonies was not unlike studying the flora and
fauna of those places.
Early anthropology was divided between proponents of unilinealism, who argued that all societies passed through a
single evolutionary process, from the most primitive to the most advanced, and various forms of non-lineal theorists,
who tended to subscribe to ideas such as diffusionism.[14] Most nineteenth-century social theorists, including
anthropologists, viewed non-European societies as windows onto the pre-industrial human past.
Overview of the modern discipline
History of science
The anthropologist Eric Wolf once characterized anthropology as "the most scientific of the humanities, and the most
humanistic of the social sciences." Understanding how anthropology developed contributes to understanding how it
fits into other academic disciplines. Scholarly traditions of jurisprudence, history, philology and sociology developed
during this time and informed the development of the social sciences of which anthropology was a part. At the same
time, the Romantic reaction to the Enlightenment produced thinkers such as Herder and later Wilhelm Dilthey whose
History of anthropology
work formed the basis for the culture concept which is central to the discipline.
These intellectual movements in part grappled with one of the greatest paradoxes of modernity: as the world is
becoming smaller and more integrated, people's experience of the world is increasingly atomized and dispersed. As
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels observed in the 1840s:
All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by
new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industries
that no longer work up indigenous raw material but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries
whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants,
satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of
distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have
intercourse in every direction, universal interdependence of nations.
Ironically, this universal interdependence, rather than leading to greater human solidarity, has coincided with
increasing racial, ethnic, religious, and class divisions, and new – and to some confusing or disturbing – cultural
expressions. These are the conditions of life with which people today must contend, but they have their origins in
processes that began in the 16th century and accelerated in the 19th century.
Institutionally anthropology emerged from natural history (expounded by authors such as Buffon). This was the
study of human beings - typically people living in European colonies. Thus studying the language, culture,
physiology, and artifacts of European colonies was more or less equivalent to studying the flora and fauna of those
places. It was for this reason, for instance, that Lewis Henry Morgan could write monographs on both The League of
the Iroquois and The American Beaver and His Works. This is also why the material culture of 'civilized' nations
such as China have historically been displayed in fine arts museums alongside European art while artifacts from
Africa or Native North American cultures were displayed in Natural History Museums with dinosaur bones and
nature dioramas. Curatorial practice has changed dramatically in recent years, and it would be wrong to see
anthropology as merely an extension of colonial rule and European chauvinism, since its relationship to imperialism
was and is complex.
Drawing on the methods of the natural sciences as well as developing new techniques involving not only structured
interviews but unstructured "participant-observation" – and drawing on the new theory of evolution through natural
selection, they proposed the scientific study of a new object: "humankind," conceived of as a whole. Crucial to this
study is the concept "culture," which anthropologists defined both as a universal capacity and propensity for social
learning, thinking, and acting (which they see as a product of human evolution and something that distinguishes
Homo sapiens – and perhaps all species of genus Homo – from other species), and as a particular adaptation to local
conditions that takes the form of highly variable beliefs and practices. Thus, "culture" not only transcends the
opposition between nature and nurture; it transcends and absorbs the peculiarly European distinction between
politics, religion, kinship, and the economy as autonomous domains. Anthropology thus transcends the divisions
between the natural sciences, social sciences, and humanities to explore the biological, linguistic, material, and
symbolic dimensions of humankind in all forms.
National Anthropological Traditions
As academic disciplines began to differentiate over the course of the nineteenth century, anthropology grew
increasingly distinct from the biological approach of natural history, on the one hand, and from purely historical or
literary fields such as Classics, on the other. A common criticism was that many social sciences (such as economists,
sociologists, and psychologists) in Western countries focused disproportionately on Western subjects, while
anthropology focuseed disproportionately on the "other".[15]
27
History of anthropology
Britain
Museums such as the British Museum weren't the only site of anthropological studies: with the New Imperialism
period, starting in the 1870s, zoos became unattended "laboratories", especially the so-called "ethnological
exhibitions" or "Negro villages". Thus, "savages" from the colonies were displayed, often nudes, in cages, in what
has been called "human zoos". For example, in 1906, Congolese pygmy Ota Benga was put by anthropologist
Madison Grant in a cage in the Bronx Zoo, labelled "the missing link" between an orangutan and the "white race" —
Grant, a renowned eugenicist, was also the author of The Passing of the Great Race (1916). Such exhibitions were
attempts to illustrate and prove in the same movement the validity of scientific racism, which first formulation may
be found in Arthur de Gobineau's An Essay on the Inequality of Human Races (1853–55). In 1931, the Colonial
Exhibition in Paris still displayed Kanaks from New Caledonia in the "indigenous village"; it received 24 million
visitors in six months, thus demonstrating the popularity of such "human zoos".
Anthropology grew increasingly distinct from natural history and by the end of the nineteenth century the discipline
began to crystallize into its modern form - by 1935, for example, it was possible for T.K. Penniman to write a history
of the discipline entitled A Hundred Years of Anthropology. At the time, the field was dominated by 'the comparative
method'. It was assumed that all societies passed through a single evolutionary process from the most primitive to
most advanced. Non-European societies were thus seen as evolutionary 'living fossils' that could be studied in order
to understand the European past. Scholars wrote histories of prehistoric migrations which were sometimes valuable
but often also fanciful. It was during this time that Europeans first accurately traced Polynesian migrations across the
Pacific Ocean for instance - although some of them believed it originated in Egypt. Finally, the concept of race was
actively discussed as a way to classify - and rank - human beings based on difference.
E.B. Tylor and James Frazer
E. B. Tylor ( 2 October 1832 – 2 January 1917) and James George
Frazer ( 1 January 1854 – 7 May 1941) are generally considered the
antecedents to modern social anthropology in Britain. Although Tylor
undertook a field trip to Mexico, both he and Frazer derived most of
the material for their comparative studies through extensive reading,
not fieldwork, mainly the Classics (literature and history of Greece and
Rome), the work of the early European folklorists, and reports from
missionaries, travelers, and contemporaneous ethnologists.
Tylor advocated strongly for unilinealism and a form of "uniformity of
mankind".[16] Tylor in particular laid the groundwork for theories of
cultural diffusionism, stating that there are three ways that different
groups can have similar cultural forms or technologies: "independent
invention, inheritance from ancestors in a distant region, transmission
from one race [sic] to another."[17]
Tylor formulated one of the early and influential anthropological
E. B. Tylor, nineteenth-century British
conceptions of culture as "that complex whole, which includes
anthropologist
knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities
and habits acquired by [humans] as [members] of society."[18] However, as Stocking notes, Tylor mainly concerned
himself with describing and mapping the distribution of particular elements of culture, rather than with the larger
function, and he generally seemed to assume a Victorian idea of progress rather than the idea of non-directional,
multilineal cultural development proposed by later anthropologists.
Tylor also theorized about the origins of religious beliefs in human beings, proposing a theory of animism as the
earliest stage, and noting that "religion" has many components, of which he believed the most important to be belief
28
History of anthropology
in supernatural beings (as opposed to moral systems, cosmology, etc.). Frazer, a Scottish scholar with a broad
knowledge of Classics, also concerned himself with religion, myth, and magic. His comparative studies, most
influentially in the numerous editions of The Golden Bough, analyzed similarities in religious belief and symbolism
globally. Neither Tylor nor Frazer, however, was particularly interested in fieldwork, nor were they interested in
examining how the cultural elements and institutions fit together. The Golden Bough was abridged drastically in
subsequent editions after his first.
Bronislaw Malinowski and the British School
Toward the turn of the twentieth century, a number of anthropologists became dissatisfied with this categorization of
cultural elements; historical reconstructions also came to seem increasingly speculative to them. Under the influence
of several younger scholars, a new approach came to predominate among British anthropologists, concerned with
analyzing how societies held together in the present (synchronic analysis, rather than diachronic or historical
analysis), and emphasizing long-term (one to several years) immersion fieldwork. Cambridge University financed a
multidisciplinary expedition to the Torres Strait Islands in 1898, organized by Alfred Court Haddon and including a
physician-anthropologist, William Rivers, as well as a linguist, a botanist, and other specialists. The findings of the
expedition set new standards for ethnographic description.
A decade and a half later, the Polish anthropology student, Bronisław Malinowski (1884–1942), was beginning what
he expected to be a brief period of fieldwork in the old model, collecting lists of cultural items, when the outbreak of
the First World War stranded him in New Guinea. As a subject of the Austro-Hungarian Empire resident on a British
colonial possession, he was effectively confined to New Guinea for several years.[19]
He made use of the time by undertaking far more intensive fieldwork than had been done by British anthropologists,
and his classic ethnography, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) advocated an approach to fieldwork that
became standard in the field: getting "the native's point of view" through participant observation. Theoretically, he
advocated a functionalist interpretation, which examined how social institutions functioned to satisfy individual
needs.
British social anthropology had an expansive moment in the Interwar period, with key contributions coming from the
Polish-British Bronisław Malinowski and Meyer Fortes[20]
A. R. Radcliffe-Brown also published a seminal work in 1922. He had carried out his initial fieldwork in the
Andaman Islands in the old style of historical reconstruction. However, after reading the work of French sociologists
Émile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, Radcliffe-Brown published an account of his research (entitled simply The
Andaman Islanders) that paid close attention to the meaning and purpose of rituals and myths. Over time, he
developed an approach known as structural functionalism, which focused on how institutions in societies worked to
balance out or create an equilibrium in the social system to keep it functioning harmoniously. (This contrasted with
Malinowski's functionalism, and was quite different from the later French structuralism, which examined the
conceptual structures in language and symbolism.)
Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown's influence stemmed from the fact that they, like Boas, actively trained students
and aggressively built up institutions that furthered their programmatic ambitions. This was particularly the case with
Radcliffe-Brown, who spread his agenda for "Social Anthropology" by teaching at universities across the British
Commonwealth. From the late 1930s until the postwar period appeared a string of monographs and edited volumes
that cemented the paradigm of British Social Anthropology (BSA). Famous ethnographies include The Nuer, by
Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard, and The Dynamics of Clanship Among the Tallensi, by Meyer Fortes; well-known
edited volumes include African Systems of Kinship and Marriage and African Political Systems.
29
History of anthropology
Post WW II trends
Max Gluckman, together with many of his colleagues at the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute and students at Manchester
University, collectively known as the Manchester School, took BSA in new directions through their introduction of
explicitly Marxist-informed theory, their emphasis on conflicts and conflict resolution, and their attention to the
ways in which individuals negotiate and make use of the social structural possibilities.
In Britain, anthropology had a great intellectual impact, it "contributed to the erosion of Christianity, the growth of
cultural relativism, an awareness of the survival of the primitive in modern life, and the replacement of diachronic
modes of analysis with synchronic, all of which are central to modern culture."[21]
Later in the 1960s and 1970s, Edmund Leach and his students Mary Douglas and Nur Yalman, among others,
introduced French structuralism in the style of Lévi-Strauss; while British anthropology has continued to emphasize
social organization and economics over purely symbolic or literary topics, differences among British, French, and
American sociocultural anthropologies have diminished with increasing dialogue and borrowing of both theory and
methods. Today, social anthropology in Britain engages internationally with many other social theories and has
branched in many directions.
In countries of the British Commonwealth, social anthropology has often been institutionally separate from physical
anthropology and primatology, which may be connected with departments of biology or zoology; and from
archaeology, which may be connected with departments of Classics, Egyptology, and the like. In other countries
(and in some, particularly smaller, British and North American universities), anthropologists have also found
themselves institutionally linked with scholars of folklore, museum studies, human geography, sociology, social
relations, ethnic studies, cultural studies, and social work.
Anthropology has been used in Britain to provide an alternative explanation for the Financial crisis of 2007–2010 to
the technical explanations rooted in economic and political theory. Dr. Gillian Tett, a Cambridge University trained
anthropologist who went on to become a senior editor at the Financial Times is one of the leaders in this use of
anthropology.
Canada
Canadian anthropology began, as in other parts of the Colonial world, as ethnological data in the records of travellers
and missionaries. In Canada, Jesuit missionaries such as Fathers LeClercq, Le Jeune and Sagard, in the 17th century,
provide the oldest ethnographic records of native tribes in what was then the Dominion of Canada. The academic
discipline has drawn strongly on both the British Social Anthropology and the American Cultural Anthropology
traditions, producing a hybrid "Socio-cultural" anthropology.
George Mercer Dawson
True anthropology began with a Government department: the Geological Survey of Canada, and George Mercer
Dawson (director in 1895). Dawson's support for anthropology created impetus for the profession in Canada. This
was expanded upon by Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier, who established a Division of Anthropology within the
Geological Survey in 1910.
Edward Sapir
Anthropologists were recruited from England and the USA, setting the foundation for the unique Canadian style of
anthropology. Scholars include the linguist and Boasian Edward Sapir.
30
History of anthropology
31
France
Anthropology in France has a less clear genealogy than the British and
American traditions, in part because many French writers influential in
anthropology have been trained or held faculty positions in sociology,
philosophy, or other fields rather than in anthropology.
Marcel Mauss
Most commentators consider Marcel Mauss (1872–1950), nephew of
the influential sociologist Émile Durkheim, to be the founder of the
French anthropological tradition. Mauss belonged to Durkheim's Année
Sociologique group. While Durkheim and others examined the state of
modern societies, Mauss and his collaborators (such as Henri Hubert
and Robert Hertz) drew on ethnography and philology to analyze
societies that were not as 'differentiated' as European nation states.
Two works by Mauss in particular proved to have enduring relevance:
Essay on the Gift, a seminal analysis of exchange and reciprocity, and
his Huxley lecture on the notion of the person, the first comparative
study of notions of person and selfhood cross-culturally.[22]
Émile Durkheim
Throughout the interwar years, French interest in anthropology often dovetailed with wider cultural movements such
as surrealism and primitivism, which drew on ethnography for inspiration. Marcel Griaule and Michel Leiris are
examples of people who combined anthropology with the French avant-garde. During this time most of what is
known as ethnologie was restricted to museums, such as the Musée de l'Homme founded by Paul Rivet, and
anthropology had a close relationship with studies of folklore.
Claude Lévi-Strauss
Above all, Claude Lévi-Strauss helped institutionalize anthropology in France. Along with the enormous influence
that his theory of structuralism exerted across multiple disciplines, Lévi-Strauss established ties with American and
British anthropologists. At the same time, he established centers and laboratories within France to provide an
institutional context within anthropology, while training influential students such as Maurice Godelier and Françoise
Héritier. They proved influential in the world of French anthropology. Much of the distinct character of France's
anthropology today is a result of the fact that most anthropology is carried out in nationally funded research
laboratories (CNRS) rather than academic departments in universities
Other influential writers in the 1970s include Pierre Clastres, who explains in his books on the Guayaki tribe in
Paraguay that "primitive societies" actively oppose the institution of the state. These stateless societies are not less
evolved than societies with states, but chose to conjure the institution of authority as a separate function from
society. The leader is only a spokesperson for the group when it has to deal with other groups ("international
relations") but has no inside authority, and may be violently removed if he attempts to abuse this position.[23]
The most important French social theorist since Foucault and Lévi-Strauss is Pierre Bourdieu, who trained formally
in philosophy and sociology and eventually held the Chair of Sociology at the Collège de France. Like Mauss and
others before him, he worked on topics both in sociology and anthropology. His fieldwork among the Kabyle of
Algeria places him solidly in anthropology, while his analysis of the function and reproduction of fashion and
cultural capital in European societies places him as solidly in sociology.
History of anthropology
32
United States
From its beginnings in the early 19th century through the early 20th
century, anthropology in the United States was influenced by the
presence of Native American societies.
Blumenbach's five races.
Cultural anthropology in the United States was influenced greatly by
the ready availability of Native American societies as ethnographic
subjects. The field was pioneered by staff of the Bureau of Indian
Affairs and the Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of American
Ethnology, men such as John Wesley Powell and Frank Hamilton
Cushing.
Late eighteenth century ethnology established the scientific foundation
for the field, which began to mature in the United States during the
presidency of Andrew Jackson (1829–1837). Jackson was responsible
for implementing the Indian Removal Act, the coerced and forced
removal of an estimated 100,000 American Indians during the 1830s to
Indian Territory in present-day Oklahoma; for insuring that the
franchise was extended to all white men, irrespective of financial
means while denying virtually all black men the right to vote; and, for
suppressing abolitionists’ efforts to end slavery while vigorously
defending that institution. Finally, he was responsible for appointing
Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of modern
Chief Justice Roger B. Taney who would decide, in Scott v. Sandford
anthropology, often called the "Father of
(1857), that Negroes were "beings of an inferior order, and altogether
American Anthropology"
unfit to associate with the white race. . . and so far inferior that they
had no rights which the white man was bound to respect." As a result
of this decision, black people, whether free or enslaved, could never become citizens of the United States.
It was in this context that the so-called American School of Anthropology thrived as the champion of polygenism or
the doctrine of multiple origins—sparking a debate between those influenced by the Bible who believed in the unity
of humanity and those who argued from a scientific standpoint for the plurality of origins and the antiquity of distinct
types. Like the monogenists, these theories were not monolithic and often used words like races, species, hybrid, and
mongrel interchangeably. A scientific consensus began to emerge during this period "that there exists a Genus
Homo, embracing many primordial types of ‘species’." Charles Caldwell, Samuel George Morton, Samuel A.
Cartwright, George Gliddon, Josiah C. Nott, and Louis Agassiz, and even South Carolina Governor James Henry
Hammond were all influential proponents of this school. While some were disinterested scientists, others were
passionate advocates who used science to promote slavery in a period of increasing sectional strife. All were
complicit in establishing the putative science that justified slavery, informed the Dred Scott decision, underpinned
miscegenation laws, and eventually fueled Jim Crow. Samuel G. Morton, for example, claimed to be just a scientist
but he did not hesitate to provide evidence of Negro inferiority to John C. Calhoun, the prominent pro-slavery
Secretary of State to help him negotiate the annexation of Texas as a slave state.
The high-water mark of polygenic theories was Josiah Nott and Gliddon’s voluminous eight-hundred page tome
titled Types of Mankind, published in 1854. Reproducing the work of Louis Agassiz and Samuel Morton, the authors
spread the virulent and explicitly racist views to a wider, more popular audience. The first printing sold out quickly
and by the end of the century it had undergone nine editions. Although many Southerners felt that all the justification
History of anthropology
for slavery they needed was found in the Bible, others used the new science to defend slavery and the repression of
American Indians. Abolitionists, however, felt they had to take this science on its own terms. And for the first time,
African American intellectuals waded into the contentious debate. In the immediate wake of Types of Mankind and
during the pitched political battles that led to Civil War, Frederick Douglass (1818-1895), the statesman and
persuasive abolitionist, directly attacked the leading theorists of the American School of Anthropology. In an 1854
address, entitled "The Claims of the Negro Ethnologically Considered," Douglass argued that "by making the
enslaved a character fit only for slavery, [slaveowners] excuse themselves for refusing to make the slave a freeman....
For let it be once granted that the human race are of multitudinous origin, naturally different in their moral, physical,
and intellectual capacities... a chance is left for slavery, as a necessary institution.... There is no doubt that Messrs.
Nott, Glidden, Morton, Smith and Agassiz were duly consulted by our slavery propagating statesmen." (p. 287).
Lewis Henry Morgan in the USA
Lewis Henry Morgan (1818–1881), a lawyer from Rochester, New York, became an advocate for and ethnological
scholar of the Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture, and especially kinship
patterns proved to be influential contributions to the field of anthropology. Like other scholars of his day (such as
Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that human societies could be classified into categories of cultural evolution on a
scale of progression that ranged from savagery, to barbarism, to civilization. Generally, Morgan used technology
(such as bowmaking or pottery) as an indicator of position on this scale.
Franz Boas
Franz Boas established academic anthropology in the United States in opposition to this sort of evolutionary
perspective. His approach was empirical, skeptical of overgeneralizations, and eschewed attempts to establish
universal laws. For example, Boas studied immigrant children to demonstrate that biological race was not
immutable, and that human conduct and behavior resulted from nurture, rather than nature.
Influenced by the German tradition, Boas argued that the world was full of distinct cultures, rather than societies
whose evolution could be measured by how much or how little "civilization" they had. He believed that each culture
has to be studied in its particularity, and argued that cross-cultural generalizations, like those made in the natural
sciences, were not possible.
In doing so, he fought discrimination against immigrants, blacks, and indigenous peoples of the Americas.[24] Many
American anthropologists adopted his agenda for social reform, and theories of race continue to be popular subjects
for anthropologists today. The so-called "Four Field Approach" has its origins in Boasian Anthropology, dividing the
discipline in the four crucial and interrelated fields of sociocultural, biological, linguistic, and archaic anthropology
(e.g. archaeology). Anthropology in the United States continues to be deeply influenced by the Boasian tradition,
especially its emphasis on culture.
33
History of anthropology
Boas used his positions at Columbia University and the American
Museum of Natural History to train and develop multiple generations
of students. His first generation of students included Alfred Kroeber,
Robert Lowie, Edward Sapir and Ruth Benedict, who each produced
richly detailed studies of indigenous North American cultures. They
provided a wealth of details used to attack the theory of a single
evolutionary process. Kroeber and Sapir's focus on Native American
languages helped establish linguistics as a truly general science and
free it from its historical focus on Indo-European languages.
The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook, Anthropology, marked a
turning point in American anthropology. After three decades of
amassing material, Boasians felt a growing urge to generalize. This
was most obvious in the 'Culture and Personality' studies carried out by
younger Boasians such as Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict.
Ruth Benedict in 1937
Influenced by psychoanalytic psychologists including Sigmund Freud
and Carl Jung, these authors sought to understand the way that
individual personalities were shaped by the wider cultural and social forces in which they grew up.
Though such works as Coming of Age in Samoa and The Chrysanthemum and the Sword remain popular with the
American public, Mead and Benedict never had the impact on the discipline of anthropology that some expected.
Boas had planned for Ruth Benedict to succeed him as chair of Columbia's anthropology department, but she was
sidelined by Ralph Linton, and Mead was limited to her offices at the AMNH.
Other countries
Anthropology as it emerged amongst the Western colonial powers (mentioned above) has generally taken a different
path than that in the countries of southern and central Europe (Italy, Greece, and the successors to the
Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires). In the former, the encounter with multiple, distinct cultures, often very
different in organization and language from those of Europe, has led to a continuing emphasis on cross-cultural
comparison and a receptiveness to certain kinds of cultural relativism.[25]
In the successor states of continental Europe, on the other hand, anthropologists often joined with folklorists and
linguists in building cultural perspectives on nationalism. Ethnologists in these countries tended to focus on
differentiating among local ethnolinguistic groups, documenting local folk culture, and representing the prehistory of
what has become a nation through various forms of public education (e.g., museums of several kinds).[26]
In this scheme, Russia occupied a middle position. On the one hand, it had a large region (largely east of the Urals)
of highly distinct, pre-industrial, often non-literate peoples, similar to the situation in the Americas. On the other
hand, Russia also participated to some degree in the nationalist (cultural and political) movements of Central and
Eastern Europe. After the Revolution of 1917, views expressed by anthropologists in the USSR, and later the Soviet
Bloc countries, were highly shaped by the requirement to conform to Marxist theories of social evolution.[27]
In Greece, there was since the 19th century a science of the folklore called laographia (laography), in the form of "a
science of the interior", although theoretically weak; but the connotation of the field deeply changed after World War
II, when a wave of Anglo-American anthropologists introduced a science "of the outside".[28] In Italy, the
development of ethnology and related studies did not receive as much attention as other branches of learning.[29]
Germany and Norway are the countries that showed the most division and conflict between scholars focusing on
domestic socio-cultural issues and scholars focusing on "other" societies.[citation needed]. Some German and Austrian
scholars have increased cultural anthropology as both legal anthropology regarding "other" societies and
anthropology of Western civilization.[30]
34
History of anthropology
20th-Century Developments
In the mid-20th century, American anthropology began to study its own history more systematically. In 1967 Marvin
Harris published his The Rise of Anthropological Theory, presenting argumentative examinations of anthropology's
historical developments, and George W. Stocking, Jr., established the historicist school, examining the historical
contexts of anthropological movements.
References
[1] Harris, Marvin. The Rise of Anthropological Theory. Alta Mira Press. 2000 (revised from 1968); Harris, Marvin. Theories of Culture in
Postmodern Times. Altamira. 1998
[2] Harris, 1968, op cit. pp. 8-52; Leaf 1970, op cit. pp. 1-13; Erickson and Murph, 2003, pp. 21-25
[3] Richard Tapper (1995). "Islamic Anthropology" and the "Anthropology of Islam", Anthropological Quarterly 68 (3), Anthropological
Analysis and Islamic Texts, p. 185-193.
[5] Richard Tapper (1995). "Islamic Anthropology" and the "Anthropology of Islam", Anthropological Quarterly 68 (3), Anthropological
Analysis and Islamic Texts, p. 185-193.
[6] West Asian views on black Africans during the medieval era (http:/ / www. colorq. org/ Articles/ article. aspx?d=2002& x=arabviews)
[7] Resources for a History of Anthropology (http:/ / www. timothyjpmason. com/ WebPages/ Publications/ Source_pages/ AnthroHist. htm)
[8] Marco Polo's Asia (http:/ / www. tk421. net/ essays/ polo. html)
[9] The Renaissance Foundations of Anthropology (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ sections/ gad/ history/ 011rowe. pdf)
[10] Urbanowicz, Charles. In the Newsletter of the American Anthropological Association, reprinted online, Csuchico.edu (http:/ / www.
csuchico. edu/ ~curbanowicz/ Pub_Papers/ 4field. html)
[11] Foucault, Michel. "Introduction" to his 1961 translation of Kant's work, reprinted, Generation-online.org (http:/ / www. generation-online.
org/ p/ fpfoucault1. htm)
[12] Jacobs, Brian, and Kain, Patrick (eds.), Essays on Kant's Anthropology, Cambridge University Press, 2003, 278pp., ISBN 0-521-79038-7.
[14] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free Press.
[15] Clifford, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California
Press.
[16] Stocking, George Jr. (1963) "Matthew Arnold, E. B. Tylor, and the Uses of Invention," American Anthropologist, 65:783-799, 1963 (http:/ /
www. aaanet. org/ gad/ history/ 044stocking. pdf)
[17] Tylor, E. B. (1865) Researches into the early history of mankind the development of civilization. London: John Murray.
[18] Tylor, E. B. (1871) Primitive culture: researches into the development of mythology, philosophy, religion, art, and custom. 2 vols. London,
John Murray.
[19] Malinowski, Bronisław (1967) A diary in the strict sense of the term. New York, Harcourt, Brace & World [1967]
[20] Jack Goody (1995) The Expansive Moment: The Rise of Social Anthropology in Britain and Africa, 1918-1970 (http:/ / www3. cambridge.
org/ us/ catalogue/ catalogue. asp?isbn=0521450489) review at Links.jstor.org (http:/ / links. jstor. org/
sici?sici=0094-0496(199702)24:1<211:TEMTRO>2. 0. CO;2-I)
[21] Heyck, Thomas William (1997) at Links.jstor.org (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0002-8762(199712)102:5<1486:ATBSA1>2. 0.
CO;2-7) The American Historical Review, Vol. 102, No. 5 (December, 1997), pp. 1486-1488
[22] Mauss, Marcel (1938) "A category of the human mind: the notion of person; the notion of self.," in M. Carrithers, S. Collins, and S. Lukes,
eds. The Category of the Person: anthropology, philosophy, history. Pp. 1-25. Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press. Originally
given as "Une categorie de l'Esprit Humain: La Notion de Personne, Celle de 'Moi'," for the Huxley Memorial Lecture and appeared in the
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 68.
[23] Bartholomew Dean “Critical Re-vision: Clastres' Chronicle and the optic of primitivism”, 2002 In Best of Anthropology Today, 1974-2000,
ed. J. Benthall, with a preface by M. Sahlins. London: Routledge. Amazon.com (http:/ / www. amazon. com/ gp/ reader/ 0415262550)
[24] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free Press.
[25] On varieties of cultural relativism in anthropology, see Spiro, Melford E. (1987) "Some Reflections on Cultural Determinism and Relativism
with Special Reference to Emotion and Reason," in Culture and Human Nature: theoretical papers of Melford E. Spiro. Edited by B. Kilborne
and L. L. Langness, pp. 32–58. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
[26] Gellner, Ernest. (1998) Language and solitude: Wittgenstein, Malinowski, and the Habsburg dilemma. New York: Cambridge University
Press.
[27] Gellner, Ernest, ed. (1980) Soviet and Western anthropology. New York: Columbia University Press.
[28] Geneviève Zoïa, « L'anthropologie en Grèce », Terrain, Numéro 14—L'incroyable et ses preuves (mars 1990) , [En ligne], mis en ligne le 7
octobre 2005, Terrain.revues.org (http:/ / terrain. revues. org/ document3641. html), Consulté le 15 juin 2007.
[29] Grottanelli, Vinigi Ethnology and/or Cultural Anthropology in Italy: Traditions and Developments (and Comments and Reply) (http:/ / links.
jstor. org/ sici?sici=0011-3204(197712)18:4<593:EACAII>2. 0. CO;2-Z). Other authors: Giorgio Ausenda, Bernardo Bernardi, Ugo Bianchi,
Y. Michal Bodemann, Jack Goody, Allison Jablonko, David I. Kertzer, Vittorio Lanternari, Antonio Marazzi, Roy A. Miller, Jr., Laura
Laurencich Minelli, David M. Moss, Leonard W. Moss, H. R. H. Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, Diana Pinto, Pietro Scotti, Tullio
35
History of anthropology
Tentori. Current Anthropology, Vol. 18, No. 4 (December, 1977), pp. 593–614
[30] Wolfgang Fikentscher: "Law and Anthropology: Outlines, Issues, and Suggestions", Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, C.H. Beck
2009, ISBN 978-3-7696-0977-6; Axel Montenbruck: « Zivilisation. Eine Rechtsanthropologie. Staat und Mensch, Gewalt und Recht, Kultur
und Natur », 2. Auflage, 2010. Universitätsbibliothek der Freien Universität Berlin,open access, http:/ / edocs. fu-berlin. de/ docs/ servlets/
MCRFileNodeServlet/ FUDOCS_derivate_000000001228/ Zivilisation_2__Aufl__ORIGINAL_21_9. pdf?hosts=; Axel Montenbruck: «
Western Anthropology: Democracy and Dehumanization ». 2nd edition 2010, Universitätsbibliothek der Freien Universität Berlin. open
access, http:/ / edocs. fu-berlin. de/ docs/ servlets/ MCRFileNodeServlet/ FUDOCS_derivate_000000001194/
Western_Anthropology,_2nd_ed. pdf?hosts=; Peter Sack, Carl P. Wellman, Mitsukuni Yasaki (Hrsg.): « Monismus oder Pluralismus der
Rechtskulturen? Anthropologische und ethnologische Grundlagen traditioneller und moderner Rechtssysteme / Monistic or Pluralistic Legal
Culture? Anthropological and Ethnological Foundations of Traditional and Modern Legal Systems ». Vorwort von / Preface by Ota
Weinberger. 1991. ISBN 978-3-428-07193-7
Bibliography
Fieldnotes and memoirs of anthropologists
• Barley, Nigel (1983) The innocent anthropologist: notes from a mud hut. London: British Museum Publications.
• Geertz, Clifford (1995) After the fact: two countries, four decades, one anthropologist. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
• Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1967) Tristes tropiques. Translated from the French by John Russell. New York:
Atheneum.
• Malinowski, Bronislaw (1967) A diary in the strict sense of the term. Translated by Norbert Guterman. New
York, Harcourt, Brace & World.
• Rabinow, Paul. (1977) Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco.
History of anthropology
• Asad, Talal, ed. (1973) Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press.
• Barth, Fredrik, Andre Gingrich, Robert Parkin, and Sydel Silverman. 2005. One Discipline, Four Ways: British,
German, French, and American anthropology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• Cerroni-Long, E. L., ed. (1999) Anthropological Theory in North America. Westport: Berin & Garvey. download
(http://www.anthro.ucsd.edu/~rdandrad/Sadstory)
• Darnell, Regna. (2001) Invisible Genealogies: A History of Americanist Anthropology. Lincoln, NE: University of
Nebraska Press.
• Hamilton, Michelle A. (2010) Collections and Objections: Aboriginal Material Culture in Southern Ontario.
Montreal: MQUP.
• Harris, Marvin. (2001[1968]) The Rise of Anthropological Theory: a history of theories of culture. AltaMira
Press. Walnut Creek, CA.
• Kehoe, Alice B. (1998) The Land of Prehistory: A Critical History of American Archaeology.
• Killan, Gerald. (1983) David Boyle: From Artisan to Archaeologist. Toronto: UTP.
• Pels, Peter & Oscar Salemink, eds. (2000) Colonial Subjects: Essays on the Practical History of Anthropology.
• Stocking, George, Jr. (1968) Race, Culture and Evolution. New York: Free Press.
36
Archaeology
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Anthropology portal
Archaeology, or archeology[] (from Greek ἀρχαιολογία,
archaiologia – ἀρχαῖος, arkhaios, "ancient"; and -λογία, -logia,
"-logy[1]"), is the study of human activity in the past, primarily through
the recovery and analysis of the material culture and environmental
data that they have left behind, which includes artifacts, architecture,
biofacts and cultural landscapes (the archaeological record). Because
archaeology employs a wide range of different procedures, it can be
considered to be both a science and a humanity,[2] and in the United
States it is thought of as a branch of anthropology,[] although in Europe
it is viewed as a separate discipline.
Archaeology studies human prehistory and history from the
development of the first stone tools in eastern Africa 3.4 million years
ago up until recent decades.[3] (Archaeology does not include the
discipline of paleontology.) It is of most importance for learning about
prehistoric societies, when there are no written records for historians to
study, making up over 99% of total human history, from the
Palaeolithic until the advent of literacy in any given society.[2]
Archaeology has various goals, which range from studying human
evolution to cultural evolution and understanding culture history.[]
Excavations at the site of Gran Dolina, in the
The discipline involves surveyance, excavation and eventually analysis
Atapuerca Mountains, Spain, 2008
of data collected to learn more about the past. In broad scope,
archaeology relies on cross-disciplinary research. It draws upon anthropology, history, art history, classics,
ethnology, geography,[4] geology,[5][6][7] linguistics, semiology, physics, information sciences, chemistry, statistics,
paleoecology, paleontology, paleozoology, paleoethnobotany, and paleobotany.
Archaeology developed out of antiquarianism in Europe during the 19th century, and has since become a discipline
practiced across the world. Since its early development, various specific sub-disciplines of archaeology have
developed, including maritime archaeology, feminist archaeology and archaeoastronomy, and numerous different
scientific techniques have been developed to aid archaeological investigation. Nonetheless, today, archaeologists
face many problems, ranging from dealing with pseudoarchaeology to the looting of artifacts and opposition to the
excavation of human remains.
Archaeology
Purpose
The purpose of archaeology is to learn more about past societies and
the development of the human race. Over 99% of the history of
humanity has occurred within prehistoric cultures, who did not make
use of writing, thereby not leaving written records about themselves
that we can study today. Without such written sources, the only way to
learn about prehistoric societies is to use archaeology. Many important
developments in human history occurred during prehistory, including
the evolution of humanity during the Palaeolithic period, when the
hominins developed from the australopithecines through to the early
Replica of the skull of the Taung child,
homos in Africa and finally into modern Homo sapiens. Archaeology
uncovered in South Africa. The Child was an
also sheds light on many of humanity's technological advances, for
infant of the Australopithecus africanus species,
instance the ability to use fire, the development of stone tools, the
an early form of hominin
discovery of metallurgy, the beginnings of religion and the creation of
agriculture. Without archaeology, we would know little or nothing about the use of material culture by humanity that
pre-dates writing.[]
However, it is not only prehistoric, pre-literate cultures that can be studied using archaeology but historic, literate
cultures as well, through the sub-discipline of historical archaeology. For many literate cultures, such as Ancient
Greece and Mesopotamia, their surviving records are often incomplete and biased to some extent. In many societies,
literacy was restricted to the elite classes, such as the clergy or the bureaucracy of court or temple. The literacy even
of aristocrats has sometimes been restricted to deeds and contracts. The interests and world-view of elites are often
quite different from the lives and interests of the populace. Writings that were produced by people more
representative of the general population were unlikely to find their way into libraries and be preserved there for
posterity. Thus, written records tend to reflect the biases, assumptions, cultural values and possibly deceptions of a
limited range of individuals, usually a small fraction of the larger population. Hence, written records cannot be
trusted as a sole source. The material record may be closer to a fair representation of society, though it is subject to
its own biases, such as sampling bias and differential preservation.[8]
Theory
There is no one singular approach to archaeological theory that has
been adhered to by all archaeologists. When archaeology
developed in the late 19th century, the first approach to
archaeological theory to be practiced was that of cultural-history
archaeology, which held the goal of explaining why cultures
changed and adapted rather than just highlighting the fact that they
did, therefore emphasizing historical particularism.[9] In the early
20th century, many archaeologists who studied past societies with
direct continuing links to existing ones (such as those of Native
Americans, Siberians, Mesoamericans etc.) followed the direct
Sign at Lubbock Lake Landmark in Lubbock, Texas
historical approach, compared the continuity between the past and
contemporary ethnic and cultural groups.[9] In the 1960s, an
archaeological movement largely led by American archaeologists like Lewis Binford and Kent Flannery arose that
rebelled against the established cultural-history archaeology.[10][11] They proposed a "New Archaeology", which
would be more "scientific" and "anthropological", with hypothesis testing and the scientific method very important
parts of what became known as processual archaeology.[9]
40
Archaeology
In the 1980s, a new postmodern movement arose led by the British archaeologists Michael Shanks,[12][13][14][15]
Christopher Tilley,[16] Daniel Miller,[17][18] and Ian Hodder,[19][20][21][22][23][24] which has become known as
post-processual archaeology. It questioned processualism's appeals to scientific positivism and impartiality, and
emphasised the importance of a more self-critical theoretical reflexivity.[citation needed] However, this approach has
been criticized by processualists as lacking scientific rigor, and the validity of both processualism and
post-processualism is still under debate. Meanwhile, another theory, known as historical processualism has emerged
seeking to incorporate a focus on process and post-processual archaeology's emphasis of reflexivity and history.[25]
Archaeological theory now borrows from a wide range of influences, including neo-Darwinian evolutionary thought,
phenomenology, postmodernism, agency theory, cognitive science, Structural functionalism, gender-based and
Feminist archaeology, and Systems theory.
Methods
An archaeological investigation usually involves several distinct phases, each of which employs its own variety of
methods. Before any practical work can begin, however, a clear objective as to what the archaeologists are looking to
achieve must be agreed upon. This done, a site is surveyed to find out as much as possible about it and the
surrounding area. Second, an excavation may take place to uncover any archaeological features buried under the
ground. And, third, the data collected from the excavation is studied and evaluated in an attempt to achieve the
original research objectives of the archaeologists. It is then considered good practice for the information to be
published so that it is available to other archaeologists and historians, although this is sometimes neglected.[26]
Remote sensing
Before actually starting to dig in a location, satellite imagery can be used to look where sites are located within a
large area.[27]
Field survey
The archaeological project then continues (or alternatively, begins)
with a field survey. Regional survey is the attempt to systematically
locate previously unknown sites in a region. Site survey is the attempt
to systematically locate features of interest, such as houses and
middens, within a site. Each of these two goals may be accomplished
with largely the same methods.
Survey was not widely practiced in the early days of archaeology.
Cultural historians and prior researchers were usually content with
discovering the locations of monumental sites from the local populace,
Monte Alban archaeological site
and excavating only the plainly visible features there. Gordon Willey
pioneered the technique of regional settlement pattern survey in 1949 in the Viru Valley of coastal Peru,[28][29] and
survey of all levels became prominent with the rise of processual archaeology some years later.[30]
Survey work has many benefits if performed as a preliminary exercise to, or even in place of, excavation. It requires
relatively little time and expense, because it does not require processing large volumes of soil to search out artifacts.
(Nevertheless, surveying a large region or site can be expensive, so archaeologists often employ sampling
methods.)[31] As with other forms of non-destructive archaeology, survey avoids ethical issues (of particular concern
to descendant peoples) associated with destroying a site through excavation. It is the only way to gather some forms
of information, such as settlement patterns and settlement structure. Survey data are commonly assembled into maps,
which may show surface features and/or artifact distribution.
41
Archaeology
The simplest survey technique is surface survey. It involves combing
an area, usually on foot but sometimes with the use of mechanized
transport, to search for features or artifacts visible on the surface.
Surface survey cannot detect sites or features that are completely
buried under earth, or overgrown with vegetation. Surface survey may
also include mini-excavation techniques such as augers, corers, and
shovel test pits. If no materials are found, the area surveyed is deemed
sterile.
Aerial survey is conducted using cameras attached to airplanes,
balloons, or even Kites.[32] A bird's-eye view is useful for quick
mapping of large or complex sites. Aerial photographs are used to
Inverted kite aerial photo of an excavation of a
document the status of the archaeological dig. Aerial imaging can also
Roman building at Nesley near Tetbury in
detect many things not visible from the surface. Plants growing above
Gloucestershire.
a buried man made structure, such as a stone wall, will develop more
slowly, while those above other types of features (such as middens)
may develop more rapidly. Photographs of ripening grain, which changes colour rapidly at maturation, have revealed
buried structures with great precision. Aerial photographs taken at different times of day will help show the outlines
of structures by changes in shadows. Aerial survey also employs ultraviolet, infrared, ground-penetrating radar
wavelengths, LiDAR and thermography.[33]
Geophysical survey can be the most effective way to see beneath the ground. Magnetometers detect minute
deviations in the Earth's magnetic field caused by iron artifacts, kilns, some types of stone structures, and even
ditches and middens. Devices that measure the electrical resistivity of the soil are also widely used. Archaeological
features whose electrical resistivity contrasts with that of surrounding soils can be detected and mapped. Some
archaeological features (such as those composed of stone or brick) have higher resistivity than typical soils, while
others (such as organic deposits or unfired clay) tend to have lower resistivity.
Although some archaeologists consider the use of metal detectors to be tantamount to treasure hunting, others deem
them an effective tool in archaeological surveying. Examples of formal archaeological use of metal detectors include
musketball distribution analysis on English Civil War battlefields, metal distribution analysis prior to excavation of a
19th-century ship wreck, and service cable location during evaluation. Metal detectorists have also contributed to
archaeology where they have made detailed records of their results and refrained from raising artifacts from their
archaeological context. In the UK, metal detectorists have been solicited for involvement in the Portable Antiquities
Scheme.
Regional survey in underwater archaeology uses geophysical or remote sensing devices such as marine
magnetometer, side-scan sonar, or sub-bottom sonar.[34]
42
Archaeology
43
Excavation
Archaeological excavation existed even when the field was still the
domain of amateurs, and it remains the source of the majority of data
recovered in most field projects. It can reveal several types of
information usually not accessible to survey, such as stratigraphy,
three-dimensional structure, and verifiably primary context.
Modern excavation techniques require that the precise locations of
objects and features, known as their provenance or provenience, be
recorded. This always involves determining their horizontal locations,
and sometimes vertical position as well (also see Primary Laws of
Archaeology). Likewise, their association, or relationship with nearby
objects and features, needs to be recorded for later analysis. This
allows the archaeologist to deduce which artifacts and features were
likely used together and which may be from different phases of
activity. For example, excavation of a site reveals its stratigraphy; if a
site was occupied by a succession of distinct cultures, artifacts from
more recent cultures will lie above those from more ancient cultures.
Excavation is the most expensive phase of archaeological research, in
relative terms. Also, as a destructive process, it carries ethical
concerns. As a result, very few sites are excavated in their entirety.
Again the percentage of a site excavated depends greatly on the
country and "method statement" issued. In places 90% excavation is
common. Sampling is even more important in excavation than in
survey. It is common for large mechanical equipment, such as
backhoes (JCBs), to be used in excavation, especially to remove the
topsoil (overburden), though this method is increasingly used with
great caution. Following this rather dramatic step, the exposed area is
usually hand-cleaned with trowels or hoes to ensure that all features are
apparent.
Excavations at the 3800-year-old Edgewater Park
Site, Iowa
Archaeological excavation that discovered
prehistoric caves in Vill (Innsbruck), Austria
The next task is to form a site plan and then use it to help decide the
method of excavation. Features dug into the natural subsoil are
normally excavated in portions to produce a visible archaeological
section for recording. A feature, for example a pit or a ditch, consists
of two parts: the cut and the fill. The cut describes the edge of the
feature, where the feature meets the natural soil. It is the feature's
boundary. The fill is what the feature is filled with, and will often
appear quite distinct from the natural soil. The cut and fill are given
consecutive numbers for recording purposes. Scaled plans and sections
An archaeologist sifting for POW remains on
of individual features are all drawn on site, black and white and colour
Wake Island.
photographs of them are taken, and recording sheets are filled in
describing the context of each. All this information serves as a
permanent record of the now-destroyed archaeology and is used in describing and interpreting the site.
Analysis
Archaeology
Once artifacts and structures have been excavated, or collected from surface surveys, it is necessary to properly study
them, to gain as much data as possible. This process is known as post-excavation analysis, and is usually the most
time-consuming part of the archaeological investigation. It is not uncommon for the final excavation reports on
major sites to take years to be published.
At its most basic, the artifacts found are cleaned, cataloged and compared to published collections, to classify them
typologically and to identify other sites with similar artifact assemblages. However, a much more comprehensive
range of analytical techniques are available through archaeological science, meaning that artifacts can be dated and
their compositions examined. The bones, plants and pollen collected from a site can all be analyzed (using the
techniques of zooarchaeology, paleoethnobotany, and palynology), while any texts can usually be deciphered.
These techniques frequently provide information that would not otherwise be known and therefore contribute greatly
to the understanding of a site.
Virtual archaeology
Some time around 1995 archaeologists started using computer graphics to build virtual 3D models of sites such as
the throne room of an ancient Assyrian palace or ancient Rome.[35] This is done by collecting normal photographs
and using computer graphics to build the virtual 3D model.[35] In more general terms, computers can be used to
recreate the environment and conditions of the past, such as objects, buildings, landscapes and even ancient
battles.[35] Computer simulation can be used to simulate the living conditions of an ancient community and to see
how it would have reacted to various scenarios (such as how much food to grow, how many animals to slaughter,
etc.)[35] Computer-built topographical models have been combined with astronomical calculations to verify whether
or not certain structures (such as pillars) were aligned with astronomical events such as the sun's position at a
solstice.[35]
Academic sub-disciplines
As with most academic disciplines, there are a very large number of archaeological sub-disciplines characterised by
a specific method or type of material (e.g., lithic analysis, music, archaeobotany), geographical or chronological
focus (e.g. Near Eastern archaeology, Islamic archaeology, Medieval archaeology), other thematic concern (e.g.
maritime archaeology, landscape archaeology, battlefield archaeology), or a specific archaeological culture or
civilisation (e.g. Egyptology, Indology, Sinology).
Historical archaeology
Historical archaeology is the study of cultures with some form of writing.
In England, archaeologists have uncovered the long-lost layouts of medieval villages abandoned after the crises of
the 14th century and the equally lost layouts of 17th century parterre gardens swept away by a change in
fashion.[citation needed] In downtown New York City archaeologists have exhumed the 18th century remains of the
African burial ground.
Ethnoarchaeology
Ethnoarchaeology is the archaeological study of living people.[36][37][38][39][40][41] The approach gained notoriety
during the emphasis on middle range theory that was a feature of the processual movement of the 1960s. Early
ethnoarchaeological research focused on hunting and gathering or foraging societies. Ethnoarchaeology continues to
be a vibrant component of post-processual and other current archaeological approaches.[42][43][44][45]
Ethnoarchaeology is the use of ethnography to increase and improve analogs, which are then used as analogies to
interpret the archaeological record. In short, ethnoarchaeology is the application of ethnography to archaeology.[46]
44
Archaeology
Experimental archaeology
Experimental archaeology represents the application of the experimental method to develop more highly controlled
observations of processes that create and impact the archaeological record.[47][48][49][50][51] In the context of the
logical positivism of processualism with its goals of improving the scientific rigor of archaeological epistemologies
the experimental method gained importance. Experimental techniques remain a crucial component to improving the
inferential frameworks for interpreting the archaeological record.
Archaeometry
Archaeometry is a field of study that aims to systematize archaeological measurement. It emphasizes the application
of analytical techniques from physics, chemistry, and engineering. It is a field of research that frequently focuses on
the definition of the chemical composition of archaeological remains for source analysis.[52] Archaeometry also
investigates different spatial characteristics of features, employing methods such as space syntax techniques and
geodesy as well as computer-based tools such as geographic information system technology.[] Rare earth elements
patterns may also be used.[] A relatively nascent subfield is that of archaeological materials, designed to enhance
understanding of prehistoric and non-industrial culture through scientific analysis of the structure and properties of
materials associated with human activity.[53]
Cultural resources management
While archaeology can be done as a pure science, it can also be an applied science, namely the study of
archaeological sites that are threatened by development. In such cases, archaeology is a subsidiary activity within
Cultural resources management (CRM), also called heritage management in the United Kingdom.[] Today, CRM
accounts for most of the archaeological research done in the United States and much of that in western Europe as
well. In the US, CRM archaeology has been a growing concern since the passage of the National Historic
Preservation Act (NHPA) of 1966, and most taxpayers, scholars, and politicians believe that CRM has helped
preserve much of that nation's history and prehistory that would have otherwise been lost in the expansion of cities,
dams, and highways. Along with other statutes, the NHPA mandates that projects on federal land or involving
federal funds or permits consider the effects of the project on each archaeological site.
The application of CRM in the United Kingdom is not limited to government-funded projects. Since 1990 PPG 16[]
has required planners to consider archaeology as a material consideration in determining applications for new
development. As a result, numerous archaeological organisations undertake mitigation work in advance of (or
during) construction work in archaeologically sensitive areas, at the developer's expense.
In England, ultimate responsibility of care for the historic environment rests with the Department for Culture, Media
and Sport[] in association with English Heritage.[] In Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, the same responsibilities
lie with Historic Scotland,[54] Cadw[] and the Northern Ireland Environment Agency[] respectively.
Among the goals of CRM are the identification, preservation, and maintenance of cultural sites on public and private
lands, and the removal of culturally valuable materials from areas where they would otherwise be destroyed by
human activity, such as proposed construction. This study involves at least a cursory examination to determine
whether or not any significant archaeological sites are present in the area affected by the proposed construction. If
these do exist, time and money must be allotted for their excavation. If initial survey and/or test excavation indicates
the presence of an extraordinarily valuable site, the construction may be prohibited entirely. CRM is a thriving
entity, especially in the United States and Europe where archaeologists from private companies and all levels of
government engage in the practice of their discipline.
Cultural resources management has, however, been criticized. CRM is conducted by private companies that bid for
projects by submitting proposals outlining the work to be done and an expected budget. It is not unheard-of for the
agency responsible for the construction to simply choose the proposal that asks for the least funding. CRM
archaeologists face considerable time pressure, often being forced to complete their work in a fraction of the time
45
Archaeology
46
that might be allotted for a purely scholarly endeavor. Compounding the time pressure is the vetting process of site
reports that are required (in the US) to be submitted by CRM firms to the appropriate State Historic Preservation
Office (SHPO). From the SHPO's perspective there is to be no difference between a report submitted by a CRM firm
operating under a deadline, and a multi-year academic project. The end result is that for a Cultural Resource
Management archaeologist to be successful, they must be able to produce academic quality documents at a corporate
world pace.
The annual ratio of open academic archaeology positions (inclusive of Post-Doc, temporary, and non tenure track
appointments) to the annual number of archaeology MA/MSc and PhD students is grossly disproportionate. This
dearth of academic positions causes a predictable excess of well educated individuals who join the ranks of the
following year's crop of non-academically employed archaeologists. Cultural Resource Management, once
considered an intellectual backwater for individuals with "strong backs and weak minds"[55] has reaped the benefit of
this massive pool of well educated professionals. This results in CRM offices increasingly staffed by advance
degreed individuals with a track record of producing scholarly articles but who have the notches on their trowels to
show they have been in the trenches as a shovelbum.
History of archaeology
Flavio Biondo, an Italian Renaissance humanist historian, created a systematic and documented guide to the ruins
and topography of ancient Rome in the early 15th century for which he has been called an early founder of
archaeology. Ciriaco de' Pizzicolli or Cyriacus of Ancona (31 July 1391 — 1453/55) was a restlessly itinerant Italian
humanist who came from a prominent family of merchants in Ancona. Ciriaco travelled all around the Eastern
Mediterranean, noting down his archaeological discoveries in his day-book, Commentaria, that eventually filled six
volumes. He has been called father of archaeology.
After that, modern archaeology has its origins in the antiquarianism of Europe in the mid-19th century, where it
developed soon after the scientific advancement of geology, which had shown that the Earth was billions rather than
thousands of years old, as was then commonly believed. Soon after this, in 1859, Charles Darwin's On the Origin of
Species was published, outlining his theory of evolution, eventually leading scientists to believe that humanity was in
fact millions of years old, thereby providing a time limit within which the burgeoning archaeological movement
could study. Meanwhile, in 1836 the Danish historian Christian Jürgensen Thomsen published A Ledetraad til
Nordisk Oldkyndighed (Guideline to Scandinavian Antiquity) translated into English in 1848, in which he proposed
the idea that collections of European artifacts from prehistory could be divided up into a three age system: the Stone
Age, Bronze Age and Iron Age.Thomsen was not the first scholar to propose the three age system (that idea dated
back to Greek and Roman thinkers), but he was the first to apply these categories to material culture, and with that
innovation came significant advances in the concept of seriation, or stylistic changes through time.[]
It was these three concepts of human antiquity, evolution and the Three-Age system that are often thought of as the
building blocks for modern archaeology.[56]
Soon the early archaeologists began to investigate various areas around
the world, with the study of ancient Aegean civilization being
stimulated by the excavations of Heinrich Schliemann at Troy, and of
Arthur Evans at Crete, whilst John Lloyd Stephens was a pivotal figure
in the rediscovery of Maya civilization throughout Central America.
However, the methodologies employed by these archaeologists were
highly flawed by today's standards, often having a eurocentric bias, and
many early European archaeologists often relied on anthropological
and ethnographic accounts provided by the likes of Edward Tylor and
Howard Carter in the Pharaon Tutankhamen's
tomb, 1924
Archaeology
Lewis Henry Morgan, thereby comparing contemporary "savage" peoples like the Native Americans with the
historical peoples of Europe who lived in similar societies.[57] Soon the new discipline of archaeology spread to
North America, where it was taken up by figures like Samuel Haven and William Henry Holmes, who excavated
ancient Native American monuments.[58]
Further advancements in archaeological field methodology arose in the late 19th century. One of the pioneering
figures in this was Augustus Pitt Rivers, who meticulously excavated on Cranborne Chase in southern England,
emphasising that it was not only items of beauty or value that should be recorded but mundane items as well; he
therefore helped to differentiate archaeology from antiquarianism. Other important archaeologists who further
refined the discipline in the late 19th and early 20th centuries were Flinders Petrie (who excavated in Egypt and
Palestine), Sir Mortimer Wheeler (India), Dorothy Garrod (the Middle East), Max Uhle (Peru) and Alfred Kidder
(Mexico).[59] Further adaptation and innovation in archaeology continued throughout the 20th century, in particular
in the 1960s, when maritime archaeology was popularised by George Bass, urban archaeology became more
prevalent with redevelopment in many European cities, and rescue archaeology was developed as a result of
increasing commercial development.[59]
Popular views of archaeology
Early archaeology was largely an attempt to uncover spectacular
artifacts and features, or to explore vast and mysterious abandoned
cities. Early archaeology was mostly done by upper class, scholarly
men. This generalization laid the foundation for the modern popular
view of archaeology and archaeologists. This generalization had been
with our culture for a long time, before silent movies in popular fiction
novels. Another popular thought that dates back to this era is that
archaeology is monetarily lucrative. A large majority of the general
Extensive excavations at Beit She'an, Israel
public is under the impression that excavations are undertaken for
money and not historical data. It is easy for the general public to hold this notion for that is what is presented to them
through general media, and has been for many decades.
The majority of the public view archaeology as being something only available to a narrow demographic. The job of
archaeologist is depicted as a “romantic adventurist occupation”.[] To generalize, the public views archaeology as a
fantasized hobby more than a job in the scientific community. Perpetuating the stereotype in modern cinema does
nothing to help the scientific community. The audience may not take away scientific methods from popular cinema
but they do form a notion of “who archaeologists are, why they do what they do, and how relationships to the past
are constituted.[]” Major motion picture companies are more worried about the marketability of the film and the
general dramatic interest of the public.
Almost all popular portrayals of archaeologists fall into a few categories. Mcgeough labels them as “British thinkers,
American fighters, and repressed librarians.” These labels mostly pertain to male archaeologists. Female
archaeologists fall into the categories of “privileged women” with a love of adventure who are overly sexualized and
“junior scholars” who are like the repressed librarians but are sexualized when their glasses come off and their hair is
let down.[] The modern depiction is sensationalized so much that it has incorrectly formed the public’s perception of
what archaeology is. The public is often under the impression that all archaeology takes place in a distant and foreign
land, only to collect monetarily or spiritually priceless artifacts. Many times these artifacts are pursued for power
and/or wealth. Alfred Hitchcock referred to such items in his films as the “MacGuffin: an object of pursuit, protected,
and rescue by both hero and villain." We are led to believe that Indiana Jones is a hero for yelling, “It belongs in a
Museum!” all while he wields a gun and destroys historical sites without the blink of an eye.
Such pursuits continue to fascinate the public. Books, films, and video games, such as Indiana Jones, King
Solomon's Mines, The City of Brass, Relic Hunter, The Mummy, Stargate, and Tomb Raider all testify to the public's
47
Archaeology
interest in the discovery aspect of archaeology.
Much thorough and productive research has indeed been conducted in dramatic locales such as Copán and the Valley
of the Kings, but the bulk of activities and finds of modern archaeology are not so sensational. Archaeological
adventure stories tend to ignore the painstaking work involved in carrying out modern surveys, excavations, and data
processing. Some archaeologists refer to such off-the-mark portrayals as "pseudoarchaeology".[]
Archaeology has been portrayed in the mainstream media in sensational ways. This has its advantages and
disadvantages. Many practitioners point to the childhood excitement of Indiana Jones films as their inspiration to
enter the field.[][] Archaeologists are also very much reliant on public support, the question of exactly who they are
doing their work for is often discussed.[]
Current issues and controversy
Public archaeology
Motivated by a desire to halt looting, curb pseudoarchaeology, and to help preserve archaeological sites through
education and fostering public appreciation for the importance of archaeological heritage, archaeologists are
mounting public-outreach campaigns.[] They seek to stop looting by combatting people who illegally take artifacts
from protected sites, and by alerting people who live near archaeological sites of the threat of looting. Common
methods of public outreach include press releases, and the encouragement of school field trips to sites under
excavation by professional archaeologists.[citation needed] Public appreciation of the significance of archaeology and
archaeological sites often leads to improved protection from encroaching development or other threats.
One audience for archaeologists' work is the public. They increasingly realize that their work can benefit
non-academic and non-archaeological audiences, and that they have a responsibility to educate and inform the public
about archaeology. Local heritage awareness is aimed at increasing civic and individual pride through projects such
as community excavation projects, and better public presentations of archaeological sites and knowledge.[citation
needed]
The U.S.Dept. of Agriculture, Forest Service(USFS) operates a volunteer archaeology and historic
preservation program called the Passport in Time (PIT). Volunteers work with professional USFS archaeologists and
historians on national forests throughout the U.S. Volunteers are involved in all aspects of professional archaeology
under expert supervision.[]
In the UK, popular archaeology programs such as Time Team and Meet the Ancestors have resulted in a huge
upsurge in public interest.[citation needed] Where possible, archaeologists now make more provisions for public
involvement and outreach in larger projects than they once did, and many local archaeological organizations operate
within the Community archaeology framework to expand public involvement in smaller-scale, more local projects.
Archaeological excavation, however, is best undertaken by well-trained staff that can work quickly and accurately.
Often this requires observing the necessary health and safety and indemnity insurance issues involved in working on
a modern building site with tight deadlines. Certain charities and local government bodies sometimes offer places on
research projects either as part of academic work or as a defined community project.[citation needed] There is also a
flourishing industry selling places on commercial training excavations and archaeological holiday tours.[citation
needed]
Archaeologists prize local knowledge and often liaise with local historical and archaeological societies, which is one
reason why Community archaeology projects are starting to become more common. Often archaeologists are assisted
by the public in the locating of archaeological sites, which professional archaeologists have neither the funding, nor
the time to do.
The Archaeological Legacy Institute (ALI), self-described as "an independent, nonprofit, tax-exempt (501[c][3])", is
a research and education corporation registered in Oregon in 1999. The ALI founded an online Archaeology Channel
[60]
to support the organization's mission "to develop ways to make archaeology more effective both in gathering
important information about past human lifeways and in delivering that information to the public and the
48
Archaeology
49
profession."[]
Pseudoarchaeology
Pseudoarchaeology is an umbrella term for all activities that claim to be archaeological but in fact violate commonly
accepted and scientific archaeological practices. It includes much fictional archaeological work (discussed above), as
well as some actual activity. Many non-fiction authors have ignored the scientific methods of processual
archaeology, or the specific critiques of it contained in post-processualism.
An example of this type is the writing of Erich von Däniken. His 1968 book, Chariots of the Gods?, together with
many subsequent lesser-known works, expounds a theory of ancient contacts between human civilisation on Earth
and more technologically advanced extraterrestrial civilisations. This theory, known as palaeocontact theory, or
Ancient astronaut theory, is not exclusively Däniken's, nor did the idea originate with him. Works of this nature are
usually marked by the renunciation of well-established theories on the basis of limited evidence and the
interpretation of evidence with a preconceived theory in mind.
Looting
Looting of archaeological sites is an ancient problem. For instance,
many of the tombs of the Egyptian pharaohs were looted during
antiquity.[61] Archaeology stimulates interest in ancient objects, and
people in search of artifacts or treasure cause damage to archaeological
sites. The commercial and academic demand for artifacts unfortunately
contributes directly to the illicit antiquities trade. Smuggling of
antiquities abroad to private collectors has caused great cultural and
economic damage in many countries whose governments lack the
resources and or the will to deter it. Looters damage and destroy
archaeological sites, denying future generations information about their
ethnic and cultural heritage. Indigenous peoples especially lose access
to and control over their 'cultural resources', ultimately denying them
the opportunity to know their past.[62]
A looter's pit on the morning following its
excavation, taken at Rontoy, Huaura Valley, Peru
in June 2007. Several small holes left by looters'
prospecting probes can be seen, as well as their
footprints.
Popular consciousness often associates looting with poor Third World
countries,[citation needed] but this is a false assumption.[62] A lack of financial resources and political will are chronic
worldwide problems inhibiting more effective protection of archaeological sites. Many Native American Indians
today, such as Vine Deloria, Jr., consider any removal of cultural artifacts from a Native American Indian site to be
theft, and much of professional archaeology as academic looting.
In 1937 W. F. Hodge the Director of the Southwest Museum in Los Angeles CA, released a statement that the
museum would no longer purchase or accept collections from looted contexts.[63] The first conviction of the
transport of artifacts illegally removed from private property under the Archaeological Resources Protection Act
(ARPA; Public Law 96-95; 93 Statute 721; [64] 16 U.S.C. § 470aamm [65]) was in 1992 in the State of Indiana.[66]
Archaeology
Descendant peoples
In the United States, examples such as the case of Kennewick Man
have illustrated the tensions between Native Americans and
archaeologists, which can be summarized as a conflict between a need
to remain respectful toward sacred burial sites and the academic
benefit from studying them. For years, American archaeologists dug on
Indian burial grounds and other places considered sacred, removing
artifacts and human remains to storage facilities for further study. In
some cases human remains were not even thoroughly studied but
instead archived rather than reburied. Furthermore, Western
archaeologists' views of the past often differ from those of tribal
peoples. The West views time as linear; for many natives, it is cyclic.
From a Western perspective, the past is long-gone; from a native
perspective, disturbing the past can have dire consequences in the
present.
As a consequence of this, American Indians attempted to prevent
archaeological excavation of sites inhabited by their ancestors, while
American archaeologists believed that the advancement of scientific
knowledge was a valid reason to continue their studies. This
contradictory situation was addressed by the Native American Graves
Stela of a king named Adad-Nirari. Object stolen
from the Iraq National Museum in the looting in
Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA, 1990), which sought to
connection with the Iraq war of 2003.
reach a compromise by limiting the right of research institutions to
possess human remains. Due in part to the spirit of postprocessualism,
some archaeologists have begun to actively enlist the assistance of indigenous peoples likely to be descended from
those under study.
Archaeologists have also been obliged to re-examine what constitutes an archaeological site in view of what native
peoples believe to constitute sacred space. To many native peoples, natural features such as lakes, mountains or even
individual trees have cultural significance. Australian archaeologists especially have explored this issue and
attempted to survey these sites to give them some protection from being developed. Such work requires close links
and trust between archaeologists and the people they are trying to help and at the same time study.
While this cooperation presents a new set of challenges and hurdles to fieldwork, it has benefits for all parties
involved. Tribal elders cooperating with archaeologists can prevent the excavation of areas of sites that they consider
sacred, while the archaeologists gain the elders' aid in interpreting their finds. There have also been active efforts to
recruit aboriginal peoples directly into the archaeological profession.
Repatriation
See Repatriation and reburial of human remains
A new trend in the heated controversy between First Nations groups and scientists is the repatriation of native
artifacts to the original descendants. An example of this occurred June 21, 2005, when community members and
elders from a number of the 10 Algonquian nations in the Ottawa area convened on the Kitigan Zibi reservation near
Maniwaki, Quebec, to inter ancestral human remains and burial goods — some dating back 6,000 years. It was not
determined, however, if the remains were directly related to the Algonquin people who now inhabit the region. The
remains may be of Iroquoian ancestry, since Iroquoian people inhabited the area before the Algonquin. Moreover,
the oldest of these remains might have no relation at all to the Algonquin or Iroquois, and belong to an earlier culture
50
Archaeology
who previously inhabited the area.
The remains and artifacts, including jewelry, tools and weapons, were originally excavated from various sites in the
Ottawa Valley, including Morrison and the Allumette Islands. They had been part of the Canadian Museum of
Civilization's research collection for decades, some since the late 19th century. Elders from various Algonquin
communities conferred on an appropriate reburial, eventually deciding on traditional redcedar and birchbark boxes
lined with redcedar chips, muskrat and beaver pelts.
Now, an inconspicuous rock mound marks the reburial site where close to 80 boxes of various sizes are buried, no
further scientific study is possible. Although negotiations were at times tense between the Kitigan Zibi community
and museum, they were able to reach agreement.[]
Kennewick Man is another repatriation candidate that has been the source of heated debate.
References
[1] Or science, in old Greek.
[2] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:13)
[3] McPherron, S. P., Z. Alemseged, C. W. Marean, J. G. Wynn, D. Reed, D. Geraads, R. Bobe, and H. A. Bearat. 2010. Evidence for
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[4] Aldenderfer and Maschner (1996)
[5] Gladfelter (1977)
[6] Watters (1992)
[7] Watters (2000)
[8] Schiffer, M. B. 1972. Archaeological Context and Systemic Context. American Antiquity 37: 156-165
[9] Trigger (1989)
[10] Binford (1962)
[11] Flannery (1967)
[12] Shanks and Tilley (1987)
[13] Shanks and Tilley (1988)
[14] Shanks (1991)
[15] Shanks (1993)
[16] Tilley (1993)
[17] Miller and Tilley1984
[18] Miller et al. (1989)
[19] Hodder (1982)
[20] Hodder (1985)
[21] Hodder (1987)
[22] Hodder (1990)
[23] Hodder (1991)
[24] Hodder (1992)
[25] Pauketat, Timothy R. (2001)
[26] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:75)
[27] Remote sensing for archaeology (http:/ / abcnews. go. com/ Technology/ lost-pyramids-egypt-discovered-satellite-images/
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[28] Willey (1953)
[29] Willey (1968)
[30] Billman and Feinman (1999)
[31] Redman (1974)
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[36] Gould (1971a)
[37] Gould (1971b)
[38] Yellen (1972)
[39] Yellen (1977)
[40] Gould and Yellen 1987
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Archaeology
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Saraydar and Shimada (1973)
Gifford-Gonzalez (1985)
Frison (1989)
Glascock et al. 1994
MIT Archaeological Materials and CMRAE Mission Statement (http:/ / web. mit. edu/ cmrae/ cmrae_mission. htm/ )
Flannery (1982)
Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:26)
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http:/ / archaeologychannel. org/
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[64] http:/ / www. nps. gov/ history/ local-law/ FHPL_ArchRsrcsProt. pdf
[65] http:/ / www. law. cornell. edu/ uscode/ 16/ 470aamm. html
[66] Munson et al. (1995)
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• Hodder, I. (1990), "Style as Historical Quality", in HASTORF, M. C. A. C., The Uses of Style in Archaeology,
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• Hodder, I. (1991), "Interpretive Archaeology and Its Role", American Antiquity 56 (1): 7–18, doi:
10.2307/280968 (http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/280968), JSTOR 280968 (http://www.jstor.org/stable/
280968)
• Hodder, I. (1992), Theory and Practice in Archaeology, London: Routeldge
• Kuznar, L, ed. (2001), Ethnoarchaeology of Andean South America, Ann Arbor: International Monographs in
Prehistory
• Miller, D. & Tilley, C. (1984), "Ideology, Power and Prehistory: An Introduction", in Miller, D. & Tilley, C.,
Ideology, Power, and Prehistory, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-25526-0, OCLC
241599209 9827625 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/241599209+9827625)
• Miller, D., Rowlands, M., Tilley, C., ed. (1989), Dominion and Resistance, New York: Routledge
• Munson, C. A., Jones, M. M. & Fry, R. E. (1995), "The GE Mound: An ARPA Case Study", American Antiquity
60 (1): 131–159, doi: 10.2307/282080 (http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/282080), JSTOR 282080 (http://www.
jstor.org/stable/282080)
• Ogundele, S. O. (2005), "Ethnoarchaeology of Domestic Space and Spatial Behaviour Among the Tiv and
Ungwai of Central Nigeria", African Archaeological Review 22: 25–54, doi: 10.1007/s10437-005-3158-2 (http://
dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10437-005-3158-2)
• Pauketat, T. R. (2001), "Practice and History in Archaeology: An Emerging Paradigm", Anthropological Theory
1: 73–98, doi: 10.1177/14634990122228638 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14634990122228638)
• Redman, C. L. (1974), Archaeological Sampling Strategies, Binghamton: State University of New York at
Binghamton
53
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• Renfrew, C. & Bahn, P. G. (1991), Archaeology: Theories, Methods, and Practice, London: Thames and Hudson
Ltd, ISBN 0-500-27867-9, OCLC 185808200 34521234 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/185808200+
34521234)
• Saraydar, S. & Shimada, I. (1971), "A Quantitative Comparison of Efficiency Between A Stone Axe and A Steel
Axe", American Antiquity 36 (2): 216–217, doi: 10.2307/278680 (http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/278680), JSTOR
278680 (http://www.jstor.org/stable/278680)
• Saraydar, S. C. & Shimada, I. (1973), "Experimental Archaeology: A New Outlook", American Antiquity 38 (3):
344–350, doi: 10.2307/279722 (http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/279722), JSTOR 279722 (http://www.jstor.org/
stable/279722)
• Sellet, F., Greaves, R. & Yu, P.-L. (2006), Archaeology and Ethnoarchaeology of Mobility, Gainesville:
University Press of Florida
• Shanks, M. & Tilley, C. (1987), Reconstructing Archaeology, New York: Cambridge university Press
• Shanks, M. & Tilley, C. (1988), Social Theory and Archaeology, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
ISBN 0-7456-0184-7, OCLC 16465065 185783860 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/16465065+185783860)
• Shanks, M. (1991), "Some recent approaches to style and social reconstruction in classical archaeology",
Archaeological Review from Cambridge 10: 164–174
• Shanks, M. (1993), "Style and the design of a perfume jar from an Archaic Greek city state", Journal of European
Archaeology 1: 77–106
• Sheets, P. D. (1973), "The Pillage of Prehistory", American Antiquity 38 (3): 317–320, doi: 10.2307/279718
(http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/279718), JSTOR 279718 (http://www.jstor.org/stable/279718)
• Shott, M. J. & Sillitoe, P. (2005), "Use life and curation in New Guinea experimental used flakes", Journal of
Archaeological Science 32 (5): 653–663, doi: 10.1016/j.jas.2004.11.012 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.
2004.11.012)
• Tassie, G. J., Owens, L.S. (2010), Standards of Archaeological Excavations: A Fieldguide to the Methology,
Recording Techniques and Conventions, London: GHP, ISBN 978-1-906137-17-5
• Taylor, W. W. (1948), A Study of Archaeology, Menasha: American Anthropological Association,
ISBN 0-906367-12-3, OCLC 9714935 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/9714935)
• Tilley, Christopher, ed. (1993), Interpretive Archaeology, Oxford: Berg, ISBN 0-85496-842-3, OCLC
185494001 26263158 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/185494001+26263158)
• Trigger, B. G. (1989), A History of Archaeological Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
• Watters, M.R. (1992), Principles of Geoarchaeology: A North American Perspective, Tucson: The University of
Arizona Press
• Watters, M.R. (2000), "Alluvial stratigraphy and geoarchaeology in the American Southwest", Geoarchaeology
15 (6): 537–557, doi: 10.1002/1520-6548(200008)15:6<537::AID-GEA5>3.0.CO;2-E (http://dx.doi.org/10.
1002/1520-6548(200008)15:6<537::AID-GEA5>3.0.CO;2-E)
• Willey, G. R. (1953), Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Virú Valley, Perú, Washington DC
• Willey, G. (1968), Settlement Archaeology, Palo Alto: National Press
• Wylie, A. (1985), "The Reaction Against Analogy", in Schiffer, Michael B., Advances in Archaeological Method
and Theory, Orlando, FL: Academic Press, pp. 63–111
• Yellen, J. & Harpending, H. (1972), "Hunter-Gatherer Populations and Archaeological Inference", World
Archaeology 4 (2): 244–253, doi: 10.1080/00438243.1972.9979535 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.
1972.9979535)
• Yellen, J. (1977), Archaeological Approaches to the Present, New York: Academic Press, ISBN 0-12-770350-0,
OCLC 2911020 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/2911020)
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Further reading
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•
•
•
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•
•
•
•
•
•
Archaeology (magazine)
Lewis Binford - New Perspectives in Archaeology (1968) ISBN 0-202-33022-2
Glyn Daniel - A Short History of Archaeology (1991)
Kevin Greene - Introduction to Archaeology (1983)
Thomas Hester, Harry Shafer, and Kenneth L. Feder - Field Methods in Archaeology 7th edition (1997)
Ian Hodder & Scott Hutson - "Reading the Past" 3rd. edition (2003)
International Journal of South American Archaeology - IJSA (magazine)
Internet Archaeology, e-journal
C. U. Larsen - Sites and Monuments (1992)
Adrian Praetzellis - Death by Theory, AltaMira Press (2000). ISBN 0-7425-0359-3 / 9780742503595
Colin Renfrew & Paul Bahn - Archaeology: theories, methods and practice, 2nd edition (1996)
Smekalova, T. N.; Voss O.; & Smekalov S. L. (2008). "Magnetic Surveying in Archaeology. More than 10 years
of using the Overhauser GSM-19 gradiometer". Wormianum.
• David Hurst Thomas - Archaeology, 3rd. edition (1998)
• Robert J. Sharer & Wendy Ashmore - Archaeology: Discovering our Past 2nd edition (1993)
• Bruce Trigger - "A History of Archaeological Thought" 2nd. edition (2007)
• Alison Wylie - Thinking From Things: Essays in the Philosophy of Archaeology, University of California Press,
Berkeley CA, 2002
External links
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•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
400,000 records of archaeological sites and architecture in England (http://pastscape.org.uk/)
Archaeolog.org (http://archaeolog.org/)
Archaeological news updated daily (http://www.archaeologynews.org/)
Archaeology Daily News (http://www.archaeologydaily.com/)
Archaeology Times | The top archaeology news from around the world (http://www.archaeologytimes.com/)
Council for British Archaeology (http://www.britarch.ac.uk/)
Estudio de Museología Rosario (http://web.archive.org/web/20091024171735/http://geocities.com/
emuseoros)
Fasti Online - an online database of archaeological sites (http://www.fastionline.org/)
Great Archaeology (http://www.greatarchaeology.com/)
Kite Aerial Photographers - Archaeology (http://www.armadale.org.uk/kite03.htm)
NPS Archeology Program: Visit Archeology (Archeology travel guides) (http://www.nps.gov/history/
archeology/visit/index.htm)
Sri Lanka Archaeology - New Knowledge in Archaeology in Sri Lanka (http://www.archaeology.lk/)
The Archaeological Institute of America (http://www.archaeological.org/)
The Archaeology Channel (http://www.archaeologychannel.org/)
The Archaeology Data Service - Open access online archive for UK and global archaeology (http://
archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/)
The Archaeology Division of the American Anthropological Association (http://www.aaanet.org/)
The Canadian Museum of Civilization - Archaeology (http://www.civilization.ca/cmc/exhibitions/
online-exhibitions/archaeology)
The Society for American Archaeology (http://www.saa.org/)
The World Archaeological Congress (http://www.worldarchaeologicalcongress.org/site/about.php)
• US Forest Service Volunteer program Passport in Time (http://www.passportintime.com/)
55
Archaeology
56
• World Archaeology News - weekly update from BBC Radio archaeologist, Win Scutt (http://www.archaeology.
ws/worldarchnews.html)
Cultural anthropology
Anthropology
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Cultural anthropology
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Anthropology portal
Cultural anthropology is a branch of anthropology focused on the study of cultural variation among humans,
collecting data about the impact of global economic and political processes on local cultural realities.
Anthropologists use a variety of methods, including participant observation, interviews and surveys. Their research
is often called fieldwork because it involves the anthropologist spending an extended period of time at the research
location.[1]
One of the earliest articulations of the anthropological meaning of the term "culture" came from Sir Edward Tylor
who writes on the first page of his 1897 book: “Culture, or civilization, taken in its broad, ethnographic sense, is that
complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits
acquired by man as a member of society.”[2] The term "civilization" later gave way to definitions by V. Gordon
Childe, with culture forming an umbrella term and civilization becoming a particular kind of culture.[3]
The anthropological concept of "culture" reflects in part a reaction against earlier Western discourses based on an
opposition between "culture" and "nature", according to which some human beings lived in a "state of nature".[citation
needed]
Anthropologists have argued that culture is "human nature", and that all people have a capacity to classify
experiences, encode classifications symbolically (i.e. in language), and teach such abstractions to others.
Since humans acquire culture through the learning processes of enculturation and socialization, people living in
different places or different circumstances develop different cultures. Anthropologists have also pointed out that
through culture people can adapt to their environment in non-genetic ways, so people living in different
environments will often have different cultures. Much of anthropological theory has originated in an appreciation of
and interest in the tension between the local (particular cultures) and the global (a universal human nature, or the
web of connections between people in distinct places/circumstances).[citation needed]
The rise of cultural anthropology occurred within the context of the late 19th century, when questions regarding
which cultures were "primitive" and which were "civilized" occupied the minds of not only Marx and Freud, but
many others. Colonialism and its processes increasingly brought European thinkers in contact, directly or indirectly
with "primitive others."[4] The relative status of various humans, some of whom had modern advanced technologies
that included engines and telegraphs, while others lacked anything but face-to-face communication techniques and
still lived a Paleolithic lifestyle, was of interest to the first generation of cultural anthropologists.
Parallel with the rise of cultural anthropology in the United States, social anthropology, in which sociality is the
central concept and which focuses on the study of social statuses and roles, groups, institutions, and the relations
among them, developed as an academic discipline in Britain. An umbrella term socio-cultural anthropology makes
reference to both cultural and social anthropology traditions.[5]
Cultural anthropology
Theoretical foundations
The critique of evolutionism
Anthropology is concerned with the lives of people within different parts of the world, particularly in relation to the
discourse of beliefs and practices. In addressing this question, ethnologists in the 19th century divided into two
schools of thought. Some, like Grafton Elliot Smith, argued that different groups must somehow have learned from
one another, however indirectly; in other words, they argued that cultural traits spread from one place to another, or
"diffused".
Other ethnologists argued that different
groups had the capability of creating similar
beliefs and practices independently. Some of
those
who
advocated
"independent
invention", like Lewis Henry Morgan,
additionally supposed that similarities meant
that different groups had passed through the
same stages of cultural evolution (See also
classical social evolutionism). Morgan, in
particular, acknowledged that certain forms
of society and culture could not possibly
have arisen before others. For example,
industrial farming could not have been
invented before simple farming, and
In the unilineal evolution model at left, all cultures progress through set stages,
while in the multilineal evolution model at right, distinctive culture histories are
metallurgy could not have developed
emphasized.
without previous non-smelting processes
involving metals (such as simple ground
collection or mining). Morgan, like other 19th century social evolutionists, believed there was a more or less orderly
progression from the primitive to the civilized.
20th-century anthropologists largely reject the notion that all human societies must pass through the same stages in
the same order, on the grounds that such a notion does not fit the empirical facts. Some 20th-century ethnologists,
like Julian Steward, have instead argued that such similarities reflected similar adaptations to similar environments
(see cultural evolution). Although 19th-century ethnologists saw "diffusion" and "independent invention" as
mutually exclusive and competing theories, most ethnographers quickly reached a consensus that both processes
occur, and that both can plausibly account for cross-cultural similarities. But these ethnographers also pointed out the
superficiality of many such similarities. They noted that even traits that spread through diffusion often were given
different meanings and function from one society to another. Analyses of large human concentrations in big cities, in
multi-disciplinar studies by Ronald Daus, show how new methods may be applied to the understanding of man living
in a global world and how it was caused by the action of extra-European nations, so high-lighting the role of Ethics
in modern anthropology.
Accordingly, most of these anthropologists showed less interest in comparing cultures, generalizing about human
nature, or discovering universal laws of cultural development, than in understanding particular cultures in those
cultures' own terms. Such ethnographers and their students promoted the idea of "cultural relativism", the view that
one can only understand another person's beliefs and behaviors in the context of the culture in which he or she lived
or lives.
Others, such as Claude Lévi-Strauss (who was influenced both by American cultural anthropology and by French
Durkheimian sociology), have argued that apparently similar patterns of development reflect fundamental
59
Cultural anthropology
60
similarities in the structure of human thought (see structuralism). By the mid-20th century, the number of examples
of people skipping stages, such as going from hunter-gatherers to post-industrial service occupations in one
generation, were so numerous that 19th-century evolutionism was effectively disproved.[6]
Cultural relativism
Cultural relativism is a principle that was established as axiomatic in anthropological research by Franz Boas and
later popularized by his students. Boas first articulated the idea in 1887: "...civilization is not something absolute, but
... is relative, and ... our ideas and conceptions are true only so far as our civilization goes."[7] Although, Boas did not
coin the term, it became common among anthropologists after Boas' death in 1942, to express their synthesis of a
number of ideas Boas had developed. Boas believed that the sweep of cultures, to be found in connection with any
sub-species, is so vast and pervasive that there cannot be a relationship between culture and race.[8] Cultural
relativism involves specific epistemological and methodological claims. Whether or not these claims require a
specific ethical stance is a matter of debate. This principle should not be confused with moral relativism.
Cultural relativism was in part a response to Western ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism may take obvious forms, in
which one consciously believes that one's people's arts are the most beautiful, values the most virtuous, and beliefs
the most truthful. Franz Boas, originally trained in physics and geography, and heavily influenced by the thought of
Kant, Herder, and von Humboldt, argued that one's culture may mediate and thus limit one's perceptions in less
obvious ways. This understanding of culture confronts anthropologists with two problems: first, how to escape the
unconscious bonds of one's own culture, which inevitably bias our perceptions of and reactions to the world, and
second, how to make sense of an unfamiliar culture. The principle of cultural relativism thus forced anthropologists
to develop innovative methods and heuristic strategies.
Theoretical approaches
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Actor–network theory
Cultural materialism
Culture theory
Feminism
Foundational thinkers
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Functionalism
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Interpretive
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Political Economy •
Practice Theory
Structuralism
Post-structuralism
Systems theory
Cultural anthropology
61
Boas and his students realized that if they were to conduct scientific
research in other cultures, they would need to employ methods that
would help them escape the limits of their own ethnocentrism. One
such method is that of ethnography: basically, they advocated living
with people of another culture for an extended period of time, so that
they could learn the local language and be enculturated, at least
partially, into that culture.
In this context, cultural relativism is of fundamental methodological
importance, because it calls attention to the importance of the local
context in understanding the meaning of particular human beliefs and
activities. Thus, in 1948 Virginia Heyer wrote, "Cultural relativity, to
phrase it in starkest abstraction, states the relativity of the part to the
whole. The part gains its cultural significance by its place in the whole,
and cannot retain its integrity in a different situation."[9]
Edward Burnett Tylor
Lewis Henry Morgan
Lewis Henry Morgan (1818–1881), a lawyer from Rochester, New York, became an advocate for and ethnological
scholar of the Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture, and especially kinship
patterns proved to be influential contributions to the field of anthropology. Like other scholars of his day (such as
Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that human societies could be classified into categories of cultural evolution on a
scale of progression that ranged from savagery, to barbarism, to civilization. Generally, Morgan used technology
(such as bowmaking or pottery) as an indicator of position on this scale.
Franz Boas, founder of the modern discipline
Franz Boas established academic anthropology in the United States in
opposition to this sort of evolutionary perspective. His approach was
empirical, skeptical of overgeneralizations, and eschewed attempts to
establish universal laws. For example, Boas studied immigrant children
to demonstrate that biological race was not immutable, and that human
conduct and behavior resulted from nurture, rather than nature.
Influenced by the German tradition, Boas argued that the world was
full of distinct cultures, rather than societies whose evolution could be
measured by how much or how little "civilization" they had. He
believed that each culture has to be studied in its particularity, and
argued that cross-cultural generalizations, like those made in the
natural sciences, were not possible.
In doing so, he fought discrimination against immigrants, blacks, and
indigenous peoples of the Americas.[10] Many American
anthropologists adopted his agenda for social reform, and theories of
race continue to be popular subjects for anthropologists today. The
so-called "Four Field Approach" has its origins in Boasian
Anthropology, dividing the discipline in the four crucial and
interrelated fields of sociocultural, biological, linguistic, and archaic
Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of modern
anthropology, often called the "Father of
American Anthropology"
Cultural anthropology
62
anthropology (e.g. archaeology). Anthropology in the United States continues to be deeply influenced by the Boasian
tradition, especially its emphasis on culture.
Kroeber, Mead & Benedict
Boas used his positions at Columbia University and the American
Museum of Natural History to train and develop multiple generations
of students. His first generation of students included Alfred Kroeber,
Robert Lowie, Edward Sapir and Ruth Benedict, who each produced
richly detailed studies of indigenous North American cultures. They
provided a wealth of details used to attack the theory of a single
evolutionary process. Kroeber and Sapir's focus on Native American
languages helped establish linguistics as a truly general science and
free it from its historical focus on Indo-European languages.
The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook, Anthropology, marked a
turning point in American anthropology. After three decades of
amassing material, Boasians felt a growing urge to generalize. This
was most obvious in the 'Culture and Personality' studies carried out by
younger Boasians such as Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict.
Influenced by psychoanalytic psychologists including Sigmund Freud
and Carl Jung, these authors sought to understand the way that
individual personalities were shaped by the wider cultural and social
forces in which they grew up.
Margaret Mead (1901-1978)
Though such works as Coming of Age in Samoa and The
Chrysanthemum and the Sword remain popular with the American
public, Mead and Benedict never had the impact on the discipline of
anthropology that some expected. Boas had planned for Ruth Benedict
to succeed him as chair of Columbia's anthropology department, but
she was sidelined by Ralph Linton, and Mead was limited to her
offices at the AMNH.
Wolf, Sahlins, Mintz & political economy
In the 1950s and mid-1960s anthropology tended increasingly to model
Ruth Benedict in 1937
itself after the natural sciences. Some anthropologists, such as Lloyd
Fallers and Clifford Geertz, focused on processes of modernization by which newly independent states could
develop. Others, such as Julian Steward and Leslie White, focused on how societies evolve and fit their ecological
niche—an approach popularized by Marvin Harris.
Economic anthropology as influenced by Karl Polanyi and practiced by Marshall Sahlins and George Dalton
challenged standard neoclassical economics to take account of cultural and social factors, and employed Marxian
analysis into anthropological study. In England, British Social Anthropology's paradigm began to fragment as Max
Gluckman and Peter Worsley experimented with Marxism and authors such as Rodney Needham and Edmund Leach
incorporated Lévi-Strauss's structuralism into their work. Structuralism also influenced a number of developments in
1960s and 1970s, including cognitive anthropology and componential analysis.
In keeping with the times, much of anthropology became politicized through the Algerian War of Independence and
opposition to the Vietnam War;[11] Marxism became an increasingly popular theoretical approach in the
discipline.[12] By the 1970s the authors of volumes such as Reinventing Anthropology worried about anthropology's
Cultural anthropology
63
relevance.
Since the 1980s issues of power, such as those examined in Eric Wolf's Europe and the People Without History,
have been central to the discipline. In the 1980s books like Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter pondered
anthropology's ties to colonial inequality, while the immense popularity of theorists such as Antonio Gramsci and
Michel Foucault moved issues of power and hegemony into the spotlight. Gender and sexuality became popular
topics, as did the relationship between history and anthropology, influenced by Marshall Sahlins (again), who drew
on Lévi-Strauss and Fernand Braudel to examine the relationship between social structure and individual agency.
Jean and John Comaroff produced a whole generation of anthropologists at the University of Chicago that focused
on these themes. Also influential in these issues were Nietzsche, Heidegger, the critical theory of the Frankfurt
School, Derrida and Lacan.[13]
Geertz, Schneider & interpretive anthropology
Many anthropologists reacted against the renewed emphasis on materialism and scientific modelling derived from
Marx by emphasizing the importance of the concept of culture. Authors such as David Schneider, Clifford Geertz,
and Marshall Sahlins developed a more fleshed-out concept of culture as a web of meaning or signification, which
proved very popular within and beyond the discipline. Geertz was to state:
"Believing, with Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I
take culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law
but an interpretive one in search of meaning."
— Clifford Geertz[14]
Geertz's interpretive method involved what he called "thick description." The cultural symbols of rituals, political
and economic action, and of kinship, are "read" by the anthropologist as if they are a document in a foreign
language. The interpretation of those symbols must be re-framed for their anthropological audience, i.e. transformed
from the "experience-near" but foreign concepts of the other culture, into the "experience-distant" theoretical
concepts of the anthropologist. These interpretations must then be reflected back to its originators, and its adequacy
as a translation fine-tuned in a repeated way, a process called the hermaneutic circle. Geertz applied his method in a
number of areas, creating programs of study that were very productive. His analysis of "religion as a cultural system"
was particularly influential outside of anthropology. David Schnieder's cultural analysis of American kinship has
proven equally influential.[15] Schneider demonstrated that the American folk-cultural emphasis on "blood
connections" had an undue influence on anthropological kinship theories, and that kinship is not a biological
characteristic but a cultural relationship established on very different terms in different societies.[16]
Prominent British symbolic anthropologists include Victor Turner and Mary Douglas.
The Post-modern turn
In the late 1980s and 1990s authors such as George Marcus and James Clifford pondered ethnographic authority, in
particular how and why anthropological knowledge was possible and authoritative. They were reflecting trends in
research and discourse initiated by Feminists in the academy, although they excused themselves from commenting
specifically on those pioneering critics.[17] Nevertheless, key aspects of feminist theorizing and methods became de
rigueur as part of the 'post-modern moment' in anthropology: Ethnographies became more interpretative and
reflexive,[18] explicitly addressing the author's methodology, cultural, gender and racial positioning, and their
influence on his or her ethnographic analysis. This was part of a more general trend of postmodernism that was
popular contemporaneously.[19] Currently anthropologists pay attention to a wide variety of issues pertaining to the
contemporary world, including globalization, medicine and biotechnology, indigenous rights, virtual communities,
and the anthropology of industrialized societies.
Cultural anthropology
64
Socio-cultural anthropology subfields
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Applied anthropology
•
Historical anthropology
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Psychological anthropology
•
Anthropology of art
•
Anthropology of gender & sexuality •
Public anthropology
•
Cognitive anthropology
•
Kinship & family
•
Anthropology of religion
•
Anthropology of development •
Legal anthropology
•
Anthropology of science & technology
•
Ecological anthropology
•
Media anthropology
•
Transpersonal anthropology
•
Economic anthropology
•
Medical anthropology
•
Urban anthropology
•
Gender & Sexualty
•
Political anthropology
•
Visual anthropology
•
Political Economy
Methods
Modern cultural anthropology has its origins in, and developed in reaction to, 19th century "ethnology", which
involves the organized comparison of human societies. Scholars like E.B. Tylor and J.G. Frazer in England worked
mostly with materials collected by others – usually missionaries, traders, explorers, or colonial officials – earning
them the moniker of "arm-chair anthropologists".
Participant Observation
Participant observation is a widely used methodology in many disciplines, particularly cultural anthropology, less so
in sociology, communication studies, and social psychology. Its aim is to gain a close and intimate familiarity with a
given group of individuals (such as a religious, occupational, sub cultural group, or a particular community) and their
practices through an intensive involvement with people in their cultural environment, usually over an extended
period of time. The method originated in the field research of social anthropologists, especially Bronislaw
Malinowski in Britain, the students of Franz Boas in the United States, and in the later urban research of the Chicago
School of sociology.
Such research involves a range of well-defined, though variable methods: informal interviews, direct observation,
participation in the life of the group, collective discussions, analyses of personal documents produced within the
group, self-analysis, results from activities undertaken off or online, and life-histories. Although the method is
generally characterized as qualitative research, it can (and often does) include quantitative dimensions. Traditional
participant observation is usually undertaken over an extended period of time, ranging from several months to many
years, and even generations. An extended research time period means that the researcher is able to obtain more
detailed and accurate information about the individuals, community, and/or population under study. Observable
details (like daily time allotment) and more hidden details (like taboo behavior) are more easily observed and
interpreted over a longer period of time. A strength of observation and interaction over extended periods of time is
that researchers can discover discrepancies between what participants say—and often believe—should happen (the
formal system) and what actually does happen, or between different aspects of the formal system; in contrast, a
one-time survey of people's answers to a set of questions might be quite consistent, but is less likely to show
conflicts between different aspects of the social system or between conscious representations and behavior.[20]
Cultural anthropology
Ethnography
In the 20th century, most cultural and social anthropologists turned to the crafting of ethnographies. An ethnography
is a piece of writing about a people, at a particular place and time. Typically, the anthropologist lives among people
in another society for a period of time, simultaneously participating in and observing the social and cultural life of
the group.
Numerous other ethnographic techniques have resulted in ethnographic writing or details being preserved, as cultural
anthropologists also curate materials, spend long hours in libraries, churches and schools poring over records,
investigate graveyards, and decipher ancient scripts. A typical ethnography will also include information about
physical geography, climate and habitat. It is meant to be a holistic piece of writing about the people in question, and
today often includes the longest possible timeline of past events that the ethnographer can obtain through primary
and secondary research.
Bronisław Malinowski developed the ethnographic method, and Franz Boas taught it in the United States. Boas'
students such as Alfred L. Kroeber, Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead drew on his conception of culture and
cultural relativism to develop cultural anthropology in the United States. Simultaneously, Malinowski and A.R.
Radcliffe Brown´s students were developing social anthropology in the United Kingdom. Whereas cultural
anthropology focused on symbols and values, social anthropology focused on social groups and institutions. Today
socio-cultural anthropologists attend to all these elements.
In the early 20th century, socio-cultural anthropology developed in different forms in Europe and in the United
States. European "social anthropologists" focused on observed social behaviors and on "social structure", that is, on
relationships among social roles (for example, husband and wife, or parent and child) and social institutions (for
example, religion, economy, and politics).
American "cultural anthropologists" focused on the ways people expressed their view of themselves and their world,
especially in symbolic forms, such as art and myths. These two approaches frequently converged and generally
complemented one another. For example, kinship and leadership function both as symbolic systems and as social
institutions. Today almost all socio-cultural anthropologists refer to the work of both sets of predecessors, and have
an equal interest in what people do and in what people say.
Cross-cultural comparison
One means by which anthropologists combat ethnocentrism is to engage in the process of cross-cultural comparison.
It is important to test so-called "human universals" against the ethnographic record. Monogamy, for example, is
frequently touted as a universal human trait, yet comparative study shows that it is not. The Human Relations Area
Files, Inc. (HRAF) is a research agency based at Yale University. Since 1949, its mission has been to encourage and
facilitate worldwide comparative studies of human culture, society, and behavior in the past and present. The name
came from the Institute of Human Relations, an interdisciplinary program/building at Yale at the time. The Institute
of Human Relations had sponsored HRAF’s precursor, the Cross-Cultural Survey (see George Peter Murdock), as
part of an effort to develop an integrated science of human behavior and culture. The two eHRAF databases on the
Web are expanded and updated annually. eHRAF World Cultures includes materials on cultures, past and present,
and covers nearly 400 cultures. The second database, eHRAF Archaeology, covers major archaeological traditions
and many more sub-traditions and sites around the world.
Comparison across cultures includies the industrialized (or de-industrialized) West. Cultures in the more traditional
standard cross-cultural sample of small scale societies are:
65
Cultural anthropology
Africa
Circum-Mediterranean
East Eurasia
Insular Pacific
North America
South America
66
Nama (Hottentot) • Kung (San) • Thonga • Lozi • Mbundu • Suku • Bemba • Nyakyusa (Ngonde) • Hadza • Luguru •
Kikuyu • Ganda • Mbuti (Pygmies) • Nkundo (Mongo) • Banen • Tiv • Igbo • Fon • Ashanti (Twi) • Mende •
Bambara • Tallensi • Massa • Azande • Otoro Nuba • Shilluk • Mao • Maasai
Wolof • Songhai • Wodaabe Fulani • Hausa • Fur • Kaffa • Konso • Somali • Amhara • Bogo • Kenuzi Nubian • Teda •
Tuareg • Riffians • Egyptians (Fellah) • Hebrews • Babylonians • Rwala Bedouin • Turks • Gheg (Albanians) •
Romans • Basques • Irish • Sami (Lapps) • Russians • Abkhaz • Armenians • Kurd
Yurak (Samoyed) • Basseri • West Punjabi • Gond • Toda • Santal • Uttar Pradesh • Burusho • Kazak • Khalka
Mongols • Lolo • Lepcha • Garo • Lakher • Burmese • Lamet • Vietnamese • Rhade • Khmer • Siamese • Semang •
Nicobarese • Andamanese • Vedda • Tanala • Negeri Sembilan • Atayal • Chinese • Manchu • Koreans • Japanese •
Ainu • Gilyak • Yukaghir
Javanese (Miao) • Balinese • Iban • Badjau • Toraja • Tobelorese • Alorese • Tiwi • Aranda • Orokaiva • Kimam •
Kapauku • Kwoma • Manus • New Ireland • Trobrianders • Siuai • Tikopia • Pentecost • Mbau Fijians • Ajie • Maori •
Marquesans • Western Samoans • Gilbertese • Marshallese • Trukese • Yapese • Palauans • Ifugao • Chukchi
Ingalik • Aleut • Copper Eskimo • Montagnais • Mi'kmaq • Saulteaux (Ojibwa) • Slave • Kaska (Nahane) • Eyak •
Haida • Bellacoola • Twana • Yurok • Pomo • Yokuts • Paiute (Northern) • Klamath • Kutenai • Gros Ventres •
Hidatsa • Pawnee • Omaha (Dhegiha) • Huron • Creek • Natchez • Comanche • Chiricahua • Zuni • Havasupai •
Papago • Huichol • Aztec • Popoluca
Quiché • Miskito (Mosquito) • Bribri (Talamanca) • Cuna • Goajiro • Haitians • Calinago • Warrau (Warao) •
Yanomamo • Carib • Saramacca • Munduruku • Cubeo (Tucano) • Cayapa • Jivaro • Amahuaca • Inca • Aymara •
Siriono • Nambicuara • Trumai • Timbira • Tupinamba • Botocudo • Shavante • Aweikoma • Cayua (Guarani) •
Lengua • Abipon • Mapuche • Tehuelche • Yaghan
Multi-sited Ethnography
Ethnography dominates socio-cultural anthropology. Nevertheless, many contemporary socio-cultural
anthropologists have rejected earlier models of ethnography as treating local cultures as bounded and isolated. These
anthropologists continue to concern themselves with the distinct ways people in different locales experience and
understand their lives, but they often argue that one cannot understand these particular ways of life solely from a
local perspective; they instead combine a focus on the local with an effort to grasp larger political, economic, and
cultural frameworks that impact local lived realities. Notable proponents of this approach include Arjun Appadurai,
James Clifford, George Marcus, Sidney Mintz, Michael Taussig, Eric Wolf and Ronald Daus.
A growing trend in anthropological research and analysis is the use of multi-sited ethnography, discussed in George
Marcus' article, "Ethnography In/Of the World System: the Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography". Looking at
culture as embedded in macro-constructions of a global social order, multi-sited ethnography uses traditional
methodology in various locations both spatially and temporally. Through this methodology, greater insight can be
gained when examining the impact of world-systems on local and global communities.
Also emerging in multi-sited ethnography are greater interdisciplinary approaches to fieldwork, bringing in methods
from cultural studies, media studies, science and technology studies, and others. In multi-sited ethnography, research
tracks a subject across spatial and temporal boundaries. For example, a multi-sited ethnography may follow a
"thing," such as a particular commodity, as it is transported through the networks of global capitalism.
Multi-sited ethnography may also follow ethnic groups in diaspora, stories or rumours that appear in multiple
locations and in multiple time periods, metaphors that appear in multiple ethnographic locations, or the biographies
of individual people or groups as they move through space and time. It may also follow conflicts that transcend
boundaries. An example of multi-sited ethnography is Nancy Scheper-Hughes' work on the international black
market for the trade of human organs. In this research, she follows organs as they are transferred through various
legal and illegal networks of capitalism, as well as the rumours and urban legends that circulate in impoverished
communities about child kidnapping and organ theft.
Cultural anthropology
Sociocultural anthropologists have increasingly turned their investigative eye on to "Western" culture. For example,
Philippe Bourgois won the Margaret Mead Award in 1997 for In Search of Respect, a study of the entrepreneurs in a
Harlem crack-den. Also growing more popular are ethnographies of professional communities, such as laboratory
researchers, Wall Street investors, law firms, or information technology (IT) computer employees.[21]
References
[1] "In his earlier work, like many anthropologists of this generation, Levi-Strauss draws attention to the necessary and urgent task of maintaining
and extending the empirical foundations of anthropology in the practice of fieldwork.": In Christopher Johnson, Claude Levi-Strauss: the
formative years (http:/ / books. google. co. uk/ books?id=NIJHaX0u-hUC& lpg=PP1& pg=PP1#v=onepage& q& f=false), Cambridge
University Press, 2003, p.31
[2] Tylor, Edward. 1920 [1871]. Primitive Culture (http:/ / books. google. co. uk/ books?id=VxZMk2PEUsoC& lpg=PP1&
pg=PP1#v=onepage& q& f=false). Vol 1. New York: J.P. Putnam’s Sons.
[3] Sherratt, Andrew V. "Gordon Childe: Archaeology and Intellectual History", Past and Present, No. 125. (Nov., 1989), pp. 151–185.
[4] Rosaldo, Renato. Culture and Truth. 1993. Beach Press.
[5] Campbell, D.T. (1983) The two distinct routes beyond kin selection to ultrasociality: Implications for the Humanities and Social Sciences. In:
The Nature of Prosocial Development: Theories and Strategies D. Bridgeman (ed.), pp. 11-39, Academic Press, New York
[6] Diamond, Jared. Guns, Germs and Steel.
[7] Franz Boas 1887 "Museums of Ethnology and their classification" Science 9: 589
[8] http:/ / www. utpa. edu/ faculty/ mglazer/ theory/ cultural_relativism. htm
[9] Heyer, Virginia 1948 "In Reply to Elgin Williams" in American Anthropologist 50(1) 163-166
[10] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free Press.
[11] Fanon, Frantz. (1963) The Wretched of the Earth, transl. Constance Farrington. New York, Grove Weidenfeld.
[12] Nugent, Stephen Some reflections on anthropological structural Marxism (http:/ / www. ingentaconnect. com/ search/
article?title=anthropology& title_type=tka& year_from=1998& year_to=2007& database=1& pageSize=20& index=4) The Journal of the
Royal Anthropological Institute, Volume 13, Number 2, June 2007, pp. 419-431(13)
[13] Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences (http:/ / links. jstor. org/
sici?sici=0002-7294(199809)2:100:3<716:TMOAAI>2. 0. CO;2-3) American Anthropologist 100:" 716-731
[17] Clifford, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California
Press.
[18] Dolores Janiewski, Lois W. Banner (2005) Reading Benedict / Reading Mead: Feminism, Race, and Imperial Visions, p.200 (http:/ / books.
google. com/ books?id=-rUHcVdEuIkC& pg=PA200) quotation:
[19] Gellner, Ernest (1992) Postmodernism, Reason, and Religion. London/New York: Routledge. Pp: 26-50
[20] DeWalt, K. M., DeWalt, B. R., & Wayland, C. B. (1998). "Participant observation." In H. R. Bernard (Ed.), Handbook of methods in
cultural anthropology. Pp: 259-299. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
[21] Dissertation Abstract (http:/ / www. ingentaconnect. com/ search/ expand?pub=infobike:/ / mcb/ 161/ 1995/ 00000008/ 00000003/
art00003& unc=)
External links
• Human Relations Area Files (http://www.yale.edu/hraf/)
• User's Guide: HRAF Collection of Ethnography. A Basic Guide to Cross-Cultural Research (http://www.yale.
edu/hraf/basiccc.htm)
• Webpage "History of German Anthropology/Ethnology 1945/49-1990 (http://www.germananthropology.com/)
• The Moving Anthropology Student Network-website (http://www.movinganthropology.org) - The site offers
tutorials, information on the subject, discussion-forums and a large link-collection for all interested scholars of
cultural anthropology
67
Cultural history
Cultural history
The term cultural history refers both to an academic discipline and to its subject matter.
Cultural history, as a discipline, at least in its common definition since the 1970s, often combines the approaches of
anthropology and history to look at popular cultural traditions and cultural interpretations of historical experience. It
examines the records and narrative descriptions of past knowledge, customs, and arts of a group of people. Its subject
matter encompasses the continuum of events occurring in succession leading from the past to the present and even
into the future pertaining to a culture.
Cultural history records and interprets past events involving human beings through the social, cultural, and political
milieu of or relating to the arts and manners that a group favors. Jacob Burckhardt helped found cultural history as a
discipline. Cultural history studies and interprets the record of human societies by denoting the various distinctive
ways of living built up by a group of people under consideration. Cultural history involves the aggregate of past
cultural activity, such as ceremony, class in practices, and the interaction with locales.
Description
Cultural history overlaps in its approaches with the French movements of histoire des mentalités (Philippe Poirrier,
2004) and the so-called new history, and in the U.S. it is closely associated with the field of American studies. As
originally conceived and practiced by 19th Century Swiss historian Jakob Burckhardt with regard to the Italian
Renaissance, cultural history was oriented to the study of a particular historical period in its entirety, with regard not
only for its painting, sculpture and architecture, but for the economic basis underpinning society, and the social
institutions of its daily life as well.[1]
Most often the focus is on phenomena shared by non-elite groups in a society, such as: carnival, festival, and public
rituals; performance traditions of tale, epic, and other verbal forms; cultural evolutions in human relations (ideas,
sciences, arts, techniques); and cultural expressions of social movements such as nationalism. Also examines main
historical concepts as power, ideology, class, culture, cultural identity, attitude, race, perception and new historical
methods as narration of body. Many studies consider adaptations of traditional culture to mass media (television,
radio, newspapers, magazines, posters, etc.), from print to film and, now, to the Internet (culture of capitalism). Its
modern approaches come from art history, annales, Marxist school, microhistory and new cultural history.
Common theoretical touchstones for recent cultural history have included: Jürgen Habermas's formulation of the
public sphere in The Structural Transformation of the Bourgeois Public Sphere; Clifford Geertz's notion of 'thick
description' (expounded in, for example, The Interpretation of Cultures); and the idea of memory as a
cultural-historical category, as discussed in Paul Connerton's How Societies Remember.
Historiography and the French Revolution
An area where new-style cultural history is often pointed to as being almost a paradigm is the 'revisionist' history of
the French Revolution, dated somewhere since François Furet's massively influential 1978 essay Interpreting the
French Revolution. The 'revisionist interpretation' is often characterised as replacing the allegedly dominant,
allegedly Marxist, 'social interpretation' which locate the causes of the Revolution in class dynamics. The revisionist
approach has tended to put more emphasis on 'political culture'. Reading ideas of political culture through Habermas'
conception of the public sphere, historians of the Revolution in the past few decades have looked at the role and
position of cultural themes such as gender, ritual, and ideology in the context of pre-revolutionary French political
culture.
Historians who might be grouped under this umbrella are Roger Chartier, Robert Darnton, Patrice Higonnet, Lynn
Hunt, Keith Baker, Joan Landes, Mona Ozouf and Sarah Maza. Of course, these scholars all pursue fairly diverse
interests, and perhaps too much emphasis has been placed on the paradigmatic nature of the new history of the
68
Cultural history
French Revolution. Colin Jones, for example, is no stranger to cultural history, Habermas, or Marxism, and has
persistently argued that the Marxist interpretation is not dead, but can be revivified; after all, Habermas' logic was
heavily indebted to a Marxist understanding. Meanwhile, Rebecca Spang has also recently argued that for all its
emphasis on difference and newness, the 'revisionist' approach retains the idea of the French Revolution as a
watershed in the history of (so-called) modernity, and that the problematic notion of 'modernity' has itself attracted
scant attention.
Cultural studies
Cultural studies is an academic discipline popular among a diverse group of scholars. It combines political economy,
geography, sociology, social theory, literary theory, film/video studies, cultural anthropology, philosophy, and art
history/criticism to study cultural phenomena in various societies. Cultural studies researchers often concentrate on
how a particular phenomenon relates to matters of ideology, nationality, ethnicity, social class, and/or gender. The
term was coined by Richard Hoggart in 1964 when he founded the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural
Studies. It has since become strongly associated with Stuart Hall, who succeeded Hoggart as Director.
References
[1] Siegfried Giedion, Space, Time and Architecture (6th ed.), p 3.
Further reading
• Arcangeli, Alessandro. (2011) Cultural History: A Concise Introduction (Routledge, 2011)
• Burke, Peter. (2004). What is Cultural History?. Cambridge: Polity Press.
• Ginzburg, Carlo (1989). Clues, Myths and the Historical Method. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University
Press. ISBN 0-8018-4388-X. Ginzburg "challenges us all to retrieve a cultural and social world that more
conventional history does not record." -Back Cover
• Hérubel, Jean-Pierre V.M.. (2010, January). "Observations on an Emergent Specialization: Contemporary French
Cultural History. Significance for Scholarship." Journal of Scholarly Publishing, Volume 41, Number 2, pp.
216-240.
• Lehan, R. D. (1998). The city in literature: an intellectual and cultural history. Berkeley: University of California
Press.
• Maor, E. (1987). To infinity and beyond: a cultural history of the infinite. Boston: Birkhäuser
• Melching, W., & Velema, W. (1994). Main trends in cultural history: ten essays. Amsterdam: Rodopi.
• Morris, I. (1999). Archaeology as Cultural History: Words and Things in Iron Age Greece. Blackwell Publishing.
• Munslow, Alun (1997). Deconstructing History. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-13192-8
• Poirrier, Philippe (2004), Les Enjeux de l’histoire culturelle, Seuil.
• Poster, M. (1997). Cultural history and postmodernity: disciplinary readings and challenges. New York:
Columbia University Press.
• Potter, W. J. (1996). An analysis of thinking and research about qualitative methods. LEA's communication
series. Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum.
• Ritter, H. (1986). Dictionary of concepts in history. Reference sources for the social sciences and humanities, no.
3. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press.
• Schlereth, T. J. (1990). Cultural history and material culture: everyday life, landscapes, museums. American
material culture and folklife. Ann Arbor, Mich: UMI Research Press.
• Spang, Rebecca. (2008). " Paradigms and Paranoia: how modern is the French Revolution (http://www.
historycooperative.org/journals/ahr/108.1/ah0103000119.html)?" American Historical Review, Volume 108.
69
Cultural history
External links
• International Society for Cultural History (http://www.abdn.ac.uk/isch/)
• Web Portal on Historical Culture and Historiography (http://www.culturahistorica.es/welcome.html)
Diaspora
A diaspora (from Greek διασπορά, "scattering, dispersion")[] is "the movement, migration, or scattering of people
away from an established homeland"[] or "people dispersed by whatever cause to more than one location",[] or
"people settled far from their ancestral homelands".[]
The word has come to refer to historical mass-dispersions of people with common roots, particularly movements of
an involuntary nature, such as the expulsion of Jews from the Middle East, the African Trans-Atlantic slave trade,
the southern Chinese during the coolie slave trade, or the century-long exile of the Messenians under Spartan rule.[]
Recently, scholarship has distinguished between different kinds of diaspora, based on its causes such as imperialism,
trade or labor migrations, or by the kind of social coherence within the diaspora community and its ties to the
ancestral lands. Some diaspora communities maintain strong political ties with their homeland. Other qualities that
may be typical of many diasporas are thoughts of return, relationships with other communities in the diaspora, and
lack of full assimilation into the host country.[]
Origins and development of the term
The term derives from the Greek verb διασπείρω (diaspeirō), "I scatter", "I spread about"[] and that form διά (dia),
"between, through, across"[] + the verb σπείρω (speirō), "I sow, I scatter".[] In Ancient Greece the term διασπορά
(diaspora) hence meant "scattering"[] and was inter alia used to refer to citizens of a dominant city-state who
emigrated to a conquered land with the purpose of colonization, to assimilate the territory into the empire.[1]
Its use began to develop from this original sense when the Hebrew Bible was translated into Greek;[2] the first
mention of a diaspora created as a result of exile is found in the Septuagint,[] first in
• Deuteronomy 28:25, in the phrase ἔσῃ ἐν διασπορᾷ ἐν πάσαις ταῖς βασιλείαις τῆς γῆς, esē en diaspora en
pasais tais basileiais tēs gēs, translated to mean "thou shalt be a dispersion in all kingdoms of the earth"
and secondly in
• Psalms 146(147).2, in the phrase οἰκοδομῶν Ἰερουσαλὴμ ὁ Kύριος καὶ τὰς διασπορὰς τοῦ Ἰσραὴλ ἐπισυνάξει,
oikodomōn Ierousalēm ho Kyrios kai tas diasporas tou Israēl episynaxē, translated to mean "The Lord doth build
up Jerusalem: he gathereth together the outcasts of Israel".
So after the Bible's translation into Greek, the word Diaspora was then used to refer to the population of Jews exiled
from Israel in 587 BCE by the Babylonians, and from Judea in 70 CE by the Roman Empire.[3] It subsequently came
to be used to refer to the historical movements of the dispersed ethnic population of Israel, to the cultural
development of that population or to the population itself.[4] In English when capitalized and without modifiers (that
is, simply the Diaspora), the term refers specifically to the Jewish diaspora;[] when uncapitalized the word diaspora
may be used to refer to refugee populations of other origins or ethnicities.[citation needed](see http:/ / www.
merriam-webster. com/ dictionary/ diaspora) The wider application of diaspora evolved from the Assyrian two-way
mass deportation policy of conquered populations to deny future territorial claims on their part.[5]
According to the Oxford English Dictionary Online, the first known recorded usage of the word diaspora in the
English language was in 1876 referring "extensive diaspora work (as it is termed) of evangelizing among the
National Protestant Churches on the continent".[6] The term became more widely assimilated into English by the mid
1950s, with long-term expatriates in significant numbers from other particular countries or regions also being
referred to as a diaspora.[citation needed] An academic field, diaspora studies, has become established relating to this
70
Diaspora
71
sense of the word.
In all cases, the term diaspora carries a sense of displacement; that is, the population so described finds itself for
whatever reason separated from its national territory, and usually its people have a hope, or at least a desire, to return
to their homeland at some point, if the "homeland" still exists in any meaningful sense. Some
writersWikipedia:Avoid weasel words have noted that diaspora may result in a loss of nostalgia for a single home as
people "re-root" in a series of meaningful displacements. In this sense, individuals may have multiple homes
throughout their diaspora, with different reasons for maintaining some form of attachment to each. Diasporic cultural
development often assumes a different course from that of the population in the original place of settlement. Over
time, remotely separated communities tend to vary in culture, traditions, language, and other factors. The last
vestiges of cultural affiliation in a diaspora is often found in community resistance to language change and in
maintenance of traditional religious practice.[citation needed]
Expanding definition
In an article published in 1991, William Safran set out six rules to distinguish diasporas from migrant communities.
These included criteria that the group maintains a myth or collective memory of their homeland; they regard their
ancestral homeland as their true home, to which they will eventually return; being committed to the restoration or
maintenance of that homeland; and they relate "personally or vicariously" to the homeland to a point where it shapes
their identity.[7][8][9] While Safran's definitions were influenced by the idea of the Jewish diaspora, he recognised the
expanding use of the term.[10]
Rogers Brubaker (2005) also notes that use of the term diaspora has been widening. He suggests that one element of
this expansion in use "involves the application of the term diaspora to an ever-broadening set of cases: essentially to
any and every nameable population category that is to some extent dispersed in space".[11] Brubaker has used the
WorldCat database to show that 17 out of the 18 books on diaspora published between 1900 and 1910 were on the
Jewish diaspora. The majority of works in the 1960s were also about the Jewish diaspora, but in 2002 only two out
of 20 books sampled (out of a total of 253) were about the Jewish case, with a total of eight different diasporas
covered.[12]
Brubaker outlines the original use of the term diaspora as follows:
Most early discussions of diaspora were firmly rooted in a conceptual 'homeland'; they were concerned
with a paradigmatic case, or a small number of core cases. The paradigmatic case was, of course, the
Jewish diaspora; some dictionary definitions of diaspora, until recently, did not simply illustrate but
defined the word with reference to that case.[13]
Brubaker argues that the initial expansion of the use of the phrase extended it to other, similar cases, such as the
Armenian and Greek diasporas. More recently, it has been applied to emigrant groups that continue their
involvement in their homeland from overseas, such as the category of long-distance nationalists identified by
Benedict Anderson. Brubaker notes that (as examples): Albanians, Basques, Hindu Indians, Irish, Japanese,
Kashmiri, Koreans, Kurds, Palestinians, and Tamils have been conceptualised as diasporas in this sense.
Furthermore, "labour migrants who maintain (to some degree) emotional and social ties with a homeland" have also
been described as diasporas.[13]
In further cases of the use of the term, "the reference to the conceptual homeland – to the 'classical' diasporas – has
become more attenuated still, to the point of being lost altogether". Here, Brubaker cites "transethnic and transborder
linguistic categories...such as Francophone, Anglophone and Lusophone 'communities'", along with Hindu, Sikh,
Buddhist, Confucian, Huguenot, Muslim and Catholic 'diasporas'.[14] Brubaker notes that, as of 2005[15], there were
also academic books or articles on the Dixie, white, liberal, gay, queer and digital diasporas.[12]
Some observers have labeled evacuation from New Orleans and the Gulf Coast in the wake of Hurricane Katrina the
New Orleans diaspora, since a significant number of evacuees have not been able to return, yet maintain aspirations
to do so.[16][17] Agnieszka Weinar (2010) notes the widening use of the term, arguing that recently, "a growing body
Diaspora
of literature succeeded in reformulating the definition, framing diaspora as almost any population on the move and
no longer referring to the specific context of their existence".[8] It has even been noted that as charismatic
Christianity becomes increasingly globalized, many Christians conceive of themselves as a diaspora, and form an
imaginary that mimics salient features of ethnic diasporas.[18]
European diasporas
European history contains numerous diaspora-like
events. In ancient times, the trading and colonising
activities of the Greek tribes from the Balkans and
Asia Minor spread people of Greek culture, religion
and language around the Mediterranean and Black
Sea basins, establishing Greek city states in Sicily,
southern Italy, northern Libya, eastern Spain, the
south of France, and the Black Sea coasts. Greeks
Greek Homeland and Diaspora 6th century BCE
founded more than 400 colonies.[19] Alexander the
Great's conquest of the Achaemenid Empire marked
the beginning of the Hellenistic period, which was characterized by a new wave of Greek colonization in Asia and
Africa, with Greek ruling classes established in Egypt, southwest Asia and northwest India.[20]
The Migration Period relocations, which included several phases, are just one set of many in history. The first phase
Migration Period displacement from between CE 300 and 500 included relocation of the Goths (Ostrogoths and
Visigoths), Vandals, Franks, various other Germanic people (Burgundians, Lombards, Angles, Saxons, Jutes, Suebi,
Alemanni, Varangians and Normans), Alans and numerous Slavic tribes. The second phase, between CE 500 and
900, saw Slavic, Turkic, and other tribes on the move, resettling in Eastern Europe and gradually making it
predominantly Slavic, and affecting Anatolia and the Caucasus as the first Turkic tribes (Avars, Huns, Khazars,
Pechenegs), as well as Bulgars, and possibly Magyars arrived. The last phase of the migrations saw the coming of
the Hungarian Magyars and the Viking expansion out of Scandinavia into Europe and the British Isles, as well as
Greenland and Iceland.
Such colonizing migrations cannot be considered indefinitely as diasporas; over very long periods, eventually the
migrants assimilate into the settled area so completely that it becomes their new homeland. Thus the modern
population of Hungary do not feel that they belong in the Western Siberia that the Hungarian Magyars left 12
centuries ago; and the English descendants of the Angles, Saxons and Jutes do not yearn to reoccupy the plains of
Northwest Germany.
In 1492, a Spanish expedition headed by Christopher Columbus reached the Americas, after which European
exploration and colonization rapidly expanded. In the 16th century approximately 240,000 Europeans entered
American ports.[21] Immigration continued to North and South America. In the 19th century alone over 50 million
people left Europe for the Americas.[22]
A specific 19th-century example is the Irish diaspora, beginning in the mid-19th century and brought about by An
Gorta Mór or "The Great Hunger" of the Irish Famine. Estimates are that between 45% and 85% of Ireland's
population emigrated, to countries including Britain, the United States, Canada, Argentina, Australia and New
Zealand. The size of the diaspora is demonstrated by the number of people around the world who claim Irish
ancestry; some sources put the figure at 80-100 million.
From the 1860s, Circassians were dispersed through the Levant, Europe, North America, Australia, and within
historical Circassia in the North Caucasus currently in Russia.
72
Diaspora
African diaspora
One of the largest diasporas of modern times is the African Diaspora, which dates back several centuries. During the
Atlantic Slave Trade, 9.4 to 12 million people from North, West, West-Central and South-east Africa survived
transportation to arrive in the Western Hemisphere as slaves.[23] This population and their descendants were major
influences on the culture of English, French, Italian, Portuguese and Spanish New World colonies. Prior to the
trans-Atlantic slave trade, millions of Africans had moved and settled, usually as slaves, sometimes as merchants and
seamen, in different parts of Asia and Europe.
Asian diaspora
Chinese emigration (also known as the Chinese Diaspora)[24] first occurred thousands of years ago. The mass
emigration that occurred from the 19th century to 1949 was caused mainly by wars and starvation in mainland
China, as well as political corruption. Most immigrants were illiterate or poorly educated peasants and coolies
(Chinese: 苦 力, literally "hard labor"), who immigrated to developing countries in need of labor, such as the
Americas, Australia, South Africa, Southeast Asia, Malaya and other places.
The largest Asian diaspora outside of Southeast Asia is the Indian diaspora. The overseas Indian community,
estimated at over 25 million, is spread across many regions in the world, on every continent. It constitutes a diverse,
heterogeneous and eclectic global community representing different regions, languages, cultures, and faiths (see
Desi).
The Romani are widely dispersed, with their largest concentrated populations in Europe. Linguistic and genetic
evidence indicates the Romanies originated on the Indian subcontinent, emigrating from India towards the northwest
no earlier than the 11th century.[25]
At least three waves of Nepalese diaspora can be identified. The earliest wave dates back to hundreds of years as
early marriage and high birthrates propelled Hindu settlement eastward across Nepal, then into Sikkim and Bhutan.
A backlash developed in the 1980s as Bhutan's political elites realized that Bhutanese Buddhists were at risk of
becoming a minority in their own country. At present, the United States is working towards resettling more than
60,000 ethnic Nepalese from Bhutan in the US as a third-country settlement programme.[26] A second wave was
driven by British recruitment of mercenary soldiers beginning around 1815 and resettlement after retirement in the
British Isles and southeast Asia. The third wave began in the 1970s as land shortages intensified and the pool of
educated labor greatly exceeded job openings in Nepal. Job-related emigration created Nepalese enclaves in India,
the wealthier countries of the Middle East, Europe and North America. Current estimates of the number of Nepalese
living outside Nepal range well up into the millions.
In Siam, regional power struggles among several kingdoms in the region led to a large diaspora of ethnic Lao
between the 1700s-1800s by Siamese rulers to settle large areas of the Siamese kingdom's northeast region, where
Lao ethnicity is still a major factor in 2012. During this period, Siam decimated the Lao capital, capturing, torturing
and killing the Lao king Anuwongse.
73
Diaspora
The 20th century and beyond
The 20th century saw huge population movements. Some involved large-scale transfers of people by government
action. Some migrations occurred to avoid conflict and warfare. Other diasporas were created as a consequence of
political decisions, such as the end of colonialism.
World War II and the end of colonial rule
As World War II unfolded, Nazi Germany deported and killed millions of Jews and many millions of others were
likewise enslaved or murdered, including Ukrainians, Russians and other Slavs. Some Jews fled from persecution to
western Europe and the Americas before borders closed. Later, other eastern European refugees moved west, away
from Soviet annexation,[27] and the Iron Curtain regimes after World War II. Hundreds of thousands of these
anti-Soviet political refugees and Displaced Persons ended up in western Europe, Australia, Canada and the United
States of America.
After World War II, the Soviet Union and Communist-controlled Poland, Hungary and Yugoslavia expelled
hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans, most of whom were descendants of immigrants who had settled in those
areas nearly two centuries before. This was allegedly in retaliation for the German Nazi invasion and their
pan-German attempts at annexation. Most of the refugees moved to the West, including western Europe, and with
tens of thousands seeking refuge in the United States.
Spain sent many political activists into exile during Franco's military regime from 1936 to his death in 1975.
Following World War II, the creation of the state of Israel, and a series of uprisings against colonialist rule, the
Middle East nations became more hostile in relation to their historic Jewish populations (Sephardim) of nearly 1
million people. Most of them emigrated, with the majority resettling in Israel, where they became known as Mizrahi
Jews.
At the same time, the Palestinian diaspora resulted from the war to dismantle Israel in 1948, in which 750,000 people
were displaced or emigrated from their former territory. The diaspora was enlarged by the effects of the 1967
Arab-Israeli War. Many Palestinians continue to live in refugee camps maintained by Middle Eastern nations, but
others have resettled in the Middle East and other countries.
The 1947 Partition resulted in the migration of millions of people between India and Pakistan. Millions were
murdered in the religious violence of the period, with estimates of fatalities up to 2 million people. Thousands of
former subjects of the British Raj went to the UK from the Indian subcontinent after India and Pakistan became
independent in 1947.
From the late 19th century, and formally from 1910, Japan made Korea a colony. Millions of Chinese fled to western
provinces not occupied by Japan (that is, in particular Ssuchuan/Szechwan and Yunnan in the Southwest and Shensi
and Kansu in the Northwest) and to Southeast Asia. More than 100,000 Koreans moved across the Amur River into
Eastern Russia (then the Soviet Union) away from the Japanese.[citation needed]
The Cold War and the formation of post-colonial states
During and after the Cold War-era, huge populations of refugees migrated from conflict, especially from
then-developing countries.
Upheaval in the Middle East and Central Asia, some of which was related to power struggles between the United
States and the Soviet Union, created new refugee populations which developed into global diasporas.
In Southeast Asia, many Vietnamese people immigrated to France and later millions to the United States, Australia
and Canada after the Cold War-related Vietnam War. Later, 30,000 French colons from Cambodia were displaced
after being expelled by the Khmer Rouge regime under Pol Pot.[citation needed] A small, predominantly Muslim ethnic
group, the Cham people long residing in Cambodia, were nearly eradicated. [citation needed] The mass exodus of
Vietnamese people from Vietnam coined the term 'Boat people'.
74
Diaspora
75
In Southwest China, many Tibetan people emigrated to India, following the 14th Dalai Lama in 1959 after the failure
of his Tibetan uprising. This wave lasted until the 1960s, and another wave followed when Tibet was opened up to
trade and tourism in the 1980s. It is estimated that about 200,000 Tibetans live now dispersed worldwide, half of
whom in are India, Nepal and Bhutan. In lieu of lost citizenship papers, the Central Tibetan Administration offers
Green Book identity documents to Tibetan refugees.
Sri Lankan Tamils have historically migrated to find work, notably during the British colonial period. Since the
beginning of the civil war in 1983, more than 800,000 Tamils have been displaced within Sri Lanka as local
diaspora, and over a half million Tamils living as the Tamil diaspora in destinations such as India, Australia, New
Zealand, Canada, the UK and Europe.
The Afghan diaspora resulted from the 1979 invasion by the former Soviet Union; both official and unofficial
records[citation needed] indicate that the war displaced over 6 million people, resulting in the creation of the largest
refugee population worldwide today.[citation needed]
Many Iranians fled the 1979 Iranian Revolution which culminated in the fall of the USA/British-ensconced Shah.
The Assyrian diaspora expanded by the Civil War in Lebanon, the coming into power of the Islamic republic of Iran,
the Ba'athist dictatorship in Iraq, and the present-day unrest in Iraq pushed Assyrians on the roads of exile.[28]
In Africa, a new series of diasporas formed following the end of colonial rule. In some cases as countries became
independent, numerous minority descendants of Europeans emigrated; others stayed in the lands which had been
family homes for generations. Uganda expelled 80,000 South Asians in 1972 and took over their businesses and
properties. The 1990s Civil war in Rwanda between rival ethnic groups Hutu and Tutsi turned deadly and produced a
mass influx of refugees.
In Latin America, following the 1959 Cuban Revolution and the introduction of communism, over a million people
have left Cuba.[29]
There was a Jamaican diaspora around the start of the 21st century.
A million Colombian refugees have left Colombia since 1965 to escape the country's violence and civil wars. In
South America, thousands of Argentinan, Chilean and Uruguayan refugees fled to Europe during periods of military
rule in the 1970s and 1980s. In Central America, Nicaraguans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Hondurans, Costa Ricans
(however, the country had no dictators) and Panamanians fled conflict and poor economic conditions.
Hundreds of thousands of people fled from the Rwandan Genocide in 1994 into neighboring countries. Thousands of
refugees from deteriorating conditions in Zimbabwe have gone to South Africa. The long war in Congo, in which
numerous nations have been involved, has also created millions of refugees.
Tens of thousands of Iraqis have fled conflict in their nation since the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
In popular culture
Works of science fiction sometimes refer to a diaspora, taking place when much of humanity leaves Earth to settle
on far-flung "colony worlds". (e.g. The Honor Harrington Series, in which humanity has spread out roughly 1000
light years from Earth in all directions over the previous 1900 years, starting in 2103.)
İsmet Özel wrote a poem titled "Of not being a Jew" in which he lamented the fact that he felt like a pursued Jew,
but had no second country to which he could go. He writes:
Your load is heavy
He's very heavy
Just because he's your brother
Your brothers are your pogroms
When you reach the doorsteps of your friends
Diaspora
76
Starts your Diaspora
DJ Krust and Saul Williams' track "Coded Language" opens with the line "Whereas, breakbeats have been the
missing link connecting the diasporic community to its drum woven past."
Punk rock band Rise Against titled one of their songs "Diaspora" in the album The Sufferer & the Witness but later
changed it to "Prayer of the Refugee". The originally titled song was available on advance copies of the album.
The experimental rock outfit PINKNOISE released an EP in 2010 titled The Dance Of The Diaspora, expressing the
current Indian diaspora, both musically and demographically.
The Progressive Post-Metal group Irepress titled one of their songs "Diaspora" in the album Sol Eye Sea I. The song
was the first track on the album and is one of the more popular.
A Battlestar Galactica themed video game is titled "Diaspora". (Official Website) [30]
Notes
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4]
[5]
pp.1-2, Tetlow
p.81, Kantor
pp.53, 105-106, Kantor
p.1, Barclay
pp.96-97, Galil & Weinfeld
[7] Brubaker 2005, p. 5.
[8] Weinar 2010, p. 75.
[9] Cohen 2008, p. 6.
[10] Cohen 2008, p. 4.
[11] Brubaker 2005, p. 3.
[12] Brubaker 2005, p. 14.
[13] Brubaker 2005, p. 2.
[14] Brubaker 2005, pp. 2–3.
[15] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?title=Diaspora& action=edit
[19] Early development of Greek society (http:/ / highered. mcgraw-hill. com/ sites/ 0072424354/ student_view0/ chapter10/ table_of_contents.
html)
[20] Hellenistic Civilization (http:/ / mars. wnec. edu/ ~grempel/ courses/ wc1/ lectures/ 10hellenism. html)
[22] David Eltis Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic slave trade
[23] "Welcome to Encyclopædia Britannica's Guide to Black History", Encyclopædia Britannica (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ blackhistory/
article-24156)
[27] An International Conference on the Baltic Archives Abroad (http:/ / www. kirmus. ee/ baltic_archives_abroad_2006/ participants. html)
[28] Codeswitching Worldwide II, by Rodolfo Jacobson
[30] http:/ / diaspora. hard-light. net/
References
• Barclay, John M. G., (ed.), Negotiating Diaspora: Jewish Strategies in the Roman Empire, Continuum
International Publishing Group, 2004
• Braziel, Jana Evans. 2008. Diaspora - an introduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell.
• Brubaker, Rogers (2005). "The 'diaspora' diaspora" (http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/soc/faculty/brubaker/
Publications/29_Diaspora_diaspora_ERS.pdf). Ethnic and Racial Studies 28 (1): 1–19. doi:
10.1080/0141987042000289997 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0141987042000289997). Retrieved 22 February
2011.
• Cohen, Robin (2008). Global Diasporas: An Introduction (2nd ed.). Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-43550-1.
• Galil, Gershon, & Weinfeld, Moshe, Studies in Historical Geography and Biblical Historiography: Presented to
Zekharyah Ḳalai, BRILL, 2000
• Forbes, Andrew, and Henley, David, People of Palestine (Chiang Mai: Cognoscenti Books, 2012), ASIN:
B0094TU8VY
Diaspora
• Kantor, Mattis, The Jewish time line encyclopedia: a year-by-year history from Creation to the Present, (New
updated edition), Jason Aronson, Northvale NJ, 1992
• Luciuk, Lubomyr, "Searching for Place: Ukrainian Displaced Persons, Canada and the Migration of Memory,"
University of Toronto Press, 2000.
• Oonk, G, 'Global Indian Diasporas: trajectories of migration and theory, Amsterdam University Press, 2007.
• Shain, Yossi, Kinship and Diasporas in International Politics, Michigan University Press, 2007
• Sami Mahroum, Cynthia Eldridge, Abdallah S Daar (2006), Transnational diaspora options: How developing
countries could benefit from their emigrant populations. International Journal on Multicultural Societies, 2006.
• S Mahroum, P De Guchteneire (2007), Transnational Knowledge Through Diaspora Networks-Editorial.
International Journal of Multicultural Societies 8 (1), 1-3
• Tetlow, Elisabeth Meier, Women, Crime, and Punishment in Ancient Law and Society, Continuum International
Publishing Group, 2005
• Weinar, Agnieszka (2010). "Instrumentalising diasporas for development: International and European policy
discourses" (http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=WWBuLV9L8WoC&lpg=PP1&pg=PA73#v=onepage&
q&f=false). In Bauböck, Rainer; Faist, Thomas. Diaspora and Transnationalism: Concepts, Theories and
Methods. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 73–89. ISBN 90-8964-238-2.
• B. Xharra and M. Wählisch, Beyond Remittances: Public Diplomacy and Kosovo's Diaspora, Foreign Policy
Club, Pristina (2012), http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2108317.
External links
•
•
•
•
Livius.org: Diaspora (http://www.livius.org/di-dn/diaspora/diaspora.htm)
http://asiansinafrica.com
DIASPORAS.SE (http://diasporas.se)
Integration : Building Inclusive Societies (IBIS) (http://www.unaoc.org/communities/migrationintegration)
UN Alliance of Civilizations online community on Good Practices of Integration of Migrants across the World
77
Economic anthropology
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Economic anthropology
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Anthropology portal
Economic anthropology is a scholarly field that attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic,
geographic and cultural scope. It is practiced by anthropologists and has a complex relationship with the discipline of
economics, of which it is highly critical. Its origins as a sub-field of anthropology begin with the British founder of
Anthropology, Bronislaw Malinowski, and his French compatriot, Marcel Mauss, on the nature of gift-giving
exchange (or reciprocity) as an alternative to market exchange. Economic Anthropology remains, for the most part,
80
Economic anthropology
81
focused upon exchange. The school of thought derived from Marx and known as Political Economy focuses on
production in contrast and is covered in a separate article. The large body of work on the Anthropology of
development is also dealt with in a separate article.
Post-World War II, Economic Anthropology was highly influenced by the work of economic historian Karl Polanyi.
Polanyi drew on anthropological studies to argue that true market exchange was limited to a restricted number of
western, industrial societies. The use of formal economic theory (Formalism) was inappropriate in non-industrial
societies he argued. In non-industrial societies, exchange was "embedded" in non-market institutions such as kinship,
religion and politics (an idea he borrowed from Mauss). He labelled this approach Substantivism. The Formalist vs
Substantivist debate was highly influential and defined an era.[1]
As globalization became a reality, and the division between market and non-market economies (or between "the west
and the rest") became untenable, anthropologists began to look at the relationship between a whole variety of types
of exchange within market societies. Neo-substantivists examine the ways in which so-called pure market exchange
in market societies fails to fit market ideology. Economic Anthropologists have abandoned the primitivist niche they
were relegated to by economists, and have now turned to examine corporations, banks, and the global financial
system from an anthropological perspective.
Reciprocity and the gift
Malinowski and Mauss on Kula exchange
Bronislaw Malinowski's path-breaking work, "Argonauts of the
Western Pacific" (1922), directly confronted the question, "why would
men risk life and limb to travel across huge expanses of dangerous
ocean to give away what appear to be worthless trinkets?" (Although
he could have asked this, as well, about the Dutch gifting of trinkets to
the aboriginals of Manhattan Island). Malinowski carefully traced the
network of exchanges of bracelets and necklaces across the Trobriand
Islands, and established that they were part of a system of exchange
(the Kula ring), and that this exchange system was clearly linked to
[]
political authority.
Malinowski's study became the subject of debate with the French
anthropologist, Marcel Mauss, author of "The Gift" ("Essai sur le don,"
1925).[2] Malinowski placed the emphasis on the exchange of goods
Bronislaw Malinowski, Anthropologist at the
between individuals, and their non-altruistic motives for giving the
London School of Economics
gift: they expected a return of equal or greater value (colloquially
referred to as "Indian giving"). In other words, reciprocity is an
implicit part of gifting; there is no such thing as the "free gift" given without expectation. Mauss, in contrast,
emphasized that the gifts were not between individuals, but between representatives of larger collectivities. These
gifts were, he argued, a "total prestation." They were not simple, alienable commodities to be bought and sold, but,
like the "Crown jewels", embodied the reputation, history and sense of identity of a "corporate kin group," such as a
line of kings. Given the stakes, Mauss asked "why anyone would give them away?" His answer
Economic anthropology
82
was an enigmatic concept, "the spirit of the gift." A good part of the
confusion (and resulting debate) was due to a bad translation. Mauss
appeared to be arguing that a return gift is given to keep the very
relationship between givers alive; a failure to return a gift ends the
relationship and the promise of any future gifts. Jonathan Parry has
demonstrated that Mauss was actually arguing that the concept of a
"pure gift" given altruistically only emerges in societies with a well
developed market ideology.[]
A Kula bracelet from the Trobriand Islands.
Mauss' concept of "total prestations"
was further developed by Annette
Weiner, who revisited Malinowski's
fieldsite in the Trobriand Islands. Her
critique was twofold: first, Trobriand
Island society is matrilineal, and
women hold a great deal of economic
and political power. Their exchanges
were
ignored
by
Malinowski.
Secondly, she developed Mauss'
argument about reciprocity and the
"spirit of the gift" in terms of
"inalienable possessions: the paradox
of keeping while giving."[3] Weiner contrasts "moveable goods" which can be exchanged with "immoveable goods"
that serve to draw the gifts back (in the Trobriand case, male Kula gifts with women's landed property). She argues
that the specific goods given, like Crown Jewels, are so identified with particular groups, that even when given, they
are not truly alienated. Not all societies, however, have these kinds of goods, which depend upon the existence of
particular kinds of kinship groups. French anthropologist Maurice Godelier[4] pushed the analysis further in "The
Enigma of the Gift" (1999). Albert Schrauwers has argued that the kinds of societies used as examples by Weiner
and Godelier (including the Kula ring in the Trobriands, the Potlatch of the Indigenous peoples of the Pacific
Northwest Coast, and the Toraja of South Sulawesi, Indonesia) are all characterized by ranked aristocratic kin groups
that fit with Claude Levi-Strauss' model of "House Societies" (where "House" refers to both noble lineage and their
landed estate). Total prestations are given, he argues, to preserve landed estates identified with particular kin groups
and maintain their place in a ranked society.[5]
Economic anthropology
83
Gifts and Commodities
The misunderstanding about what Mauss meant by "the spirit of the
gift" led some anthropologists to contrast "gift economies" from
"market economies" as polar opposites, thereby implying that
non-market exchange was always altruistic. Marshall Sahlins, a
well-known American cultural anthropologist, identified three main
types of reciprocity in his book Stone Age Economics (1972).[6] Gift or
generalized reciprocity is the exchange of goods and services without
Three tongkonan noble houses in a Torajan
village.
keeping track of their exact value, but often with the expectation that
their value will balance out over time. Balanced or Symmetrical
reciprocity occurs when someone gives to someone else, expecting a fair and tangible return - at a specified amount,
time, and place. Market or Negative reciprocity is the exchange of goods and services where each party intends to
profit from the exchange, often at the expense of the other. Gift economies, or generalized reciprocity, occurred
within closely knit kin groups, and the more distant the exchange partner, the more balanced or negative the
exchange became.
This opposition was classically expressed by Chris Gregory in his book "Gifts and Commodities" (1982). Gregory
argued that
Commodity exchange is an exchange of alienable objects between people who are in a state of
reciprocal independence that establishes a quantitative relationship between the objects exchanged…
Gift exchange is an exchange of inalienable objects between people who are in a state of reciprocal
dependence that establishes a qualitative relationship between the transactors" (emphasis added.)[7]
Commodity exchange
Gift exchange
immediate exchange
delayed exchange
alienable goods
inalienable goods
actors independent
actors dependent
quantitative relationship qualitative relationship
between objects
between people
Other anthropologists, however, refused to see these different "exchange spheres" as such polar opposites. Marilyn
Strathern, writing on a similar area in Papua New Guinea, dismissed the utility of the opposition in "The Gender of
the Gift" (1988).[8]
Spheres of Exchange
The relationship of new market exchange systems to indigenous non-market exchange remained a perplexing
question for anthropologists. Paul Bohannan (see below, under substantivism) argued that the Tiv of Nigeria had
three spheres of exchange, and that only certain kinds of goods could be exchanged in each sphere; each sphere had
its own different form of money.[9] Similarly, Clifford Geertz's model of "dual economy" in Indonesia,[10] and James
C. Scott's model of "moral economy"[11] hypothesized different exchange spheres emerging in societies newly
integrated into the market; both hypothesized a continuing culturally ordered "traditional" exchange sphere resistant
to the market. Geertz used the sphere to explain peasant complacency in the face of exploitation, and Scott to explain
peasant rebellion. This idea was taken up lastly by Jonathan Parry and Maurice Bloch, who argued in "Money and
the Morality of Exchange" (1989), that the "transactional order" through which long-term social reproduction of the
family takes place has to be preserved as separate from short-term market relations.[12]
Economic anthropology
84
Charity: "the poison of the gift"
In his classic summation of the gift exchange debate, Jonathan Parry
highlighted that ideologies of the "pure gift" (as opposed to total
prestations) "is most likely to arise in highly differentiated societies
with an advanced division of labour and a significant commercial
sector."[13] Schrauwers illustrated the same points in two different
areas in the context of the "transition to capitalism debate" (see
Political Economy). He documented the transformations among the To
Pamona of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia, as they were incorporated in
global market networks over the twentieth century. As their everyday
production and consumption activities were increasingly commodified,
they developed an oppositional gift (posintuwu) exchange system
which funded social reproductive activities, thereby preserving larger
kin, political and religious groups. This "pure gift" exchange network
emerged out of an earlier system of "total prestations."[14]
The Sharon Temple, Sharon, Ontario circa 1860.
Similarly, in analyzing the same "transition to capitalist debate" in
early 19th century North America, he documented how new,
oppositional "moral economies" grew in parallel with the emergence of
the market economy. As the market became increasingly
institutionalized, so too did early utopian socialist experiments like the
Children of Peace, in Sharon, Ontario, who built an ornate Temple
dedicated to sacralizing the giving of charity; this was eventually
institutionalized as a mutual credit organization, land sharing, and
'Free gifts' of Posintuwu culminate in the
co-operative marketing. In both cases, Schrauwers emphasizes that
exchange of bridewealth at a To Pamona
these alternate exchange spheres are tightly integrated and mutualistic
wedding.
with markets as commodities move in and out of each circuit.[9] Parry
had also underscored, using the example of charitable giving of alms in
India (Dāna), that the "pure gift" of alms given with no expectation of return could be "poisonous." That is, the gift
of alms embodying the sins of the giver, when given to ritually pure priests, saddled these priests with impurities that
they could not cleanse themselves of. "Pure gifts" given without a return, can place recipients in debt, and hence in
dependent status: the poison of the gift.[15] Although the Children of Peace tried to sacralize the pure giving of alms,
they found charity created difficulties for recipients. It highlighted their near bankruptcy and hence opened them to
lawsuits and indefinite imprisonment for debt. Rather than accept charity, the free gift, they opted for loans
instead.[9]
Economic anthropology
The social life of things and singularization
Rather than emphasize how particular kinds of objects are either gifts
or commodities to be traded in restricted spheres of exchange, Arjun
Appadurai and others began to look at how objects flowed between
these spheres of exchange. They refocussed attention away from the
character of the human relationships formed through exchange, and
placed it on "the social life of things" instead. They examined the
strategies by which an object could be "singularized" (made unique,
special, one-of-a-kind) and so withdrawn from the market. A marriage
ceremony that transforms a purchased ring into an irreplaceable family
Wedding rings: commodity or pure gift?
heirloom is one example; the heirloom, in turn, makes a perfect gift.
Singularization is the reverse of the seemingly irresistible process of
commodification. They thus show how all economies are a constant flow of material objects that enter and leave
specific exchange spheres. A similar approach is taken by Nicholas Thomas, who examines the same range of
cultures and the anthropologists who write on them, and redirects attention to the "entangled objects" and their roles
as both gifts and commodities.[16] This emphasis on things has led to new explorations in "consumption studies" (see
below).
The cultural construction of economic systems: the substantivist approach
The Formalist vs Substantivist debate
The opposition between substantivist and formalist economic models
was first proposed by Karl Polanyi in his work The Great
Transformation (1944). He argued that the term 'economics' has two
meanings: the formal meaning refers to economics as the logic of
rational action and decision-making, as rational choice between the
alternative uses of limited (scarce) means. The second, substantive
meaning, however, presupposes neither rational decision-making nor
conditions of scarcity. It simply refers to the study of how humans
make a living from their social and natural environment. A society's
livelihood strategy is seen as an adaptation to its environment and
Non-market subsistence farming in New Mexico:
material conditions, a process which may or may not involve utility
household provisioning or 'economic' activity?
maximisation. The substantive meaning of 'economics' is seen in the
broader sense of 'economising' or 'provisioning'. Economics is simply the way society meets their material needs.
Anthropologists embraced the substantivist position as empirically oriented as it did not impose western cultural
assumptions on other societies where they might not be warranted. The Formalist vs. Substantivist debate was not
between anthropologists and economists, however, but a disciplinary debate largely confined to the journal
"Research in Economic Anthropology." In many ways, it reflects the common debates between "etic" and "emic"
explanations as defined by Marvin Harris in cultural anthropology of the period. The principal proponents of the
substantivist model were George Dalton and Paul Bohannan. Formalists such as Raymond Firth and Harold K.
Schneider asserted that the neoclassical model of economics could be applied to any society if appropriate
modifications are made, arguing that its principles have universal validity.
For some anthropologists the substantivist position does not go far enough. Stephen Gudeman, for example, argues
that the processes of making a livelihood are culturally constructed. Therefore, models of livelihoods and related
economic concepts such as exchange, money or profit must be analyzed through the locals' ways of understanding
85
Economic anthropology
86
them. Rather than devising universal models rooting in Western economic terminologies and then applying them
indiscriminately to all societies, one should come to understand the 'local model'.
Stephen Gudeman and the Culturalist approach
In his work on livelihoods Gudeman seeks to present the "people's own economic construction" (1986:1);[] that is,
people's own conceptualizations or mental maps of economics and its various aspects. His description of a peasant
community in Panama reveals that the locals did not engage in exchange with each other in order to make a profit
but rather viewed it as an "exchange of equivalents", with the exchange value of a good being defined by the
expenses spent on producing it. Only outside merchants made profits in their dealings with the community; it was a
complete mystery to the locals how they managed to do so.
Gaining a livelihood might be modelled as a causal and instrumental act, as a natural and inevitable sequence, as a result of supernatural
dispositions or as a combination of all these.
“
”
[]
— Gudeman 1986:47
Gudeman also criticizes the substantivist position for imposing their own universal model of economics on
preindustrial societies and so making the same mistake as the formalists. While conceding that substantivism rightly
emphasises the significance of social institutions in economic processes, Gudeman considers any deductive universal
model, be it formalist, substantivist or Marxist, to be ethnocentric and tautological. In his view they all model
relationships as mechanistic processes by taking the logic of natural science based on the material world and
applying it to the human world. Rather than to "arrogate to themselves a privileged right to model the economies of
their subjects", anthropologists should seek to understand and interpret local models (1986:38).[] Such local models
may differ radically from their Western counterparts. For example, the Iban only use hand knives to harvest rice.
Even though the use of sickles would speed up the harvesting process, their concern that the spirit of the rice may
flee is greater than their desire to economize the harvesting process.
Gudeman brings post-modern cultural relativism to its logical conclusion. Generally speaking, however, culturalism
can also be seen as an extension of the substantivist view, with a stronger emphasis on cultural constructivism, a
more detailed account of local understandings and metaphors of economic concepts, and a greater focus on
socio-cultural dynamics than the latter (cf. Hann, 2000).[] Culturalists also tend to be both less taxonomic and more
culturally relativistic in their descriptions while critically reflecting on the power relationship between the
ethnographer (or 'modeller') and the subjects of his or her research. While substantivists generally focus on
institutions as their unit of analysis, culturalists lean towards detailed and comprehensive analyses of particular local
communities. Both views agree in rejecting the formalist assumption that all human behaviour can be explained in
terms of rational decision-making and utility maximisation.
Culturalism can also be criticized from various perspectives. Marxists would argue that culturalists are too idealistic
in their notion of the social construction of reality and too weak in their analysis of external (i.e. material) constraints
on individuals that affect their livelihood choices. If, as Gudeman argues, local models cannot be held against a
universal standard, then there is no way of relating them to hegemonic ideologies propagated by the powerful that
serve to neutralise resistance. This is further complicated by the fact that in an age of globalization most cultures are
being integrated into the global capitalist system and are influenced to conform to Western ways of thinking and
acting. Local and global discourses are mixing and the distinctions between the two are beginning to blur. Even
though people will retain aspects of their existing worldviews, universal models can be used to study the dynamics of
their integration into the rest of the world.
Economic anthropology
Entrepreneurs in "imperfect markets"
Inspired by a collection on "Trade and Market in the early Empires" edited by Karl Polanyi, the substantivists
conducted a wide comparative study of market behavior in traditional societies where such markets were embedded
in kinship, religion and politics. They thus remained focused on the social and cultural processes that shaped
markets, rather than on the individual focused study of economizing behavior found in economic analysis. George
Dalton and Paul Bohannon, for example, published a collection on markets in sub-Saharan Africa.[17] Pedlars and
Princes: Social Development and Economic Change in Two Indonesian Towns by Clifford Geertz compared the
entrepreneurial cultures of Islamic Java with Hinduized Bali in the post-colonial period.[18] In Java, trade was in the
hands of pious Muslims, whereas in Bali, larger enterprises were organized by aristocrats.[19] Over time, this
literature was refocused on "informal economies", those market activities lying on the periphery of legal markets.[20]
Modernization theory of development had led economists in the 1950s and 1960s to expect that traditional forms of
work and production would disappear in developing countries. Anthropologists found, however, that the sector had
not only persisted, but expanded in new and unexpected ways. In accepting that these forms of productions were
there to stay, scholars began using the term informal sector, which is credited to the British anthropologist Keith Hart
in a study on Ghana in 1973. This literature focuses on the "invisible work" done by those who fall outside the
formal production process, such as the production of clothing by domestic workers, or those who are bound
labourers in sweatshops. As these studies have shifted to the informal sector of western economies, the field has been
dominated by those taking a political economy approach.[21]
Neo-Substantivism and capitalism as a cultural system
While many anthropologists like Gudeman were concerned with peasant economic behaviour, others turned to the
analysis of market societies. Economic Sociologist Mark Granovetter provided a new research paradigm
(neo-substantivism) for these researchers. Granovetter argued that the neo-liberal view of economic action which
separated economics from society and culture promoted an 'undersocialized account' that atomises human behavior.
Similarly, he argued, substantivists had an "over-socialized" view of economic actors, refusing to see the ways that
rational choice could influence the ways they acted in traditional, "embedded" social roles.
Actors do not behave or decide as atoms outside a social context, nor do they adhere slavishly to a script
written for them by the particular intersection of social categories that they happen to occupy. Their attempts
at purposive action are instead embedded in concrete, ongoing systems of social relations.[]
Granovetter applied the concept of embeddedness to market societies, demonstrating that even there, "rational"
economic exchanges are influenced by pre-existing social ties.[] In his study of ethnic Chinese business networks in
Indonesia, Granovetter found individual's economic agency embedded in networks of strong personal relations. In
processes of clientelization the cultivation of personal relationships between traders and customers assumes an equal
or higher importance than the economic transactions involved. Economic exchanges are not carried out between
strangers but rather by individuals involved in long-term continuing relationships.
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Economic anthropology
88
Money and finance
Special and general purpose monies
Early Anthropologists of the Substantivist school were struck by the
number of "special purpose monies," like wampum and shell money,
that they encountered. These special purpose monies were used to
facilitate trade, but were not the "universal" money of market based
economies. Universal money served five functions:
A sample picture of a fictional ATM card. The
largest part of the world's money exists only as
accounting numbers which are transferred
between financial computers. Various plastic
cards and other devices give individual
consumers the power to electronically transfer
such money to and from their bank accounts,
without the use of currency.
•
•
•
•
•
Medium of exchange: they facilitated trade
Unit of account: they are an abstract measure of value or worth
Store of value: they allow wealth to be preserved over time
Standard of deferred payment: they are a measure of debt
Means of payment: they can be used in non-market situations to pay
debts (like taxes).[22]
Special purpose monies, in contrast, were frequently restricted in their
use; they might be limited to a specific exchange sphere such as the
brass rods used by the Tiv of Nigeria in the early twentieth century (see "spheres of exchange" above). Most of this
early work documented the effects of universal money on these special purpose monies. Universal money frequently
weakened the boundaries between exchange spheres. Others have pointed out, however, how alternative currencies
such as Ithaca HOURS in New York state are used to create new community based spheres of exchange in western
market economies by fostering barter.[][23]
Much of this work was updated and retheorized in the edited collection: Money and Modernity: State and Local
Currencies in Melanesia.[24] A second collection, Money and the morality of exchange examined how "general
purpose money" could be transformed into a "special purpose money" - how money could be "socialized" and
stripped of its moral danger so that it abets domestic economies free of market demands.[25]
William Reddy undertook the same kind of analysis of the meanings of monetary exchange in terms of the growth of
Liberalism in early modern Europe. Reddy critiques what he calls the "Liberal illusion" that developed in this period,
that money is a universal equivalent and a principle of liberation. He underscores the different values and meanings
that money has for those of different classes.[26]
Barter
David Graeber argues that the inefficiencies of barter in archaic society has been used by economists since Adam
Smith to explain the emergence of money, the economy, and hence the discipline of economics itself.[] "Economists
of the contemporary orthodoxy... propose an evolutionary development of economies which places barter, as a
'natural' human characteristic, at the most primitive stage, to be superseded by monetary exchange as soon as people
become aware of the latter's greater efficiency."[27] However, extensive investigation since then has established that
"No example of a barter economy, pure and simple, has ever been described, let alone the emergence from it of
money; all available ethnography suggests that there never has been such a thing. But there are economies today
which are nevertheless dominated by barter."[]
Anthropologists have argued "that when something resembling barter does occur in stateless societies it is almost
always between strangers, people who would otherwise be enemies."[28] Barter occurred between strangers, not
fellow villagers, and hence cannot be used to naturalisticly explain the origin of money without the state. Since most
people engaged in trade knew each other, exchange was fostered through the extension of credit.[29][] Marcel Mauss,
author of 'The Gift', argued that the first economic contracts were to not act in one's economic self-interest, and that
before money, exchange was fostered through the processes of reciprocity and redistribution, not barter.[30] Everyday
Economic anthropology
exchange relations in such societies are characterized by generalized reciprocity, or a non-calculative familial
"communism" where each takes according to their needs, and gives as they have.[31]
Other anthropologists have questioned whether barter is typically between "total" strangers, a form of barter known
as "silent trade". However, Benjamin Orlove has shown that barter occurs through "silent trade" (between strangers),
but also in commercial markets as well. "Because barter is a difficult way of conducting trade, it will occur only
where there are strong institutional constraints on the use of money or where the barter symbolically denotes a
special social relationship and is used in well-defined conditions. To sum up, multipurpose money in markets is like
lubrication for machines - necessary for the most efficient function, but not necessary for the existence of the market
itself."[32]
Barter may occur in commercial economies, usually during periods of monetary crisis. During such a crisis, currency
may be in short supply, or highly devalued through hyperinflation. In such cases, money ceases to be the universal
medium of exchange or standard of value. Money may be in such short supply that it becomes an item of barter itself
rather than the means of exchange. Barter may also occur when people cannot afford to keep money (as when
hyperinflation quickly devalues it).[33]
Money as Commodity Fetish
Anthropologists have analyzed these cultural situations
where universal money is being introduced as a means of
revealing the underlying cultural assumptions about money
that market based societies have internalized. Michael
Taussig, for example, examined the reactions of peasant
farmers in Columbia as they struggled to understand how
money could make interest. Taussig highlights that we have
fetishized money. We view money as an active agent,
capable of doing things, of growth. In viewing money as an
active agent, we obscure the social relationships that actually
give money its power. The Columbian peasants, seeking to
explain how money could bear interest, turned to folk beliefs
like the "baptism of money" to explain how money could
grow. Dishonest individuals would have money baptized,
which would then become an active agent; whenever used to
buy goods, it would escape the till and return to its owner.[34]
Schrauwers similarly examines a situation where paper
money was introduced for the first time, in early nineteenth
century Ontario, Canada. Paper money, or bank notes, were
not a store of wealth; they were an I.O.U., a "promisory
note," a fetish of debt. Banks in the era had limited capital.
Metal money fetishism: A political poster shows gold coin as
They didn't loan that capital. Instead, they issued paper notes
the basis of prosperity. (ca. 1896)
promising to pay that amount should the note be presented in
their office. Since these notes stayed in circulation for lengthy periods, banks had little fear they would have to pay,
and so issued many more notes than they could redeem, and charged interest on all of them. Utilizing Bourdieu's
concept of symbolic capital, Schrauwers examines the way that elite social status was converted into economic
capital (the bank note). The bank note's value depended entirely on the public's perceptions that it could be
redeemed, and that perception was based entirely on the social status of the bank's shareholders.[35]
89
Economic anthropology
Banking, finance and the stock market
More recent work has focused on finance capital and stock markets. Anna Tsing for example, analyzed the "Bre-X
stock scandal" in Canada and Indonesia in terms of "The economy of appearances."[36] Ellen Hertz, in contrast,
looked at the development of stock markets in Shanghai, China, and the particular ways in which this free market
was embedded in local political and cultural realities; markets do not operate in the same manner in all countries.[37]
A similar study was done by Karen Ho on Wall Street, in the midst of the financial crisis of 2008. Her book,
Liquidated: an ethnography of Wall Street, provides an insiders view of how "market rationality" works, and how it
is embedded in particular kinds of social networks.[38]
Bill Maurer has examined how Islamic bankers who are seeking to avoid religiously proscribed interest payments
have remade money and finance in Indonesia. His book, Mutual Life, Limited, compares these Islamic attempts to
remake the basis of money to local currency systems in the United States, such as "Ithaca Hours." In doing so, he
questions what it is that gives money its value.[] This same question of what gives money its value is also addressed
in David Graeber's book Towards an Anthropological Theory of Value: The false coin of our own dreams.[39]
James Carrier has extended the cultural economic and neo-substantivist position by applying their methods to the
"science of economics" as a cultural practice. He has edited two collection that examine "free market" ideologies,
comparing them to the culturally embedded economic practices they purport to describe. The edited collection,
"Meanings of the market: the Free Market in Western Culture",[40] examined the use of market models in
policy-making in the United States. A second edited collection "Virtualism: A New Political Economy," examined
the cultural and social effects on western nations forced to adhere to abstract models of the free market: "Economic
models are no longer measured against the world they seek to describe, but instead the world is measured against
them, found wanting and made to conform."[41]
Consumption studies
The anthropology of corporate capitalism
Symbolic, cultural and economic capital
Similar insights were developed by Pierre Bourdieu, who also rejected the arguments of the new institutional
economists. While these economists attempted to incorporate culture in their models, they did so by arguing that
non-market "tradition" was the product of rational maximizing action in the market (i.e., to show they are the
solution to an economic problem, rather than having deep cultural roots). Bourdieu argued strongly against what he
called RAT (Rational Action Theory) theory, arguing that any actor, when asked for an explanation for their
behaviour will provide a rational post hoc answer, but that that excuse does not in fact guide the individual in the act.
Driving a car is an example; individuals do so out of an acquired "instinct", obeying the rules of the road without
actually focusing upon them. Bourdieu utilized an alternate model, which emphasized how "economic capital" could
be translated into "symbolic capital" and vice versa. For example, in traditional Mexican villages, those of wealth
would be called upon to fulfill "cargo offices" in the church, and host feasts in honour of the saints. These offices
used up their economic capital, but in so doing, it was translated into status (symbolic capital) in the traditional role.
This symbolic capital could, in turn, be used to draw customers in the marketplace because of a reputation for
honesty and selflessness.
90
Economic anthropology
Actor-Network theory
Michel Callon has spearheaded the movement of applying ANT approaches to study economic life (notably
economic markets). This body of work interrogates the interrelation between the economy and economics,
highlighting the ways in which economics (and economics-inspired disciplines such as marketing) shapes the
economy (see Callon, 1998 and 2005).
Ethnographies of the corporation
Corporations are increasingly hiring anthropologists as employees and consultants, leading to an increasingly critical
appraisal about the organizational forms of post-modern capitalism.[42] Aihwa Ong's Spirits of resistance and
capitalist discipline: factory women in Malaysia (1987) was pathbreaking in this regard.[43] Her work inspired a
generation of anthropologists who have examined the incorporation of women within corporate economies,
especially in the new "Free trade zones" of the newly industrializing third world.[44][45] Others have focused on the
former industrialized (now rust-belt) economies.[46] Daromir Rudnyckyj has analyzed how neo-liberal economic
discourses have been utilized by Indonesian Muslims operating the Krakatau Steel Company to create a "spiritual
economy" conducive to globalization while enhancing the Islamic piety of workers.[47] George Marcus has called for
anthropologists to "study up" and to focus on corporate elites, and has edited a series called Late Editions: Cultural
Studies for the End of the Century.
References
Further reading
• "Wirtschaftsanthropologie", special issue of the journal Historische Anthropologie, 17-2, 2009.
• Dunham, S. Ann (2009). Dewey, Alice G.; Cooper, Nancy I., eds. Surviving against the Odds: Village Industry in
Indonesia (http://www.dukeupress.edu/Catalog/ViewProduct.php?productid=46699). a John Hope Franklin
Center Book. Contributors: Maya Soetoro-Ng, Alice G. Dewey, Nancy I. Cooper, Robert W. Hefner. Durham,
N.C.: Duke University Press. ISBN 9780822346876.
• Earle, Timothy (2008). "Economic anthropology," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition.
Abstract. (http://www.dictionaryofeconomics.com/article?id=pde2008_E000009&q=Economic Anthropology
&topicid=&result_number=1)
• Graeber, David (2001). Toward an anthropological theory of value: the false coin of our own dreams. New York:
Palgrave. ISBN 978-0-312-24044-8. OCLC 46822270 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/46822270).
• Graeber, David (2011). Debt: The First 5000 Years. Brooklyn, N.Y: Melville House. ISBN 978-1-933633-86-2.
OCLC 426794447 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/426794447).
• Gudeman, Stephen (2001). The Anthropology of Economy: Community, Market, and Culture. Blackwell
publishers.
• Halperin, Rhoda H. "New and Old in Economic Anthropology" American Anthropologist 84(2): 339-349. 1982
(http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/122472629/abstract)
• Haugerud, Angelique (2013). No Billionaire Left Behind: Satirical Activism in America. Stanford University
Press. ISBN 9780804781534.
• Landa, J.T. (1994). Trust, Ethnicity, and Identity: Beyond the New Institutional Economics of Ethnic Trading
Networks, Contract Law, and Gift-Exchange. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0-472-10361-X.
• Orlove, B. S. (1986). "Barter and Cash Sale on Lake Titicaca: A Test of Competing Approaches". Current
Anthropology 27 (2): 85–106. doi: 10.1086/203399 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/203399).
• Wilk, R. (1996). Economies and Cultures: Foundations of Economic Anthropology. Westview Press.
ISBN 0-8133-2059-3.
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Economic anthropology
92
External links
• The Society for Economic Anthropology (http://seawiki.wikidot.com/)
• Faculty Page of Michael Chibnik, Faculty Member and teacher of Economic Anthropology at The University of
Iowa (http://www.uiowa.edu/~anthro/chibnik.shtml)
Ethnobiology
Ethnobiology is the scientific study of the way plants and animals are treated or used by different human cultures. It
studies the dynamic relationships between peoples, biota, and environments, from the distant past to the immediate
present.[1]
"People-biota-environment" interactions around the world are documented and studied through time, across cultures,
and across disciplines in a search for valid, reliable answers to two 'defining' questions: "How and in what ways do
human societies use nature, and how and in what ways do human societies view nature?"[2]
History
Beginnings (15th century-19th century)
Naturalists have been interested in local biological knowledge since the time Europeans started colonising the world,
from the 15th century onwards.[3]
Europeans not only sought to understand the
new regions they intruded into but also were on
the look-out for resources that they might
profitably exploit, engaging in practices that
today we should consider tantamount to
biopiracy. Many new crops .. entered into
Europe during this period, such as the potato,
tomato, pumpkin, maize, and tobacco.[3] (Page
121)
Local biological knowledge, collected and sampled over
these early centuries significantly informed the early
development of modern biology[3]:
16th Century English map of the world showing extent of
western geographic knowledge at that time (1599)
• during the 17th century Georg Eberhard Rumphius benefited from local biological knowledge in producing his
catalogue, "Herbarium Amboinense", covering more than 1 200 species of the plants of Indonesia;
• during the 18th century, Carl Linnaeus relied upon Rumphius's work, and also corresponded with other people all
around the world when developing the biological classification scheme that now underlies the arrangement of
much of the accumulated knowledge of the biological sciences.
• during the 19th century, Charles Darwin, the 'father' of evolutionary theory, on his Voyage of the Beagle took
interest in the local biological knowledge of peoples he encountered.
Ethnobiology
93
Phase I (1900s-1940s)
Ethnobiology itself, as a distinctive practice, only emerged during the 20th century as part of the records then being
made about other peoples, and other cultures. As a practice, it was nearly always ancillary to other pursuits when
documenting others' languages, folklore, and natural resource use:
At it earliest and most rudimentary, this comprised listing the names and uses of plants and animals in
native non-Western or 'traditional' populations often in the context of salvage ethnography ..[ie]
ethno-biology as the descriptive biological knowledge of 'primitive' peoples.[4]
This 'first phase' in the development of ethnobiology as a practice has been described as still having an essentially
utilitarian purpose, often focusing on identifying those 'native' plants, animals and technologies of some potential use
and value within increasingly dominant western economic systems[4][5]
Phase II (1950s-1970s)
Arising out of practices in Phase I (above) came a 'second phase' in the development of 'ethnobiology', with
researchers now striving to better document and better understand how other peoples' themselves "conceptualise and
categorise" the natural world around them.[4]
By the mid-20th century .. utilitarian-focussed studies started to give way to more cognitively framed
ones, notably studies that centred on elucidating classificatory schemes.[3] (Page 122)
This 'second' phase is marked[4]:
• in Northern America (mid 1950s) with Harold Conklin's
completing his doctorate entitled "The relation of
Hanunóo [6] culture to the plant world"[7]
• in Britain (mid 1960s) with the publication of Claude
Lévi-Strauss' book The Savage Mind[8] legitimating "folk
biological classification" as a worthy cross-cultural
research endeavour
• in France (mid 1970s) with André-Georges Haudricourt's
linguistic studies of botanical nomenclature[9] and R.
Porteres' and others work in economic biology.[10]
Some Mangyan (who count the Hanunóo among their
members) men, on Mindoro island, Philippines, where Harold
Conklin did his ethnobiological work
Present (1980s-2000s)
By the turn of the 21st century ethnobiological practices, research, and findings have had a significant impact and
influence across a number of fields of biological inquiry including ecology,[11] conservation biology,[12]
development studies,[13] and political ecology.[14]
The Society of Ethnobiology advises on its web page:
Ethnobiology is a rapidly growing field of research, gaining professional, student, and public interest ..
internationally
Ethnobiology has come out from its place as an ancillary practice in the shadows of other core pursuits, to arise as a
whole field of inquiry and research in its own right: taught within many tertiary institutions and educational
programmes around the world;[4] with its own methods manuals,[15] its own readers,[16] and its own textbooks[17]
Ethnobiology
Subjects of inquiry
Usage
All societies make use of the biological world in which they are situated, but there are wide differences in use,
informed by perceived need, available technology, and the culture's sense of morality and sustainability.[citation
needed]
Ethnobiologists investigate what lifeforms are used for what purposes, the particular techniques of use, the
reasons for these choices, and symbolic and spiritual implications of them.
Taxonomy
Different societies divide the living world up in different ways. Ethnobiologists attempt to record the words used in
particular cultures for living things, from the most specific terms (analogous to species names in Linnean biology) to
more general terms (such as 'tree' and even more generally 'plant'). They also try to understand the overall structure
or hierarchy of the classification system (if there is one; there is ongoing debate as to whether there must always be
an implied hierarchy.[18]
Cosmological, moral and spiritual significance
Societies invest themselves and their world with meaning partly through their answers to questions like "how did the
world happen?", "how and why did people come to be?", "what are proper practices, and why?", and "what realities
exist beyond or behind our physical experience?" Understanding these elements of a societies' perspective is
important to cultural research in general, and ethnobiologists investigate how a societies' view of the natural world
informs and is informed by them.
Traditional ecological knowledge
In order to live effectively in a given place, a people needs to understand the particulars of their environment, and
many traditional societies have complex and subtle understandings of the places in which they live.[citation needed]
Ethnobiologists seek to share in these understandings, subject to ethical concerns regarding intellectual property and
cultural appropriation.
Cross-cultural ethnobiology
In cross cultural ethnobiology research, two or more communities participate simulatenously. This enables the
researcher to compare how a bio-resource is used by different communities.[19]
Subdisciplines
Ethnobotany
Ethnobotany investigates the relationship between human societies and plants: how humans use plants- as
food, technology, medicine, and in ritual contexts; how they view and understand them; and their symbolic
and spiritual role in a culture.
Ethnozoology
The subfield ethnozoology focuses on the relationship between animals and humans throughout human
history. It studies human practices such as hunting, fishing and animal husbandry in space and time, and
human perspectives about animals such as their place in the moral and spiritual realms.[citation needed]
94
Ethnobiology
Ethnoecology
Ethnoecology refers to an increasingly dominant 'ethnobiological' research paradigm focused, primarily, on
documenting, describing, and understanding how other peoples perceive, manage, and use whole ecosystems.
Other disciplines
Studies and writings within ethnobiology involve and draw upon the research and researchers from across such
disciplines and fields of knowledge as;[1]
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
archaeology,
geography,
linguistics,
systematics,
population biology,
ecology,
cultural anthropology,
ethnography,
pharmacology,
• nutrition,
• conservation, and
• sustainable development.
Ethics
Through much of the history of ethnobiology, its practitioners were primarily from dominant cultures, and the
benefit of their work often accrued to the dominant culture, with little control or benefit invested in the indigenous
peoples whose practice and knowledge they recorded.
Just as many of those indigenous societies work to assert legitimate control over physical resources such as
traditional lands or artistic and ritual objects, many work to assert legitimate control over their intellectual property.
In an age when the potential exists for large profits from the discovery of, for example, new food crops or medicinal
plants, modern ethnobiologists must consider intellectual property rights, the need for informed consent, the potential
for harm to informants, and their "debt to the societies in which they work".[20]
Furthermore, these questions must be considered not only in light of western industrialized nations' common
understanding of ethics and law, but also in light of the ethical and legal standards of the societies from which the
ethnobiologist draws information.[21]
95
Ethnobiology
Footnotes
[1] Society of Ethnobiology's "What is Ethnobiology" webpage (http:/ / www. ethnobiology. org/ education/ whatis. html) Accessed 12 April
2008
[2] Berlin, Brent (1992) Page 4
[3] Sillitoe, Paul (2006)
[4] Ellen, Roy (2006)
[5] Examples of studies from this 'first' phase in the development of ethnobiology include Stevenson (1915), Castetter (1944) and Harrington
(1947)
[6] http:/ / www. mangyan. org/ tribal/ index. html#hanunoo
[7] Conklin, H.C. (1954)
[8] Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1966)
[9] Haudricourt, Andre-Georges (1973)
[10] Porteres, R. (1977)
[11] for instances of ethnobiology's influence on ecology, see Balée (1998); Plotkin (1995); Schultes & von Reis (1995)
[12] for instances of ethnobiology's influence on conservation biology see Cunningham (2001); Johannes (1989); Laird (2002); Tuxill & Nabhan
(2001)
[13] for an instancing of ethnobiology's influence on development studies, see Warren, Slikkerveer & Brokensha (1995)
[14] for an instancing of ethnobiology's influence on political ecology see Zerner (2000)
[15] Ethnbiology methods manuals include Alexiades (1996) and Martin (1995)
[16] one Ethnobiology reader is Minnis (2000)
[17] one Ethnobiology textbook is Cotton (1996)
[18] Ellen, Roy (1993) pages 216 forward
[19] Franco, F.M. and Narasimhan, D. (2012). Ethnobotany of the Kondh, Poraja, Gadaba and Bonda of the Koraput region of Odisha, India.
D.K. Printworld, New Delhi
[20] Code of Ethics of the American Anthropological Association, section A (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ committees/ ethics/ ethcode. htm)
[21] Dodson (2007)
References
• ALEXIADES, M.N. (1996) Selected guidelines for ethnobotanical research: a field manual. The New York
Botanical Garden. New York.
• BALLEE, W (1998) (ed.) Advances in historical ecology. New York: Columbia University Press.
• BERLIN, Brent (1992) Ethnobiological Classification - Principles of Categorization of Plants and Animals in
Traditional Societies. Princeton University Press, 1992.
• CASTETTER, E.F. (1944) "The domain of ethnobiology". The American Naturalist. Volume 78. Number 774.
Pages 158-170.
• CONKLIN, H.C. (1954) The relation of Hanunóo culture to the plant world. PhD dissertation, Yale University.
• COTTON, C.M (1996) Ethnobotany: principles and applications. John Wiley. London.
• CUNNINGHAM, A.B (2001) Applied ethnobotany: people, wild plant use and conservation. Earthscan. London
• DODSON, Michael (2007). "Report of the Secretariat on Indigenous traditional knowledge" (http://www.un.
org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/6_session_dodson.pdf) (PDF). Report to the United Nation's Economic and
Social Council's Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, Sixth Session, New York, 14–25 May. United Nation's
Economic and Social Council. New York. Retrieved 2007-11-28.
• ELLEN, Roy (1993) The Cultural Relations of Classification, an Analysis of Nuaulu Animal Categories from
Central Seram. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• ELLEN, Roy (2006). "Introduction" (http://www.kent.ac.uk/anthropology/files/jrai_270.pdf) (PDF). Special
Edition of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. S1-S22. Retrieved 2008-04-21.
• HARRINGTON, J.P (1947) "Ethnobiology". Acta Americana. Number 5. Pages 244-247
• HAUDRICOURT, Andre-Georges (1973) "Botanical nomenclature and its translation." In M. Teich & R Young
(Eds) Changing perspectives in the history of science: Essays in honour of Joseph Needham Heinemann. London.
Pages 265-273.
96
Ethnobiology
• JOHANNES, R.E (Ed)(1989) Traditional ecological knowledge. IUCN, The World Conservation Union.
Cambridge
• LAIRD, S.A. (Ed) (2002) Biodiversity and traditional knowledge: equitable partnerships in practice. Earthscan.
London.
• LEVI-STRAUSS, Claude (1966). The savage mind. Weidenfeld & Nicolson. London.
• MARTIN, G.J (1995) Ethnobotany: a methods manual. Chapman & Hall. London.
• MINNIS, P (Ed) (2000) Ethnobotany: a reader. University of Oklahoma Press. Norman.
• PLOTKIN, M.J (1995) "The importance of ethnobotany for tropical forest conservation." in R.E. Schultes & Siri
von Reis (Eds) Ethnobotany: evolution of a discipline (eds) Chapman & Hall. London. Pages 147-156.
• PORTERES, R. (1977)."Ethnobotanique." Encyclopaedia Universalis Organum Number 17. Pages 326-330.
• POSEY, D.A & W. L. Overal (Eds.), 1990) Ethnobiology: Implications and Applications. Proceedings of the
First International Congress of Ethnobiology. Belém: Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi.
• POSEY, D. A. (Ed.), (1999) Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity. London: United Nations
Environmental Programme & Intermediate Technology Publications.
• SCHULTES, R.E. & VON REIS, S (1995) (Eds) Ethnobotany: evolution of a discipline (eds) Chapman & Hall.
London. Part 6.
• SILLITOE, Paul (2006) "Ethnobiology and applied anthropology: rapprochement of the academic with the
practical". Special Edition of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute S119-S142
• STEVENSON, M.C. (1914) "Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians." Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report.
Volume 30. Number 31102, Government Printing Office. Washington, D.C.
• TUXILL, J & NABHAN, G.P (2001) People, plants and protected area. Earthscan. London.
• WARREN, D.M; SLIKKERVEER, L; & BROKENSHA, D. (Eds) (1995) The cultural dimension of
development: indigenous knowledge systems. Intermediate Technology Publications. London.
• ZERNER, C (Ed) (2000) People, plants and justice: the politics of nature conservation. Columbia University
Press. New York.
• Balancing Act Research and Education (B.A.R.E.) (1996) Ecosystem Management Director and Ethnobotanist
Lyncho Ruiz
Participatory ethnobotanical lab and field research station to encourage the involvement of local youth in detailed
nutrition methodological propagation and restoration of local threatened species. Will provide a unique opportunity
to further its goal of protecting our natural heritage.
External links
• Biology on-line "Ethnobiology" articles (http://www.biology-online.org/kb/biology_articles/ethnobiology.
html)
• Ethnobiology — Traditional Biological Knowledge in Contemporary Global Context. (Athabasca University
Course Resource List) (http://www.athabascau.ca/courses/anth/491/resources.htm)
• International Society of Ethnobiology (http://www.ethnobiology.net/)
• Journal of Ethnobiology (http://ethnobiology.org/publications/journal)
• Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine (http://www.ethnobiomed.com/)
• Society of Ethnobiology (http://ethnobiology.org)
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Anthropology portal
Ethnography (from Greek ἔθνος ethnos = folk/people and γράφω grapho = to write) is a qualitative research
design aimed at exploring cultural phenomena. The resulting field study or a case report reflects the knowledge and
the system of meanings in the lives of a cultural group.[1][2][3] An ethnography is a means to represent graphically
and in writing, the culture of a people.
Ethnography, as the empirical data on human societies and cultures, was pioneered in the biological, social, and
cultural branches of anthropology but has also become popular in the social sciences in general—sociology,[4]
communication studies, history—wherever people study ethnic groups, formations, compositions, resettlements,
social welfare characteristics, materiality, spirituality, and a people's ethnogenesis.[5] The typical ethnography is a
holistic study[6][7] and so includes a brief history, and an analysis of the terrain, the climate, and the habitat. In all
cases it should be reflexive, make a substantial contribution toward the understanding of the social life of humans,
have an aesthetic impact on the reader, and express a credible reality. It observes the world (the study) from the point
of view of the subject (not the participant ethnographer) and records all observed behavior and describes all
symbol-meaning relations using concepts that avoid casual explanations.
100
Ethnography
101
Data collection methods
Data collection methods are meant to capture the "social meanings and ordinary activities" [8] of people (informants)
in "naturally occurring settings" [8] that are commonly referred to as "the field." The goal is to collect data in such a
way that the researcher imposes a minimal amount of their own bias on the data.[8] Multiple methods of data
collection may be employed to facilitate a relationship that allows for a more personal and in-depth portrait of the
informants and their community. These can include participant observation, field notes, interviews, and surveys.
Interviews are often taped and later transcribed, allowing the interview to proceed unimpaired of note-taking, but
with all information available later for full analysis. Secondary research and document analysis are also employed to
provide insight into the research topic. In the past kinship charts were commonly used to "discover logical patterns
and social structure in non-Western societies".[9] However anthropology today focuses more on the study of urban
settings and the use of kinship charts is seldom employed.
In order to make the data collection and interpretation transparent, researchers creating ethnographies often attempt
to be "reflexive." Reflexivity refers to the researcher's aim "to explore the ways in which [the] researcher's
involvement with a particular study influences, acts upon and informs such research".[10] Despite these attempts of
reflexivity, no researcher can be totally unbiased, which has provided a basis to criticize ethnography.
Traditionally, the ethnographer focuses attention on a community, selecting knowledgeable informants who know
the activities of the community well.[] These informants are typically asked to identify other informants who
represent the community, often using chain sampling.[] This process is often effective in revealing common cultural
denominators connected to the topic being studied.[] Ethnography relies greatly on up-close, personal experience.
Participation, rather than just observation, is one of the keys to this process.[11] Ethnography is very useful in social
research.
Differences across disciplines
The ethnographic method is used across a range of different
disciplines, primarily by anthropologists but also occasionally
by sociologists. Cultural studies, economics, social work,
education, ethnomusicology, folklore, religious studies,
geography, history, linguistics, communication studies,
performance studies, advertising, psychology, usability and
criminology are other fields which have made use of
ethnography.
Cultural and social anthropology
A picture of the Izmir Ethnography Museum (İzmir
Etnografya Müzesi) from the courtyard.
Cultural anthropology and social anthropology were
developed around ethnographic research and their canonical texts which are mostly ethnographies: e.g. Argonauts of
the Western Pacific (1922) by Bronisław Malinowski, Ethnologische Excursion in Johore (1875) by Nicholas
Miklouho-Maclay, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) by Margaret Mead, The Nuer (1940) by E. E. Evans-Pritchard,
Naven (1936, 1958) by Gregory Bateson or "The Lele of the Kasai" (1963) by Mary Douglas. Cultural and social
anthropologists
today
place
such
a
high
value
on
actually
Ethnography
doing ethnographic research that ethnology—the comparative
synthesis of ethnographic information—is rarely the
foundation for a career.[citation needed] The typical ethnography
is a document written about a particular people, almost always
based at least in part on emic views of where the culture
begins and ends. Using language or community boundaries to
bound the ethnography is common.[12] Ethnographies are also
sometimes called "case studies."[13] Ethnographers study and
interpret culture, its universalities and its variations through
ethnographic study based on fieldwork. An ethnography is a
specific kind of written observational science which provides
an account of a particular culture, society, or community. The
fieldwork usually involves spending a year or more in another
society, living with the local people and learning about their
ways of life. Ethnographers are participant observers. They
take part in events they study because it helps with
understanding local behavior and thought. Classic examples
are Carol Stack's All Our Kin, Jean Briggs' "Never in Anger",
Richard Lee's "Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers", Victor Turner's
Ethnography museum
"Forest of Symbols", David Maybry-Lewis' "Akew-Shavante
Society", E.E. Evans-Pritchard's "The Nuer" and Claude Lévi-Strauss' "Tristes Tropiques". Iterations of ethnographic
representations in the classic, modernist camp include Bartholomew Dean's recent (2009) contribution, Urarina
Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia.[14]
A typical ethnography attempts to be holistic[6][7] and typically follows
an outline to include a brief history of the culture in question, an
analysis of the physical geography or terrain inhabited by the people
under study, including climate, and often including what biological
anthropologists call habitat. Folk notions of botany and zoology are
presented as ethnobotany and ethnozoology alongside references from
the formal sciences. Material culture, technology and means of
subsistence are usually treated next, as they are typically bound up in
Bronisław Malinowski among Trobriand tribe
physical geography and include descriptions of infrastructure. Kinship
and social structure (including age grading, peer groups, gender,
voluntary associations, clans, moieties, and so forth, if they exist) are typically included. Languages spoken, dialects
and the history of language change are another group of standard topics.[15] Practices of childrearing, acculturation
and emic views on personality and values usually follow after sections on social structure.[16] Rites, rituals, and other
evidence of religion have long been an interest and are sometimes central to ethnographies, especially when
conducted in public where visiting anthropologists can see them.[17]
As ethnography developed, anthropologists grew more interested in less tangible aspects of culture, such as values,
worldview and what Clifford Geertz termed the "ethos" of the culture. Clifford Geertz's own fieldwork used
elements of a phenomenological approach to fieldwork, tracing not just the doings of people, but the cultural
elements themselves. For example, if within a group of people, winking was a communicative gesture, he sought to
first determine what kinds of things a wink might mean (it might mean several things). Then, he sought to determine
in what contexts winks were used, and whether, as one moved about a region, winks remained meaningful in the
same way. In this way, cultural boundaries of communication could be explored, as opposed to using linguistic
boundaries or notions about residence. Geertz, while still following something of a traditional ethnographic outline,
102
Ethnography
103
moved outside that outline to talk about "webs" instead of "outlines"[18] of culture.
Within cultural anthropology, there are several sub-genres of ethnography. Beginning in the 1950s and early 1960s,
anthropologists began writing "bio-confessional" ethnographies that intentionally exposed the nature of ethnographic
research. Famous examples include Tristes Tropiques (1955) by Claude Lévi-Strauss, The High Valley by Kenneth
Read, and The Savage and the Innocent by David Maybury-Lewis, as well as the mildly fictionalized Return to
Laughter by Elenore Smith Bowen (Laura Bohannan). Later "reflexive" ethnographies refined the technique to
translate cultural differences by representing their effects on the ethnographer. Famous examples include "Deep
Play: Notes on a Balinese Cockfight" by Clifford Geertz, Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco by Paul Rabinow,
The Headman and I by Jean-Paul Dumont, and Tuhami by Vincent Crapanzano. In the 1980s, the rhetoric of
ethnography was subjected to intense scrutiny within the discipline, under the general influence of literary theory and
post-colonial/post-structuralist thought. "Experimental" ethnographies that reveal the ferment of the discipline
include Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man by Michael Taussig, Debating Muslims by Michael F. J. Fischer
and Mehdi Abedi, A Space on the Side of the Road by Kathleen Stewart, and Advocacy after Bhopal by Kim Fortun.
This critical turn in sociocultural anthropology during the mid-1980s can, in large part, be traced to the influence of
the now classic (and often contested) text, Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, (1986) edited
by James Clifford and George Marcus. Writing Culture helped bring changes to both anthropology and ethnography
often described in terms of being 'postmodern,' 'reflexive,' 'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural' in nature in
that the text helped to highlight the various epistemic and political predicaments that many practitioners saw as
plaguing ethnographic representations and practices.[19] Where Geertz's and Turner's interpretive anthropology
recognized subjects as creative actors who constructed their sociocultural worlds out of symbols, postmodernists
attempted to draw attention to the privileged status of the ethnographers themselves. That is, the ethnographer cannot
escape their own particular viewpoint in creating an ethnographic account thus making any claims of objective
neutrality on the part of their representation highly problematic, if not altogether impossible.[20] In regards to this last
point, Writing Culture became a focal point for looking at how ethnographers could describe different cultures and
societies without denying the subjectivity of those individuals and groups being studied while simultaneously doing
so without laying claim to absolute knowledge and objective authority.[21] Along with the development of
experimental forms such as 'dialogic anthropology' and 'narrative ethnography,' Writing Culture helped to encourage
the development of 'collaborative ethnography.'[22] This exploration of the relationship between writer, audience, and
subject has become a central tenet of contemporary anthropological and ethnographic practice wherein active
collaboration between the researcher(s) and subject(s) has helped blend, in certain instances, the practice of
collaboration in ethnographic fieldwork with the process of creating the actual ethnographic product that emerges
from the research itself.[22][23][24]
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Sociology is another field which prominently features ethnographies. Urban sociology and the Chicago School in
particular are associated with ethnographic research, with some well-known early examples being Street Corner
Society by William Foote Whyte and Black Metropolis by St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Jr.. Some of the
influence for this can be traced to the anthropologist Lloyd Warner who was on the Chicago sociology faculty, and
to Robert Park's experience as a journalist. Symbolic interactionism developed from the same tradition and yielded
several excellent sociological ethnographies, including Shared Fantasy by Gary Alan Fine, which documents the
early history of fantasy role-playing games. Other important ethnographies in sociology include Pierre Bourdieu's
work on Algeria and France, Paul Willis's Learning to Labour on working class youth, the work of Elijah Anderson,
Mitchell Duneier, and Loïc Wacquant on black America, and Lai Olurode's Glimpses of Madrasa From Africa. But
even though many sub-fields and theoretical perspectives within sociology use ethnographic methods, ethnography
is not the sine qua non of the discipline, as it is in cultural anthropology.
Communication studies
Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, ethnographic research methods began to be widely employed by communication
scholars. The purpose of ethnography is to describe and interpret the shared and learned patterns of values,
behaviors, beliefs and language of a culture-sharing group (Harris, 1968), also Agar (1980) notes that ethnography is
both a process and an outcome of the research. Studies such as Gerry Philipsen's [25] analysis of cultural
communication strategies in a blue-collar, working-class neighborhood on the south side of Chicago, Speaking 'Like
a Man' in Teamsterville, paved the way for the expansion of ethnographic research in the study of communication.
Scholars of communication studies use ethnographic research methods to analyze communicative behaviors and
phenomena. This is often characterized in the writing as attempts to understand taken-for-granted routines by which
working definitions are socially produced. Ethnography as a method is a storied, careful, and systematic examination
of the reality-generating mechanisms of everyday life (Coulon, 1995). Ethnographic work in communication studies
seeks to explain "how" ordinary methods/practices/performances construct the ordinary actions used by ordinary
people in the accomplishments of their identities. This often gives the perception of trying to answer the "why" and
"how come" questions of human communication.[26] Often this type of research results in a case study or field study
such as an analysis of speech patterns at a protest rally, or the way firemen communicate during "down time" at a fire
station. Like anthropology scholars, communication scholars often immerse themselves, participate in and/or directly
observe the particular social group being studied.[27]
Other fields
The American anthropologist George Spindler was a pioneer in applying ethnographic methodology to the
classroom.
Anthropologists like Daniel Miller and Mary Douglas have used ethnographic data to answer academic questions
about consumers and consumption. In this sense, Tony Salvador, Genevieve Bell, and Ken Anderson describe design
ethnography as being "a way of understanding the particulars of daily life in such a way as to increase the success
probability of a new product or service or, more appropriately, to reduce the probability of failure specifically due to
a lack of understanding of the basic behaviors and frameworks of consumers."[28]
Businesses, too, have found ethnographers helpful for understanding how people use products and services, as
indicated in the increasing use of ethnographic methods to understand consumers and consumption, or for new
Ethnography
product development (such as video ethnography). The recent Ethnographic Praxis in Industry (EPIC) conference is
evidence of this.[citation needed] Ethnographers' systematic and holistic approach to real-life experience is valued by
product developers, who use the method to understand unstated desires or cultural practices that surround products.
Where focus groups fail to inform marketers about what people really do, ethnography links what people say to what
they actually do—avoiding the pitfalls that come from relying only on self-reported, focus-group data.
Evaluating ethnography
Ethnographic methodology is not usually evaluated in terms of philosophical standpoint (such as positivism and
emotionalism). Ethnographic studies nonetheless need to be evaluated in some manner. While there is no consensus
on evaluation standards, Richardson (2000, p. 254)[29] provides 5 criteria that ethnographers might find helpful.
1. Substantive Contribution: "Does the piece contribute to our understanding of social-life?"
2. Aesthetic Merit: "Does this piece succeed aesthetically?"
3. Reflexivity: "How did the author come to write this text…Is there adequate self-awareness and self-exposure for
the reader to make judgments about the point of view?"[30]
4. Impact: "Does this affect me? Emotionally? Intellectually?" Does it move me?
5. Expresses a Reality: "Does it seem 'true'—a credible account of a cultural, social, individual, or communal sense
of the 'real'?"
Ethics
Gary Alan Fine argues that the nature of ethnographic inquiry demands that researchers deviate from formal and
idealistic rules or ethics that have come to be widely accepted in qualitative and quantitative approaches in research.
Many of these ethical assumptions are rooted in positivist and post-positivist epistemologies that have adapted over
time, but nonetheless are apparent and must be accounted for in all research paradigms. These ethical dilemmas are
evident throughout the entire process of conducting ethnographies, including the design, implementation, and
reporting of an ethnographic study. Essentially, Fine maintains that researchers are typically not as ethical as they
claim or assume to be — and that "each job includes ways of doing things that would be inappropriate for others to
know".[31]
Fine is not necessarily casting blame or pointing his finger at ethnographic researchers, but rather is attempting to
show that researchers often make idealized ethical claims and standards which in actuality are inherently based on
partial truths and self-deceptions. Fine also acknowledges that many of these partial truths and self-deceptions are
unavoidable. He maintains that "illusions" are essential to maintain an occupational reputation and avoid potentially
more caustic consequences. He claims, "Ethnographers cannot help but lie, but in lying, we reveal truths that escape
those who are not so bold".[32] Based on these assertions, Fine establishes three conceptual clusters in which
ethnographic ethical dilemmas can be situated: "Classic Virtues," "Technical Skills," and "Ethnographic Self."
Much debate surrounding the issue of ethics arose after the ethnographer Napoleon Chagnon conducted his
ethnographic fieldwork with the Yanomani people of South America.
While there is no international standard on Ethnographic Ethics, many western anthropologists look to the American
Anthropological Association for guidance when conducting ethnographic work.[33] The Association has generated a
code of ethics approved in February 2009 which states that Anthropologists have "moral obligations as members of
other groups, such as the family, religion, and community, as well as the profession".[34] The code of ethics goes on
to note that anthropologists are also part of a wider scholarly and political network as well as human and natural
environment which needs to be reported on respectfully.[34] The code of ethics recognizes that sometimes very close
and personal relationship can sometimes emerge out of doing ethnographic work.[34] The American Anthropological
Association does recognize that the code is a bit limited in scope mainly because doing ethnographic work can
sometimes be multidisciplinary and anthropologists need to familiarize themselves with ethic not only from an
106
Ethnography
anthropological perspective but also from the perspectives of other disciplines.[35] The eight page code of ethics
outlines ethical considerations for those conducting Research, Teaching, Application and Dissemination of Results
which are briefly outlined below.[36]
• Conducting Research-When conducting research Anthropologists need to be aware of the potential impacts of the
research on the people and animals they study.[37] If the seeking of new knowledge will negatively impact the
people and animals they will be studying they may not undertake the study according to the code of ethics.[37]
• Teaching-When teaching the discipline of anthropology, instructors are required to inform students of the ethical
dilemmas of conducting ethnographies and field work.[38]
• Application-When conducting an ethnography Anthropologists must be "open with funders, colleagues, persons
studied or providing information, and relevant parties affected by the work about the purpose(s), potential
impacts, and source(s) of support for the work." [39]
• Dissemination of Results-When disseminating results of an ethnography the code notes that "[a]nthropologists
have an ethical obligation to consider the potential impact of both their research and the communication or
dissemination of the results of their research on all directly or indirectly involved." [40] Research results of
ethnographies should not be withheld from participants in the research if that research is being observed by other
people.[39]
Classic virtues
• "The kindly ethnographer" – Most ethnographers present themselves as being more sympathetic than they
actually are, which aids in the research process, but is also deceptive. The identity that we present to subjects is
different from who we are in other circumstances.
• "The friendly ethnographer" – Ethnographers operate under the assumption that they should not dislike anyone. In
actuality, when hated individuals are found within research, ethnographers often crop them out of the findings.[41]
• "The honest ethnographer" – If research participants know the research goals, their responses will likely be
skewed. Therefore, ethnographers often conceal what they know in order to increase the likelihood of
acceptance.[41]
Technical skills
• "The Precise Ethnographer" – Ethnographers often create the illusion that field notes are data and reflect what
"really" happened. They engage in the opposite of plagiarism, giving credit to those undeserving by not using
precise words but rather loose interpretations and paraphrasing. Researchers take near-fictions and turn them into
claims of fact. The closest ethnographers can ever really get to reality is an approximate truth.
• "The Observant Ethnographer" – Readers of ethnography are often led to assume the report of a scene is complete
– that little of importance was missed. In reality, an ethnographer will always miss some aspect because they are
not omniscient. Everything is open to multiple interpretations and misunderstandings. The ability of the
ethnographer to take notes and observe varies, and therefore, what is depicted in ethnography is not the whole
picture.
• "The Unobtrusive Ethnographer" – As a "participant" in the scene, the researcher will always have an effect on
the communication that occurs within the research site. The degree to which one is an "active member" affects the
extent to which sympathetic understanding is possible.[42]
107
Ethnography
Ethnographic self
The following appellations are commonly misconceived conceptions of ethnographers:
• "The Candid Ethnographer" – Where the researcher situates themselves within the ethnography is ethically
problematic. There is an illusion that everything reported has actually happened because the researcher has been
directly exposed to it.
• "The Chaste Ethnographer" – When ethnographers participate within the field, they invariably develop
relationships with research subjects/participants. These relationships are sometimes not accounted for within the
reporting of the ethnography despite the fact that they seemingly would influence the research findings.
• "The Fair Ethnographer" – Fine claims that objectivity is an illusion and that everything in ethnography is known
from a perspective. Therefore, it is unethical for a researcher to report fairness in their findings.
• "The Literary Ethnographer" – Representation is a balancing act of determining what to "show" through
poetic/prosaic language and style versus what to "tell" via straightforward, ‘factual’ reporting. The idiosyncratic
skill of the ethnographer influences the face-value of the research.[43]
According to Norman K. Denzin, the following eight principles should be considered when observing, recording and
sampling data:
1. The groups should combine symbolic meanings with patterns of interaction.
2. Observe the world from the point of view of the subject, while maintaining the distinction between everyday and
scientific perceptions of reality.
3. Link the group's symbols and their meanings with the social relationships.
4. Record all behaviour.
5. Methodology should highlight phases of process, change and stability.
6. The act should be a type of symbolic interactionism.
7. Use concepts that would avoid casual explanations.
References
[1] Geertz, C. (1973). Thick description: Toward an interpretive theory of culture.
[2] In The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (pp 3-30). New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers
[3] Philipsen, G. (1992). Speaking Culturally: Explorations in Social Communication. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press
[4] "Ethnology" at dictionary.com (http:/ / dictionary. reference. com/ browse/ ethnology).
[6] Ember, Carol and Melvin Ember. Cultural Anthropology. 2006. Prentice Hall, Chapter One
[7] Heider, Karl. Seeing Anthropology. 2001. Prentice Hall, Chapters One and Two.
[8] [Brewer, John D. (2000). Ethnography. Philadelphia: Open University Press. p.10.]
[9] http:/ / www. anthrobase. com/ Dic/ eng/ def/ kinship. html
[10] [nightingale, David & Cromby, John. Social Constructionist Psychology: A Critical Analysis of Theory and Practice. Philadelphia: Open
University Press. p.228.]
[11] Genzuk, Michael, PH.D., A Synthesis of Ethnographic (http:/ / www-bcf. usc. edu/ ~genzuk/ Ethnographic_Research. html), Center for
Multilingual, Multicultural Research, University of Southern California
[12] Naroll, Raoul. Handbook of Methods in Cultural Anthropology.
[13] Chavez, Leo. "Shadowed Lives: Undocumented workers in American society (Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology). 1997 Prentice Hall.
[15] cf. Ember and Ember 2006, Heider 2001 op cit.
[16] Ember and Ember 2006, op cit., Chapters 7 and 8
[17] Truner, Victor. The Forest of Symbols. remainder of citation forthcoming
[18] Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Culture Chapter one.
[19] Olaf Zenker & Karsten Kumoll. Beyond Writing Culture: Current Intersections of Epistemologies and Representational Practices. (2010).
New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-84545-675-7. Pgs. 1-4
[20] Paul A. Erickson & Liam D. Murphy. A History of Anthropological Theory, Third Edition. (2008). Toronto: Broadview Press. ISBN
978-1-55111-871-0. Pg. 190
[21] Paul A. Erickson & Liam D. Murphy. A History of Anthropological Theory, Third Edition. (2008). Toronto: Broadview Press. ISBN
978-1-55111-871-0. Pgs. 190-191
[22] Olaf Zenker & Karsten Kumoll. Beyond Writing Culture: Current Intersections of Epistemologies and Representational Practices. (2010).
New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-84545-675-7. Pg. 12
108
Ethnography
[23] Luke E. Lassiter. 'From "Reading over the Shoulders of Natives" to "Reading alongside Natives", Literally: Toward a Collaborative and
Reciprocal Ethnography'. (2001). Journal of Anthropologcal Research, 57(2):137-149
[24] Luke E. Lassiter. 'Collaborative Ethnography and Public Anthropology'. (2005). Current Anthropology, 46(1):83-106
[25] http:/ / oak. cats. ohiou. edu/ ~mv537899/ sc. htm
[26] Rubin, R. B., Rubin, A. M., and Piele, L. J. (2005). Communication research: Strategies and sources. Belmont, California: Thomson
Wadworth. pp. 229.
[27] Bentz, V. M., and Shapiro, J. J. (1998). Mindful inquiry in social research. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage. pp. 117.
[28] Salvador, Tony; Genevieve Bell; and Ken Anderson (1999) Design Ethnography. Design Management Journal (pp. 35-41). p.37
[29] Richardson,L. (2000). Evaluating ethnography. Qualitative Inquiry, 6(2), 253-255
[30] For postcolonial critiques of ethnography from various locations, see essays in Prem Poddar et al, Historical Companion to Postcolonial
Literatures--Continental Europe and its Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008.
[31] Fine, p. 267
[32] Fine, p. 291
[33] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ issues/ policy-advocacy/ upload/ AAA-Ethics-Code-2009.
pdf, p.1
[34] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.1
[35] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.2
[36] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.1-8
[37] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.2-3
[38] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.4
[39] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.5
[40] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.5-6
[41] Fine, p. 270-77
[42] Fine, p. 277-81
[43] Fine, p. 282-89
Additional reading
• Agar, Michael (1996) The Professional Stranger: An Informal Introduction to Ethnography. Academic Press.
• Clifford, James & George E. Marcus (Eds.). Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. (1986).
Berkeley: University of California Press.
• Douglas, Mary and Baron Isherwood (1996) The World of Goods: Toward and Anthropology of Consumption.
Routledge, London.
• Erickson, Ken C. and Donald D. Stull (1997) Doing Team Ethnography : Warnings and Advice. Sage, Beverly
Hills.
• Fine, G. A. (1993). Ten lies of ethnography. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 22(3), p. 267-294.
• Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Cultures.
• Heath, Shirley Brice & Brian Street, with Molly Mills. On Ethnography.
• Hymes, Dell. (1974). Foundations in sociolinguistics: An ethnographic approach. Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press.
• Kottak, Conrad Phillip (2005) Window on Humanity : A Concise Introduction to General Anthropology, (pages
2–3, 16-17, 34-44). McGraw Hill, New York.
• Marcus, George E. & Michael Fischer. Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the
Human Sciences. (1986). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• Miller, Daniel (1987) Material Culture and Mass Consumption. Blackwell, London.
• Spradley, James P. (1979) The Ethnographic Interview. Wadsworth Group/Thomson Learning.
• Salvador, Tony; Genevieve Bell; and Ken Anderson (1999) Design Ethnography. Design Management Journal.
• Van Maanen, John. 1988. Tales of the Field: On Writing Ethnography Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• Westbrook, David A. Navigators of the Contemporary: Why Ethnography Matters. (2008). Chicago: University
of Chicago Press.
109
Ethnography
External links
• 100 of the Most Influential Ethnographies and Anthropology Texts (http://www.architectonictokyo.com/
100_of_the_Most_Influential_Ethnographies_and_Anthropology_Texts.html)
• Ethnographic Praxis in Industry Conference (http://www.epiconference.com)
• Genzuk, Michael (2003) A Synthesis of Ethnographic Research (http://www-rcf.usc.edu/~genzuk/
Ethnographic_Research.html)
• Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History (http://anthro.amnh.org/anthro.html) - Over
160,000 objects from Pacific, North American, African, Asian ethnographic collections with images and detailed
description, linked to the original catalogue pages, field notebooks, and photographs are available online.
• Ross Archive of African Images (http://raai.library.yale.edu/site/index.php)
• Ethnographic material collection from Northern Anatolia and Caucasus -Photo Gallery (http://www.karalahana.
com/fotograflar/thumbnails.php?album=9)
• Ethnography.com (http://www.ethnography.com) A community based Ethnography website for academic and
professional ethnographers and interested parties
• New Zealand Museum (http://collections.tepapa.govt.nz/) Images of objects from Pacific cultures.
• University of Pennsylvania's "What is Ethnography?" (http://www.sas.upenn.edu/anthro/anthro/
whatisethnography) Penn's Public Interest Anthropology Web Site
• American Ethnography -- Definitions: What is Ethnography? (http://www.americanethnography.com/
ethnography.php) A collection of quotes about ethnography (Malinowski, Lévi-Strauss, Geertz, ...)
• Doing ethnographies (http://www.qmrg.org.uk/files/2008/12/58-doing-ethnographies.pdf) (Concepts and
Techniques in Modern Geography)
• Cornell University Library Southeast Asia Visions (http://dlxs2.library.cornell.edu/s/sea/index.php)
• Ethnography for the masses (http://www.2cv.co.uk/documents/19Ethnography for the Masses.pdf) 2CV's
Practical Application of Ethnography in Market Research
• Scott Polar Research Institute (http://www.spri.cam.ac.uk/museum/catalogue/armc/) Arctic Material
Culture Collection
•
Texts on Wikisource:
• Otis Tufton Mason (1905). "Ethnography". New International Encyclopedia.
• "Ethnology and ethnography". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). 1911.
• "Ethnography". Encyclopedia Americana. 1920.
• "Ethnography". Collier's New Encyclopedia. 1921.
110
Ethnology
111
Ethnology
Anthropology
Anthropology portal
Ethnology (from the Greek ἔθνος, ethnos meaning "nation"[1]) is the branch of anthropology that compares and
analyzes the characteristics of different peoples and the relationship between them.[]
Scientific discipline
Compared to ethnography, the study of single groups through direct
contact with the culture, ethnology takes the research that
ethnographers have compiled and then compares and contrasts
different cultures.
Adam František Kollár, 1779
Ethnology
112
Levi-Strauss by Pablo Secca
The term ethnologia (ethnology) is credited to Adam Franz
Kollár (1718-1783) who used and defined it in his Historiae
ivrisqve pvblici Regni Vngariae amoenitates published in
Vienna in 1783.[2] as: “the science of nations and peoples, or,
that study of learned men in which they inquire into the
origins, languages, customs, and institutions of various
nations, and finally into the fatherland and ancient seats, in
order to be able better to judge the nations and peoples in their
own times.” [3]
Kollár's interest in linguistic and cultural diversity was
aroused by the situation in his native multi-lingual Kingdom
of Hungary and his roots among its Slovaks, and by the shifts
that began to emerge after the gradual retreat of the Ottoman
Empire in the more distant Balkans.[4]
A picture of the Izmir Ethnography Museum (İzmir
Etnografya Müzesi) from the courtyard.
Among the goals of ethnology have been the reconstruction of human history, and the formulation of cultural
invariants, such as the incest taboo and culture change, and the formulation of generalizations about "human nature",
a concept which has been criticized since the 19th century by various philosophers (Hegel, Marx, structuralism, etc.).
In some parts of the world ethnology has developed along independent paths of investigation and pedagogical
doctrine, with cultural anthropology becoming dominant especially in the United States, and social anthropology in
Great Britain. The distinction between the three terms is increasingly blurry. Ethnology has been considered an
academic field since the late 18th century especially in Europe and is sometimes conceived of as any comparative
study of human groups.
The 15th-century exploration of America by European explorers had an important role in formulating new notions of
the Occidental, such as, the notion of the "Other". This term was used in conjunction with "savages", which was
either seen as a brutal barbarian, or alternatively, as "noble savage". Thus, civilization was opposed in a dualist
manner to barbary, a classic opposition constitutive of the even more commonly shared ethnocentrism. The progress
of ethnology, for example with Claude Lévi-Strauss's structural anthropology, led to the criticism of conceptions of a
linear progress, or the pseudo-opposition between "societies with histories" and "societies without histories", judged
too dependent on a limited view of history as constituted by accumulative growth.
Ethnology
Lévi-Strauss often referred to Montaigne's essay on cannibalism as an early example of ethnology. Lévi-Strauss
aimed, through a structural method, at discovering universal invariants in human society, chief among which he
believed to be the incest taboo. However, the claims of such cultural universalism have been criticized by various
19th and 20th century social thinkers, including Marx, Nietzsche, Foucault, Derrida, Althusser and Deleuze.
The French school of ethnology was particularly significant for the development of the discipline since the early
1950s with Marcel Griaule, Germaine Dieterlen, Claude Lévi-Strauss and Jean Rouch.
Scholars
• List of scholars of ethnology
References
[2] Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, "The anthropological tradition in Slovenia." In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez Roldán, eds.
Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
[3] Kollár, Adam František − Historiae jurisque publici regni Ungariae amoenitates, I-II. Vienna., 1783
[4] Gheorghiţă Geană, "Discovering the whole of humankind: the genesis of anthropology through the Hegelian looking-glass." In: Han F.
Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
Bibliography
• Forster, Johann Georg Adam. Voyage round the World in His Britannic Majesty’s Sloop, Resolution, Commanded
by Capt. James Cook, during the Years 1772, 3, 4, and 5 (2 vols), London (1777).
• Lévi-Strauss, Claude. The Elementary Structures of Kinship, (1949), Structural Anthropology (1958)
• Mauss, Marcel. originally published as Essai sur le don. Forme et raison de l'échange dans les sociétés
archaïques in 1925, this classic text on gift economy appears in the English edition as The Gift: The Form and
Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies.
• Maybury-Lewis, David. Akwe-Shavante society (1967), The Politics of Ethnicity: Indigenous Peoples in Latin
American States (2003).
• Clastres, Pierre. Society Against the State (1974).
• Pop, Mihai and Glauco Sanga. "Problemi generali dell'etnologia europea" (http://links.jstor.org/
sici?sici=0391-9099(198004)1<89:PGDE>2.0.CO;2-O&size=LARGE&origin=JSTOR-enlargePage), La
Ricerca Folklorica, No. 1, La cultura popolare. Questioni teoriche (April 1980), pp. 89–96.
External links
• Webpage "History of German Anthropology/Ethnology 1945/49-1990 (http://www.germananthropology.com/)
• Languages (http://www.ethnologue.com/) describes the languages and ethnic groups found worldwide,
grouped by host nation-state.
• Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History (http://anthro.amnh.org/anthro.html) - Over
160,000 objects from Pacific, North American, African, Asian ethnographic collections with images and detailed
description, linked to the original catalogue pages, field notebooks, and photographs are available online.
• National Museum of Ethnology (http://www.minpaku.ac.jp/english/) - Osaka, Japan
•
Texts on Wikisource:
• "Ethnology". New International Encyclopedia. 1905.
• Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Ethnology and ethnography". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge
University Press.
• "Ethnology". The New Student's Reference Work. 1914.
• "Ethnology". Encyclopedia Americana. 1920.
113
Ethnology
114
• "Ethnology". Collier's New Encyclopedia. 1921.
Human
Human[]
Temporal range: 0.195–0Ma
Pleistocene – Recent
A man and a woman from Southeast Asia
Conservation status
Least Concern (IUCN 3.1)
Scientific classification
Kingdom:
Animalia
Phylum:
Chordata
Class:
Mammalia
Order:
Primates
Family:
Hominidae
Tribe:
Hominini
Genus:
Homo
Species:
H. sapiens
Binomial name
Homo sapiens
Linnaeus, 1758
Human
115
Subspecies
†Homo sapiens idaltu White et al., 2003
Homo sapiens sapiens
Range of Homo sapiens (green)
Synonyms
Humans (variously Homo sapiens and Homo sapiens sapiens) are primates of the family Hominidae, and the only
extant species of the genus Homo.[1][2] Humans are distinguished from other animals by a relatively larger brain with
a particularly well developed neocortex, prefrontal cortex and temporal lobes; enabling high levels of abstract
reasoning, language, introspection, problem solving, culture through social learning, and other important mental
capabilities which, combined with bipedal locomotion that frees the hands for manipulating objects, has allowed far
greater use of tools than any other species. Humans are the only extant species known to build fires and cook their
food, as well as the only known species to clothe themselves and create and use numerous other technologies and
arts. The scientific study of humans is the discipline of anthropology.
Humans are uniquely adept at utilizing systems of symbolic communication such as language and art for
self-expression, the exchange of ideas, and organization. Humans create complex social structures composed of
many cooperating and competing groups, from families and kinship networks to states. Social interactions between
humans have established an extremely wide variety of values, social norms, and rituals, which together form the
basis of human society. Humans are noted for their desire to understand and influence their environment, seeking to
explain and manipulate phenomena through science, philosophy, mythology, and religion.
Homo sapiens originated in Africa, where it reached anatomical modernity about 200,000 years ago and began to
exhibit full behavioral modernity around 50,000 years ago.[] The human lineage diverged from the last common
ancestor with its closest living relative, the chimpanzee, some five million years ago, evolving into the
Australopithecines and eventually the genus Homo.[3] The first Homo species to move out of Africa was Homo
erectus, the African variety of which, together with Homo heidelbergensis, is considered to be the immediate
ancestor of modern humans.[4][5] Homo sapiens proceeded to colonize the continents, arriving in Eurasia
125,000–60,000 years ago,[6][7] Australia around 40,000 years ago, the Americas around 15,000 years ago, and
remote islands such as Hawaii, Easter Island, Madagascar, and New Zealand between the years AD 300 and
1280.[][8]
Humans began to practice sedentary agriculture about 12,000 years ago, domesticating plants and animals which
allowed for the growth of civilization. Humans subsequently established various forms of government, religion, and
culture around the world, unifying people within a region and leading to the development of states and empires. The
rapid advancement of scientific and medical understanding in the 19th and 20th centuries led to the development of
fuel-driven technologies and improved health, causing the human population to rise exponentially. With individuals
widespread in every continent except Antarctica, humans are a cosmopolitan species, and by 2012, their population
was estimated to be around 7 billion.[][9]
Human
Etymology and definition
With the discovery and study of fossil ancestors of modern humans the meaning of the word "human" changed, as
the previously clear boundary between human and ape blurred, now encompassing multiple species. Today in
scientific usage "human" may refer to any member of the genus Homo. Furthermore within Homo sapiens, there is a
distinction between anatomically modern Homo sapiens and Archaic Homo sapiens, the earliest fossil members of
the species. Sometimes groups such as the Neanderthals are classified as a subspecies of Homo sapiens—Homo
sapiens neanderthalensis. However, in everyday usage, and in this article, the word "human" generally refers to the
only extant species of the genus—anatomically and behaviorally modern Homo sapiens. The open question about
possible extinct subspecies will be briefly covered. Fossil humans are covered in the article "Homo", and in the
articles about individual species of the genus.
The English adjective human is a Middle English loanword from Old French humain, ultimately from Latin
hūmānus, the adjective form of homō "man". The word's use as a noun (with a plural: humans) dates to the 16th
century.[10] The native English term man can refer to the species generally (a synonym for mankind), and could
formerly refer to specific individuals of either sex. The latter use is now obsolete.[11] Generic uses of the term "man"
are declining, in favor of reserving it for referring specifically to adult males. The word is from Proto-Germanic
mannaz, from a Proto-Indo-European (PIE) root man-.
The species binomial Homo sapiens was coined by Carl Linnaeus in his 18th century work Systema Naturae, and he
himself is the lectotype specimen.[12] The generic name Homo is a learned 18th century derivation from Latin homō
"man", ultimately "earthly being" (Old Latin hemō, a cognate to Old English guma "man", from PIE dʰǵʰemon-,
meaning "earth" or "ground").[13] The species-name sapiens means "wise" or "sapient". Note that the Latin word
homo refers to humans of either gender, and that sapiens is the singular form (while there is no word sapien).
History
Evolution
Scientific study of human evolution studies the development of the genus Homo, reconstructing the evolutionary
divergence of the human lineage from other hominins (members of the human clade after the split from the
chimpanzee lineage), hominids (great apes) and primates. Modern humans are defined as belonging to the species
Homo sapiens, specifically to the single extant subspecies Homo sapiens sapiens.
Evidence from molecular biology
The closest living relatives of humans are
chimpanzees (genus Pan) and gorillas
(genus Gorilla).[] With the sequencing of
both the human and chimpanzee genome,
current estimates of similarity between
human and chimpanzee DNA sequences
range between 95% and 99%.[][14][15] By
Family tree showing the extant hominoids: humans (genus Homo), chimpanzees
using the technique called a molecular clock
and bonobos (genus Pan), gorillas (genus Gorilla), orangutans (genus Pongo), and
which estimates the time required for the
gibbons (four genera of the family Hylobatidae: Hylobates, Hoolock, Nomascus,
number of divergent mutations to
and Symphalangus). All except gibbons are hominids.
accumulate between two lineages, the
approximate date for the split between lineages can be calculated. The gibbons (Hylobatidae) and orangutans (genus
Pongo) were the first groups to split from the line leading to the humans, then gorillas (genus Gorilla) followed by
116
Human
the chimpanzees and bonobos (genus Pan). The splitting date between human and chimpanzee lineages is placed
around 4–8 million years ago during the late Miocene epoch.[16][][17]
Evidence from the fossil record
There is little fossil evidence for the
divergence of the gorilla, chimpanzee and
hominin lineages.[18][19] The earliest fossils
that have been proposed as members of the
hominin lineage are Sahelanthropus
tchadensis dating from 7 [20] million years
ago, and Orrorin tugenensis dating from 5.7
[21]
million years ago and Ardipithecus
kadabba dating to 5.6 [22] million years ago.
Each of these have been argued to be a
bipedal ancestor of later hominins, but in
each cases the claims have been contested. It
is also possible that either of these species
are ancestors of another branch of African
Skulls of 1. Gorilla 2. Australopithecus 3. Homo erectus 4. Neanderthal (La
apes, or that they represent a shared ancestor
Chapelle aux Saints) 5. Steinheim Skull (Archaic Homo sapiens) 6. Anatomically
modern Homo sapiens
between hominins and other apes. The
question of the relation between these early
fossil species and the hominin lineage is still to be resolved. From these early species the Australopithecines arose
around 4 [23] million years ago diverged into robust (also called Paranthropus) and gracile branches, one of which
(possibly A. garhi) went on to become ancestors of the genus Homo.
The earliest members of the genus Homo are Homo habilis which evolved around 2.3 [24] million years ago. Homo
habilis is the first species for which we have positive evidence of use of stone tools. The brains of these early
hominins were about the same size as that of a chimpanzee, and their main adaptation was bipedalism as an
adaptation to terrestrial living. During the next million years a process of encephalization began, and with the arrival
of Homo erectus in the fossil record, cranial capacity had doubled. Homo erectus were the first of the hominina to
leave Africa, and these species spread through Africa, Asia, and Europe between 1.3 to 1.8 [25] million years ago.
One population of H. erectus, also sometimes classified as a separate species Homo ergaster, stayed in Africa and
evolved into Homo sapiens. It is believed that these species were the first to use fire and complex tools. The earliest
transitional fossils between H. ergaster/erectus and archaic humans are from Africa such as Homo rhodesiensis, but
seemingly transitional forms are also found at Dmanisi, Georgia. These descendants of African H. erectus spread
through Eurasia from ca. 500,000 years ago evolving into H. antecessor, H. heidelbergensis and H.
neanderthalensis. The earliest fossils of anatomically modern humans are from the Middle Paleolithic, about
200,000 years ago such as the Omo remains of Ethiopia and the fossils of Herto sometimes classified as Homo
sapiens idaltu.[] Later fossils of archaic Homo sapiens from Skhul in Israel and Southern Europe begin around
90,000 years ago.[26]
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Human
Anatomical adaptations
Human evolution is characterized by a number of
morphological, developmental, physiological, and
behavioral changes that have taken place since the split
between the last common ancestor of humans and
chimpanzees. The most significant of these adaptations
are 1. bipedalism, 2. increased brain size, 3. lengthened
ontogeny (gestation and infancy), 4. decreased sexual
dimorphism. The relationship between all these
changes is the subject of ongoing debate.[] Other
significant morphological changes included the
evolution of a power and precision grip, a change first
occurring in H. erectus.[]
Bipedalism is the basic adaption of the Hominin line,
and it is considered the main cause behind a suite of
skeletal changes shared by all bipedal hominins. The
earliest bipedal Hominin is considered to be either
Sahelanthropus[] or Orrorin, with Ardipithecus, a full
bipedal, coming somewhat later. The knuckle walkers,
the gorilla and chimpanzee, diverged around the same
Reconstruction of Homo habilis, the first human ancestor to use
stone tools
time, and either Sahelanthropus or Orrorin may be
humans' last shared ancestor with those animals. The
early bipedals eventually evolved into the Australopithecines and later the genus Homo. There are several theories of
the adaptational value of bipedalism. It is possible that bipedalism was favored because it freed up the hands for
reaching and carrying food, because it saved energy during locomotion, because it enabled long distance running and
hunting, or as a strategy for avoiding hyperthermia by reducing the surface exposed to direct sun.
The human species developed a much larger brain than that of other primates – typically 1,330 cc in modern
humans, over twice the size of that of a chimpanzee or gorilla.[] The pattern of encephalization started with Homo
habilis which at approximately 600 cc had a brain slightly larger than chimpanzees, and continued with Homo
erectus (800–1100 cc), and reached a maximum in Neanderthals with an average size of 1200-1900cc, larger even
than Homo sapiens. The pattern of human postnatal brain growth differs from that of other apes (heterochrony), and
allows for extended periods of social learning and language acquisition in juvenile humans. However, the differences
between the structure of human brains and those of other apes may be even more significant than differences in
size.[][][27][28] The increase in volume over time has affected different areas within the brain unequally – the
temporal lobes, which contain centers for language processing have increased disproportionately, as has the
prefrontal cortex which has been related to complex decision making and moderating social behavior.[]
Encephalization has been tied to an increasing emphasis on meat in the diet,[29][30] or with the development of
cooking,[] and it has been proposed that intelligence increased as a response to an increased necessity for solving
social problems as human society became more complex.
The reduced degree of sexual dimorphism is primarily visible in the reduction of the male canine tooth relative to
other ape species (except gibbons). Another important physiological change related to sexuality in humans was the
evolution of hidden estrus. Humans are the only ape in which the female is fertile year round, and in which no
special signals of fertility are produced by the body (such as genital swelling during estrus). Nonetheless humans
retain a degree of sexual dimorphism in the distribution of body hair and subcutaneous fat, and in the overall size,
males being around 25% larger than females. These changes taken together have been interpreted as a result of an
increased emphasis on pair bonding as a possible solution to the requirement for increased parental investment due to
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Human
the prolonged infancy of offspring.
Rise of Homo sapiens
By the beginning of the Upper
Paleolithic period (50,000 BP), full
behavioral
modernity,
including
language, music and other cultural
universals had developed.[31][32] As
modern humans spread out from Africa
they encountered other hominids such
as Homo neanderthalensis and the
so-called Denisovans, who may have
evolved from populations of Homo
erectus that had left Africa already
around 2 [33] million years ago. The
nature of interaction between early
humans and these sister species has
been a long standing source of
The path followed by humans in the course of history
controversy, the question being
whether humans replaced these earlier
species or whether they were in fact similar enough to interbreed, in which case these earlier populations may have
contributed genetic material to modern humans.[] Recent studies of the Human and Neanderthal genomes suggest
gene flow between archaic Homo sapiens and Neanderthals and Denisovans.[34][35][36]
This migration out of Africa is estimated to have begun about 70,000 years BP. Modern humans subsequently spread
globally, replacing earlier hominins (either through competition or hybridization). They inhabited Eurasia and
Oceania by 40,000 years BP, and the Americas at least 14,500 years BP.[][37]
Transition to civilization
Until c. 10,000 years ago, humans lived as hunter-gatherers. They generally lived in small nomadic groups known as
band societies. The advent of agriculture prompted the Neolithic Revolution, when access to food surplus led to the
formation of permanent human settlements, the domestication of animals and the use of metal tools for the first time
in history. Agriculture encouraged trade and cooperation, and led to complex society. Because of the significance of
this date for human society, it is the epoch of the Holocene calendar or Human Era.
About 6,000 years ago, the first proto-states developed in Mesopotamia, Egypt's Nile Valley and the Indus Valley.
Military forces were formed for protection, and government bureaucracies for administration. States cooperated and
competed for resources, in some cases waging wars. Around 2,000–3,000 years ago, some states, such as Persia,
India, China, Rome, and Greece, developed through conquest into the first expansive empires. Ancient Greece was
the seminal civilization that laid the foundations of Western culture, being the birthplace of Western philosophy,
democracy, major scientific and mathematical advances, the Olympic Games, Western literature and historiography,
as well as Western drama, including both tragedy and comedy.[38] Influential religions, such as Judaism, originating
in West Asia, and Hinduism, originating in South Asia, also rose to prominence at this time.
The late Middle Ages saw the rise of revolutionary ideas and technologies. In China, an advanced and urbanized
society promoted innovations and sciences, such as printing and seed drilling. In India, major advancements were
made in mathematics, philosophy, religion and metallurgy. The Islamic Golden Age saw major scientific
advancements in Muslim empires. In Europe, the rediscovery of classical learning and inventions such as the
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Human
printing press led to the Renaissance in the 14th and 15th centuries. Over the next 500 years, exploration and
colonialism brought great parts of the world under European control, leading to later struggles for independence. The
Scientific Revolution in the 17th century and the Industrial Revolution in the 18th–19th centuries promoted major
innovations in transport, such as the railway and automobile; energy development, such as coal and electricity; and
government, such as representative democracy and Communism.
With the advent of the Information Age at the end of the 20th century, modern humans live in a world that has
become increasingly globalized and interconnected. As of 2010, almost 2 billion humans are able to communicate
with each other via the Internet,[39] and 3.3 billion by mobile phone subscriptions.[40]
Although interconnection between humans has encouraged the growth of science, art, discussion, and technology, it
has also led to culture clashes and the development and use of weapons of mass destruction. Human civilization has
led to environmental destruction and pollution significantly contributing to the ongoing mass extinction of other
forms of life called the holocene extinction event,[41] which may be further accelerated by global warming in the
future.[42]
Habitat and population
Early human settlements were
dependent on proximity to water and,
depending on the lifestyle, other
natural resources used for subsistence,
such as populations of animal prey for
hunting and arable land for growing
crops and grazing livestock. But
humans have a great capacity for
altering their habitats by means of
The Earth, as seen from space in October 2000, showing the extent of human occupation
technology, through irrigation, urban
of the planet. The bright lights are the most densely inhabited areas.
planning,
construction,
transport,
manufacturing goods, deforestation
and desertification. Deliberate habitat alteration is often done with the goals of increasing material wealth, increasing
thermal comfort, improving the amount of food available, improving aesthetics, or improving ease of access to
resources or other human settlements. With the advent of large-scale trade and transport infrastructure, proximity to
these resources has become unnecessary, and in many places, these factors are no longer a driving force behind the
growth and decline of a population. Nonetheless, the manner in which a habitat is altered is often a major
determinant in population change.
Technology has allowed humans to colonize all of the continents and adapt to virtually all climates. Within the last
century, humans have explored Antarctica, the ocean depths, and outer space, although large-scale colonization of
these environments is not yet feasible. With a population of over seven billion, humans are among the most
numerous of the large mammals. Most humans (61%) live in Asia. The remainder live in the Americas (14%), Africa
(14%), Europe (11%), and Oceania (0.5%).[citation needed]
Human habitation within closed ecological systems in hostile environments, such as Antarctica and outer space, is
expensive, typically limited in duration, and restricted to scientific, military, or industrial expeditions. Life in space
has been very sporadic, with no more than thirteen humans in space at any given time.[43] Between 1969 and 1972,
two humans at a time spent brief intervals on the Moon. As of June 2013, no other celestial body has been visited by
humans, although there has been a continuous human presence in space since the launch of the initial crew to inhabit
the International Space Station on October 31, 2000.[] However, other celestial bodies have been visited by
human-made objects.
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Human
121
Since 1800, the human population has increased from one billion to over seven billion. In 2004, some 2.5 billion out
of 6.3 billion people (39.7%) lived in urban areas, and this percentage is expected to continue to rise throughout the
21st century. In February 2008, the U.N. estimated that half the world's population would live in urban areas by the
end of the year.[44] Problems for humans living in cities include various forms of pollution and crime,[45] especially
in inner city and suburban slums.
Humans have had a dramatic effect on the environment. As humans are rarely preyed upon, except by other humans
for a variety of reasons, they have been described as apex or superpredators.[46] Currently, through land
development, combustion of fossil fuels, and pollution, humans are thought to be the main contributor to global
climate change.[47] If this continues at its current rate it is predicted that climate change will wipe out half of all
species over the next century.[48][49]
Biology
Anatomy and physiology
Human body types vary substantially. Although body
size is largely determined by genes, it is also
significantly influenced by environmental factors such
as diet and exercise. The average height of an adult
human is 1.4 m (4 ft 7 in) to 1.9 m (6 ft 3 in) tall,
although this varies significantly from place to place
and depending on ethnic origin.[50] The average mass
of an adult human is 54–64 kg (120–140 lbs) for
females and 76–83 kg (168–183 lbs) for males.[51]
Weight can also vary greatly (e.g. obesity).
Although humans appear hairless compared to other
primates, with notable hair growth occurring chiefly on
the top of the head, underarms and pubic area, the
average human has more hair follicles on his or her
body than the average chimpanzee. The main
distinction is that human hairs are shorter, finer, and
less heavily pigmented than the average chimpanzee's,
thus making them harder to see.[52] Humans, like other
primates, have sweat glands, better enabling them to
conserve energy in tropical environments.
Basic anatomical features of female and male humans. These models
have had body hair and male facial hair removed and head hair
trimmed. The female model is wearing red nail polish on her toenails
and a ring.
The hue of human skin and hair is determined by the presence of pigments called melanins. Human skin hues can
range from dark brown to pale pink, or even nearly white or colorless, such as in cases of Albinism. Human hair
ranges from white to brown to red to most commonly black.[53] This depends on the amount of melanin (an effective
sun blocking pigment) in the skin and hair, with hair melanin concentrations in hair fading with increased age,
leading
to
grey
or
even
Human
white hair. Most researchers believe that skin darkening
was an adaptation that evolved as a protection against
ultraviolet solar radiation, which also helps balancing
folate, which is destroyed by ultraviolet radiation, and
vitamin D, which requires sunlight to form.[54] The skin
pigmentation of contemporary humans is clinally
distributed across the planet, and in general correlates
with the level of ultraviolet radiation. Human skin also
has a capacity to darken (sun tanning) in response to
exposure to ultraviolet radiation.[55][56] Humans tend to
be physically weaker than other similarly sized
primates.[citation needed]
The construction of the human pelvis differs from other
primates, as do the toes. As a result, humans are slower
for short distances than most other animals, but are
among the best long-distance runners in the animal
kingdom.[57] Humans' thinner body hair and more
productive sweat glands also help avoid heat
exhaustion while running for long distances. A
trade-off for these advantages of the modern human
pelvis is that childbirth is more difficult and dangerous,
Vitruvian Man, Leonardo da Vinci's image is often used as an
especially given the larger head size of human babies
implied symbol of the essential symmetry of the human body, and by
compared to other primates. This means that human
extension, of the universe as a whole.
babies must turn around as they pass through the birth
canal which other primates do not do, and it makes humans the only species in which females require help from their
conspecifics to reduce the risks of birthing.
The dental formula of Humans is: 2.1.2.32.1.2.3. Humans have proportionately shorter palates and much smaller teeth
than other primates. They are the only primates to have short, relatively flush canine teeth. Humans have
characteristically crowded teeth, with gaps from lost teeth usually closing up quickly in young individuals. Humans
are gradually losing their wisdom teeth, with some individuals having them congenitally absent.[]
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Human
Genetics
Like all mammals humans are a diploid eukaryotic
species. Each somatic cell has two sets of 23
chromosomes, each set received from one parent,
gametes have only one set of chromosomes which is a
mixture of the two parental sets. Among the 23
chromosomes there are 22 pairs of autosomes and one
pair of sex chromosomes. Like other mammals,
humans have an XY sex-determination system, so that
females have the sex chromosomes XX and males have
XY.
One human genome was sequenced in full in 2003, and
currently efforts are being made to achieve a sample of
the genetic diversity of the species (see International
HapMap Project). By present estimates, humans have
approximately 22,000 genes.[] The variation in human
DNA is minute compared to that of other species,
possibly suggesting a population bottleneck during the
A graphical representation of the ideal human karyotype, including
both the male and female variant of the sex chromosome (number
Late Pleistocene (ca. 100,000 years ago), in which the
23).
human population was reduced to a small number of
breeding pairs.[][] Nucleotide diversity is based on
single mutations called single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). The nucleotide diversity between humans is about
0.1%, which is 1 difference per 1,000 base pairs.[][] A difference of 1 in 1,000 nucleotides between two humans
chosen at random amounts to approximately 3 million nucleotide differences since the human genome has about 3
billion nucleotides. Most of these SNPs are neutral but some (about 3 to 5%) are functional and influence phenotypic
differences between humans through alleles.
By comparing the parts of the genome that are not under natural selection and which therefore accumulate mutations
at a fairly steady rate, it is possible to reconstruct a genetic tree incorporating the entire human species since the last
shared ancestor. Each time a certain mutation (Single nucleotide polymorphism) appears in an individual and is
passed on to his or her descendants a haplogroup is formed including all of the descendants of the individual who
will also carry that mutation. By comparing mitochondrial DNA which is inherited only from the mother, geneticists
have concluded that the last female common ancestor whose genetic marker is found in all modern humans, the
so-called mitochondrial Eve, must have lived around 200,000 years ago.
The forces of natural selection have continued to operate on human populations, with evidence that certain regions of
the genome display directional selection in the past 15,000 years.[]
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Human
124
Life cycle
A 10 mm human embryo at 5
weeks
Boy and girl before puberty
Adult man and woman in the reproductive age
Elderly man and woman
As with other mammals, human reproduction takes place as internal fertilization by sexual intercourse. During this
process, the erect penis of the male is inserted into the female's vagina until the male ejaculates semen, which
contains sperm. The sperm travels through the vagina and cervix into the uterus or Fallopian tubes for fertilization of
the ovum. Upon fertilization and implantation, gestation then occurs within the female's uterus.
The zygote divides inside the female's uterus to become an embryo, which over a period of 38 weeks (9 months) of
gestation becomes a fetus. After this span of time, the fully grown fetus is birthed from the woman's body and
breathes independently as an infant for the first time. At this point, most modern cultures recognize the baby as a
person entitled to the full protection of the law, though some jurisdictions extend various levels of personhood earlier
to human fetuses while they remain in the uterus.
Compared with other species, human childbirth is dangerous. Painful labors lasting 24 hours or more are not
uncommon and sometimes lead to the death of the mother, the child or both.[58] This is because of both the relatively
large fetal head circumference and the mother's relatively narrow pelvis.[][] The chances of a successful labor
increased significantly during the 20th century in wealthier countries with the advent of new medical technologies.
In contrast, pregnancy and natural childbirth remain hazardous ordeals in developing regions of the world, with
Human
125
maternal death rates approximately 100 times greater than in developed countries.[]
In developed countries, infants are typically 3–4 kg (6–9 pounds) in weight and 50–60 cm (20–24 inches) in height
at birth.[59] However, low birth weight is common in developing countries, and contributes to the high levels of
infant mortality in these regions.[] Helpless at birth, humans continue to grow for some years, typically reaching
sexual maturity at 12 to 15 years of age. Females continue to develop physically until around the age of 18, whereas
male development continues until around age 21. The human life span can be split into a number of stages: infancy,
childhood, adolescence, young adulthood, adulthood and old age. The lengths of these stages, however, have varied
across cultures and time periods. Compared to other primates, humans experience an unusually rapid growth spurt
during adolescence, where the body grows 25% in size. Chimpanzees, for example, grow only 14%, with no
pronounced spurt.[] The presence of the growth spurt is probably necessary to keep children physically small until
they are psychologically mature. Humans are one of the few species in which females undergo menopause. It has
been proposed that menopause increases a woman's overall reproductive success by allowing her to invest more time
and resources in her existing offspring and/or their children (the grandmother hypothesis), rather than by continuing
to bear children into old age.[][]
There are significant differences in life expectancy around the world. The developed world is generally aging, with
the median age around 40 years. In the developing world the median age is between 15 and 20 years. Life
expectancy at birth in Hong Kong is 84.8 years for a female and 78.9 for a male, while in Swaziland, primarily
because of AIDS, it is 31.3 years for both sexes.[60] While one in five Europeans is 60 years of age or older, only one
in twenty Africans is 60 years of age or older.[61] The number of centenarians (humans of age 100 years or older) in
the world was estimated by the United Nations at 210,000 in 2002.[62] At least one person, Jeanne Calment, is known
to have reached the age of 122 years;[] higher ages have been claimed but they are not well substantiated.
Worldwide, there are 81 men aged 60 or older for every 100 women of that age group, and among the oldest, there
are 53 men for every 100 women.[citation needed]
Diet
Humans preparing a meal in Bali, Indonesia
Human
126
Venus of Willensdorf statuette from the Upper Palaeolithic period Two starved boys during the Russian famine of 1921
Humans are omnivorous, capable of consuming a wide variety of plant and animal material.[63][64] Varying with
available food sources in regions of habitation, and also varying with cultural and religious norms, human groups
have adopted a range of diets, from purely vegetarian to primarily carnivorous. In some cases, dietary restrictions in
humans can lead to deficiency diseases; however, stable human groups have adapted to many dietary patterns
through both genetic specialization and cultural conventions to use nutritionally balanced food sources.[65] The
human diet is prominently reflected in human culture, and has led to the development of food science.
Until the development of agriculture approximately 10,000 years ago, Homo sapiens employed a hunter-gatherer
method as their sole means of food collection. This involved combining stationary food sources (such as fruits,
grains, tubers, and mushrooms, insect larvae and aquatic mollusks) with wild game, which must be hunted and killed
in order to be consumed.[66] It has been proposed that humans have used fire to prepare and cook food since the time
of Homo erectus.[67] Around ten thousand years ago, humans developed agriculture,[68] which substantially altered
their diet. This change in diet may also have altered human biology; with the spread of dairy farming providing a
new and rich source of food, leading to the evolution of the ability to digest lactose in some adults.[69][70] Agriculture
led to increased populations, the development of cities, and because of increased population density, the wider
spread of infectious diseases. The types of food consumed, and the way in which they are prepared, has varied
widely by time, location, and culture.
In general, humans can survive for two to eight weeks without food, depending on stored body fat. Survival without
water is usually limited to three or four days. About 36 million humans die every year from causes directly or
indirectly related to hunger.[71] Childhood malnutrition is also common and contributes to the global burden of
disease.[72] However global food distribution is not even, and obesity among some human populations has increased
rapidly, leading to health complications and increased mortality in some developed, and a few developing countries.
Worldwide over one billion people are obese,[] while in the United States 35% of people are obese, leading to this
being described as an "obesity epidemic".[] Obesity is caused by consuming more calories than are expended, so
excessive weight gain is usually caused by a combination of an energy-dense high fat diet and insufficient exercise.[]
Human
Biological variation
Most current genetic and archaeological evidence supports a recent
single origin of modern humans in East Africa[] with first migrations
placed at 60,000 years ago. Current genetic studies have demonstrated
that humans on the African continent are the most genetically diverse.[]
However, compared to the other great apes, human gene sequences are
remarkably homogeneous.[]
Nonetheless, there is important biological variation in the human
species – with traits such as skin color, eye color, hair color and
texture, height and build, and cranial features varying clinally across
People in warm climates are often relatively
the globe. Those aspects of genetic variation that give clues to human
slender, tall and dark skinned, such as these
Maasai men from Kenya.
evolutionary history, or which are relevant for medical research have
received particular attention. For example the genes that cause adult
humans to be able to digest lactose are present in high frequencies in
population that have long histories of cattle domestication, suggesting
natural selection having favored that gene in populations that depend
on cow milk. Some hereditary diseases such as Sickle cell anemia are
frequent in populations from areas in which Malaria has been endemic
throughout history – it is believed that the same gene causes increased
resistance to Malaria among those who are unaffected carriers.
Similarly populations that have inhabited specific climates such as
arctic or tropical regions or high altitudes, tend to have developed
specific phenotypes that are beneficial for conserving energy in those
environments — short stature and stocky build in cold regions, tall and
lanky in hot regions, and with high lung capacities in high altitudes.
People in cold climates tend to be relatively short,
heavily built and fair skinned such as these Inuit
Similarly variation in skin color varies clinally with darker colors
women from Canada.
around the equator where the added protection from the sun is thought
to give an evolutionary advantage, and lighter skin tones closer to the
poles where there is less sunlight and the lighter colored skin improves Vitamin D synthesis.
Today it is possible to determine, by genetic analysis, the geographic ancestry of a person and the degree of ancestry
from each region. Such analyses can pinpoint the migrational history of a person's ancestors with a high degree of
accuracy. Often, due to practices of group endogamy, allele frequencies cluster locally around kin groups and
lineages, or by national, cultural or linguistic boundaries, giving a detailed degree of correlation between genetic
clusters and population groups when considering many alleles simultaneously.
127
Human
Race
There is considerable biological variation in between human
populations across the globe, resulting in fairly variable phenotypes.
Traditionally human phenotypical variation has been described as
breaking down into large continental races, characterized by easily
definable traits. Humans were then classified into one of four or five
phenotypical groups often based on skin color, hair texture, and facial
anatomy, and which were matched to a continent with which each
group were associated. Often racial classification of humans was
A Libyan, a Nubian, a Syrian, and an Egyptian,
described in terms of essential characteristics, and came to serve as a
drawing by an unknown artist after a mural of the
way of naturalizing social and cultural stereotypes about racial groups,
tomb of Seti I.
in turn justifying or motivating different forms of racism. As the study
of human biological variation advanced it became clear that most
variation is clinally distributed and blends gradually from one area to the next, with no clear boundaries between
continents, additionally different traits have different clinal distributions. This realization made many anthropologists
and biologists abandon the idea of major human races, instead describing biological variation in terms of populations
and clinally distributed traits.
Today there is no scientific consensus on the biological relevance of race. While biological characteristics of an
individual can give many clues about the geographical origin of their ancestors, anthropologists generally reject the
notion of human "race" as a biological classification scheme. Instead they see it as a set of social constructions that
map onto, but partly obscures, biological variation. Most anthropologists also maintain that the term "race" tacitly
assumes that races are clearly bounded groups with essential characteristics, often ordered hierarchically and used to
justify social inequality.[73][74][75] An opposing view has it that it is possible to talk about "races" without making
essentialist or hierarchical assumptions, and some biologists and many forensic scientists use the word race to
describe biological variation associated with continental ancestry. It is generally agreed upon that certain genetic
traits, including some common illnesses, correlate with genetic ancestry from specific regions, and genetic ancestry
as determined by racial identification is becoming an increasingly common tool for risk assessment in
medicine.[][][][76][][][77][78]
The use of the term "race" to mean something like "subspecies" among humans is obsolete; Homo sapiens has no
existing subspecies (with the exception of Homo sapiens sapiens, the subspecies which includes all existing
humans). In its modern scientific connotation, the term is not applicable to a species as genetically homogeneous as
the human one, as stated in the declaration on race (UNESCO 1950, re-ratified 1978[79]).[] Genetic studies have
substantiated the absence of clear biological borders; thus the term "race" is rarely used in scientific terminology,
either in biological anthropology and in human genetics.[] What in the past had been defined as "races"—whites,
blacks, or Asians—are now defined as "ethnic groups" or "populations", in correlation with the field (sociology,
anthropology, genetics) in which they are considered.[][80]
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Human
129
Psychology
The human brain, the focal point of the central nervous system in
humans, controls the peripheral nervous system. In addition to
controlling "lower", involuntary, or primarily autonomic activities
such as respiration and digestion, it is also the locus of "higher"
order functioning such as thought, reasoning, and abstraction.[81]
These cognitive processes constitute the mind, and, along with
their behavioral consequences, are studied in the field of
psychology.
Generally regarded as more capable of these higher order
activities, the human brain is believed to be more "intelligent" in
general than that of any other known species. While some
non-human species are capable of creating structures and using
simple tools—mostly through instinct and mimicry—human
technology is vastly more complex, and is constantly evolving and
improving through time.
Sleep and dreaming
Drawing of the human brain, showing several
important structures
Humans are generally diurnal. The average sleep requirement is
between seven and nine hours per day for an adult and nine to ten hours per day for a child; elderly people usually
sleep for six to seven hours. Having less sleep than this is common among humans, even though sleep deprivation
can have negative health effects. A sustained restriction of adult sleep to four hours per day has been shown to
correlate with changes in physiology and mental state, including reduced memory, fatigue, aggression, and bodily
discomfort.[] During sleep humans dream. In dreaming humans experience sensory images and sounds, in a sequence
which the dreamer usually perceives more as an apparent participant than as an observer. Dreaming is stimulated by
the pons and mostly occurs during the REM phase of sleep.
Consciousness and thought
Humans are one of the relatively few species to have sufficient self-awareness to recognize themselves in a mirror.[]
Already at 18 months, most human children are aware that the mirror image is not another person.[82]
The human brain perceives the external world through the senses, and
each individual human is influenced greatly by his or her experiences,
leading to subjective views of existence and the passage of time.
Humans are variously said to possess consciousness, self-awareness,
and a mind, which correspond roughly to the mental processes of
thought. These are said to possess qualities such as self-awareness,
sentience, sapience, and the ability to perceive the relationship between
oneself and one's environment. The extent to which the mind
constructs or experiences the outer world is a matter of debate, as are
the definitions and validity of many of the terms used above.
Lecture at the Faculty of Biomedical
Engineering, CTU in Prague.
The physical aspects of the mind and brain, and by extension of the nervous system, are studied in the field of
neurology, the more behavioral in the field of psychology, and a sometimes loosely defined area between in the field
of psychiatry, which treats mental illness and behavioral disorders. Psychology does not necessarily refer to the brain
or nervous system, and can be framed purely in terms of phenomenological or information processing theories of the
Human
130
mind. Increasingly, however, an understanding of brain functions is being included in psychological theory and
practice, particularly in areas such as artificial intelligence, neuropsychology, and cognitive neuroscience.
The nature of thought is central to psychology and related fields. Cognitive psychology studies cognition, the mental
processes' underlying behavior. It uses information processing as a framework for understanding the mind.
Perception, learning, problem solving, memory, attention, language and emotion are all well researched areas as
well. Cognitive psychology is associated with a school of thought known as cognitivism, whose adherents argue for
an information processing model of mental function, informed by positivism and experimental psychology.
Techniques and models from cognitive psychology are widely applied and form the mainstay of psychological
theories in many areas of both research and applied psychology. Largely focusing on the development of the human
mind through the life span, developmental psychology seeks to understand how people come to perceive,
understand, and act within the world and how these processes change as they age. This may focus on intellectual,
cognitive, neural, social, or moral development.
Some philosophers divide consciousness into phenomenal consciousness, which is experience itself, and access
consciousness, which is the processing of the things in experience.[83] Phenomenal consciousness is the state of
being conscious, such as when they say "I am conscious." Access consciousness is being conscious of something in
relation to abstract concepts, such as when one says "I am conscious of these words." Various forms of access
consciousness include awareness, self-awareness, conscience, stream of consciousness, Husserl's phenomenology,
and intentionality. The concept of phenomenal consciousness, in modern history, according to some, is closely
related to the concept of qualia. Social psychology links sociology with psychology in their shared study of the
nature and causes of human social interaction, with an emphasis on how people think towards each other and how
they relate to each other. The behavior and mental processes, both human and non-human, can be described through
animal cognition, ethology, evolutionary psychology, and comparative psychology as well. Human ecology is an
academic discipline that investigates how humans and human societies interact with both their natural environment
and the human social environment.
Motivation and emotion
Motivation is the driving force of desire behind all deliberate actions of
humans. Motivation is based on emotion—specifically, on the search
for satisfaction (positive emotional experiences), and the avoidance of
conflict. Positive and negative is defined by the individual brain state,
which may be influenced by social norms: a person may be driven to
self-injury or violence because their brain is conditioned to create a
positive response to these actions. Motivation is important because it is
involved in the performance of all learned responses. Within
psychology, conflict avoidance and the libido are seen to be primary
motivators. Within economics, motivation is often seen to be based on
incentives; these may be financial, moral, or coercive. Religions
generally posit divine or demonic influences.
Illustration of grief from Charles Darwin's book
Happiness, or the state of being happy, is a human emotional
The Expression of the Emotions in Man and
Animals.
condition. The definition of happiness is a common philosophical
topic. Some people might define it as the best condition that a human
can have—a condition of mental and physical health. Others define it as freedom from want and distress;
consciousness of the good order of things; assurance of one's place in the universe or society.
Emotion has a significant influence on, or can even be said to control, human behavior, though historically many
cultures and philosophers have for various reasons discouraged allowing this influence to go unchecked. Emotional
experiences perceived as pleasant, such as love, admiration, or joy, contrast with those perceived as unpleasant, like
Human
hate, envy, or sorrow. There is often a distinction made between refined emotions that are socially learned and
survival oriented emotions, which are thought to be innate. Human exploration of emotions as separate from other
neurological phenomena is worthy of note, particularly in cultures where emotion is considered separate from
physiological state. In some cultural medical theories emotion is considered so synonymous with certain forms of
physical health that no difference is thought to exist. The Stoics believed excessive emotion was harmful, while
some Sufi teachers felt certain extreme emotions could yield a conceptual perfection, what is often translated as
ecstasy.
In modern scientific thought, certain refined emotions are considered a complex neural trait innate in a variety of
domesticated and non-domesticated mammals. These were commonly developed in reaction to superior survival
mechanisms and intelligent interaction with each other and the environment; as such, refined emotion is not in all
cases as discrete and separate from natural neural function as was once assumed. However, when humans function in
civilized tandem, it has been noted that uninhibited acting on extreme emotion can lead to social disorder and crime.
Sexuality and love
For humans, sexuality has important social functions: it creates
physical intimacy, bonds and hierarchies among individuals, besides
ensuring biological reproduction. Humans are one of only two primate
species, the other being the bonobo, that frequently have sex outside of
female fertile periods and that also often engage in sexual activity for
no other purpose than pleasure and enjoyment, something that is very
rare among other animals.[citation needed] Sexual desire or libido, is
experienced as a bodily urge, often accompanied by strong emotions
Human parents continue caring for their offspring
such as love, ecstasy and jealousy. The significance of sexuality in the
long after they are born.
human species is reflected in a number of physical features among
them hidden ovulation, the evolution of external scrotum and penis
suggesting sperm competition, the absence of an os penis, permanent secondary sexual characteristics and the
forming of pair bonds based on sexual attraction as a common social structure. Contrary to other primates that often
advertise estrus through visible signs, human females do not have a distinct or visible signs of ovulation plus they
experience sexual desire outside of their fertile periods. These adaptations indicate that the meaning of sexuality in
humans is similar to that found in the Bonobo, and that the complex human sexual behavior has a long evolutionary
history.[]
Human choices in acting on sexuality are commonly influenced by cultural norms which vary widely. Restrictions
are often determined by religious beliefs or social customs. The pioneering researcher Sigmund Freud believed that
humans are born polymorphously perverse, which means that any number of objects could be a source of pleasure.
According to Freud humans then pass through five stages of psychosexual development and can fixate on any stage
because of various traumas during the process. For Alfred Kinsey, another influential sex researcher, people can fall
anywhere along a continuous scale of sexual orientation, with only small minorities fully heterosexual or
homosexual. Recent studies of neurology and genetics suggest people may be born predisposed to various sexual
tendencies.[][]
131
Human
132
Culture
Human society statistics
World population
7.1 billion
Population density[citation
12.7 per km² (4.9 mi²) by total area
43.6 per km² (16.8 mi²) by land area
needed]
Beijing, Bogotá, Buenos Aires, Cairo, Delhi, Dhaka, Guangzhou, Istanbul, Jakarta, Karachi, Kinshasa,
Kolkata, Lagos, Lima, London, Los Angeles, Manila, Mexico City, Moscow, Mumbai, New York
City, Osaka, Paris, Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Seoul, Shanghai, Shenzhen, Tehran, Tianjin, Tokyo,
Wuhan
Largest
agglomerations[citation
needed]
Most widely spoken native
[84]
languages
[85]
Mandarin Chinese, Spanish, English, Arabic, Hindi, Bengali, Portuguese, Russian, Japanese, German,
Javanese, Punjabi, Telugu, Vietnamese, French, Marathi, Turkish, Korean, Tamil, Italian, Urdu,
Indonesian
Most popular religions
Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, Judaism, Baha'i
GDP (nominal)[citation
$36,356,240 million USD
($5,797 USD per capita)
needed]
GDP (PPP)[citation needed]
$51,656,251 million IND
($8,236 per capita)
Humans are highly social beings and tend to live in large complex social groups. More than any other creature,
humans are adept at utilizing systems of communication for self-expression, the exchange of ideas, and organization,
and as such have created complex social structures composed of many cooperating and competing groups. Human
groups range from families to nations. Social interactions between humans have established an extremely wide
variety of values, social norms, and rituals, which together form the basis of human society.
Culture is defined here as patterns of complex symbolic behavior, i.e. all behavior that is not innate but which has to
be learned through social interaction with others; such as the use of distinctive material and symbolic systems,
including language, ritual, social organization, traditions, beliefs and technology.
Language
The human capacity to exchange information and ideas through speech (and recently, writing) is unparalleled in
other species. Unlike the closed sign systems of other primates in which sounds are unique and mutually exclusive,
human language is open – an infinite number of meanings can be produced by combining a limited number of
sounds and words. Human language also has the capacity of displacement, using words to represent things and
happenings that are not presently or locally occurring, but reside in the shared imagination of interlocutors.[] Basic
displacement may occur in other species, but is uniquely elaborated in humans, allowing symbols and language to
refer to abstract or even purely imaginary states, and underpinning the complex symbolic culture of the species.
Humans are the only species able to ask questions. Unlike chimpanzees and bonobos, who are able to answer
complex questions but can not formulate and ask questions themselves, humans ask questions from a very early
age.[86][87] Human language is also unique in being a modality independent sign system, the same meanings can be
conveyed through different media, auditively in speech, visually by gestural signs or writing and even through tactile
media such as braille. The faculty of language is a defining feature of humanity, and a cultural universal. Language
is central to the communication between humans, and to the sense of identity that unites nations, cultures and ethnic
groups. The invention of writing systems at least five thousand years ago allowed the preservation of language on
material objects, and was a major technological advancement. The science of linguistics describes the structure and
function of language and the relationship between languages. There are approximately six thousand different
languages currently in use, including sign languages, and many thousands more that are extinct.[]
Human
Gender roles
The sexual division of humans into male and female has been marked culturally by a corresponding division of roles,
norms, practices, dress, behavior, rights, duties, privileges, status, and power. Cultural differences by gender have
often been believed to have arisen naturally out of a division of reproductive labor; the biological fact that women
give birth led to their further cultural responsibility for nurturing and caring for children. Gender roles have varied
historically, and challenges to predominant gender norms have recurred in many societies.
Kinship
All human societies organize, recognize and classify types of social
relationships based on relations between parents and children
(consanguinity), and relations through marriage (affinity). These kinds
of relations are generally called kinship relations. In most societies
kinship places mutual responsibilities and expectations of solidarity on
the individuals that are so related, and those who recognize each other
as kinsmen come to form networks through which other social
institutions can be regulated. Among the many functions of kinship is
the ability to form descent groups, groups of people sharing a common
line of descent, which can function as political units such as clans.
Another function is the way in which kinship unites families through
marriage, forming kinship alliances between groups of wife-takers and
wife-givers. Such alliances also often have important political and
economical ramifications, and may result in the formation of political
organization above the community level. Kinship relations often
Humans often live in family-based social
includes regulations for whom an individual should or shouldn't marry.
structures.
All societies have rules of incest taboo, according to which marriage
between certain kinds of kin relations are prohibited – such rules vary widely between cultures. Some societies also
have rules of preferential marriage with certain kin relations, frequently with either cross or parallel cousins. Rules
and norms for marriage and social behavior among kinsfolk is often reflected in the systems of kinship terminology
in the various languages of the world. In many societies kinship relations can also be formed through forms of
co-habitation, adoption, fostering, or companionship, which also tends to create relations of enduring solidarity.
Ethnicity
Humans often form ethnic groups, such groups tend to be larger than kinship networks and be organized around a
common identity defined variously in terms of shared ancestry and history, shared cultural norms and language, or
shared biological phenotype. Such ideologies of shared characteristics are often perpetuated in the form of powerful,
compelling narratives that give legitimacy and continuity to the set of shared values. Ethnic groupings often
correspond to some level of political organization such as the band, tribe, city state or nation. Although ethnic groups
appear and disappear through history, members of ethnic groups often conceptualize their groups as having histories
going back into the deep past. Such ideologies give ethnicity a powerful role in defining social identity and in
constructing solidarity between members of an ethno-political unit. This unifying property of ethnicity has been
closely tied to the rise of the nation state as the predominant form of political organization in the 19th and 20th
century.[88][89][90][91][92][93]
133
Human
134
Society, government, and politics
Society is the system of organizations and institutions arising from
interaction between humans. A state is an organized political
community occupying a definite territory, having an organized
government, and possessing internal and external sovereignty.
Recognition of the state's claim to independence by other states,
enabling it to enter into international agreements, is often important to
the establishment of its statehood. The "state" can also be defined in
terms of domestic conditions, specifically, as conceptualized by Max
Weber, "a state is a human community that (successfully) claims the
monopoly of the 'legitimate' use of physical force within a given
territory."[94]
The United Nations complex in New York City,
which houses one of the largest political
organizations in the world
Government can be defined as the political means of creating and enforcing laws; typically via a bureaucratic
hierarchy. Politics is the process by which decisions are made within groups; this process often involves conflict as
well as compromise. Although the term is generally applied to behavior within governments, politics is also
observed in all human group interactions, including corporate, academic, and religious institutions. Many different
political systems exist, as do many different ways of understanding them, and many definitions overlap. Examples of
governments include monarchy, Communist state, military dictatorship, theocracy, and liberal democracy, the last of
which is considered dominant today. All of these issues have a direct relationship with economics.
Trade and economics
Trade is the voluntary exchange of goods and services, and is a form of
economics. A mechanism that allows trade is called a market. The
original form of trade was barter, the direct exchange of goods and
services. Modern traders instead generally negotiate through a medium
of exchange, such as money. As a result, buying can be separated from
selling, or earning. The invention of money (and later credit, paper
money and non-physical money) greatly simplified and promoted
trade. Because of specialization and division of labor, most people
concentrate on a small aspect of manufacturing or service, trading their
Buyers and sellers bargaining in a market
labor for products. Trade exists between regions because different
regions have an absolute or comparative advantage in the production of
some tradable commodity, or because different regions' size allows for the benefits of mass production.
Economics is a social science which studies the production, distribution, trade, and consumption of goods and
services. Economics focuses on measurable variables, and is broadly divided into two main branches:
microeconomics, which deals with individual agents, such as households and businesses, and macroeconomics,
which considers the economy as a whole, in which case it considers aggregate supply and demand for money, capital
and commodities. Aspects receiving particular attention in economics are resource allocation, production,
distribution, trade, and competition. Economic logic is increasingly applied to any problem that involves choice
under scarcity or determining economic value.
Human
135
War
War is a state of widespread conflict between states or other large
groups of humans, which is characterized by the use of lethal violence
between combatants and/or upon civilians. (Humans also engage in
lesser conflicts, such as brawls, riots, revolts, and melees. A revolution
may or may not involve warfare.) It is estimated that during the 20th
century between 167 and 188 million humans died as a result of
war.[95] A common perception of war is a series of military campaigns
between at least two opposing sides involving a dispute over
sovereignty, territory, resources, religion, or other issues. A war
between internal elements of a state is a civil war.
Japanese samurai attacking a Mongol ship in the
13th century. Warfare has been an integral aspect
of all human societies since before the rise of
civilization.
There have been a wide variety of rapidly advancing tactics throughout the history of war, ranging from
conventional war to asymmetric warfare to total war and unconventional warfare. Techniques include hand to hand
combat, the use of ranged weapons, Naval warfare, and, more recently, air support. Military intelligence has often
played a key role in determining victory and defeat. Propaganda, which often includes information, slanted opinion
and disinformation, plays a key role in maintaining unity within a warring group, and/or sowing discord among
opponents. In modern warfare, soldiers and combat vehicles are used to control the land, warships the sea, and
aircraft the sky. These fields have also overlapped in the forms of marines, paratroopers, naval aircraft carriers, and
surface-to-air missiles, among others. Satellites in low Earth orbit have made outer space a factor in warfare as well
as it is used for detailed intelligence gathering, however no known aggressive actions have been taken from space.
Material culture and technology
Stone tools were used by proto-humans at least 2.5 million years ago.[]
The controlled use of fire began around 1.5 million years ago. Since
then, humans have made major advances, developing complex
technology to create tools to aid their lives and allowing for other
advancements in culture. Major leaps in technology include the
discovery of agriculture – what is known as the Neolithic Revolution,
and the invention of automated machines in the Industrial Revolution.
Archaeology attempts to tell the story of past or lost cultures in part by
close examination of the artifacts they produced. Early humans left
stone tools, pottery, and jewelry that are particular to various regions
and times.
An array of Neolithic artifacts, including
bracelets, axe heads, chisels, and polishing tools.
Body culture
Throughout their history humans have altered their appearance by wearing clothing[96][97] and adornments, by
trimming or shaving hair or by means of body modifications.
Body modification is the deliberate altering of the human body for any non-medical reason, such as aesthetics,
sexual enhancement, a rite of passage, religious reasons, to display group membership or affiliation, to create body
art, shock value, or self-expression.[] In its most broad definition it includes plastic surgery, socially acceptable
decoration (e.g., common ear piercing in many societies), and religious rites of passage (e.g., circumcision in a
number of cultures).[]
Human
136
Religion and spirituality
Religion is generally defined as a belief system concerning the
supernatural, sacred or divine, and practices, values, institutions and
rituals associated with such belief. Some religions also have a moral
code. The evolution and the history of the first religions have recently
become areas of active scientific investigation.[99][][] However, in the
course of its development, religion has taken on many forms that vary
by culture and individual perspective. Some of the chief questions and
issues religions are concerned with include life after death (commonly
involving belief in an afterlife), the origin of life, the nature of the
universe (religious cosmology) and its ultimate fate (eschatology), and
what is moral or immoral. A common source for answers to these
questions are beliefs in transcendent divine beings such as deities or a
singular God, although not all religions are theistic. Spirituality, belief
or involvement in matters of the soul or spirit, is one of the many
different approaches humans take in trying to answer fundamental
questions about humankind's place in the universe, the meaning of life,
and the ideal way to live one's life. Though these topics have also been
addressed by philosophy, and to some extent by science, spirituality is
unique in that it focuses on mystical or supernatural concepts such as
karma and God.
Religion and spirituality are important aspects of
human cultures, as is seen in The Creation of
Adam by Michelangelo.
Although the exact level of religiosity can be hard to measure,[] a
majority of humans professes some variety of religious or spiritual
belief, although many (in some countries a majority) are irreligious.
This includes humans who have no religious beliefs or are atheists,
scientific skeptics, agnostics or simply non-religious. Humanism is a
philosophy which seeks to include all of humanity and all issues
common to humans; it is usually non-religious. Most religions and
Nsibidi script from Nigeria. A means of
communication
among the initiates of the
spiritual beliefs are clearly distinct from science on both a
[98]
Ekpe secret society.
philosophical and methodological level; the two are not generally
considered mutually exclusive and a majority of humans hold a mix of
both scientific and religious views. The distinction between philosophy and religion, on the other hand, is at times
less clear, and the two are linked in such fields as the philosophy of religion and theology.
Human
137
Philosophy and self-reflection
Philosophy is a discipline or field of study involving the investigation, analysis,
and development of ideas at a general, abstract, or fundamental level. It is the
discipline searching for a general understanding of reality, reasoning and values.
Major fields of philosophy include logic, metaphysics, epistemology, philosophy
of mind, and axiology (which includes ethics and aesthetics). Philosophy covers
a very wide range of approaches, and is used to refer to a worldview, to a
perspective on an issue, or to the positions argued for by a particular philosopher
or school of philosophy.
Science and mathematics
Another unique aspect of human culture and thought is the development of
Statue of Confucius on Chongming
complex methods for acquiring knowledge through observation and
Island in Shanghai
quantification. The scientific method has been developed to acquire knowledge
of the physical world and the rules, processes and principles of which it consists,
and combined with mathematics it enables the prediction of complex patterns of causality and consequence. Some
other animals are able to recognize differences in small quantities, but humans are able to understand and recognize
much larger, even abstract, quantities, and to recognize and understand algorithmic patterns which enables infinite
counting routines and algebra, something that is not found in any other species.
Art, music, and literature
Allegory of Music (ca. 1594), a
painting of a woman writing sheet
music by Lorenzo Lippi
Art is a cultural universal, and humans have been producing artistic works at
least since the days of Cro Magnon. As a form of cultural expression by humans,
art may be defined by the pursuit of diversity and the usage of narratives of
liberation and exploration (i.e. art history, art criticism, and art theory) to mediate
its boundaries. This distinction may be applied to objects or performances,
current or historical, and its prestige extends to those who made, found, exhibit,
or own them. In the modern use of the word, art is commonly understood to be
the process or result of making material works that, from concept to creation,
adhere to the "creative impulse" of human beings. Art is distinguished from other
works by being in large part unprompted by necessity, by biological drive, or by
any undisciplined pursuit of recreation.
Music is a natural intuitive phenomenon based on the three distinct and
interrelated organization structures of rhythm, harmony, and melody. Listening
to music is perhaps the most common and universal form of entertainment for humans, while learning and
understanding it are popular disciplines. There are a wide variety of music genres and ethnic musics. Literature, the
body of written—and possibly oral—works, especially creative ones, includes prose, poetry and drama, both fiction
and non-fiction. Literature includes such genres as epic, legend, myth, ballad, and folklore.
Human
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[95] Ferguson, Niall. "The Next War of the World." Foreign Affairs, Sep/Oct 2006
[97] Kvavadze E, Bar-Yosef O, Belfer-Cohen A, Boaretto E,Jakeli N, Matskevich Z, Meshveliani T. (2009).30,000-Year-Old Wild Flax Fibers"
Science 325(5946) 1359. PMID 19745144 Supporting Online Material (http:/ / www. sciencemag. org/ cgi/ data/ 325/ 5946/ 1359/ DC1/ 1)
[98] Diringer, David, "The alphabet: a key to the history of mankind", Volume 1, p 107, Funk & Wagnalls, 1968.
Further reading
• Freeman, Scott; Jon C. Herron, Evolutionary Analysis (4th ed.) Pearson Education, Inc., 2007. ISBN
0-13-227584-8 pages 757–761.
External links
• Archaeology Info (http://www.archaeologyinfo.com/homosapiens.htm)
• Homo sapiens (http://humanorigins.si.edu/evidence/human-fossils/species/homo-sapiens) – The Smithsonian
Institution's Human Origins Program
• Homo sapiens Linnaeus, 1758 (http://www.eol.org/pages/327955) at the Encyclopedia of Life
• View the human genome (http://www.ensembl.org/Homo_sapiens/Info/Index) on Ensembl
139
Interpersonal relationship
140
Interpersonal relationship
Relationships
Part of a series on
Love
Field of study
The study of interpersonal relationships involves several branches of the social sciences, including such disciplines
as sociology, psychology, anthropology, and social work.Interpersonal skills are extremely vital when trying to
develop a relationship with another person. The scientific study of relationships evolved during the 1990s and came
to be referred to as 'relationship science',[1] which distinguishes itself from anecdotal evidence or pseudo-experts by
basing conclusions on data and objective analysis. Interpersonal ties are also a subject in mathematical sociology.[2]
Development
Interpersonal relationships are dynamic systems that change continuously during their existence. Like living
organisms, relationships have a beginning, a lifespan, and an end. They tend to grow and improve gradually, as
people get to know each other and become closer emotionally, or they gradually deteriorate as people drift apart,
move on with their lives and form new relationships with others. One of the most influential models of relationship
development was proposed by psychologist George Levinger.[3] This model was formulated to describe
heterosexual, adult romantic relationships, but it has been applied to other kinds of interpersonal relations as well.
According to the model, the natural development of a relationship follows five stages:
1. Acquaintance – Becoming acquainted depends on previous relationships, physical proximity, first impressions,
and a variety of other factors. If two people begin to like each other, continued interactions may lead to the next
stage, but acquaintance can continue indefinitely.
2. Buildup – During this stage, people begin to trust and care about each other. The need for intimacy, compatibility
and such filtering agents as common background and goals will influence whether or not interaction continues.
3. Continuation – This stage follows a mutual commitment to a long-term friendship, romantic relationship, or
marriage. It is generally a long, relative stable period. Nevertheless, continued growth and development will occur
during this time. Mutual trust is important for sustaining the relationship.
4. Deterioration – Not all relationships deteriorate, but those that do tend to show signs of trouble. Boredom,
resentment, and dissatisfaction may occur, and individuals may communicate less and avoid self-disclosure. Loss
of trust and betrayals may take place as the downward spiral continues, eventually ending the relationship.
(Alternately, the participants may find some way to resolve the problems and reestablish trust.)
5. Termination – The final stage marks the end of the relationship, either by death, or by separation.
Friendships may involve some degree of transitivity. In other words, a person may become a friend of an existing
friend's friend. However, if two people have a sexual relationship with the same person, they may become
Interpersonal relationship
competitors rather than friends. Accordingly, sexual behavior with the sexual partner of a friend may damage the
friendship (see love triangle). Sexual activities between two friends tend to alter that relationship, either by "taking it
to the next level" or by severing it.
Flourishing relationships
Positive psychologists use the term "flourishing relationships" to describe interpersonal relationships that are not
merely happy, but instead characterized by intimacy, growth, and resilience.[4] Flourishing relationships also allow a
dynamic balance between focus on the intimate relationships and focus on other social relationships.
Background
While traditional psychologists specializing in close relationships have focused on relationship dysfunction, positive
psychology argues that relationship health is not merely the absence of relationship dysfunction.[5] Healthy
relationships are built on a foundation of secure attachment and are maintained with love and purposeful positive
relationship behaviors. Additionally, healthy relationships can be made to "flourish." Positive psychologists are
exploring what makes existing relationships flourish and what skills can be taught to partners to enhance their
existing and future personal relationships. A social skills approach posits that individuals differ in their degree of
communication skill, which has implications for their relationships. Relationships in which partners possess and
enact relevant communication skills are more satisfying and stable than relationships in which partners lack
appropriate communication skills.[6]
Adult attachment and attachment theory
Healthy relationships are built on a foundation of secure attachments. Adult attachment models represent an internal
set of expectations and preferences regarding relationship intimacy that guide behavior.[5] Secure adult attachment,
characterized by low attachment-related avoidance and anxiety, has numerous benefits. Within the context of safe,
secure attachments, people can pursue optimal human functioning and flourishing.[5] This is because social acts that
reinforce feelings of attachment also stimulate the release of neurotransmitters such as oxytocin and endorphin,
which alleviate stress and create feelings of contentment.[7] Attachment theory can also be used as a means of
explaining adult relationships.[8]
Love
The capacity for love gives depth to human relationships, brings people closer to each other physically and
emotionally, and makes people think expansively about themselves and the world.[5]
In his triangular theory of love, psychologist Robert Sternberg theorizes that love is a mix of three components: some
(1) passion, or physical attraction; (2) intimacy, or feelings of closeness; and (3) commitment, involving the decision
to initiate and sustain a relationship. The presence of all three components characterizes consummate love, the most
durable type of love. In addition, the presence of intimacy and passion in marital relationships predicts marital
satisfaction. Also, commitment is the best predictor of relationship satisfaction, especially in long-term relationships.
Positive consequences of being in love include increased self-esteem and self-efficacy.[5]
Referring to the emotion of love, Psychiatrist Daniel Casriel defined the “logic of love” as “the logic of pleasure and
pain” in the concept of a "Relationship Road Map" that became the foundation of PAIRS' relationship education
classes.[]
”We are drawn to what we anticipate will be a source of pleasure and will look to avoid what we
anticipate will be a source of pain. The emotion of love comes from the anticipation of pleasure.”[]
Based on Casriel’s theory, sustaining feelings of love in an interpersonal relationship requires “effective
communication, emotional understanding, and healthy conflict resolution skills.”[9]
141
Interpersonal relationship
Theories and empirical research
Confucianism
Confucianism is a study and theory of relationships especially within hierarchies.[10] Social harmony—the central
goal of Confucianism—results in part from every individual knowing his or her place in the social order, and playing
his or her part well. Particular duties arise from each person's particular situation in relation to others. The individual
stands simultaneously in several different relationships with different people: as a junior in relation to parents and
elders, and as a senior in relation to younger siblings, students, and others. Juniors are considered in Confucianism to
owe their seniors reverence and seniors have duties of benevolence and concern toward juniors. A focus on
mutuality is prevalent in East Asian cultures to this day.
Minding relationships
The mindfulness theory of relationships shows how closeness in relationships may be enhanced. Minding is the
"reciprocal knowing process involving the nonstop, interrelated thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of persons in a
relationship."[11] Five components of "minding" include:[5]
1. Knowing and being known: seeking to understand the partner
2. Making relationship-enhancing attributions for behaviors: giving the benefit of the doubt
3. Accepting and respecting: empathy and social skills
4. Maintaining reciprocity: active participation in relationship enhancement
5. Continuity in minding: persisting in mindfulness
Culture of appreciation
After studying married couples for many years, psychologist John Gottman has proposed the theory of the "magic
ratio" for successful marriages. The theory says that for a marriage to be successful, couples must average a ratio of
five positive interactions to one negative interaction. As the ratio moves to 1:1, divorce becomes more likely.[5]
Interpersonal interactions associated with negative relationships include criticism, contempt, defensiveness, and
stonewalling. Over time, therapy aims to turn these interpersonal strategies into more positive ones, which include
complaint, appreciation, acceptance of responsibility, and self-soothing. Similarly, partners in interpersonal
relationships can incorporate positive components into difficult subjects in order to avoid emotional
disconnection.[12]
In addition, Martin Seligman proposes the concept of Active-Constructive Responding, which stresses the
importance of practicing conscious attentive listening and feedback skills. In essence, practicing this technique aims
to improve the quality of communication between members of the relationship, and in turn the gratitude expressed
between said members.[13]
Capitalizing on positive events
People can capitalize on positive events in an interpersonal context to work toward flourishing relationships. People
often turn to others to share their good news (termed "capitalization"). Studies show that both the act of telling others
about good events and the response of the person with whom the event was shared have personal and interpersonal
consequences, including increased positive emotions, subjective well-being, and self-esteem, and relationship
benefits including intimacy, commitment, trust, liking, closeness, and stability.[14] Studies show that the act of
communicating positive events was associated with increased positive affect and well-being (beyond the impact of
the positive event itself a). Other studies have found that relationships in which partners responded to "good news"
communication enthusiastically were associated with higher relationship well-being.[15]
142
Interpersonal relationship
Other perspectives
Neurobiology of interpersonal connections
There is an emerging body of research across multiple disciplines investigating the neurological basis of attachment
and the prosocial emotions and behaviors that are the prerequisites for healthy adult relationships.[5] The social
environment, mediated by attachment, influences the maturation of structures in a child's brain. This might explain
how infant attachment affects adult emotional health. Researchers are currently investigating the link between
positive caregiver–child relationships and the development of hormone systems, such as the HPA axis.
Applications
Researchers are developing an approach to couples therapy that moves partners from patterns of repeated conflict to
patterns of more positive, comfortable exchanges. Goals of therapy include development of social and interpersonal
skills. Expressing gratitude and sharing appreciation for a partner is the primary means for creating a positive
relationship. Positive marital counseling also emphasizes mindfulness. The further study of "flourishing relationships
could shape the future of premarital and marital counseling as well."[5]
Controversies
Some researchers criticize positive psychology for studying positive processes in isolation from negative
processes.[citation needed] Positive psychologists argue that positive and negative processes in relationships may be
better understood as functionally independent, not as opposites of each other.[16]
References
[2] Berscheid, E., & Peplau, L.A. (1983). The emerging science of relationships. In H.H. Kelley, et al. (Eds.), Close relationships. (pp. 1–19).
New York: W.H. Freeman and Company.
[3] Levinger, G. (1983). Development and change. In H.H. Kelley, et al. (Eds.), Close relationships. (pp. 315–359). New York: W.H. Freeman
and Company.
[4] Fincham, F.D., & Beach, S.R.H. (2010). Of Memes and Marriage: Toward a Positive Relationship Science. Journal of Family Theory &
Review, 2, 4–24.
[5] Snyder, C.R., & Lopez, Shane, J. (2007). "Positive psychology: the scientific and practical explorations of human strengths.", Thousand
Oaks, California: Sage Publications, 297–321.
[11] John H. Harvey, J.H., & Pauwels, B.G. (2009). Relationship Connection: A Redux on the Role of Minding and the Quality of Feeling
Special in the Enhancement of Closeness. [Eds.] Snyder, C.D., & Lopez, S.J. Oxford Handbook of Positive Psychology: Second Edition.
Oxford: Oxford University Press. 385–392.
[14] Gable, S.L., & Reis, H.T. (2010). Good News! Capitalizing on Positive Events in an Interpersonal Context. Advances in Experimental Social
Psychology, 42, 195–257.
[15] Gable, S.L., Reis, H.T., Impett, E.A., Asher, E.R. (2004). What Do You Do When Things Go Right? The Intrapersonal and Interpersonal
Benefits of Sharing Positive Events. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 87, 228–245.
[16] Maniaci, M.R., & Reis, H.T. (2010). The Marriage of Positive Psychology and Relationship Science: A Reply to Fincham and Beach.
Journal of Family Theory & Review, 2, 47–53.
143
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147
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
File:Da Vinci Vitruve Luc Viatour.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Da_Vinci_Vitruve_Luc_Viatour.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Original drawing:
Photograpy:
File:Moai Easter Island InvMH-35-61-1.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Moai_Easter_Island_InvMH-35-61-1.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors:
User:Jastrow
File:African sccs cultures.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:African_sccs_cultures.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anthon.Eff, Giorgiomonteforti,
Mvangeest, TUBS
File:Circum-mediterannean sccs cultures.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Circum-mediterannean_sccs_cultures.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors:
Anthon.Eff, Look2See1, Mvangeest
File:East eurasian sccs cultures.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:East_eurasian_sccs_cultures.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anthon.Eff, Mvangeest
File:Insular pacific.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Insular_pacific.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anthon.Eff, Mvangeest, T L Miles
File:North american sccs cultures.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:North_american_sccs_cultures.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anthon.Eff,
Mvangeest, T L Miles, TUBS
File:South america SCCS cultures.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:South_america_SCCS_cultures.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anthon.Eff,
Mvangeest, T L Miles
Image:Human remains.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Human_remains.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Fairv8, Hesperian, Túrelio, 1 anonymous edits
File:Iowa archaeology edgewater.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Iowa_archaeology_edgewater.JPG License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0
Contributors: Billwhittaker (talk). Original uploader was Billwhittaker at en.wikipedia
File:Punu mask Gabon.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Punu_mask_Gabon.JPG License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: arts-primitive.com
File:ChineseMedecine.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:ChineseMedecine.JPG License: Public Domain Contributors: Miuki, Xhienne
File:Cannibalism in Brazil ('French Antarctica') in 1555, by André Thevet.jpg Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Cannibalism_in_Brazil_('French_Antarctica')_in_1555,_by_André_Thevet.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: André Thévet (both text and
picture)
File:Table of Natural History, Cyclopaedia, Volume 2.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Table_of_Natural_History,_Cyclopaedia,_Volume_2.jpg License: Public
Domain Contributors: Brian0918, LaosLos, Tmizuk, Wst
File:Libr0310.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Libr0310.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: 84user, Ambigraphe, AndreasPraefcke, Aristeas, Cmapm,
Fastfission, Grandiose, JMCC1, Mattes, Matthead, Papa November, Pieter Kuiper, Ragesoss, 2 anonymous edits
File:Edward Burnett Tylor.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Edward_Burnett_Tylor.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Beao, Ineuw,
MSchnitzler2000, Solon
File:Emile Durkheim.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Emile_Durkheim.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Chico, Dittaeva, Gvf, Mu, P. S. Burton, Piotrus,
Tets, Thierry Caro, Tony Rotondas, Vindicator, Wouterhagens, 3 anonymous edits
Image:Blumenbach's five races.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Blumenbach's_five_races.JPG License: Public Domain Contributors: Blumenbach
File:FranzBoas.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:FranzBoas.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: 430072, Erkan Yilmaz, Illegitimate Barrister, Jonund, Mdd,
Tom, TommyBee, 虍, 1 anonymous edits
File:Ruth Benedict.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ruth_Benedict.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: World Telegram staff photographer
File:Dolina-Pano-3.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Dolina-Pano-3.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: Mario Modesto Mata
File:Taung child (Frankfurt am Main) 2.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Taung_child_(Frankfurt_am_Main)_2.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License
Contributors: Gerbil
File:Archeologists sign at Lubbock Lake Monument IMG 1591.JPG Source:
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File:Monte Albán archeological site, Oaxaca.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Monte_Albán_archeological_site,_Oaxaca.jpg License: Creative Commons
Attribution-ShareAlike 1.0 Generic Contributors: Haylli, PMG, Petrusbarbygere, Ultratomio, 1 anonymous edits
File:Archeoscan excavation site.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Archeoscan_excavation_site.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Contributors: Dr John
Wells
File:Vill excavation.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Vill_excavation.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported Contributors: Clemens
Adolphs, Prometeus
File:Sifting for POW remains, Wake Island.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Sifting_for_POW_remains,_Wake_Island.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors:
U.S. Air Force photo/Tech. Sgt. Shane A. Cuomo
File:Howard Carter in the King Tutankhamen's tomb.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Howard_Carter_in_the_King_Tutankhamen's_tomb.jpg License: Public
Domain Contributors: Harry Burton
File:Beit shean1.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Beit_shean1.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Beny Shlevich, Gveret Tered,
Tango7174, 1 anonymous edits
File:Looting rontoy2007.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Looting_rontoy2007.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Nathancraig
File:Adad-Nirari stela.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Adad-Nirari_stela.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Dbachmann, Jastrow, Mmcannis, Smerdis of
Tlön, Sumerophile
File:Cultural evolution.PNG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Cultural_evolution.PNG License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported Contributors:
FedericoMP, Mdd, Pharos, 1 anonymous edits
File:Margaret Mead (1901-1978).jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Margaret_Mead_(1901-1978).jpg License: unknown Contributors: Smithsonian Institution from
United States
File:Location greek ancient.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Location_greek_ancient.png License: Public Domain Contributors: User:ChrisO
File:Bronislawmalinowski.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Bronislawmalinowski.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Library of the London School of Economics
and Political Science
File:Kula bracelet.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Kula_bracelet.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0,2.5,2.0,1.0 Contributors: Brocken
Inaglory
Image:Trobriand.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Trobriand.png License: Public Domain Contributors: Bendeguz
Image:Toraja house.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Toraja_house.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5 Contributors: Humboldt, Indon,
Jayapura, Merbabu, Midori
File:SharonTemple.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:SharonTemple.jpg License: unknown Contributors: unknown (Life time: unknown)
File:To Pamona Bridewealth exchange.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:To_Pamona_Bridewealth_exchange.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike
3.0 Contributors: User:Schrauwers
File:Wedding rings.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Wedding_rings.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Contributors: EvaK, FlickrLickr, FlickreviewR,
Nevit
File:El Cerrito, San Miguel County, New Mexico. The staple crops in El Cerrito are corn, beans and alfal . . . - NARA - 521202.jpg Source:
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License: Public Domain Contributors: Michael Barera
148
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
Image:ClientCardSample.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:ClientCardSample.png License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Airodyssey at
en.wikipedia
File:McKinley Prosperity.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:McKinley_Prosperity.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Northwestern Litho. Co, Milwaukee
File:WrightMolyneux-ChartoftheWorld-c1599.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:WrightMolyneux-ChartoftheWorld-c1599.jpg License: Public Domain
Contributors: Edward Wright.
File:Tawbuid men.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Tawbuid_men.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Derek Daniel
File:Izmir Ethnography Museum.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Izmir_Ethnography_Museum.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors:
User:Quintucket
File:Ethnography Museum Budapest architecture.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ethnography_Museum_Budapest_architecture.jpg License: Creative Commons
Attribution 2.0 Contributors: Julie Lyn from Washington, DC, USA
File:Bronisław Malinowski among Trobriand tribe.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Bronisław_Malinowski_among_Trobriand_tribe.jpg License: anonymous-EU
Contributors: Unknown (maybe Stanisław Ignacy Witkiewicz, 1885-1939)
Image:SNA segment.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:SNA_segment.png License: GNU General Public License Contributors: Screenshot taken by
User:DarwinPeacock
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Rocket000
File:AFKollar 1779.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:AFKollar_1779.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: GSouthFace, Pescan
File:Levi-strauss-by-pablo-secca.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Levi-strauss-by-pablo-secca.png License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0
Contributors: Pablosecca
file:Akha cropped hires.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Akha_cropped_hires.JPG License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.0 Contributors:
Akha_couple.JPG: Manuel Jobi Weltenbummler84. derivative work: Hartmanga (talk)
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Palosirkka, Pengo, ZxxZxxZ, 8 anonymous edits
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file:Homo Sapien range.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Homo_Sapien_range.png License: Creative Commons Zero Contributors: User:Phoenix_B_1of3,
User:SreeBot
File:Hominidae.PNG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hominidae.PNG License: GNU General Public License Contributors: User:Gdr
File:Craniums of Homo.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Craniums_of_Homo.svg License: Creative Commons Zero Contributors: Волков В.П.
File:Homo habilis-2.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Homo_habilis-2.JPG License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported Contributors:
Homo_habilis.JPG: Photographed by User:Lillyundfreya derivative work: Rafaelamonteiro80 (talk)
File:Map-of-human-migrations.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Map-of-human-migrations.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: 84user,
AnRe photography, ArachanoxReal, Atamari, Aude, Avsa, Cwbm (commons), DEm, DieBuche, Dudley Miles, Eleassar, Exsabuta, Fabartus, Glenn, Ies, JMCC1, Joey-das-WBF, Kintetsubuffalo,
Noisy, Paulmallet, Phirosiberia, Ranveig, VIGNERON, W!B:, Zemant, 14 anonymous edits
File:Earthlights dmsp small.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Earthlights_dmsp_small.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Carbenium, Itsmine, Mps2, O'Dea,
Shizhao, Takeaway, Torsch
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License: Creative Commons Zero Contributors: Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male,_with_labels.jpg: Mikael Häggström derivative work: nagualdesign
File:Uomo Vitruviano.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Uomo_Vitruviano.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: DenghiùComm, Jeff G., Jökullinn, Quibik,
Trijnstel, 1 anonymous edits
File:Karyotype.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Karyotype.png License: Public Domain Contributors: Courtesy: National Human Genome Research Institute
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Flickr, Wikipedia)
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Contents
Articles
Main article
1
Anthropology
1
Supporting articles
22
History of anthropology
22
Archaeology
37
Cultural anthropology
56
Cultural history
68
Diaspora
70
Economic anthropology
78
Ethnobiology
92
Ethnography
98
Ethnology
111
Human
114
Interpersonal relationship
140
References
Article Sources and Contributors
144
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
148
Article Licenses
License
151
1
Main article
Anthropology
Anthropology
• Archaeological
• Biological
• Cultural
• Linguistic
• Social
Social and cultural subfields
• Applied
• Art
• Cognitive
• Cyborg
• Development
• Digital
• Ecological
• Environmental
• Economic
• Political economy
• Historical
• Feminist
• Kinship
• Legal
• Media
• Medical
• Musical
• Nutritional
• Political
Disciplines
Anthropology
• Psychological
• Public
• Religion
• Science and technology
• Transpersonal
• Urban
• Visual
Linguistics subfields
• Descriptive
• Ethno• Historical
• Semiotic
• Sociolinguistics
• Ethnopoetics
Archaeological and
biological subfields
• Anthrozoological
• Biocultural
• Evolutionary
• Feminist
• Forensic
• Maritime
• Palaeoanthropological
Research framework
• Ethnography
• Ethnology
• Cross-cultural comparison
• Participant observation
• Online ethnography
• Holism
• Reflexivity
• Thick description
• Cultural relativism
• Ethnocentrism
• Emic and etic
• History of anthropology
Key theories
• Actor-network and alliance theory
• Cross-cultural studies
• Cultural materialism
2
Anthropology
• Culture theory
• Feminism
• Functionalism
• Interpretive
• Performance studies
• Political economy
• Practice theory
• Structuralism
• Post-structuralism
• Systems theory
Key concepts
• Evolution
• Society
• Culture
• Prehistory
• Sociocultural evolution
• Kinship and descent
• Gender
• Race
• Ethnicity
• Development
• Colonialism
• Postcolonialism
• Value
Lists
• Outline
• Bibliography
• Journals
• By years
• Organizations
• Anthropologists by nationality
•
Anthropology portal
Anthropology /ænθrɵˈpɒlədʒi/ is the "science of humanity." [1] It has origins in the humanities, the natural sciences,
and the social sciences.[2] The term "anthropology" is from the Greek anthrōpos (ἄνθρωπος), "man", understood to
mean humankind or humanity, and -logia (-λογία), "discourse" or "study."
Since the work of Franz Boas and Bronisław Malinowski in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, anthropology has
been distinguished from other social sciences by its emphasis on in-depth examination of context, cross-cultural
comparisons, and the importance it places on participant-observation, or long-term, experiential immersion in the
area of research. Cultural anthropology in particular has emphasized cultural relativism, holism, and the use of
findings to frame cultural critiques.[3] This has been particularly prominent in the United States, from Boas's
arguments against 19th-century racial ideology, through Margaret Mead's advocacy for gender equality and sexual
3
Anthropology
liberation, to current criticisms of post-colonial oppression and promotion of multiculturalism. Ethnography is one of
its primary methods as well as the text that is generated from anthropological fieldwork.[][4][]
In the United States, the discipline is traditionally divided into four sub-fields: cultural anthropology, archaeology,
linguistic anthropology, and biological anthropology. In Europe, the discipline originated as ethnology and was
originally defined as the study of social organization in non-state societies. It was later renamed social anthropology.
It is now sometimes referred to as sociocultural anthropology in most of Europe, the Commonwealth, and in the
parts of the world that were influenced by the European tradition.[5]
Disciplines
In the United States, anthropology is traditionally divided into four fields: biological or physical anthropology, social
anthropology or cultural anthropology, archaeology and anthropological linguistics. These fields frequently overlap,
but tend to use different methodologies and techniques. In Great Britain and the Commonwealth countries, the
British tradition of Social Anthropology tends to dominate. In some European countries, all cultural anthropology is
known as ethnology (a term coined and defined by Adam F. Kollár in 1783).[6]
Anthropologists study topics that include the origin and evolution of Homo sapiens, the organization of human social
and cultural relations, human physical traits, human behavior, the variations among different groups of humans, how
the evolutionary past of Homo sapiens has influenced its social organization and culture, and so forth.[7][8]
Anthropology originated in the colonial encounter between Western people and colonized non-Western people, as
Europeans tried to understand the origins of observable cultural diversity. Today anthropology is a global discipline,
and anthropologists study all types of societies. Anthropology is one of the few places where humanities, social, and
natural sciences are forced to confront one another. As such, anthropology has been central in the development of
several new (late 20th century) interdisciplinary fields such as cognitive science,[9] global studies, and various ethnic
studies.
According to Clifford Geertz, "anthropology is perhaps the last of the great nineteenth-century conglomerate
disciplines still for the most part organizationally intact. Long after natural history, moral philosophy, philology, and
political economy have dissolved into their specialized successors, it has remained a diffuse assemblage of
ethnology, human biology, comparative linguistics, and prehistory, held together mainly by the vested interests, sunk
costs, and administrative habits of academia, and by a romantic image of comprehensive scholarship."[10]
Sociocultural anthropology has been heavily influenced by structuralist and postmodern theories, as well as a shift
toward the analysis of modern societies. During the 1970s and 1990s, there was an epistemological shift away from
the positivist traditions that had largely informed the discipline.[11]Wikipedia:Citing sources During this shift,
enduring questions about the nature and production of knowledge came to occupy a central place in cultural and
social anthropology. In contrast, archaeology and biological anthropology remained largely positivist. Due to this
difference in epistemology, the four sub-fields of anthropology have lacked cohesion over the last several decades.
Sociocultural anthropology
Sociocultural anthropology draws together the principle axes of cultural anthropology and social anthropology.
Cultural anthropology is the comparative study of the manifold ways in which people make sense of the world
around them, while social anthropology is the study of the relationships among persons and groups.[] Cultural
anthropology is more akin to philosophy, literature and the arts, while social anthropology to sociology and history.[]
Inquiry in sociocultural anthropology is guided in part by cultural relativism, the attempt to understand other
societies in terms of their own cultural symbols and values.[] Accepting other cultures in their own terms moderates
reductionism in cross-cultural comparison.[] This project is often accommodated in the field of ethnography.
Ethnography can refer to both a methodology and a product of research, namely a monograph or book. As
methodology, ethnography is based upon long-term fieldwork within a community or other research site. Participant
observation is one of the foundational methods of social and cultural anthropology.[12] Ethnology involves the
4
Anthropology
5
systematic comparison of different cultures. The process of participant-observation can be especially helpful to
understanding a culture from an emic (conceptual, vs. etic, or technical) point of view.
The study of kinship and social organization is a central focus of sociocultural anthropology, as kinship is a human
universal. Sociocultural anthropology also covers economic and political organization, law and conflict resolution,
patterns of consumption and exchange, material culture, technology, infrastructure, gender relations, ethnicity,
childrearing and socialization, religion, myth, symbols, values, etiquette, worldview, sports, music, nutrition,
recreation, games, food, festivals, and language (which is also the object of study in linguistic anthropology).
Comparison across cultures is a key element of method in sociocultural anthropology, including the industrialized
(and de-industrialized) West. Cultures in the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample (SCCS) [] of world societies are:
Africa
Circum-Mediterranean
East Eurasia
Insular Pacific
North America
South America
Nama (Hottentot) • Kung (San) • Thonga • Lozi • Mbundu • Suku • Bemba • Nyakyusa (Ngonde) • Hadza • Luguru •
Kikuyu • Ganda • Mbuti (Pygmies) • Nkundo (Mongo) • Banen • Tiv • Igbo • Fon • Ashanti (Twi) • Mende •
Bambara • Tallensi • Massa • Azande • Otoro Nuba • Shilluk • Mao • Maasai
Wolof • Songhai • Wodaabe Fulani • Hausa • Fur • Kaffa • Konso • Somali • Amhara • Bogo • Kenuzi Nubian • Teda •
Tuareg • Riffians • Egyptians (Fellah) • Hebrews • Babylonians • Rwala Bedouin • Turks • Gheg (Albanians) •
Romans • Basques • Irish • Sami (Lapps) • Russians • Abkhaz • Armenians • Kurd
Yurak (Samoyed) • Basseri • West Punjabi • Gond • Toda • Santal • Uttar Pradesh • Burusho • Kazak • Khalka
Mongols • Lolo • Lepcha • Garo • Lakher • Burmese • Lamet • Vietnamese • Rhade • Khmer • Siamese • Semang •
Nicobarese • Andamanese • Vedda • Tanala • Negeri Sembilan • Atayal • Chinese • Manchu • Koreans • Japanese •
Ainu • Gilyak • Yukaghir
Javanese (Miao) • Balinese • Iban • Badjau • Toraja • Tobelorese • Alorese • Tiwi • Aranda • Orokaiva • Kimam •
Kapauku • Kwoma • Manus • New Ireland • Trobrianders • Siuai • Tikopia • Pentecost • Mbau Fijians • Ajie • Maori •
Marquesans • Western Samoans • Gilbertese • Marshallese • Trukese • Yapese • Palauans • Ifugao • Chukchi
Ingalik • Aleut • Copper Eskimo • Montagnais • Mi'kmaq • Saulteaux (Ojibwa) • Slave • Kaska (Nahane) • Eyak •
Haida • Bellacoola • Twana • Yurok • Pomo • Yokuts • Paiute (Northern) • Klamath • Kutenai • Gros Ventres •
Hidatsa • Pawnee • Omaha (Dhegiha) • Huron • Creek • Natchez • Comanche • Chiricahua • Zuni • Havasupai •
Papago • Huichol • Aztec • Popoluca
Quiché • Miskito (Mosquito) • Bribri (Talamanca) • Cuna • Goajiro • Haitians • Calinago • Warrau (Warao) •
Yanomamo • Carib • Saramacca • Munduruku • Cubeo (Tucano) • Cayapa • Jivaro • Amahuaca • Inca • Aymara •
Siriono • Nambicuara • Trumai • Timbira • Tupinamba • Botocudo • Shavante • Aweikoma • Cayua (Guarani) •
Lengua • Abipon • Mapuche • Tehuelche • Yaghan
See also the List of indigenous peoples.
Biological anthropology
Biological Anthropology and Physical Anthropology are synonymous
terms to describe anthropological research focused on the study of
humans and non-human primates in their biological, evolutionary, and
demographic dimensions. It examines the biological and social factors
that have affected the evolution of humans and other primates, and that
generate, maintain or change contemporary genetic and physiological
variation.[13]
Forensic anthropologists can help identify
skeletonized human remains, such as these found
lying in scrub in Western Australia, c.
1900–1910.
Anthropology
6
Archaeological anthropology
Archaeology is the study of the human past through its material
remains. Artifacts, faunal remains, and human altered landscapes are
evidence of the cultural and material lives of past societies.
Archaeologists examine these material remains in order to deduce
patterns of past human behavior and cultural practices.
Ethnoarchaeology is a type of archaeology that studies the practices
and material remains of living human groups in order to gain a better
understanding of the evidence left behind by past human groups, who
are presumed to have lived in similar ways.[14]
Excavations at the 3800-year-old Edgewater Park
Site, Iowa
Linguistic anthropology
Linguistic anthropology (also called anthropological linguistics) seeks to understand the processes of human
communications, verbal and non-verbal, variation in language across time and space, the social uses of language, and
the relationship between language and culture. It is the branch of anthropology that brings linguistic methods to bear
on anthropological problems, linking the analysis of linguistic forms and processes to the interpretation of
sociocultural processes. Linguistic anthropologists often draw on related fields including sociolinguistics,
pragmatics, cognitive linguistics, semiotics, discourse analysis, and narrative analysis.[15]
Key topics by field: Sociocultural anthropology
Anthropology of art, media, music, dance & film
Part of a series on the
Anthropology of
art,
media, music,
dance
and film
Social and cultural
anthropology
Anthropology of art
One of the central problems in the anthropology of art concerns the universality of 'art' as a cultural phenomenon.
Several anthropologists have noted that the Western categories of 'painting', 'sculpture', or 'literature', conceived as
independent artistic activities, do not exist, or exist in a significantly different form, in most non-Western
contexts.[16] To surmount this difficulty, anthropologists of art have focused on formal features in objects which,
without exclusively being 'artistic', have certain evident 'aesthetic' qualities. Boas' Primitive Art, Claude Lévi-Strauss'
The Way of the Masks (1982) or Geertz's 'Art as Cultural System' (1983) are some examples in this trend to
transform the anthropology of 'art' into an anthropology of culturally-specific 'aesthetics'.
Anthropology
7
Media anthropology
Anthropology of media (also anthropology of mass media, media
anthropology) emphasizes ethnographic studies as a means of
understanding producers, audiences, and other cultural and social
aspects of mass media. The types of ethnographic contexts explored
range from contexts of media production (e.g., ethnographies of
newsrooms in newspapers, journalists in the field, film production) to
contexts of media reception, following audiences in their everyday
responses to media. Other types include cyber anthropology, a
relatively new area of internet research, as well as ethnographies of
other areas of research which happen to involve media, such as
development work, social movements, or health education. This is in
addition to many classic ethnographic contexts, where media such as
radio, the press, new media and television have started to make their
presences felt since the early 1990s.[17][18]
Musical anthropology
A Punu tribe mask. Gabon West Africa
Ethnomusicology is an academic field encompassing various
approaches to the study of music (broadly defined) that emphasize its
cultural, social, material, cognitive, biological, and other dimensions or
contexts instead of or in addition to its isolated sound component or
any particular repertoire.
Visual anthropology
Visual anthropology is concerned, in part, with the study and production of ethnographic photography, film and,
since the mid-1990s, new media. While the term is sometimes used interchangeably with ethnographic film, visual
anthropology also encompasses the anthropological study of visual representation, including areas such as
performance, museums, art, and the production and reception of mass media. Visual representations from all
cultures, such as sandpaintings, tattoos, sculptures and reliefs, cave paintings, scrimshaw, jewelry, hieroglyphics,
paintings and photographs are included in the focus of visual anthropology.
Economic, Political Economic, Applied & Development anthropology
Part of a series on
Economic, applied
and development
anthropology
Social and cultural anthropology
Anthropology
Economic anthropology
Economic anthropology attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural
scope. It has a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical. Its origins as a
sub-field of anthropology begin with the Polish-British founder of Anthropology, Bronislaw Malinowski, and his
French compatriot, Marcel Mauss, on the nature of gift-giving exchange (or reciprocity) as an alternative to market
exchange. Economic Anthropology remains, for the most part, focused upon exchange. The school of thought
derived from Marx and known as Political Economy focuses on production, in contrast.[19] Economic
Anthropologists have abandoned the primitivist niche they were relegated to by economists, and have now turned to
examine corporations, banks, and the global financial system from an anthropological perspective.
Political economy
Political Economy in anthropology is the application of the theories and methods of Historical Materialism to the
traditional concerns of anthropology, including, but not limited to, non-capitalist societies. Political Economy
introduced questions of history and colonialism to ahistorical anthropological theories of social structure and culture.
Three main areas of interest rapidly developed. The first of these areas was concerned with the "pre-capitalist"
societies that were subject to evolutionary "tribal" stereotypes. Sahlins work on Hunter-gatherers as the 'original
affluent society' did much to disapate that image. The second area was concerned with the vast majority of the
world's population at the time, the peasantry, many of whom were involved in complex revolutionary wars such as in
Vietnam. The third area was on colonialism, imperialism, and the creation of the capitalist world-system.[] More
recently, these Political Economists have more directly addressed issues of industrial (and post-industrial) capitalism
around the world.
Applied anthropology
Applied Anthropology refers to the application of the method and theory of anthropology to the analysis and solution
of practical problems. It is a, “complex of related, research-based, instrumental methods which produce change or
stability in specific cultural systems through the provision of data, initiation of direct action, and/or the formulation
of policy”.[20] More simply, applied anthropology is the practical side of anthropological research; it includes
researcher involvement and activism within the participating community. It is closely related to Development
anthropology (distinct from the more critical Anthropology of development).
Anthropology of development
The anthropology of development tends to view development from a critical perspective. The kind of issues
addressed and implications for the approach involve asking why, if a key development goal is to alleviate poverty, is
poverty increasing? Why is there such a gap between plans and outcomes? Why are those working in development
so willing to disregard history and the lessons it might offer? Why is development so externally driven rather than
having an internal basis? In short why does so much planned development fail?
Anthropology of Kinship, Feminism, Gender & Sexuality
8
Anthropology
9
Part of a series on
Anthropology of
kinship
Social and cultural
anthropology
Kinship & family
Kinship can refer both to the study of the patterns of social relationships in one or more human cultures, or it can
refer to the patterns of social relationships themselves. Over its history, anthropology has developed a number of
related concepts and terms, such as descent, descent groups, lineages, affines, cognates and even fictive kinship.
Broadly, kinship patterns may be considered to include people related both by descent (one's social relations during
development), and also relatives by marriage.
Feminist anthropology
Feminist Anthropology is a four field approach to anthropology (archeological, biological, cultural, linguistic) that
seeks to reduce male bias in research findings, anthropological hiring practices, and the scholarly production of
knowledge. Anthropology engages often with feminists from non-Western traditions, whose perspectives and
experiences can differ from those of white European and American feminists. Historically, such 'peripheral'
perspectives have sometimes been marginalized and regarded as less valid or important than knowledge from the
western world. Feminist anthropologists have claimed that their research helps to correct this systematic bias in
mainstream feminist theory. Feminist anthropology is inclusive of birth anthropology [21] as a specialization.
Medical, Nutritional, Psychological, Cognitive & Transpersonal Anthropology
Part of a series on
Medical and
psychological
anthropology
Social and cultural
anthropology
Medical anthropology
Medical anthropology is an interdisciplinary field which studies "human health and disease, health care systems, and
biocultural adaptation".[] Currently, research in medical anthropology is one of the main growth areas in the field of
anthropology as a whole. It focuses on the following six basic fields:
• the development of systems of medical knowledge and medical care
• the patient-physician relationship
• the integration of alternative medical systems in culturally diverse environments
• the interaction of social, environmental and biological factors which influence health and illness both in the
individual and the community as a whole
Anthropology
10
• the critical analysis of interaction between psychiatric services and migrant populations ("critical
ethnopsychiatry": Beneduce 2004, 2007)
• the impact of biomedicine and biomedical technologies in non-Western settings
Other subjects that have become central to medical anthropology worldwide are violence and social suffering
(Farmer, 1999, 2003; Beneduce, 2010) as well as other issues that involve physical and psychological harm and
suffering that are not a result of illness. On the other hand, there are fields that intersect with medical anthropology
in terms of research methodology and theoretical production, such as cultural psychiatry and transcultural
psychiatry or ethnopsychiatry.
Anthropology of food and nutrition
Nutritional anthropology is a synthetic concept that deals with the
interplay between economic systems, nutritional status and food
security, and how changes in the former affect the latter. If economic
and environmental changes in a community affect access to food, food
security, and dietary health, then this interplay between culture and
biology is in turn connected to broader historical and economic trends
associated with globalization. Nutritional status affects overall health
status, work performance potential, and the overall potential for
economic development (either in terms of human development or
traditional western models) for any given group of people.
Psychological anthropology
Psychological anthropology is an interdisciplinary subfield of
anthropology that studies the interaction of cultural and mental
processes. This subfield tends to focus on ways in which humans'
Old Chinese medical chart on acupuncture
development
and enculturation within a particular cultural group—with
meridians
its own history, language, practices, and conceptual categories—shape
processes of human cognition, emotion, perception, motivation, and mental health. It also examines how the
understanding of cognition, emotion, motivation, and similar psychological processes inform or constrain our models
of cultural and social processes.[22][23]
Cognitive anthropology
Cognitive anthropology seeks to explain patterns of shared knowledge, cultural innovation, and transmission over
time and space using the methods and theories of the cognitive sciences (especially experimental psychology and
evolutionary biology) often through close collaboration with historians, ethnographers, archaeologists, linguists,
musicologists and other specialists engaged in the description and interpretation of cultural forms. Cognitive
anthropology is concerned with what people from different groups know and how that implicit knowledge changes
the way people perceive and relate to the world around them.[24]
Transpersonal anthropology
Transpersonal anthropology studies the relationship between altered states of consciousness and culture. As with
transpersonal psychology, the field is much concerned with altered states of consciousness (ASC) and transpersonal
experience. However, the field differs from mainstream transpersonal psychology in taking more cognizance of
cross-cultural issues—for instance, the roles of myth, ritual, diet, and texts in evoking and interpreting extraordinary
experiences (Young and Goulet 1994).
Anthropology
11
Political & Legal anthropology
Part of a series on
Political and
legal
anthropology
Social and cultural
anthropology
Political anthropology
Political anthropology concerns the structure of political systems, looked at from the basis of the structure of
societies. Political anthropology developed as a discipline concerned primarily with politics in stateless societies, a
new development started from the 1960s, and is still unfolding: anthropologists started increasingly to study more
“complex” social settings in which the presence of states, bureaucracies and markets entered both ethnographic
accounts and analysis of local phenomena. The turn towards complex societies meant that political themes were
taken up at two main levels. First of all, anthropologists continued to study political organization and political
phenomena that lay outside the state-regulated sphere (as in patron-client relations or tribal political organization).
Second of all, anthropologists slowly started to develop a disciplinary concern with states and their institutions (and
of course on the relationship between formal and informal political institutions). An anthropology of the state
developed, and it is a most thriving field today. Geertz’ comparative work on "Negara", the Balinese state is an early,
famous example.
Legal anthropology
Legal anthropology, also known as Anthropology of Law specializes in "the cross-cultural study of social
ordering".[25] Earlier legal anthropological research often focused more narrowly on conflict management, crime,
sanctions, or formal regulation. More recent applications include issues such as Human Rights, Legal pluralism,
Islamaphobia and Political Uprisings.
Public anthropology
Public Anthropology was created by Robert Borofsky, a professor at Hawaii Pacific University, to "demonstrate the
ability of anthropology and anthropologists to effectively address problems beyond the discipline - illuminating
larger social issues of our times as well as encouraging broad, public conversations about them with the explicit goal
of fostering social change" (Borofsky 2004 [26]).
Anthropology of nature, science & technology
Anthropology
12
Part of a series on
Anthropology of
nature,
science and
technology
Social and cultural
anthropology
Cyborg anthropology
Cyborg anthropology originated as a sub-focus group within the American Anthropological Association's annual
meeting in 1993. The sub-group was very closely related to STS and the Society for the Social Studies of Science.[27]
Donna Haraway’s 1985 Cyborg Manifesto could be considered the founding document of cyborg anthropology by
first exploring the philosophical and sociological ramifications of the term. Cyborg anthropology studies humankind
and its relations with the technological systems it has built, specifically modern technological systems that have
reflexively shaped notions of what it means to be human beings.
Digital anthropology
Digital anthropology is the study of the relationship between humans and digital-era technology, and extends to
various areas where anthropology and technology intersect. It is sometimes grouped with sociocultural anthropology,
and sometimes considered part of material culture. The field is new, and thus has a variety of names with a variety of
emphases. These include techno-anthropology,[28] digital ethnography, cyberanthropology,[29] and virtual
anthropology.[30]
Ecological anthropology
Ecological anthropology is defined as the “study of cultural adaptations to environments”.[] The sub-field is also
defined as, "the study of relationships between a population of humans and their biophysical environment".[] The
focus of its research concerns “how cultural beliefs and practices helped human populations adapt to their
environments, and how people used elements of their culture to maintain their ecosystems.”[]
Environmental anthropology
Environmental anthropology is a sub-specialty within the field of anthropology that takes an active role in examining
the relationships between humans and their environment across space and time.[] The contemporary perspective of
environmental anthropology, and arguably at least the backdrop, if not the focus of most of the ethnographies and
cultural fieldworks of today, is political ecology. Many characterize this new perspective as more informed with
culture, politics and power, globalization, localized issues, and more.[] The focus and data interpretation is often used
for arguments for/against or creation of policy, and to prevent corporate exploitation and damage of land. Often, the
observer has become an active part of the struggle either directly (organizing, participation) or indirectly (articles,
documentaries, books, ethnographies). Such is the case with environmental justice advocate Melissa Checker and her
relationship with the people of Hyde Park.[]
Anthropology
13
Historical anthropology
Ethnohistory is the study of ethnographic cultures and indigenous customs by examining historical records. It is also
the study of the history of various ethnic groups that may or may not exist today. Ethnohistory uses both historical
and ethnographic data as its foundation. Its historical methods and materials go beyond the standard use of
documents and manuscripts. Practitioners recognize the utility of such source material as maps, music, paintings,
photography, folklore, oral tradition, site exploration, archaeological materials, museum collections, enduring
customs, language, and place names.[]
Anthropology of religion
Part of a series on
Anthropology
of religion
Social and cultural
anthropology
The anthropology of religion involves the study of religious institutions in relation to other social institutions, and
the comparison of religious beliefs and practices across cultures. Modern anthropology assumes that there is
complete continuity between magical thinking and religion,[31] and that every religion is a cultural product, created
by the human community that worships it.[32]
Urban anthropology
Urban anthropology is concerned with issues of urbanization, poverty, and neoliberalism. Ulf Hannerz quotes a
1960s remark that traditional anthropologists were "a notoriously agoraphobic lot, anti-urban by definition". Various
social processes in the Western World as well as in the "Third World" (the latter being the habitual focus of attention
of anthropologists) brought the attention of "specialists in 'other cultures'" closer to their homes.[33] There are two
principle approaches in urban anthropology: by examining the types of cities or examining the social issues within
the cities. These two methods are overlapping and dependent of each other. By defining different types of cities, one
would use social factors as well as economic and political factors to categorize the cities. By directly looking at the
different social issues, one would also be studying how they affect the dynamic of the city.[34]
Key topics by field: Archaeological & biological anthropology
Anthrozoology
Anthrozoology (also called human–animal studies or HAS) is the study of interaction between living things. It is a
modern interdisciplinary and burgeoning field that overlaps with a number of other disciplines, including
anthropology, ethology, medicine, psychology, veterinary medicine and zoology. A major focus of anthrozoologic
research is the quantifying of the positive effects of human-animal relationships on either party and the study of their
interactions.[35] It includes scholars from a diverse range of fields, including anthropology, sociology, biology, and
philosophy.[36]
Anthropology
Biocultural anthropology
Biocultural anthropology is the scientific exploration of the relationships between human biology and culture.
Physical anthropologists throughout the first half of the 20th century viewed this relationship from a racial
perspective; that is, from the assumption that typological human biological differences lead to cultural differences.[]
After World War II the emphasis began to shift toward an effort to explore the role culture plays in shaping human
biology.
Evolutionary anthropology
Evolutionary anthropology is the interdisciplinary study of the evolution of human physiology and human behaviour
and the relation between hominins and non-hominin primates. Evolutionary anthropology is based in natural science
and social science, combining the human development with socioeconomic factors. Evolutionary anthropology is
concerned with both biological and cultural evolution of humans, past and present. It is based on a scientific
approach, and brings together fields such as archaeology, behavioral ecology, psychology, primatology, and
genetics. It is a dynamic and interdisciplinary field, drawing on many lines of evidence to understand the human
experience, past and present.
Forensic anthropology
Forensic anthropology is the application of the science of physical anthropology and human osteology in a legal
setting, most often in criminal cases where the victim's remains are in the advanced stages of decomposition. A
forensic anthropologist can assist in the identification of deceased individuals whose remains are decomposed,
burned, mutilated or otherwise unrecognizable. The adjective "forensic" refers to the application of this subfield of
science to a court of law.
Palaeoanthropology
Paleoanthropology combines the disciplines of paleontology and physical anthropology, is the study of ancient
humans as found in fossil hominid evidence such as petrifacted bones and footprints.
Anthropological Organizations
Contemporary anthropology is an established science with academic departments at most universities and colleges.
The single largest organization of Anthropologists is the American Anthropological Association (AAA), which was
founded in 1903.[37] Membership is made up of anthropologists from around the globe.[38]
In 1989, a group of European and American scholars in the field of anthropology established the European
Association of Social Anthropologists (EASA) which serves as a major professional organization for anthropologists
working in Europe. The EASA seeks to advance the status of anthropology in Europe and to increase visibility of
marginalized anthropological traditions and thereby contribute to the project of a global anthropology or world
anthropology.
Hundreds of other organizations exist in the various sub-fields of anthropology, sometimes divided up by nation or
region, and many anthropologists work with collaborators in other disciplines, such as geology, physics, zoology,
paleontology, anatomy, music theory, art history, sociology and so on, belonging to professional societies in those
disciplines as well.[39]
List of major organizations
14
Anthropology
15
•
American Anthropological Association
•
Center for World Indigenous Studies
•
N. N. Miklukho-Maklai Institute of Ethnology
and Anthropology
•
American Ethnological Society
•
Ethnological Society of London
•
Radical Anthropology Group
•
Asociación de Antropólogos
Iberoamericanos en Red, AIBR
•
Institute of Anthropology and
Ethnography
•
Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain
and Ireland
•
Moving Anthropology Student Network
•
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary
Anthropology
•
Society for anthropological sciences
•
Anthropological Society of London
•
Network of Concerned Anthropologists •
•
[40]
Society for Applied Anthropology
USC Center for Visual Anthropology
Controversial ethical stances
Anthropologists, like other researchers (especially historians and scientists engaged in field research), have over time
assisted state policies and projects, especially colonialism.[41][42]
Some commentators have contended:
• That the discipline grew out of colonialism, perhaps was in league with it, and derived some of its key notions
from it, consciously or not. (See, for example, Gough, Pels and Salemink, but cf. Lewis 2004).[43]
• That ethnographic work was often ahistorical, writing about people as if they were "out of time" in an
"ethnographic present" (Johannes Fabian, Time and Its Other).
The ethics of cultural relativism
At the same time, anthropologists urge, as part of their quest for scientific objectivity, cultural relativism, which has
an influence on all the sub-fields of anthropology.[] This is the notion that particular cultures should not be judged by
one culture's values or viewpoints, but that all cultures should be viewed as relative to each other. There should be no
notions, in good anthropology, of one culture being better or worse than another culture.[44]Wikipedia:Citing sources
Ethical commitments in anthropology include noticing and documenting genocide, infanticide, racism, mutilation
including circumcision and subincision, and torture. Topics like racism, slavery or human sacrifice, therefore, attract
anthropological attention and theories ranging from nutritional deficiencies [45] to genes[46] to acculturation have
been proposed, not to mention theories of colonialism and many others as root causes of Man's inhumanity to man.
To illustrate the depth of an anthropological approach, one can take just one of these topics, such as "racism" and
find thousands of anthropological references, stretching across all the major and minor sub-fields.[47][48]
Ethical stance to military involvement
Anthropologists' involvement with the U.S. government, in particular, has caused bitter controversy within the
discipline. Franz Boas publicly objected to US participation in World War I, and after the war he published a brief
expose and condemnation of the participation of several American archaeologists in espionage in Mexico under their
cover as scientists.
But by the 1940s, many of Boas' anthropologist contemporaries were active in the allied war effort against the
"Axis" (Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and Imperial Japan). Many served in the armed forces, while others worked in
intelligence (for example, Office of Strategic Services and the Office of War Information). At the same time, David
H. Price's work on American anthropology during the Cold War provides detailed accounts of the pursuit and
dismissal of several anthropologists from their jobs for communist sympathies.
Attempts to accuse anthropologists of complicity with the CIA and government intelligence activities during the
Vietnam War years have turned up surprisingly little (although anthropologist Hugo Nutini was active in the
stillborn Project Camelot).[49] Many anthropologists (students and teachers) were active in the antiwar movement.
Numerous resolutions condemning the war in all its aspects were passed overwhelmingly at the annual meetings of
Anthropology
the American Anthropological Association (AAA).
Professional anthropological bodies often object to the use of anthropology for the benefit of the state. Their codes of
ethics or statements may proscribe anthropologists from giving secret briefings. The Association of Social
Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth (ASA) has called certain scholarship ethically dangerous. The
AAA's current 'Statement of Professional Responsibility' clearly states that "in relation with their own government
and with host governments ... no secret research, no secret reports or debriefings of any kind should be agreed to or
given."
Anthropologists, along with other social scientists, are working with the US military as part of the US Army's
strategy in Afghanistan.[50] The Christian Science Monitor reports that "Counterinsurgency efforts focus on better
grasping and meeting local needs" in Afghanistan, under the Human Terrain System (HTS) program; in addition,
HTS teams are working with the US military in Iraq.[51] In 2009, the American Anthropological Association's
Commission on the Engagement of Anthropology with the US Security and Intelligence Communities released its
final report concluding, in part, that, "When ethnographic investigation is determined by military missions, not
subject to external review, where data collection occurs in the context of war, integrated into the goals of
counterinsurgency, and in a potentially coercive environment – all characteristic factors of the HTS concept and its
application – it can no longer be considered a legitimate professional exercise of anthropology. In summary, while
we stress that constructive engagement between anthropology and the military is possible, CEAUSSIC suggests that
the AAA emphasize the incompatibility of HTS with disciplinary ethics and practice for job seekers and that it
further recognize the problem of allowing HTS to define the meaning of “anthropology” within DoD."[52]
Post–World War II developments
Before WWII British 'social anthropology' and American 'cultural anthropology' were still distinct traditions. After
the war, enough British and American anthropologists borrowed ideas and methodological approaches from one
another that some began to speak of them collectively as 'sociocultural' anthropology.
Basic trends
There are several characteristics that tend to unite anthropological work. One of the central characteristics is that
anthropology tends to provide a comparatively more holistic account of phenomena and tends to be highly
empirical.[3] The quest for holism leads most anthropologists to study a particular place, problem or phenomenon in
detail, using a variety of methods, over a more extensive period than normal in many parts of academia.
In the 1990s and 2000s (decade), calls for clarification of what constitutes a culture, of how an observer knows
where his or her own culture ends and another begins, and other crucial topics in writing anthropology were heard. It
is possible to view all human cultures as part of one large, ever-changing global culture. These dynamic
relationships, between what can be observed on the ground, as opposed to what can be observed by compiling many
local observations remain fundamental in any kind of anthropology, whether cultural, biological, linguistic or
archaeological.[53]
Biological anthropologists are interested in both human variation[54] and in the possibility of human universals
(behaviors, ideas or concepts shared by virtually all human cultures)[55] They use many different methods of study,
but modern population genetics, participant observation and other techniques often take anthropologists "into the
field," which means traveling to a community in its own setting, to do something called "fieldwork." On the
biological or physical side, human measurements, genetic samples, nutritional data may be gathered and published as
articles or monographs.
Along with dividing up their project by theoretical emphasis, anthropologists typically divide the world up into
relevant time periods and geographic regions. Human time on Earth is divided up into relevant cultural traditions
based on material, such as the Paleolithic and the Neolithic, of particular use in archaeology.[citation needed] Further
16
Anthropology
cultural subdivisions according to tool types, such as Olduwan or Mousterian or Levalloisian help archaeologists and
other anthropologists in understanding major trends in the human past.[citation needed] Anthropologists and
geographers share approaches to Culture regions as well, since mapping cultures is central to both sciences. By
making comparisons across cultural traditions (time-based) and cultural regions (space-based), anthropologists have
developed various kinds of comparative method, a central part of their science.
Commonalities between fields
Because anthropology developed from so many different enterprises (see History of Anthropology), including but
not limited to fossil-hunting, exploring, documentary film-making, paleontology, primatology, antiquity dealings and
curatorship, philology, etymology, genetics, regional analysis, ethnology, history, philosophy, and religious
studies,[56][57] it is difficult to characterize the entire field in a brief article, although attempts to write histories of the
entire field have been made.[58]
Some authors argue that anthropology originated and developed as the study of "other cultures", both in terms of
time (past societies) and space (non-European/non-Western societies).[59] For example, the classic of urban
anthropology, Ulf Hannerz in the introduction to his seminal Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban
Anthropology mentions that the "Third World" had habitually received most of attention; anthropologists who
traditionally specialized in "other cultures" looked for them far away and started to look "across the tracks" only in
late 1960s.[60]
Now there exist many works focusing on peoples and topics very close to the author's "home".[61] It is also argued
that other fields of study, like History and Sociology, on the contrary focus disproportionately on the West.[62]
In France, the study of Western societies has been traditionally left to sociologists, but this is increasingly
changing,[63] starting in the 1970s from scholars like Isac Chiva and journals like Terrain ("fieldwork"), and
developing with the center founded by Marc Augé (Le Centre d'anthropologie des mondes contemporains, the
Anthropological Research Center of Contemporary Societies).
Since the 1980s it has become common for social and cultural anthropologists to set ethnographic research in the
North Atlantic region, frequently examining the connections between locations rather than limiting research to a
single locale. There has also been a related shift toward broadening the focus beyond the daily life of ordinary
people; increasingly, research is set in settings such as scientific laboratories, social movements, governmental and
nongovernmental organizations and businesses.[64]
References
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4]
"anthropology" (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ EBchecked/ topic/ 27505/ anthropology) at Britannica Online Encyclopedia
Wolf, Eric (1994) Perilous Ideas: Race, Culture, People. Current Anthropology 35: 1-7. p.227
Hylland Eriksen, Thomas. (2004) "What is Anthropology" Pluto. London. p. 79.
On varieties of cultural relativism in anthropology, see Spiro, Melford E. (1987) "Some Reflections on Cultural Determinism and Relativism
with Special Reference to Emotion and Reason," in Culture and Human Nature: theoretical papers of Melford E. Spiro. Edited by B. Kilborne
and L. L. Langness, pp. 32-58. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
[5] Layton, Robert (1998) An Introduction to Theory in Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[6] Han F. Vermeulen, "The German Invention of Völkerkunde: Ethnological Discourse in Europe and Asia, 1740-1798." In: Sara Eigen and
Mark Larrimore, eds. The German Invention of Race. 2006.
[7] What is Anthropology - American Anthropological Association (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ about/ WhatisAnthropology. cfm)
[8] What is Anthropology - Anthropology Report (http:/ / anthropologyreport. com/ what-is-anthropology/ )
[11] Geertz, Behar, Clifford & James
[12] Bernard, H. Russell, Research Methods in Anthropology. Altamira Press, 2002. p.322.
[13] University of Toronto. (n.d.). Research Subfields: Physical or Biological. Retrieved March 14, 2012, from http:/ / anthropology. utoronto.
ca/ about/ research/ physical-or-biological
[14] Robbins, R. H. & Larkin, S. N. (2007). Cultural Anthropology: A problem based approach. Toronto, ON: Nelson Education Ltd.
[15] Salzmann, Zdeněk. (1993) Language, culture, and society: an introduction to linguistic anthropology. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
[16] Robert Layton. (1981) The Anthropology of Art.
17
Anthropology
[17] Deborah Spitulnik. (1993) 'Anthropology and Mass Media', Annual Review of Anthropology, 22: 293-315
[18] Lila Abu-Lughod. (1997) 'The Interpretation of Cultures after Television', Representations, 59: 109-133
[21] http:/ / www. springerreference. com/ docs/ html/ chapterdbid/ 2940. html
[22] D'Andrade, R. G. (1995). The development of cognitive anthropology. New York, Cambridge University Press.
[23] Schwartz, T., G. M. White, et al., Eds. (1992). New Directions in Psychological Anthropology. Cambridge, UK, Cambridge University
Press.
[26] http:/ / www. publicanthropology. org
[27] Dumit, Joseph. Davis-Floyd, Robbie. Cyborg Anthropology. Routledge International Encyclopedia of Women, 2001
[31] Cassirer, Ernst (1944) An Essay On Man (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=pe9fWSv-iLsC& pg=PA102), pt.II, ch.7 Myth and Religion,
pp.122-3. Quotation:
[32] Guthrie (2000) pp.225-6 (http:/ / books. google. es/ books?id=wlNJQoZlGC4C& pg=PA225)
[33] Hannerz, Ulf (1980). Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology, p.1
[34] Griffiths, Michael. B., Flemming Christiansen, and Malcolm Chapman. (2010) 'Chinese Consumers: The Romantic Reappraisal’.
Ethnography, Sept 2010, 11, 331-357.
[35] Mills, Daniel S. "Anthrozoology" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=vrueZDfPUzoC& pg=PA28), The Encyclopedia of Applied Animal
Behaviour and Welfare. CABI 2010, pp. 28–30.
[36] DeMello, Margo. Teaching the Animal: Human–Animal Studies Across the Disciplines. Lantern Books, 2010, p. xi.
• Also see Animals & Society Institute (http:/ / www. animalsandsociety. org/ content/ index. php?pid=41), accessed February 23, 2011.
• Note: the term should not be confused with "animal studies," which often refers to animal testing.
[37] AAAnet.org (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ about/ )
[38] AAAnet.org (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ membership/ upload/ MAY-08-AAA. pdf)
[39] Johanson, Donald and Kate Wong. Lucy's Legacy. Kindle Books. 2007; Netti, Bruno. The Study of Ethnomusicology. University of Illinois
Press, 2005. Chapter One
[40] http:/ / www. radicalanthropologygroup. org/
[41] Asad, Talal, ed. (1973) Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press.
[42] van Breman, Jan, and Akitoshi Shimizu (1999) Anthropology and Colonialism in Asia and Oceania. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press.
[43] Gellner, Ernest (1992) Postmodernism, Reason, and Religion. London/New York: Routledge. Pp: 26-29.
[44] Levi-Strauss, Claude. The Savage Mind. 1962; Womack, Mari. Being Human. 2001
[45] Harris, Marvin. Cows, Pigs, Wars, and Witches.
[46] Timeshighereducation.co.uk (http:/ / www. timeshighereducation. co. uk/ story. asp?storyCode=209831& sectioncode=26)
[47] AAAnet.org (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ stmts/ racepp. htm;)
[48] Sciencemag.org (http:/ / www. sciencemag. org/ cgi/ content/ summary/ 282/ 5389/ 654?maxtoshow=& HITS=10& hits=10&
RESULTFORMAT=& titleabstract=DNA+ challenges+ race& searchid=QID_NOT_SET& FIRSTINDEX=;), Shanklin, Eugenia. 1994.
Anthropology & Race; Faye V. Harrison. 1995. "The Persistent Power of 'Race' in the Cultural and Political Economy of Racism." Annual
Review of Anthropology. 24:47-74. Allan Goodman. 1995. "The Problematics of "Race" in Contemporary Biological Anthropology." In
Biological Anthropology: The State of the Science.; Yearbook of Physical Anthropology, 1945-. "Melanin, Afrocentricity...,"
36(1993):33-58.; see Stanford's recent collection of overarching bibliographies on race and racism, Library.stanford.edu (http:/ / library.
stanford. edu/ depts/ ssrg/ misc/ race. html)
[49] Horowitz, Lewis ed.(1967) The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot.
[50] Christian Science Monitor (http:/ / www. csmonitor. com/ 2007/ 0907/ p01s08-wosc. htm)
[51] Army.mil (http:/ / www. army. mil/ professionalwriting/ volumes/ volume4/ december_2006/ 12_06_2. html)
[52] AAA Commission Releases Final Report on Army Human Terrain System « American Anthropological Association (http:/ / blog. aaanet.
org/ 2009/ 12/ 08/ aaa-commission-releases-final-report-on-army-human-terrain-system/ )
[53] Rosaldo, Renato. Culture and Truth: The remaking of social analysis. Beacon Press. 1993; Inda, John Xavier and Renato Rosaldo. The
Anthropology of Globalization. Wiley-Blackwell. 2007
[54] Robert Jurmaiine, Lynn Kiilgore, Wenda Treavathan, and Russell L. Ciochon. Introduction to Physical Anthropology. 11th Edition.
Wadsworth. 2007, chapters I, III and IV.; Wompack, Mari. Being Human. Prentice Hall. 2001, pp. 11-20.
[55] Brown, Donald. Human Universals. McGraw Hill. 1991; Roughley, Neil. Being Humans: Anthropological Universality and Particularity in
Transciplinary Perspectives. Walter de Gruyter Publishing. 2000
[56] Erickson, Paul A. and Liam D. Murphy. A History of Anthropological Theory. Broadview Press. 2003. p. 11-12
[57] George Stocking, "Paradigmatic Traditions in the History of Anthropology." In George Stocking, The Ethnographer's Magic and Other
Essays in the History of Anthropology (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992):342-361.
[58] Leaf, Murray. Man, Mind and Science: A History of Anthropology. Columbia University Press. 1979
[59] See the many essays relating to this in Prem Poddar and David Johnson, Historical Companion to Postcolonial Thought in English,
Edinburgh University Press, 2004. See also Prem Poddar et al , Historical Companion to Postcolonial Literatures--Continental Europe and its
Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008
[60] Ulf Hannerz (1980) "Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology", ISBN 0-231-08376-9, p. 1
[61] Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences (http:/ / links. jstor. org/
sici?sici=0002-7294(199809)2:100:3<716:TMOAAI>2. 0. CO;2-3) American Anthropologist 100:" 716-731
18
Anthropology
[62] Jack Goody (2007) The Theft of History (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=jo1UVi48KywC) Cambridge University Press ISBN
0-521-87069-0
[63] *
[64] Fischer, Michael M. J. Emergent Forms of Life and the Anthropological Voice. Duke University Press, 2003.
Further reading
Dictionaries and encyclopedias
• Barnard, Alan and Spencer, Jonathan eds. (2010) The Routledge Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural
Anthropology London: Routledge
• Barfield, Thomas (1997). The dictionary of anthropology. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing.
• Levinson, David and Melvin Ember. eds. (1996) Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology. (4 vols.) New York:
Henry Holt.
• Rapport, Nigel and Overing, Joanna (2007) Social and Cultural Anthropology: The Key Concepts. New York:
Routledge
Fieldnotes and memoirs of anthropologists
• Barley, Nigel (1983) The innocent anthropologist: notes from a mud hut. London: British Museum Publications.
• Geertz, Clifford (1995) After the fact: two countries, four decades, one anthropologist. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
• Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1967) Tristes tropiques. Translated from the French by John Russell. New York:
Atheneum.
• Malinowski, Bronisław (1967) A diary in the strict sense of the term. Translated by Norbert Guterman. New
York, Harcourt, Brace & World.
• Mead, Margaret (1972) Blackberry winter: my earlier years. New York: William Marrow.
• Mead, Margaret, (1977) Letters from the field, 1925 - 1975. New York: Harper & Row.
• Rabinow, Paul. (1977) Reflections on fieldwork in Morocco.
Histories
• Asad, Talal, ed. (1973) Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press.
• Barth, Fredrik, Andre Gingrich, Robert Parkin, One Discipline, Four Ways: British, German, French, and
American anthropology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• D'Andrade, R. "The Sad Story of Anthropology: 1950-1999." In E. L. Cerroni-Long, ed. Anthropological Theory
in North America. Westport: Berin & Garvey 1999. Anthro.ucsd.edu (http://www.anthro.ucsd.edu/~rdandrad/
Sadstory)
• Darnell, Regna. (2001) Invisible Genealogies: A History of Americanist Anthropology. Lincoln, NE: University of
Nebraska Press.
• Harris, Marvin. (2001[1968]) The rise of anthropological theory: a history of theories of culture. AltaMira Press.
Walnut Creek, CA.
• Kehoe, Alice B. (1998) The Land of Prehistory: A Critical History of American Archaeology.
• Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) "The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences." American
Anthropologist, 100: 716-731. Interscience.wiley.com (http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/
120141882/abstract), Lewis
• Lewis, Herbert S. (2004) "Imagining Anthropology's History." Reviews in Anthropology, v. 33.
• Lewis, Herbert S. (2005) "Anthropology, the Cold War, and Intellectual History. In R. Darnell & F.W. Gleach,
eds. Histories of Anthropology Annual, Vol. I.
• Pels, Peter & Oscar Salemink, eds. (2000) Colonial Subjects: Essays on the Practical History of Anthropology.
19
Anthropology
20
• Price, David. (2004) Threatening Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's Surveillance of Activist
Anthropologists.
• Stocking, George, Jr. (1968) Race, Culture and Evolution. New York: Free Press.
• Trencher, Susan. (2000) Mirrored Images: American Anthropology and American Culture, 1960-1980.
• Gisi, Lucas Marco. (2007) Einbildungskraft und Mythologie. Die Verschränkung von Anthropologie und
Geschichte im 18. Jahrhundert, Berlin, New York: de Gruyter.
• Wolf, Eric. (1982) Europe and the People Without History. Berkeley and Los Angeles: California University
Press.
Textbooks and key theoretical works
• Clifford, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
• Geertz, Clifford (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books.
• Harris, Marvin (1997) Culture, People, Nature: An Introduction to General Anthropology (7th Edition). Boston:
Allyn & Bacon
• Salzmann, Zdeněk. (1993) Language, culture, and society: an introduction to linguistic anthropology. Boulder,
CO: Westview Press.
• Shweder, Richard A., and Robert A. LeVine, eds. (1984) Culture Theory: essays on mind, self, and emotion.
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
External links
Library resources
About Anthropology
•
•
Resources in your library (http://tools.wmflabs.org/ftl/cgi-bin/ftl?st=wp&su=Anthropology)
Resources in other libraries (http://tools.wmflabs.org/ftl/cgi-bin/ftl?st=wp&su=Anthropology&library=0CHOOSE0)
• Webpage "History of German Anthropology/Ethnology 1945/49-1990 (http://www.germananthropology.com/)
• American Anthropological Association Homepage (http://www.aaanet.org/) Home page of largest professional
organization of anthropologists
• European Association of Social Anthropologists (http://www.easaonline.org/)
• American Association of Physical Anthropologists (http://www.physanth.org/)
• Australian Anthropological Society (http://www.aas.asn.au/)
• Iberoamerican Association of Anthropology AIBR (http://www.aibr.org/)
• European Association of Social Anthropologists (http://www.easaonline.org/)
• Moving Anthropology Student Network - International Association of Social Anthropology Students (http://
www.movinganthropology.net/)
• Italian Institute of Anthropology (http://www.isita-org.com/)
• National Association for the Practice of Anthropology (http://www.practicinganthropology.org/)
• Radical Anthropology Group (http://www.radicalanthropologygroup.org/)
• The Royal Anthropological Institute Homepage (http://www.therai.org.uk/)—The Royal Anthropological
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (RAI)
• The Society for Applied Anthropology (http://www.sfaa.net/)
• Annual Review of Anthropology (http://arjournals.annualreviews.org/loi/anthro)
• Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History (http://anthro.amnh.org/) Online collections
database with detailed description and digital images for over 160,000 ethnographic artifacts.
Anthropology
• National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution (http://www.nmnh.si.edu/naa/) Collects and
preserves historical and contemporary anthropological materials that document the world's cultures and the
history of anthropology
• The Anthropological Index Online (http://www.aio.anthropology.org.uk/) Online bibliographic database.
• Anthropology Researcher and Groups (https://www.researchgate.net/science/26_Anthropology)
• Anthropology at MIT OCW (http://ocw.mit.edu/courses/anthropology/)
21
22
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Anthropology portal
This article mainly discusses 18th- and 19th-century precursors of modern anthropology. For more information on
modern social and cultural anthropology as they have developed in Britain, France, and North America since
approximately 1900, see the relevant sections under Anthropology.
Early history
Classical Greece
Historians of anthropology, such as Marvin Harris,[1] indicate two major frameworks within which empirical
anthropology has arisen: interest in comparisons of people over space and interest in longterm human processes or,
humans as viewed through time. Harris dates studies of both to Classical Greece and Classical Rome, specifically, to
Herodotus, often called the "father of history" and the Roman historian, Tacitus, who wrote many of our only
surviving contemporary accounts of several ancient Celtic and Germanic peoples. Herodotus first formulated some
of the persistent problems of anthropology.[2]
History of anthropology
25
Middle Ages
Another candidate for one of the first scholars to carry out
comparative ethnographic-type studies in person was the medieval
Persian scholar Abū Rayhān Bīrūnī in the eleventh century, who
wrote about the peoples, customs, and religions of the Indian
subcontinent. According to Akbar S. Ahmed, like modern
anthropologists, he engaged in extensive participant observation
with a given group of people, learnt their language and studied
their primary texts, and presented his findings with objectivity and
neutrality using cross-cultural comparisons.[] Others argue,
however, that he hardly can be considered an anthropologist in the
conventional sense.[3] He wrote detailed comparative studies on
the religions and cultures in the Middle East, Mediterranean, and
especially South Asia.[4][5] Biruni's tradition of comparative
cross-cultural study continued in the Muslim world through to Ibn
Khaldun's work in the fourteenth century.[][6]
Medieval scholars may be considered forerunners of modern
anthropology as well, insofar as they conducted or wrote detailed
studies of the customs of peoples considered "different" from
themselves in terms of geography. John of Plano Carpini reported
of his stay among the Mongols. His report was unusual in its
detailed depiction of a non-European culture.[7]
Cannibalism among "the savages" in Brazil, as
described and pictured by André Thévet
Marco Polo's systematic observations of nature, anthropology, and
geography are another example of studying human variation
across space.[8] Polo's travels took him across such a diverse
human landscape and his accounts of the peoples he met as he
journeyed were so detailed that they earned for Polo the name "the
father of modern anthropology."[9]
The first use of the term "anthropology" in English to refer to a
natural science of humanity was apparently in 1593, the first of the
"logies" to be coined.[10]
The Enlightenment roots of the discipline
It took Immanuel Kant 25 years to write one of the first major
treatises on anthropology, his Anthropology from a Pragmatic
Point of View.[11] Kant is not generally considered to be a modern
anthropologist, however, as he never left his region of Germany
nor did he study any cultures besides his own, and in fact,
describes the need for anthropology as a corollary field to his own
primary field of philosophy.[12] He did, however, begin teaching
an annual course in anthropology in 1772. Anthropology is thus
primarily an Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment endeavor.
Table of natural history, 1728 Cyclopaedia
History of anthropology
26
Many scholars [citation needed] consider modern anthropology as an outgrowth of the Age of Enlightenment, a period
when Europeans attempted to study human behavior systematically, the known varieties of which had been
increasing since the fifteenth century as a result of the first European colonization wave. The traditions of
jurisprudence, history, philology, and sociology then evolved into something more closely resembling the modern
views of these disciplines and informed the development of the social sciences, of which anthropology was a part.
Developments in the systematic study of ancient civilizations through the disciplines of Classics and Egyptology
informed both archaeology and eventually social anthropology, as did the study of East and South Asian languages
and cultures. At the same time, the Romantic reaction to the Enlightenment produced thinkers, such as Johann
Gottfried Herder[13] and later Wilhelm Dilthey, whose work formed the basis for the "culture concept," which is
central to the discipline.[citation needed]
Institutionally, anthropology emerged from the development of natural history (expounded by authors such as
Buffon) that occurred during the European colonization of the seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth
centuries. Programs of ethnographic study originated in this era as the study of the "human primitives" overseen by
colonial administrations.
There was a tendency in late eighteenth century Enlightenment thought to understand human society as natural
phenomena that behaved according to certain principles and that could be observed empirically. In some ways,
studying the language, culture, physiology, and artifacts of European colonies was not unlike studying the flora and
fauna of those places.
Early anthropology was divided between proponents of unilinealism, who argued that all societies passed through a
single evolutionary process, from the most primitive to the most advanced, and various forms of non-lineal theorists,
who tended to subscribe to ideas such as diffusionism.[14] Most nineteenth-century social theorists, including
anthropologists, viewed non-European societies as windows onto the pre-industrial human past.
Overview of the modern discipline
History of science
The anthropologist Eric Wolf once characterized anthropology as "the most scientific of the humanities, and the most
humanistic of the social sciences." Understanding how anthropology developed contributes to understanding how it
fits into other academic disciplines. Scholarly traditions of jurisprudence, history, philology and sociology developed
during this time and informed the development of the social sciences of which anthropology was a part. At the same
time, the Romantic reaction to the Enlightenment produced thinkers such as Herder and later Wilhelm Dilthey whose
History of anthropology
work formed the basis for the culture concept which is central to the discipline.
These intellectual movements in part grappled with one of the greatest paradoxes of modernity: as the world is
becoming smaller and more integrated, people's experience of the world is increasingly atomized and dispersed. As
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels observed in the 1840s:
All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by
new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industries
that no longer work up indigenous raw material but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries
whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants,
satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of
distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have
intercourse in every direction, universal interdependence of nations.
Ironically, this universal interdependence, rather than leading to greater human solidarity, has coincided with
increasing racial, ethnic, religious, and class divisions, and new – and to some confusing or disturbing – cultural
expressions. These are the conditions of life with which people today must contend, but they have their origins in
processes that began in the 16th century and accelerated in the 19th century.
Institutionally anthropology emerged from natural history (expounded by authors such as Buffon). This was the
study of human beings - typically people living in European colonies. Thus studying the language, culture,
physiology, and artifacts of European colonies was more or less equivalent to studying the flora and fauna of those
places. It was for this reason, for instance, that Lewis Henry Morgan could write monographs on both The League of
the Iroquois and The American Beaver and His Works. This is also why the material culture of 'civilized' nations
such as China have historically been displayed in fine arts museums alongside European art while artifacts from
Africa or Native North American cultures were displayed in Natural History Museums with dinosaur bones and
nature dioramas. Curatorial practice has changed dramatically in recent years, and it would be wrong to see
anthropology as merely an extension of colonial rule and European chauvinism, since its relationship to imperialism
was and is complex.
Drawing on the methods of the natural sciences as well as developing new techniques involving not only structured
interviews but unstructured "participant-observation" – and drawing on the new theory of evolution through natural
selection, they proposed the scientific study of a new object: "humankind," conceived of as a whole. Crucial to this
study is the concept "culture," which anthropologists defined both as a universal capacity and propensity for social
learning, thinking, and acting (which they see as a product of human evolution and something that distinguishes
Homo sapiens – and perhaps all species of genus Homo – from other species), and as a particular adaptation to local
conditions that takes the form of highly variable beliefs and practices. Thus, "culture" not only transcends the
opposition between nature and nurture; it transcends and absorbs the peculiarly European distinction between
politics, religion, kinship, and the economy as autonomous domains. Anthropology thus transcends the divisions
between the natural sciences, social sciences, and humanities to explore the biological, linguistic, material, and
symbolic dimensions of humankind in all forms.
National Anthropological Traditions
As academic disciplines began to differentiate over the course of the nineteenth century, anthropology grew
increasingly distinct from the biological approach of natural history, on the one hand, and from purely historical or
literary fields such as Classics, on the other. A common criticism was that many social sciences (such as economists,
sociologists, and psychologists) in Western countries focused disproportionately on Western subjects, while
anthropology focuseed disproportionately on the "other".[15]
27
History of anthropology
Britain
Museums such as the British Museum weren't the only site of anthropological studies: with the New Imperialism
period, starting in the 1870s, zoos became unattended "laboratories", especially the so-called "ethnological
exhibitions" or "Negro villages". Thus, "savages" from the colonies were displayed, often nudes, in cages, in what
has been called "human zoos". For example, in 1906, Congolese pygmy Ota Benga was put by anthropologist
Madison Grant in a cage in the Bronx Zoo, labelled "the missing link" between an orangutan and the "white race" —
Grant, a renowned eugenicist, was also the author of The Passing of the Great Race (1916). Such exhibitions were
attempts to illustrate and prove in the same movement the validity of scientific racism, which first formulation may
be found in Arthur de Gobineau's An Essay on the Inequality of Human Races (1853–55). In 1931, the Colonial
Exhibition in Paris still displayed Kanaks from New Caledonia in the "indigenous village"; it received 24 million
visitors in six months, thus demonstrating the popularity of such "human zoos".
Anthropology grew increasingly distinct from natural history and by the end of the nineteenth century the discipline
began to crystallize into its modern form - by 1935, for example, it was possible for T.K. Penniman to write a history
of the discipline entitled A Hundred Years of Anthropology. At the time, the field was dominated by 'the comparative
method'. It was assumed that all societies passed through a single evolutionary process from the most primitive to
most advanced. Non-European societies were thus seen as evolutionary 'living fossils' that could be studied in order
to understand the European past. Scholars wrote histories of prehistoric migrations which were sometimes valuable
but often also fanciful. It was during this time that Europeans first accurately traced Polynesian migrations across the
Pacific Ocean for instance - although some of them believed it originated in Egypt. Finally, the concept of race was
actively discussed as a way to classify - and rank - human beings based on difference.
E.B. Tylor and James Frazer
E. B. Tylor ( 2 October 1832 – 2 January 1917) and James George
Frazer ( 1 January 1854 – 7 May 1941) are generally considered the
antecedents to modern social anthropology in Britain. Although Tylor
undertook a field trip to Mexico, both he and Frazer derived most of
the material for their comparative studies through extensive reading,
not fieldwork, mainly the Classics (literature and history of Greece and
Rome), the work of the early European folklorists, and reports from
missionaries, travelers, and contemporaneous ethnologists.
Tylor advocated strongly for unilinealism and a form of "uniformity of
mankind".[16] Tylor in particular laid the groundwork for theories of
cultural diffusionism, stating that there are three ways that different
groups can have similar cultural forms or technologies: "independent
invention, inheritance from ancestors in a distant region, transmission
from one race [sic] to another."[17]
Tylor formulated one of the early and influential anthropological
E. B. Tylor, nineteenth-century British
conceptions of culture as "that complex whole, which includes
anthropologist
knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities
and habits acquired by [humans] as [members] of society."[18] However, as Stocking notes, Tylor mainly concerned
himself with describing and mapping the distribution of particular elements of culture, rather than with the larger
function, and he generally seemed to assume a Victorian idea of progress rather than the idea of non-directional,
multilineal cultural development proposed by later anthropologists.
Tylor also theorized about the origins of religious beliefs in human beings, proposing a theory of animism as the
earliest stage, and noting that "religion" has many components, of which he believed the most important to be belief
28
History of anthropology
in supernatural beings (as opposed to moral systems, cosmology, etc.). Frazer, a Scottish scholar with a broad
knowledge of Classics, also concerned himself with religion, myth, and magic. His comparative studies, most
influentially in the numerous editions of The Golden Bough, analyzed similarities in religious belief and symbolism
globally. Neither Tylor nor Frazer, however, was particularly interested in fieldwork, nor were they interested in
examining how the cultural elements and institutions fit together. The Golden Bough was abridged drastically in
subsequent editions after his first.
Bronislaw Malinowski and the British School
Toward the turn of the twentieth century, a number of anthropologists became dissatisfied with this categorization of
cultural elements; historical reconstructions also came to seem increasingly speculative to them. Under the influence
of several younger scholars, a new approach came to predominate among British anthropologists, concerned with
analyzing how societies held together in the present (synchronic analysis, rather than diachronic or historical
analysis), and emphasizing long-term (one to several years) immersion fieldwork. Cambridge University financed a
multidisciplinary expedition to the Torres Strait Islands in 1898, organized by Alfred Court Haddon and including a
physician-anthropologist, William Rivers, as well as a linguist, a botanist, and other specialists. The findings of the
expedition set new standards for ethnographic description.
A decade and a half later, the Polish anthropology student, Bronisław Malinowski (1884–1942), was beginning what
he expected to be a brief period of fieldwork in the old model, collecting lists of cultural items, when the outbreak of
the First World War stranded him in New Guinea. As a subject of the Austro-Hungarian Empire resident on a British
colonial possession, he was effectively confined to New Guinea for several years.[19]
He made use of the time by undertaking far more intensive fieldwork than had been done by British anthropologists,
and his classic ethnography, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) advocated an approach to fieldwork that
became standard in the field: getting "the native's point of view" through participant observation. Theoretically, he
advocated a functionalist interpretation, which examined how social institutions functioned to satisfy individual
needs.
British social anthropology had an expansive moment in the Interwar period, with key contributions coming from the
Polish-British Bronisław Malinowski and Meyer Fortes[20]
A. R. Radcliffe-Brown also published a seminal work in 1922. He had carried out his initial fieldwork in the
Andaman Islands in the old style of historical reconstruction. However, after reading the work of French sociologists
Émile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, Radcliffe-Brown published an account of his research (entitled simply The
Andaman Islanders) that paid close attention to the meaning and purpose of rituals and myths. Over time, he
developed an approach known as structural functionalism, which focused on how institutions in societies worked to
balance out or create an equilibrium in the social system to keep it functioning harmoniously. (This contrasted with
Malinowski's functionalism, and was quite different from the later French structuralism, which examined the
conceptual structures in language and symbolism.)
Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown's influence stemmed from the fact that they, like Boas, actively trained students
and aggressively built up institutions that furthered their programmatic ambitions. This was particularly the case with
Radcliffe-Brown, who spread his agenda for "Social Anthropology" by teaching at universities across the British
Commonwealth. From the late 1930s until the postwar period appeared a string of monographs and edited volumes
that cemented the paradigm of British Social Anthropology (BSA). Famous ethnographies include The Nuer, by
Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard, and The Dynamics of Clanship Among the Tallensi, by Meyer Fortes; well-known
edited volumes include African Systems of Kinship and Marriage and African Political Systems.
29
History of anthropology
Post WW II trends
Max Gluckman, together with many of his colleagues at the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute and students at Manchester
University, collectively known as the Manchester School, took BSA in new directions through their introduction of
explicitly Marxist-informed theory, their emphasis on conflicts and conflict resolution, and their attention to the
ways in which individuals negotiate and make use of the social structural possibilities.
In Britain, anthropology had a great intellectual impact, it "contributed to the erosion of Christianity, the growth of
cultural relativism, an awareness of the survival of the primitive in modern life, and the replacement of diachronic
modes of analysis with synchronic, all of which are central to modern culture."[21]
Later in the 1960s and 1970s, Edmund Leach and his students Mary Douglas and Nur Yalman, among others,
introduced French structuralism in the style of Lévi-Strauss; while British anthropology has continued to emphasize
social organization and economics over purely symbolic or literary topics, differences among British, French, and
American sociocultural anthropologies have diminished with increasing dialogue and borrowing of both theory and
methods. Today, social anthropology in Britain engages internationally with many other social theories and has
branched in many directions.
In countries of the British Commonwealth, social anthropology has often been institutionally separate from physical
anthropology and primatology, which may be connected with departments of biology or zoology; and from
archaeology, which may be connected with departments of Classics, Egyptology, and the like. In other countries
(and in some, particularly smaller, British and North American universities), anthropologists have also found
themselves institutionally linked with scholars of folklore, museum studies, human geography, sociology, social
relations, ethnic studies, cultural studies, and social work.
Anthropology has been used in Britain to provide an alternative explanation for the Financial crisis of 2007–2010 to
the technical explanations rooted in economic and political theory. Dr. Gillian Tett, a Cambridge University trained
anthropologist who went on to become a senior editor at the Financial Times is one of the leaders in this use of
anthropology.
Canada
Canadian anthropology began, as in other parts of the Colonial world, as ethnological data in the records of travellers
and missionaries. In Canada, Jesuit missionaries such as Fathers LeClercq, Le Jeune and Sagard, in the 17th century,
provide the oldest ethnographic records of native tribes in what was then the Dominion of Canada. The academic
discipline has drawn strongly on both the British Social Anthropology and the American Cultural Anthropology
traditions, producing a hybrid "Socio-cultural" anthropology.
George Mercer Dawson
True anthropology began with a Government department: the Geological Survey of Canada, and George Mercer
Dawson (director in 1895). Dawson's support for anthropology created impetus for the profession in Canada. This
was expanded upon by Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier, who established a Division of Anthropology within the
Geological Survey in 1910.
Edward Sapir
Anthropologists were recruited from England and the USA, setting the foundation for the unique Canadian style of
anthropology. Scholars include the linguist and Boasian Edward Sapir.
30
History of anthropology
31
France
Anthropology in France has a less clear genealogy than the British and
American traditions, in part because many French writers influential in
anthropology have been trained or held faculty positions in sociology,
philosophy, or other fields rather than in anthropology.
Marcel Mauss
Most commentators consider Marcel Mauss (1872–1950), nephew of
the influential sociologist Émile Durkheim, to be the founder of the
French anthropological tradition. Mauss belonged to Durkheim's Année
Sociologique group. While Durkheim and others examined the state of
modern societies, Mauss and his collaborators (such as Henri Hubert
and Robert Hertz) drew on ethnography and philology to analyze
societies that were not as 'differentiated' as European nation states.
Two works by Mauss in particular proved to have enduring relevance:
Essay on the Gift, a seminal analysis of exchange and reciprocity, and
his Huxley lecture on the notion of the person, the first comparative
study of notions of person and selfhood cross-culturally.[22]
Émile Durkheim
Throughout the interwar years, French interest in anthropology often dovetailed with wider cultural movements such
as surrealism and primitivism, which drew on ethnography for inspiration. Marcel Griaule and Michel Leiris are
examples of people who combined anthropology with the French avant-garde. During this time most of what is
known as ethnologie was restricted to museums, such as the Musée de l'Homme founded by Paul Rivet, and
anthropology had a close relationship with studies of folklore.
Claude Lévi-Strauss
Above all, Claude Lévi-Strauss helped institutionalize anthropology in France. Along with the enormous influence
that his theory of structuralism exerted across multiple disciplines, Lévi-Strauss established ties with American and
British anthropologists. At the same time, he established centers and laboratories within France to provide an
institutional context within anthropology, while training influential students such as Maurice Godelier and Françoise
Héritier. They proved influential in the world of French anthropology. Much of the distinct character of France's
anthropology today is a result of the fact that most anthropology is carried out in nationally funded research
laboratories (CNRS) rather than academic departments in universities
Other influential writers in the 1970s include Pierre Clastres, who explains in his books on the Guayaki tribe in
Paraguay that "primitive societies" actively oppose the institution of the state. These stateless societies are not less
evolved than societies with states, but chose to conjure the institution of authority as a separate function from
society. The leader is only a spokesperson for the group when it has to deal with other groups ("international
relations") but has no inside authority, and may be violently removed if he attempts to abuse this position.[23]
The most important French social theorist since Foucault and Lévi-Strauss is Pierre Bourdieu, who trained formally
in philosophy and sociology and eventually held the Chair of Sociology at the Collège de France. Like Mauss and
others before him, he worked on topics both in sociology and anthropology. His fieldwork among the Kabyle of
Algeria places him solidly in anthropology, while his analysis of the function and reproduction of fashion and
cultural capital in European societies places him as solidly in sociology.
History of anthropology
32
United States
From its beginnings in the early 19th century through the early 20th
century, anthropology in the United States was influenced by the
presence of Native American societies.
Blumenbach's five races.
Cultural anthropology in the United States was influenced greatly by
the ready availability of Native American societies as ethnographic
subjects. The field was pioneered by staff of the Bureau of Indian
Affairs and the Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of American
Ethnology, men such as John Wesley Powell and Frank Hamilton
Cushing.
Late eighteenth century ethnology established the scientific foundation
for the field, which began to mature in the United States during the
presidency of Andrew Jackson (1829–1837). Jackson was responsible
for implementing the Indian Removal Act, the coerced and forced
removal of an estimated 100,000 American Indians during the 1830s to
Indian Territory in present-day Oklahoma; for insuring that the
franchise was extended to all white men, irrespective of financial
means while denying virtually all black men the right to vote; and, for
suppressing abolitionists’ efforts to end slavery while vigorously
defending that institution. Finally, he was responsible for appointing
Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of modern
Chief Justice Roger B. Taney who would decide, in Scott v. Sandford
anthropology, often called the "Father of
(1857), that Negroes were "beings of an inferior order, and altogether
American Anthropology"
unfit to associate with the white race. . . and so far inferior that they
had no rights which the white man was bound to respect." As a result
of this decision, black people, whether free or enslaved, could never become citizens of the United States.
It was in this context that the so-called American School of Anthropology thrived as the champion of polygenism or
the doctrine of multiple origins—sparking a debate between those influenced by the Bible who believed in the unity
of humanity and those who argued from a scientific standpoint for the plurality of origins and the antiquity of distinct
types. Like the monogenists, these theories were not monolithic and often used words like races, species, hybrid, and
mongrel interchangeably. A scientific consensus began to emerge during this period "that there exists a Genus
Homo, embracing many primordial types of ‘species’." Charles Caldwell, Samuel George Morton, Samuel A.
Cartwright, George Gliddon, Josiah C. Nott, and Louis Agassiz, and even South Carolina Governor James Henry
Hammond were all influential proponents of this school. While some were disinterested scientists, others were
passionate advocates who used science to promote slavery in a period of increasing sectional strife. All were
complicit in establishing the putative science that justified slavery, informed the Dred Scott decision, underpinned
miscegenation laws, and eventually fueled Jim Crow. Samuel G. Morton, for example, claimed to be just a scientist
but he did not hesitate to provide evidence of Negro inferiority to John C. Calhoun, the prominent pro-slavery
Secretary of State to help him negotiate the annexation of Texas as a slave state.
The high-water mark of polygenic theories was Josiah Nott and Gliddon’s voluminous eight-hundred page tome
titled Types of Mankind, published in 1854. Reproducing the work of Louis Agassiz and Samuel Morton, the authors
spread the virulent and explicitly racist views to a wider, more popular audience. The first printing sold out quickly
and by the end of the century it had undergone nine editions. Although many Southerners felt that all the justification
History of anthropology
for slavery they needed was found in the Bible, others used the new science to defend slavery and the repression of
American Indians. Abolitionists, however, felt they had to take this science on its own terms. And for the first time,
African American intellectuals waded into the contentious debate. In the immediate wake of Types of Mankind and
during the pitched political battles that led to Civil War, Frederick Douglass (1818-1895), the statesman and
persuasive abolitionist, directly attacked the leading theorists of the American School of Anthropology. In an 1854
address, entitled "The Claims of the Negro Ethnologically Considered," Douglass argued that "by making the
enslaved a character fit only for slavery, [slaveowners] excuse themselves for refusing to make the slave a freeman....
For let it be once granted that the human race are of multitudinous origin, naturally different in their moral, physical,
and intellectual capacities... a chance is left for slavery, as a necessary institution.... There is no doubt that Messrs.
Nott, Glidden, Morton, Smith and Agassiz were duly consulted by our slavery propagating statesmen." (p. 287).
Lewis Henry Morgan in the USA
Lewis Henry Morgan (1818–1881), a lawyer from Rochester, New York, became an advocate for and ethnological
scholar of the Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture, and especially kinship
patterns proved to be influential contributions to the field of anthropology. Like other scholars of his day (such as
Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that human societies could be classified into categories of cultural evolution on a
scale of progression that ranged from savagery, to barbarism, to civilization. Generally, Morgan used technology
(such as bowmaking or pottery) as an indicator of position on this scale.
Franz Boas
Franz Boas established academic anthropology in the United States in opposition to this sort of evolutionary
perspective. His approach was empirical, skeptical of overgeneralizations, and eschewed attempts to establish
universal laws. For example, Boas studied immigrant children to demonstrate that biological race was not
immutable, and that human conduct and behavior resulted from nurture, rather than nature.
Influenced by the German tradition, Boas argued that the world was full of distinct cultures, rather than societies
whose evolution could be measured by how much or how little "civilization" they had. He believed that each culture
has to be studied in its particularity, and argued that cross-cultural generalizations, like those made in the natural
sciences, were not possible.
In doing so, he fought discrimination against immigrants, blacks, and indigenous peoples of the Americas.[24] Many
American anthropologists adopted his agenda for social reform, and theories of race continue to be popular subjects
for anthropologists today. The so-called "Four Field Approach" has its origins in Boasian Anthropology, dividing the
discipline in the four crucial and interrelated fields of sociocultural, biological, linguistic, and archaic anthropology
(e.g. archaeology). Anthropology in the United States continues to be deeply influenced by the Boasian tradition,
especially its emphasis on culture.
33
History of anthropology
Boas used his positions at Columbia University and the American
Museum of Natural History to train and develop multiple generations
of students. His first generation of students included Alfred Kroeber,
Robert Lowie, Edward Sapir and Ruth Benedict, who each produced
richly detailed studies of indigenous North American cultures. They
provided a wealth of details used to attack the theory of a single
evolutionary process. Kroeber and Sapir's focus on Native American
languages helped establish linguistics as a truly general science and
free it from its historical focus on Indo-European languages.
The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook, Anthropology, marked a
turning point in American anthropology. After three decades of
amassing material, Boasians felt a growing urge to generalize. This
was most obvious in the 'Culture and Personality' studies carried out by
younger Boasians such as Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict.
Ruth Benedict in 1937
Influenced by psychoanalytic psychologists including Sigmund Freud
and Carl Jung, these authors sought to understand the way that
individual personalities were shaped by the wider cultural and social forces in which they grew up.
Though such works as Coming of Age in Samoa and The Chrysanthemum and the Sword remain popular with the
American public, Mead and Benedict never had the impact on the discipline of anthropology that some expected.
Boas had planned for Ruth Benedict to succeed him as chair of Columbia's anthropology department, but she was
sidelined by Ralph Linton, and Mead was limited to her offices at the AMNH.
Other countries
Anthropology as it emerged amongst the Western colonial powers (mentioned above) has generally taken a different
path than that in the countries of southern and central Europe (Italy, Greece, and the successors to the
Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires). In the former, the encounter with multiple, distinct cultures, often very
different in organization and language from those of Europe, has led to a continuing emphasis on cross-cultural
comparison and a receptiveness to certain kinds of cultural relativism.[25]
In the successor states of continental Europe, on the other hand, anthropologists often joined with folklorists and
linguists in building cultural perspectives on nationalism. Ethnologists in these countries tended to focus on
differentiating among local ethnolinguistic groups, documenting local folk culture, and representing the prehistory of
what has become a nation through various forms of public education (e.g., museums of several kinds).[26]
In this scheme, Russia occupied a middle position. On the one hand, it had a large region (largely east of the Urals)
of highly distinct, pre-industrial, often non-literate peoples, similar to the situation in the Americas. On the other
hand, Russia also participated to some degree in the nationalist (cultural and political) movements of Central and
Eastern Europe. After the Revolution of 1917, views expressed by anthropologists in the USSR, and later the Soviet
Bloc countries, were highly shaped by the requirement to conform to Marxist theories of social evolution.[27]
In Greece, there was since the 19th century a science of the folklore called laographia (laography), in the form of "a
science of the interior", although theoretically weak; but the connotation of the field deeply changed after World War
II, when a wave of Anglo-American anthropologists introduced a science "of the outside".[28] In Italy, the
development of ethnology and related studies did not receive as much attention as other branches of learning.[29]
Germany and Norway are the countries that showed the most division and conflict between scholars focusing on
domestic socio-cultural issues and scholars focusing on "other" societies.[citation needed]. Some German and Austrian
scholars have increased cultural anthropology as both legal anthropology regarding "other" societies and
anthropology of Western civilization.[30]
34
History of anthropology
20th-Century Developments
In the mid-20th century, American anthropology began to study its own history more systematically. In 1967 Marvin
Harris published his The Rise of Anthropological Theory, presenting argumentative examinations of anthropology's
historical developments, and George W. Stocking, Jr., established the historicist school, examining the historical
contexts of anthropological movements.
References
[1] Harris, Marvin. The Rise of Anthropological Theory. Alta Mira Press. 2000 (revised from 1968); Harris, Marvin. Theories of Culture in
Postmodern Times. Altamira. 1998
[2] Harris, 1968, op cit. pp. 8-52; Leaf 1970, op cit. pp. 1-13; Erickson and Murph, 2003, pp. 21-25
[3] Richard Tapper (1995). "Islamic Anthropology" and the "Anthropology of Islam", Anthropological Quarterly 68 (3), Anthropological
Analysis and Islamic Texts, p. 185-193.
[5] Richard Tapper (1995). "Islamic Anthropology" and the "Anthropology of Islam", Anthropological Quarterly 68 (3), Anthropological
Analysis and Islamic Texts, p. 185-193.
[6] West Asian views on black Africans during the medieval era (http:/ / www. colorq. org/ Articles/ article. aspx?d=2002& x=arabviews)
[7] Resources for a History of Anthropology (http:/ / www. timothyjpmason. com/ WebPages/ Publications/ Source_pages/ AnthroHist. htm)
[8] Marco Polo's Asia (http:/ / www. tk421. net/ essays/ polo. html)
[9] The Renaissance Foundations of Anthropology (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ sections/ gad/ history/ 011rowe. pdf)
[10] Urbanowicz, Charles. In the Newsletter of the American Anthropological Association, reprinted online, Csuchico.edu (http:/ / www.
csuchico. edu/ ~curbanowicz/ Pub_Papers/ 4field. html)
[11] Foucault, Michel. "Introduction" to his 1961 translation of Kant's work, reprinted, Generation-online.org (http:/ / www. generation-online.
org/ p/ fpfoucault1. htm)
[12] Jacobs, Brian, and Kain, Patrick (eds.), Essays on Kant's Anthropology, Cambridge University Press, 2003, 278pp., ISBN 0-521-79038-7.
[14] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free Press.
[15] Clifford, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California
Press.
[16] Stocking, George Jr. (1963) "Matthew Arnold, E. B. Tylor, and the Uses of Invention," American Anthropologist, 65:783-799, 1963 (http:/ /
www. aaanet. org/ gad/ history/ 044stocking. pdf)
[17] Tylor, E. B. (1865) Researches into the early history of mankind the development of civilization. London: John Murray.
[18] Tylor, E. B. (1871) Primitive culture: researches into the development of mythology, philosophy, religion, art, and custom. 2 vols. London,
John Murray.
[19] Malinowski, Bronisław (1967) A diary in the strict sense of the term. New York, Harcourt, Brace & World [1967]
[20] Jack Goody (1995) The Expansive Moment: The Rise of Social Anthropology in Britain and Africa, 1918-1970 (http:/ / www3. cambridge.
org/ us/ catalogue/ catalogue. asp?isbn=0521450489) review at Links.jstor.org (http:/ / links. jstor. org/
sici?sici=0094-0496(199702)24:1<211:TEMTRO>2. 0. CO;2-I)
[21] Heyck, Thomas William (1997) at Links.jstor.org (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0002-8762(199712)102:5<1486:ATBSA1>2. 0.
CO;2-7) The American Historical Review, Vol. 102, No. 5 (December, 1997), pp. 1486-1488
[22] Mauss, Marcel (1938) "A category of the human mind: the notion of person; the notion of self.," in M. Carrithers, S. Collins, and S. Lukes,
eds. The Category of the Person: anthropology, philosophy, history. Pp. 1-25. Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press. Originally
given as "Une categorie de l'Esprit Humain: La Notion de Personne, Celle de 'Moi'," for the Huxley Memorial Lecture and appeared in the
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 68.
[23] Bartholomew Dean “Critical Re-vision: Clastres' Chronicle and the optic of primitivism”, 2002 In Best of Anthropology Today, 1974-2000,
ed. J. Benthall, with a preface by M. Sahlins. London: Routledge. Amazon.com (http:/ / www. amazon. com/ gp/ reader/ 0415262550)
[24] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free Press.
[25] On varieties of cultural relativism in anthropology, see Spiro, Melford E. (1987) "Some Reflections on Cultural Determinism and Relativism
with Special Reference to Emotion and Reason," in Culture and Human Nature: theoretical papers of Melford E. Spiro. Edited by B. Kilborne
and L. L. Langness, pp. 32–58. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
[26] Gellner, Ernest. (1998) Language and solitude: Wittgenstein, Malinowski, and the Habsburg dilemma. New York: Cambridge University
Press.
[27] Gellner, Ernest, ed. (1980) Soviet and Western anthropology. New York: Columbia University Press.
[28] Geneviève Zoïa, « L'anthropologie en Grèce », Terrain, Numéro 14—L'incroyable et ses preuves (mars 1990) , [En ligne], mis en ligne le 7
octobre 2005, Terrain.revues.org (http:/ / terrain. revues. org/ document3641. html), Consulté le 15 juin 2007.
[29] Grottanelli, Vinigi Ethnology and/or Cultural Anthropology in Italy: Traditions and Developments (and Comments and Reply) (http:/ / links.
jstor. org/ sici?sici=0011-3204(197712)18:4<593:EACAII>2. 0. CO;2-Z). Other authors: Giorgio Ausenda, Bernardo Bernardi, Ugo Bianchi,
Y. Michal Bodemann, Jack Goody, Allison Jablonko, David I. Kertzer, Vittorio Lanternari, Antonio Marazzi, Roy A. Miller, Jr., Laura
Laurencich Minelli, David M. Moss, Leonard W. Moss, H. R. H. Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, Diana Pinto, Pietro Scotti, Tullio
35
History of anthropology
Tentori. Current Anthropology, Vol. 18, No. 4 (December, 1977), pp. 593–614
[30] Wolfgang Fikentscher: "Law and Anthropology: Outlines, Issues, and Suggestions", Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, C.H. Beck
2009, ISBN 978-3-7696-0977-6; Axel Montenbruck: « Zivilisation. Eine Rechtsanthropologie. Staat und Mensch, Gewalt und Recht, Kultur
und Natur », 2. Auflage, 2010. Universitätsbibliothek der Freien Universität Berlin,open access, http:/ / edocs. fu-berlin. de/ docs/ servlets/
MCRFileNodeServlet/ FUDOCS_derivate_000000001228/ Zivilisation_2__Aufl__ORIGINAL_21_9. pdf?hosts=; Axel Montenbruck: «
Western Anthropology: Democracy and Dehumanization ». 2nd edition 2010, Universitätsbibliothek der Freien Universität Berlin. open
access, http:/ / edocs. fu-berlin. de/ docs/ servlets/ MCRFileNodeServlet/ FUDOCS_derivate_000000001194/
Western_Anthropology,_2nd_ed. pdf?hosts=; Peter Sack, Carl P. Wellman, Mitsukuni Yasaki (Hrsg.): « Monismus oder Pluralismus der
Rechtskulturen? Anthropologische und ethnologische Grundlagen traditioneller und moderner Rechtssysteme / Monistic or Pluralistic Legal
Culture? Anthropological and Ethnological Foundations of Traditional and Modern Legal Systems ». Vorwort von / Preface by Ota
Weinberger. 1991. ISBN 978-3-428-07193-7
Bibliography
Fieldnotes and memoirs of anthropologists
• Barley, Nigel (1983) The innocent anthropologist: notes from a mud hut. London: British Museum Publications.
• Geertz, Clifford (1995) After the fact: two countries, four decades, one anthropologist. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
• Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1967) Tristes tropiques. Translated from the French by John Russell. New York:
Atheneum.
• Malinowski, Bronislaw (1967) A diary in the strict sense of the term. Translated by Norbert Guterman. New
York, Harcourt, Brace & World.
• Rabinow, Paul. (1977) Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco.
History of anthropology
• Asad, Talal, ed. (1973) Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press.
• Barth, Fredrik, Andre Gingrich, Robert Parkin, and Sydel Silverman. 2005. One Discipline, Four Ways: British,
German, French, and American anthropology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• Cerroni-Long, E. L., ed. (1999) Anthropological Theory in North America. Westport: Berin & Garvey. download
(http://www.anthro.ucsd.edu/~rdandrad/Sadstory)
• Darnell, Regna. (2001) Invisible Genealogies: A History of Americanist Anthropology. Lincoln, NE: University of
Nebraska Press.
• Hamilton, Michelle A. (2010) Collections and Objections: Aboriginal Material Culture in Southern Ontario.
Montreal: MQUP.
• Harris, Marvin. (2001[1968]) The Rise of Anthropological Theory: a history of theories of culture. AltaMira
Press. Walnut Creek, CA.
• Kehoe, Alice B. (1998) The Land of Prehistory: A Critical History of American Archaeology.
• Killan, Gerald. (1983) David Boyle: From Artisan to Archaeologist. Toronto: UTP.
• Pels, Peter & Oscar Salemink, eds. (2000) Colonial Subjects: Essays on the Practical History of Anthropology.
• Stocking, George, Jr. (1968) Race, Culture and Evolution. New York: Free Press.
36
Archaeology
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Anthropology portal
Archaeology, or archeology[] (from Greek ἀρχαιολογία,
archaiologia – ἀρχαῖος, arkhaios, "ancient"; and -λογία, -logia,
"-logy[1]"), is the study of human activity in the past, primarily through
the recovery and analysis of the material culture and environmental
data that they have left behind, which includes artifacts, architecture,
biofacts and cultural landscapes (the archaeological record). Because
archaeology employs a wide range of different procedures, it can be
considered to be both a science and a humanity,[2] and in the United
States it is thought of as a branch of anthropology,[] although in Europe
it is viewed as a separate discipline.
Archaeology studies human prehistory and history from the
development of the first stone tools in eastern Africa 3.4 million years
ago up until recent decades.[3] (Archaeology does not include the
discipline of paleontology.) It is of most importance for learning about
prehistoric societies, when there are no written records for historians to
study, making up over 99% of total human history, from the
Palaeolithic until the advent of literacy in any given society.[2]
Archaeology has various goals, which range from studying human
evolution to cultural evolution and understanding culture history.[]
Excavations at the site of Gran Dolina, in the
The discipline involves surveyance, excavation and eventually analysis
Atapuerca Mountains, Spain, 2008
of data collected to learn more about the past. In broad scope,
archaeology relies on cross-disciplinary research. It draws upon anthropology, history, art history, classics,
ethnology, geography,[4] geology,[5][6][7] linguistics, semiology, physics, information sciences, chemistry, statistics,
paleoecology, paleontology, paleozoology, paleoethnobotany, and paleobotany.
Archaeology developed out of antiquarianism in Europe during the 19th century, and has since become a discipline
practiced across the world. Since its early development, various specific sub-disciplines of archaeology have
developed, including maritime archaeology, feminist archaeology and archaeoastronomy, and numerous different
scientific techniques have been developed to aid archaeological investigation. Nonetheless, today, archaeologists
face many problems, ranging from dealing with pseudoarchaeology to the looting of artifacts and opposition to the
excavation of human remains.
Archaeology
Purpose
The purpose of archaeology is to learn more about past societies and
the development of the human race. Over 99% of the history of
humanity has occurred within prehistoric cultures, who did not make
use of writing, thereby not leaving written records about themselves
that we can study today. Without such written sources, the only way to
learn about prehistoric societies is to use archaeology. Many important
developments in human history occurred during prehistory, including
the evolution of humanity during the Palaeolithic period, when the
hominins developed from the australopithecines through to the early
Replica of the skull of the Taung child,
homos in Africa and finally into modern Homo sapiens. Archaeology
uncovered in South Africa. The Child was an
also sheds light on many of humanity's technological advances, for
infant of the Australopithecus africanus species,
instance the ability to use fire, the development of stone tools, the
an early form of hominin
discovery of metallurgy, the beginnings of religion and the creation of
agriculture. Without archaeology, we would know little or nothing about the use of material culture by humanity that
pre-dates writing.[]
However, it is not only prehistoric, pre-literate cultures that can be studied using archaeology but historic, literate
cultures as well, through the sub-discipline of historical archaeology. For many literate cultures, such as Ancient
Greece and Mesopotamia, their surviving records are often incomplete and biased to some extent. In many societies,
literacy was restricted to the elite classes, such as the clergy or the bureaucracy of court or temple. The literacy even
of aristocrats has sometimes been restricted to deeds and contracts. The interests and world-view of elites are often
quite different from the lives and interests of the populace. Writings that were produced by people more
representative of the general population were unlikely to find their way into libraries and be preserved there for
posterity. Thus, written records tend to reflect the biases, assumptions, cultural values and possibly deceptions of a
limited range of individuals, usually a small fraction of the larger population. Hence, written records cannot be
trusted as a sole source. The material record may be closer to a fair representation of society, though it is subject to
its own biases, such as sampling bias and differential preservation.[8]
Theory
There is no one singular approach to archaeological theory that has
been adhered to by all archaeologists. When archaeology
developed in the late 19th century, the first approach to
archaeological theory to be practiced was that of cultural-history
archaeology, which held the goal of explaining why cultures
changed and adapted rather than just highlighting the fact that they
did, therefore emphasizing historical particularism.[9] In the early
20th century, many archaeologists who studied past societies with
direct continuing links to existing ones (such as those of Native
Americans, Siberians, Mesoamericans etc.) followed the direct
Sign at Lubbock Lake Landmark in Lubbock, Texas
historical approach, compared the continuity between the past and
contemporary ethnic and cultural groups.[9] In the 1960s, an
archaeological movement largely led by American archaeologists like Lewis Binford and Kent Flannery arose that
rebelled against the established cultural-history archaeology.[10][11] They proposed a "New Archaeology", which
would be more "scientific" and "anthropological", with hypothesis testing and the scientific method very important
parts of what became known as processual archaeology.[9]
40
Archaeology
In the 1980s, a new postmodern movement arose led by the British archaeologists Michael Shanks,[12][13][14][15]
Christopher Tilley,[16] Daniel Miller,[17][18] and Ian Hodder,[19][20][21][22][23][24] which has become known as
post-processual archaeology. It questioned processualism's appeals to scientific positivism and impartiality, and
emphasised the importance of a more self-critical theoretical reflexivity.[citation needed] However, this approach has
been criticized by processualists as lacking scientific rigor, and the validity of both processualism and
post-processualism is still under debate. Meanwhile, another theory, known as historical processualism has emerged
seeking to incorporate a focus on process and post-processual archaeology's emphasis of reflexivity and history.[25]
Archaeological theory now borrows from a wide range of influences, including neo-Darwinian evolutionary thought,
phenomenology, postmodernism, agency theory, cognitive science, Structural functionalism, gender-based and
Feminist archaeology, and Systems theory.
Methods
An archaeological investigation usually involves several distinct phases, each of which employs its own variety of
methods. Before any practical work can begin, however, a clear objective as to what the archaeologists are looking to
achieve must be agreed upon. This done, a site is surveyed to find out as much as possible about it and the
surrounding area. Second, an excavation may take place to uncover any archaeological features buried under the
ground. And, third, the data collected from the excavation is studied and evaluated in an attempt to achieve the
original research objectives of the archaeologists. It is then considered good practice for the information to be
published so that it is available to other archaeologists and historians, although this is sometimes neglected.[26]
Remote sensing
Before actually starting to dig in a location, satellite imagery can be used to look where sites are located within a
large area.[27]
Field survey
The archaeological project then continues (or alternatively, begins)
with a field survey. Regional survey is the attempt to systematically
locate previously unknown sites in a region. Site survey is the attempt
to systematically locate features of interest, such as houses and
middens, within a site. Each of these two goals may be accomplished
with largely the same methods.
Survey was not widely practiced in the early days of archaeology.
Cultural historians and prior researchers were usually content with
discovering the locations of monumental sites from the local populace,
Monte Alban archaeological site
and excavating only the plainly visible features there. Gordon Willey
pioneered the technique of regional settlement pattern survey in 1949 in the Viru Valley of coastal Peru,[28][29] and
survey of all levels became prominent with the rise of processual archaeology some years later.[30]
Survey work has many benefits if performed as a preliminary exercise to, or even in place of, excavation. It requires
relatively little time and expense, because it does not require processing large volumes of soil to search out artifacts.
(Nevertheless, surveying a large region or site can be expensive, so archaeologists often employ sampling
methods.)[31] As with other forms of non-destructive archaeology, survey avoids ethical issues (of particular concern
to descendant peoples) associated with destroying a site through excavation. It is the only way to gather some forms
of information, such as settlement patterns and settlement structure. Survey data are commonly assembled into maps,
which may show surface features and/or artifact distribution.
41
Archaeology
The simplest survey technique is surface survey. It involves combing
an area, usually on foot but sometimes with the use of mechanized
transport, to search for features or artifacts visible on the surface.
Surface survey cannot detect sites or features that are completely
buried under earth, or overgrown with vegetation. Surface survey may
also include mini-excavation techniques such as augers, corers, and
shovel test pits. If no materials are found, the area surveyed is deemed
sterile.
Aerial survey is conducted using cameras attached to airplanes,
balloons, or even Kites.[32] A bird's-eye view is useful for quick
mapping of large or complex sites. Aerial photographs are used to
Inverted kite aerial photo of an excavation of a
document the status of the archaeological dig. Aerial imaging can also
Roman building at Nesley near Tetbury in
detect many things not visible from the surface. Plants growing above
Gloucestershire.
a buried man made structure, such as a stone wall, will develop more
slowly, while those above other types of features (such as middens)
may develop more rapidly. Photographs of ripening grain, which changes colour rapidly at maturation, have revealed
buried structures with great precision. Aerial photographs taken at different times of day will help show the outlines
of structures by changes in shadows. Aerial survey also employs ultraviolet, infrared, ground-penetrating radar
wavelengths, LiDAR and thermography.[33]
Geophysical survey can be the most effective way to see beneath the ground. Magnetometers detect minute
deviations in the Earth's magnetic field caused by iron artifacts, kilns, some types of stone structures, and even
ditches and middens. Devices that measure the electrical resistivity of the soil are also widely used. Archaeological
features whose electrical resistivity contrasts with that of surrounding soils can be detected and mapped. Some
archaeological features (such as those composed of stone or brick) have higher resistivity than typical soils, while
others (such as organic deposits or unfired clay) tend to have lower resistivity.
Although some archaeologists consider the use of metal detectors to be tantamount to treasure hunting, others deem
them an effective tool in archaeological surveying. Examples of formal archaeological use of metal detectors include
musketball distribution analysis on English Civil War battlefields, metal distribution analysis prior to excavation of a
19th-century ship wreck, and service cable location during evaluation. Metal detectorists have also contributed to
archaeology where they have made detailed records of their results and refrained from raising artifacts from their
archaeological context. In the UK, metal detectorists have been solicited for involvement in the Portable Antiquities
Scheme.
Regional survey in underwater archaeology uses geophysical or remote sensing devices such as marine
magnetometer, side-scan sonar, or sub-bottom sonar.[34]
42
Archaeology
43
Excavation
Archaeological excavation existed even when the field was still the
domain of amateurs, and it remains the source of the majority of data
recovered in most field projects. It can reveal several types of
information usually not accessible to survey, such as stratigraphy,
three-dimensional structure, and verifiably primary context.
Modern excavation techniques require that the precise locations of
objects and features, known as their provenance or provenience, be
recorded. This always involves determining their horizontal locations,
and sometimes vertical position as well (also see Primary Laws of
Archaeology). Likewise, their association, or relationship with nearby
objects and features, needs to be recorded for later analysis. This
allows the archaeologist to deduce which artifacts and features were
likely used together and which may be from different phases of
activity. For example, excavation of a site reveals its stratigraphy; if a
site was occupied by a succession of distinct cultures, artifacts from
more recent cultures will lie above those from more ancient cultures.
Excavation is the most expensive phase of archaeological research, in
relative terms. Also, as a destructive process, it carries ethical
concerns. As a result, very few sites are excavated in their entirety.
Again the percentage of a site excavated depends greatly on the
country and "method statement" issued. In places 90% excavation is
common. Sampling is even more important in excavation than in
survey. It is common for large mechanical equipment, such as
backhoes (JCBs), to be used in excavation, especially to remove the
topsoil (overburden), though this method is increasingly used with
great caution. Following this rather dramatic step, the exposed area is
usually hand-cleaned with trowels or hoes to ensure that all features are
apparent.
Excavations at the 3800-year-old Edgewater Park
Site, Iowa
Archaeological excavation that discovered
prehistoric caves in Vill (Innsbruck), Austria
The next task is to form a site plan and then use it to help decide the
method of excavation. Features dug into the natural subsoil are
normally excavated in portions to produce a visible archaeological
section for recording. A feature, for example a pit or a ditch, consists
of two parts: the cut and the fill. The cut describes the edge of the
feature, where the feature meets the natural soil. It is the feature's
boundary. The fill is what the feature is filled with, and will often
appear quite distinct from the natural soil. The cut and fill are given
consecutive numbers for recording purposes. Scaled plans and sections
An archaeologist sifting for POW remains on
of individual features are all drawn on site, black and white and colour
Wake Island.
photographs of them are taken, and recording sheets are filled in
describing the context of each. All this information serves as a
permanent record of the now-destroyed archaeology and is used in describing and interpreting the site.
Analysis
Archaeology
Once artifacts and structures have been excavated, or collected from surface surveys, it is necessary to properly study
them, to gain as much data as possible. This process is known as post-excavation analysis, and is usually the most
time-consuming part of the archaeological investigation. It is not uncommon for the final excavation reports on
major sites to take years to be published.
At its most basic, the artifacts found are cleaned, cataloged and compared to published collections, to classify them
typologically and to identify other sites with similar artifact assemblages. However, a much more comprehensive
range of analytical techniques are available through archaeological science, meaning that artifacts can be dated and
their compositions examined. The bones, plants and pollen collected from a site can all be analyzed (using the
techniques of zooarchaeology, paleoethnobotany, and palynology), while any texts can usually be deciphered.
These techniques frequently provide information that would not otherwise be known and therefore contribute greatly
to the understanding of a site.
Virtual archaeology
Some time around 1995 archaeologists started using computer graphics to build virtual 3D models of sites such as
the throne room of an ancient Assyrian palace or ancient Rome.[35] This is done by collecting normal photographs
and using computer graphics to build the virtual 3D model.[35] In more general terms, computers can be used to
recreate the environment and conditions of the past, such as objects, buildings, landscapes and even ancient
battles.[35] Computer simulation can be used to simulate the living conditions of an ancient community and to see
how it would have reacted to various scenarios (such as how much food to grow, how many animals to slaughter,
etc.)[35] Computer-built topographical models have been combined with astronomical calculations to verify whether
or not certain structures (such as pillars) were aligned with astronomical events such as the sun's position at a
solstice.[35]
Academic sub-disciplines
As with most academic disciplines, there are a very large number of archaeological sub-disciplines characterised by
a specific method or type of material (e.g., lithic analysis, music, archaeobotany), geographical or chronological
focus (e.g. Near Eastern archaeology, Islamic archaeology, Medieval archaeology), other thematic concern (e.g.
maritime archaeology, landscape archaeology, battlefield archaeology), or a specific archaeological culture or
civilisation (e.g. Egyptology, Indology, Sinology).
Historical archaeology
Historical archaeology is the study of cultures with some form of writing.
In England, archaeologists have uncovered the long-lost layouts of medieval villages abandoned after the crises of
the 14th century and the equally lost layouts of 17th century parterre gardens swept away by a change in
fashion.[citation needed] In downtown New York City archaeologists have exhumed the 18th century remains of the
African burial ground.
Ethnoarchaeology
Ethnoarchaeology is the archaeological study of living people.[36][37][38][39][40][41] The approach gained notoriety
during the emphasis on middle range theory that was a feature of the processual movement of the 1960s. Early
ethnoarchaeological research focused on hunting and gathering or foraging societies. Ethnoarchaeology continues to
be a vibrant component of post-processual and other current archaeological approaches.[42][43][44][45]
Ethnoarchaeology is the use of ethnography to increase and improve analogs, which are then used as analogies to
interpret the archaeological record. In short, ethnoarchaeology is the application of ethnography to archaeology.[46]
44
Archaeology
Experimental archaeology
Experimental archaeology represents the application of the experimental method to develop more highly controlled
observations of processes that create and impact the archaeological record.[47][48][49][50][51] In the context of the
logical positivism of processualism with its goals of improving the scientific rigor of archaeological epistemologies
the experimental method gained importance. Experimental techniques remain a crucial component to improving the
inferential frameworks for interpreting the archaeological record.
Archaeometry
Archaeometry is a field of study that aims to systematize archaeological measurement. It emphasizes the application
of analytical techniques from physics, chemistry, and engineering. It is a field of research that frequently focuses on
the definition of the chemical composition of archaeological remains for source analysis.[52] Archaeometry also
investigates different spatial characteristics of features, employing methods such as space syntax techniques and
geodesy as well as computer-based tools such as geographic information system technology.[] Rare earth elements
patterns may also be used.[] A relatively nascent subfield is that of archaeological materials, designed to enhance
understanding of prehistoric and non-industrial culture through scientific analysis of the structure and properties of
materials associated with human activity.[53]
Cultural resources management
While archaeology can be done as a pure science, it can also be an applied science, namely the study of
archaeological sites that are threatened by development. In such cases, archaeology is a subsidiary activity within
Cultural resources management (CRM), also called heritage management in the United Kingdom.[] Today, CRM
accounts for most of the archaeological research done in the United States and much of that in western Europe as
well. In the US, CRM archaeology has been a growing concern since the passage of the National Historic
Preservation Act (NHPA) of 1966, and most taxpayers, scholars, and politicians believe that CRM has helped
preserve much of that nation's history and prehistory that would have otherwise been lost in the expansion of cities,
dams, and highways. Along with other statutes, the NHPA mandates that projects on federal land or involving
federal funds or permits consider the effects of the project on each archaeological site.
The application of CRM in the United Kingdom is not limited to government-funded projects. Since 1990 PPG 16[]
has required planners to consider archaeology as a material consideration in determining applications for new
development. As a result, numerous archaeological organisations undertake mitigation work in advance of (or
during) construction work in archaeologically sensitive areas, at the developer's expense.
In England, ultimate responsibility of care for the historic environment rests with the Department for Culture, Media
and Sport[] in association with English Heritage.[] In Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, the same responsibilities
lie with Historic Scotland,[54] Cadw[] and the Northern Ireland Environment Agency[] respectively.
Among the goals of CRM are the identification, preservation, and maintenance of cultural sites on public and private
lands, and the removal of culturally valuable materials from areas where they would otherwise be destroyed by
human activity, such as proposed construction. This study involves at least a cursory examination to determine
whether or not any significant archaeological sites are present in the area affected by the proposed construction. If
these do exist, time and money must be allotted for their excavation. If initial survey and/or test excavation indicates
the presence of an extraordinarily valuable site, the construction may be prohibited entirely. CRM is a thriving
entity, especially in the United States and Europe where archaeologists from private companies and all levels of
government engage in the practice of their discipline.
Cultural resources management has, however, been criticized. CRM is conducted by private companies that bid for
projects by submitting proposals outlining the work to be done and an expected budget. It is not unheard-of for the
agency responsible for the construction to simply choose the proposal that asks for the least funding. CRM
archaeologists face considerable time pressure, often being forced to complete their work in a fraction of the time
45
Archaeology
46
that might be allotted for a purely scholarly endeavor. Compounding the time pressure is the vetting process of site
reports that are required (in the US) to be submitted by CRM firms to the appropriate State Historic Preservation
Office (SHPO). From the SHPO's perspective there is to be no difference between a report submitted by a CRM firm
operating under a deadline, and a multi-year academic project. The end result is that for a Cultural Resource
Management archaeologist to be successful, they must be able to produce academic quality documents at a corporate
world pace.
The annual ratio of open academic archaeology positions (inclusive of Post-Doc, temporary, and non tenure track
appointments) to the annual number of archaeology MA/MSc and PhD students is grossly disproportionate. This
dearth of academic positions causes a predictable excess of well educated individuals who join the ranks of the
following year's crop of non-academically employed archaeologists. Cultural Resource Management, once
considered an intellectual backwater for individuals with "strong backs and weak minds"[55] has reaped the benefit of
this massive pool of well educated professionals. This results in CRM offices increasingly staffed by advance
degreed individuals with a track record of producing scholarly articles but who have the notches on their trowels to
show they have been in the trenches as a shovelbum.
History of archaeology
Flavio Biondo, an Italian Renaissance humanist historian, created a systematic and documented guide to the ruins
and topography of ancient Rome in the early 15th century for which he has been called an early founder of
archaeology. Ciriaco de' Pizzicolli or Cyriacus of Ancona (31 July 1391 — 1453/55) was a restlessly itinerant Italian
humanist who came from a prominent family of merchants in Ancona. Ciriaco travelled all around the Eastern
Mediterranean, noting down his archaeological discoveries in his day-book, Commentaria, that eventually filled six
volumes. He has been called father of archaeology.
After that, modern archaeology has its origins in the antiquarianism of Europe in the mid-19th century, where it
developed soon after the scientific advancement of geology, which had shown that the Earth was billions rather than
thousands of years old, as was then commonly believed. Soon after this, in 1859, Charles Darwin's On the Origin of
Species was published, outlining his theory of evolution, eventually leading scientists to believe that humanity was in
fact millions of years old, thereby providing a time limit within which the burgeoning archaeological movement
could study. Meanwhile, in 1836 the Danish historian Christian Jürgensen Thomsen published A Ledetraad til
Nordisk Oldkyndighed (Guideline to Scandinavian Antiquity) translated into English in 1848, in which he proposed
the idea that collections of European artifacts from prehistory could be divided up into a three age system: the Stone
Age, Bronze Age and Iron Age.Thomsen was not the first scholar to propose the three age system (that idea dated
back to Greek and Roman thinkers), but he was the first to apply these categories to material culture, and with that
innovation came significant advances in the concept of seriation, or stylistic changes through time.[]
It was these three concepts of human antiquity, evolution and the Three-Age system that are often thought of as the
building blocks for modern archaeology.[56]
Soon the early archaeologists began to investigate various areas around
the world, with the study of ancient Aegean civilization being
stimulated by the excavations of Heinrich Schliemann at Troy, and of
Arthur Evans at Crete, whilst John Lloyd Stephens was a pivotal figure
in the rediscovery of Maya civilization throughout Central America.
However, the methodologies employed by these archaeologists were
highly flawed by today's standards, often having a eurocentric bias, and
many early European archaeologists often relied on anthropological
and ethnographic accounts provided by the likes of Edward Tylor and
Howard Carter in the Pharaon Tutankhamen's
tomb, 1924
Archaeology
Lewis Henry Morgan, thereby comparing contemporary "savage" peoples like the Native Americans with the
historical peoples of Europe who lived in similar societies.[57] Soon the new discipline of archaeology spread to
North America, where it was taken up by figures like Samuel Haven and William Henry Holmes, who excavated
ancient Native American monuments.[58]
Further advancements in archaeological field methodology arose in the late 19th century. One of the pioneering
figures in this was Augustus Pitt Rivers, who meticulously excavated on Cranborne Chase in southern England,
emphasising that it was not only items of beauty or value that should be recorded but mundane items as well; he
therefore helped to differentiate archaeology from antiquarianism. Other important archaeologists who further
refined the discipline in the late 19th and early 20th centuries were Flinders Petrie (who excavated in Egypt and
Palestine), Sir Mortimer Wheeler (India), Dorothy Garrod (the Middle East), Max Uhle (Peru) and Alfred Kidder
(Mexico).[59] Further adaptation and innovation in archaeology continued throughout the 20th century, in particular
in the 1960s, when maritime archaeology was popularised by George Bass, urban archaeology became more
prevalent with redevelopment in many European cities, and rescue archaeology was developed as a result of
increasing commercial development.[59]
Popular views of archaeology
Early archaeology was largely an attempt to uncover spectacular
artifacts and features, or to explore vast and mysterious abandoned
cities. Early archaeology was mostly done by upper class, scholarly
men. This generalization laid the foundation for the modern popular
view of archaeology and archaeologists. This generalization had been
with our culture for a long time, before silent movies in popular fiction
novels. Another popular thought that dates back to this era is that
archaeology is monetarily lucrative. A large majority of the general
Extensive excavations at Beit She'an, Israel
public is under the impression that excavations are undertaken for
money and not historical data. It is easy for the general public to hold this notion for that is what is presented to them
through general media, and has been for many decades.
The majority of the public view archaeology as being something only available to a narrow demographic. The job of
archaeologist is depicted as a “romantic adventurist occupation”.[] To generalize, the public views archaeology as a
fantasized hobby more than a job in the scientific community. Perpetuating the stereotype in modern cinema does
nothing to help the scientific community. The audience may not take away scientific methods from popular cinema
but they do form a notion of “who archaeologists are, why they do what they do, and how relationships to the past
are constituted.[]” Major motion picture companies are more worried about the marketability of the film and the
general dramatic interest of the public.
Almost all popular portrayals of archaeologists fall into a few categories. Mcgeough labels them as “British thinkers,
American fighters, and repressed librarians.” These labels mostly pertain to male archaeologists. Female
archaeologists fall into the categories of “privileged women” with a love of adventure who are overly sexualized and
“junior scholars” who are like the repressed librarians but are sexualized when their glasses come off and their hair is
let down.[] The modern depiction is sensationalized so much that it has incorrectly formed the public’s perception of
what archaeology is. The public is often under the impression that all archaeology takes place in a distant and foreign
land, only to collect monetarily or spiritually priceless artifacts. Many times these artifacts are pursued for power
and/or wealth. Alfred Hitchcock referred to such items in his films as the “MacGuffin: an object of pursuit, protected,
and rescue by both hero and villain." We are led to believe that Indiana Jones is a hero for yelling, “It belongs in a
Museum!” all while he wields a gun and destroys historical sites without the blink of an eye.
Such pursuits continue to fascinate the public. Books, films, and video games, such as Indiana Jones, King
Solomon's Mines, The City of Brass, Relic Hunter, The Mummy, Stargate, and Tomb Raider all testify to the public's
47
Archaeology
interest in the discovery aspect of archaeology.
Much thorough and productive research has indeed been conducted in dramatic locales such as Copán and the Valley
of the Kings, but the bulk of activities and finds of modern archaeology are not so sensational. Archaeological
adventure stories tend to ignore the painstaking work involved in carrying out modern surveys, excavations, and data
processing. Some archaeologists refer to such off-the-mark portrayals as "pseudoarchaeology".[]
Archaeology has been portrayed in the mainstream media in sensational ways. This has its advantages and
disadvantages. Many practitioners point to the childhood excitement of Indiana Jones films as their inspiration to
enter the field.[][] Archaeologists are also very much reliant on public support, the question of exactly who they are
doing their work for is often discussed.[]
Current issues and controversy
Public archaeology
Motivated by a desire to halt looting, curb pseudoarchaeology, and to help preserve archaeological sites through
education and fostering public appreciation for the importance of archaeological heritage, archaeologists are
mounting public-outreach campaigns.[] They seek to stop looting by combatting people who illegally take artifacts
from protected sites, and by alerting people who live near archaeological sites of the threat of looting. Common
methods of public outreach include press releases, and the encouragement of school field trips to sites under
excavation by professional archaeologists.[citation needed] Public appreciation of the significance of archaeology and
archaeological sites often leads to improved protection from encroaching development or other threats.
One audience for archaeologists' work is the public. They increasingly realize that their work can benefit
non-academic and non-archaeological audiences, and that they have a responsibility to educate and inform the public
about archaeology. Local heritage awareness is aimed at increasing civic and individual pride through projects such
as community excavation projects, and better public presentations of archaeological sites and knowledge.[citation
needed]
The U.S.Dept. of Agriculture, Forest Service(USFS) operates a volunteer archaeology and historic
preservation program called the Passport in Time (PIT). Volunteers work with professional USFS archaeologists and
historians on national forests throughout the U.S. Volunteers are involved in all aspects of professional archaeology
under expert supervision.[]
In the UK, popular archaeology programs such as Time Team and Meet the Ancestors have resulted in a huge
upsurge in public interest.[citation needed] Where possible, archaeologists now make more provisions for public
involvement and outreach in larger projects than they once did, and many local archaeological organizations operate
within the Community archaeology framework to expand public involvement in smaller-scale, more local projects.
Archaeological excavation, however, is best undertaken by well-trained staff that can work quickly and accurately.
Often this requires observing the necessary health and safety and indemnity insurance issues involved in working on
a modern building site with tight deadlines. Certain charities and local government bodies sometimes offer places on
research projects either as part of academic work or as a defined community project.[citation needed] There is also a
flourishing industry selling places on commercial training excavations and archaeological holiday tours.[citation
needed]
Archaeologists prize local knowledge and often liaise with local historical and archaeological societies, which is one
reason why Community archaeology projects are starting to become more common. Often archaeologists are assisted
by the public in the locating of archaeological sites, which professional archaeologists have neither the funding, nor
the time to do.
The Archaeological Legacy Institute (ALI), self-described as "an independent, nonprofit, tax-exempt (501[c][3])", is
a research and education corporation registered in Oregon in 1999. The ALI founded an online Archaeology Channel
[60]
to support the organization's mission "to develop ways to make archaeology more effective both in gathering
important information about past human lifeways and in delivering that information to the public and the
48
Archaeology
49
profession."[]
Pseudoarchaeology
Pseudoarchaeology is an umbrella term for all activities that claim to be archaeological but in fact violate commonly
accepted and scientific archaeological practices. It includes much fictional archaeological work (discussed above), as
well as some actual activity. Many non-fiction authors have ignored the scientific methods of processual
archaeology, or the specific critiques of it contained in post-processualism.
An example of this type is the writing of Erich von Däniken. His 1968 book, Chariots of the Gods?, together with
many subsequent lesser-known works, expounds a theory of ancient contacts between human civilisation on Earth
and more technologically advanced extraterrestrial civilisations. This theory, known as palaeocontact theory, or
Ancient astronaut theory, is not exclusively Däniken's, nor did the idea originate with him. Works of this nature are
usually marked by the renunciation of well-established theories on the basis of limited evidence and the
interpretation of evidence with a preconceived theory in mind.
Looting
Looting of archaeological sites is an ancient problem. For instance,
many of the tombs of the Egyptian pharaohs were looted during
antiquity.[61] Archaeology stimulates interest in ancient objects, and
people in search of artifacts or treasure cause damage to archaeological
sites. The commercial and academic demand for artifacts unfortunately
contributes directly to the illicit antiquities trade. Smuggling of
antiquities abroad to private collectors has caused great cultural and
economic damage in many countries whose governments lack the
resources and or the will to deter it. Looters damage and destroy
archaeological sites, denying future generations information about their
ethnic and cultural heritage. Indigenous peoples especially lose access
to and control over their 'cultural resources', ultimately denying them
the opportunity to know their past.[62]
A looter's pit on the morning following its
excavation, taken at Rontoy, Huaura Valley, Peru
in June 2007. Several small holes left by looters'
prospecting probes can be seen, as well as their
footprints.
Popular consciousness often associates looting with poor Third World
countries,[citation needed] but this is a false assumption.[62] A lack of financial resources and political will are chronic
worldwide problems inhibiting more effective protection of archaeological sites. Many Native American Indians
today, such as Vine Deloria, Jr., consider any removal of cultural artifacts from a Native American Indian site to be
theft, and much of professional archaeology as academic looting.
In 1937 W. F. Hodge the Director of the Southwest Museum in Los Angeles CA, released a statement that the
museum would no longer purchase or accept collections from looted contexts.[63] The first conviction of the
transport of artifacts illegally removed from private property under the Archaeological Resources Protection Act
(ARPA; Public Law 96-95; 93 Statute 721; [64] 16 U.S.C. § 470aamm [65]) was in 1992 in the State of Indiana.[66]
Archaeology
Descendant peoples
In the United States, examples such as the case of Kennewick Man
have illustrated the tensions between Native Americans and
archaeologists, which can be summarized as a conflict between a need
to remain respectful toward sacred burial sites and the academic
benefit from studying them. For years, American archaeologists dug on
Indian burial grounds and other places considered sacred, removing
artifacts and human remains to storage facilities for further study. In
some cases human remains were not even thoroughly studied but
instead archived rather than reburied. Furthermore, Western
archaeologists' views of the past often differ from those of tribal
peoples. The West views time as linear; for many natives, it is cyclic.
From a Western perspective, the past is long-gone; from a native
perspective, disturbing the past can have dire consequences in the
present.
As a consequence of this, American Indians attempted to prevent
archaeological excavation of sites inhabited by their ancestors, while
American archaeologists believed that the advancement of scientific
knowledge was a valid reason to continue their studies. This
contradictory situation was addressed by the Native American Graves
Stela of a king named Adad-Nirari. Object stolen
from the Iraq National Museum in the looting in
Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA, 1990), which sought to
connection with the Iraq war of 2003.
reach a compromise by limiting the right of research institutions to
possess human remains. Due in part to the spirit of postprocessualism,
some archaeologists have begun to actively enlist the assistance of indigenous peoples likely to be descended from
those under study.
Archaeologists have also been obliged to re-examine what constitutes an archaeological site in view of what native
peoples believe to constitute sacred space. To many native peoples, natural features such as lakes, mountains or even
individual trees have cultural significance. Australian archaeologists especially have explored this issue and
attempted to survey these sites to give them some protection from being developed. Such work requires close links
and trust between archaeologists and the people they are trying to help and at the same time study.
While this cooperation presents a new set of challenges and hurdles to fieldwork, it has benefits for all parties
involved. Tribal elders cooperating with archaeologists can prevent the excavation of areas of sites that they consider
sacred, while the archaeologists gain the elders' aid in interpreting their finds. There have also been active efforts to
recruit aboriginal peoples directly into the archaeological profession.
Repatriation
See Repatriation and reburial of human remains
A new trend in the heated controversy between First Nations groups and scientists is the repatriation of native
artifacts to the original descendants. An example of this occurred June 21, 2005, when community members and
elders from a number of the 10 Algonquian nations in the Ottawa area convened on the Kitigan Zibi reservation near
Maniwaki, Quebec, to inter ancestral human remains and burial goods — some dating back 6,000 years. It was not
determined, however, if the remains were directly related to the Algonquin people who now inhabit the region. The
remains may be of Iroquoian ancestry, since Iroquoian people inhabited the area before the Algonquin. Moreover,
the oldest of these remains might have no relation at all to the Algonquin or Iroquois, and belong to an earlier culture
50
Archaeology
who previously inhabited the area.
The remains and artifacts, including jewelry, tools and weapons, were originally excavated from various sites in the
Ottawa Valley, including Morrison and the Allumette Islands. They had been part of the Canadian Museum of
Civilization's research collection for decades, some since the late 19th century. Elders from various Algonquin
communities conferred on an appropriate reburial, eventually deciding on traditional redcedar and birchbark boxes
lined with redcedar chips, muskrat and beaver pelts.
Now, an inconspicuous rock mound marks the reburial site where close to 80 boxes of various sizes are buried, no
further scientific study is possible. Although negotiations were at times tense between the Kitigan Zibi community
and museum, they were able to reach agreement.[]
Kennewick Man is another repatriation candidate that has been the source of heated debate.
References
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[2] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:13)
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[4] Aldenderfer and Maschner (1996)
[5] Gladfelter (1977)
[6] Watters (1992)
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51
Archaeology
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[63]
Yellen (1991)
Sillet et al. (2006)
Schott and Sillitoe (2005)
Ogundele (2005)
Kuznar (2001)
Ashcer (1961) as cited in Wylie (1985)
Ascher (1961)
Saraydar and Shimada (1971)
Saraydar and Shimada (1973)
Gifford-Gonzalez (1985)
Frison (1989)
Glascock et al. 1994
MIT Archaeological Materials and CMRAE Mission Statement (http:/ / web. mit. edu/ cmrae/ cmrae_mission. htm/ )
Flannery (1982)
Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:26)
Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:29)
Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:30-31)
Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:33-35)
http:/ / archaeologychannel. org/
Time Life Lost Civilizations series: Ramses II: Magnificence on the Nile (1993)
Sheets (1973)
Hodge (1937)
[64] http:/ / www. nps. gov/ history/ local-law/ FHPL_ArchRsrcsProt. pdf
[65] http:/ / www. law. cornell. edu/ uscode/ 16/ 470aamm. html
[66] Munson et al. (1995)
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• Glascock, M. D., Neff, H., Stryker, K. S. & Johnson, T. N. (1994), "Sourcing Archaeological Obsidian by an
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• Gould, R. (1971a), "The Archaeologist as Ethnographer: A Case from the Western Desert of Australia", World
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• Gould, R., Koster, D. A. & Sontz, A. H. L. (1971b), "The Lithic Assemblage of the Western Desert Aborigines of
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JSTOR 278668 (http://www.jstor.org/stable/278668)
• Gould, R. & Yellen, J. (1987), "Man the Hunted: Determinants of Household Spacing in Desert and Tropical
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• Haviland, William A.; Prins, Harald E. L.; McBride, Bunny; Walrath, Dana (2010), Cultural Anthropology: The
Human Challenge (13th ed.), Cengage Learning, ISBN 0-495-81082-7
• Hodder, I. (1982), Symbols in Action, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
• Hodder, I. (1985), "Post-Processual Archaeology", in SCHIFFER, M. B., Advances in Archaeological Method
and Theory, New York: Academic Press
• Hodder, I., ed. (1987), The Archaeology of Contextual Meaning, New York: Cambridge University Press
• Hodder, I. (1990), "Style as Historical Quality", in HASTORF, M. C. A. C., The Uses of Style in Archaeology,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
• Hodder, I. (1991), "Interpretive Archaeology and Its Role", American Antiquity 56 (1): 7–18, doi:
10.2307/280968 (http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/280968), JSTOR 280968 (http://www.jstor.org/stable/
280968)
• Hodder, I. (1992), Theory and Practice in Archaeology, London: Routeldge
• Kuznar, L, ed. (2001), Ethnoarchaeology of Andean South America, Ann Arbor: International Monographs in
Prehistory
• Miller, D. & Tilley, C. (1984), "Ideology, Power and Prehistory: An Introduction", in Miller, D. & Tilley, C.,
Ideology, Power, and Prehistory, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-25526-0, OCLC
241599209 9827625 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/241599209+9827625)
• Miller, D., Rowlands, M., Tilley, C., ed. (1989), Dominion and Resistance, New York: Routledge
• Munson, C. A., Jones, M. M. & Fry, R. E. (1995), "The GE Mound: An ARPA Case Study", American Antiquity
60 (1): 131–159, doi: 10.2307/282080 (http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/282080), JSTOR 282080 (http://www.
jstor.org/stable/282080)
• Ogundele, S. O. (2005), "Ethnoarchaeology of Domestic Space and Spatial Behaviour Among the Tiv and
Ungwai of Central Nigeria", African Archaeological Review 22: 25–54, doi: 10.1007/s10437-005-3158-2 (http://
dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10437-005-3158-2)
• Pauketat, T. R. (2001), "Practice and History in Archaeology: An Emerging Paradigm", Anthropological Theory
1: 73–98, doi: 10.1177/14634990122228638 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14634990122228638)
• Redman, C. L. (1974), Archaeological Sampling Strategies, Binghamton: State University of New York at
Binghamton
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• Renfrew, C. & Bahn, P. G. (1991), Archaeology: Theories, Methods, and Practice, London: Thames and Hudson
Ltd, ISBN 0-500-27867-9, OCLC 185808200 34521234 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/185808200+
34521234)
• Saraydar, S. & Shimada, I. (1971), "A Quantitative Comparison of Efficiency Between A Stone Axe and A Steel
Axe", American Antiquity 36 (2): 216–217, doi: 10.2307/278680 (http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/278680), JSTOR
278680 (http://www.jstor.org/stable/278680)
• Saraydar, S. C. & Shimada, I. (1973), "Experimental Archaeology: A New Outlook", American Antiquity 38 (3):
344–350, doi: 10.2307/279722 (http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/279722), JSTOR 279722 (http://www.jstor.org/
stable/279722)
• Sellet, F., Greaves, R. & Yu, P.-L. (2006), Archaeology and Ethnoarchaeology of Mobility, Gainesville:
University Press of Florida
• Shanks, M. & Tilley, C. (1987), Reconstructing Archaeology, New York: Cambridge university Press
• Shanks, M. & Tilley, C. (1988), Social Theory and Archaeology, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
ISBN 0-7456-0184-7, OCLC 16465065 185783860 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/16465065+185783860)
• Shanks, M. (1991), "Some recent approaches to style and social reconstruction in classical archaeology",
Archaeological Review from Cambridge 10: 164–174
• Shanks, M. (1993), "Style and the design of a perfume jar from an Archaic Greek city state", Journal of European
Archaeology 1: 77–106
• Sheets, P. D. (1973), "The Pillage of Prehistory", American Antiquity 38 (3): 317–320, doi: 10.2307/279718
(http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/279718), JSTOR 279718 (http://www.jstor.org/stable/279718)
• Shott, M. J. & Sillitoe, P. (2005), "Use life and curation in New Guinea experimental used flakes", Journal of
Archaeological Science 32 (5): 653–663, doi: 10.1016/j.jas.2004.11.012 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.
2004.11.012)
• Tassie, G. J., Owens, L.S. (2010), Standards of Archaeological Excavations: A Fieldguide to the Methology,
Recording Techniques and Conventions, London: GHP, ISBN 978-1-906137-17-5
• Taylor, W. W. (1948), A Study of Archaeology, Menasha: American Anthropological Association,
ISBN 0-906367-12-3, OCLC 9714935 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/9714935)
• Tilley, Christopher, ed. (1993), Interpretive Archaeology, Oxford: Berg, ISBN 0-85496-842-3, OCLC
185494001 26263158 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/185494001+26263158)
• Trigger, B. G. (1989), A History of Archaeological Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
• Watters, M.R. (1992), Principles of Geoarchaeology: A North American Perspective, Tucson: The University of
Arizona Press
• Watters, M.R. (2000), "Alluvial stratigraphy and geoarchaeology in the American Southwest", Geoarchaeology
15 (6): 537–557, doi: 10.1002/1520-6548(200008)15:6<537::AID-GEA5>3.0.CO;2-E (http://dx.doi.org/10.
1002/1520-6548(200008)15:6<537::AID-GEA5>3.0.CO;2-E)
• Willey, G. R. (1953), Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Virú Valley, Perú, Washington DC
• Willey, G. (1968), Settlement Archaeology, Palo Alto: National Press
• Wylie, A. (1985), "The Reaction Against Analogy", in Schiffer, Michael B., Advances in Archaeological Method
and Theory, Orlando, FL: Academic Press, pp. 63–111
• Yellen, J. & Harpending, H. (1972), "Hunter-Gatherer Populations and Archaeological Inference", World
Archaeology 4 (2): 244–253, doi: 10.1080/00438243.1972.9979535 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.
1972.9979535)
• Yellen, J. (1977), Archaeological Approaches to the Present, New York: Academic Press, ISBN 0-12-770350-0,
OCLC 2911020 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/2911020)
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Further reading
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Archaeology (magazine)
Lewis Binford - New Perspectives in Archaeology (1968) ISBN 0-202-33022-2
Glyn Daniel - A Short History of Archaeology (1991)
Kevin Greene - Introduction to Archaeology (1983)
Thomas Hester, Harry Shafer, and Kenneth L. Feder - Field Methods in Archaeology 7th edition (1997)
Ian Hodder & Scott Hutson - "Reading the Past" 3rd. edition (2003)
International Journal of South American Archaeology - IJSA (magazine)
Internet Archaeology, e-journal
C. U. Larsen - Sites and Monuments (1992)
Adrian Praetzellis - Death by Theory, AltaMira Press (2000). ISBN 0-7425-0359-3 / 9780742503595
Colin Renfrew & Paul Bahn - Archaeology: theories, methods and practice, 2nd edition (1996)
Smekalova, T. N.; Voss O.; & Smekalov S. L. (2008). "Magnetic Surveying in Archaeology. More than 10 years
of using the Overhauser GSM-19 gradiometer". Wormianum.
• David Hurst Thomas - Archaeology, 3rd. edition (1998)
• Robert J. Sharer & Wendy Ashmore - Archaeology: Discovering our Past 2nd edition (1993)
• Bruce Trigger - "A History of Archaeological Thought" 2nd. edition (2007)
• Alison Wylie - Thinking From Things: Essays in the Philosophy of Archaeology, University of California Press,
Berkeley CA, 2002
External links
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
400,000 records of archaeological sites and architecture in England (http://pastscape.org.uk/)
Archaeolog.org (http://archaeolog.org/)
Archaeological news updated daily (http://www.archaeologynews.org/)
Archaeology Daily News (http://www.archaeologydaily.com/)
Archaeology Times | The top archaeology news from around the world (http://www.archaeologytimes.com/)
Council for British Archaeology (http://www.britarch.ac.uk/)
Estudio de Museología Rosario (http://web.archive.org/web/20091024171735/http://geocities.com/
emuseoros)
Fasti Online - an online database of archaeological sites (http://www.fastionline.org/)
Great Archaeology (http://www.greatarchaeology.com/)
Kite Aerial Photographers - Archaeology (http://www.armadale.org.uk/kite03.htm)
NPS Archeology Program: Visit Archeology (Archeology travel guides) (http://www.nps.gov/history/
archeology/visit/index.htm)
Sri Lanka Archaeology - New Knowledge in Archaeology in Sri Lanka (http://www.archaeology.lk/)
The Archaeological Institute of America (http://www.archaeological.org/)
The Archaeology Channel (http://www.archaeologychannel.org/)
The Archaeology Data Service - Open access online archive for UK and global archaeology (http://
archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/)
The Archaeology Division of the American Anthropological Association (http://www.aaanet.org/)
The Canadian Museum of Civilization - Archaeology (http://www.civilization.ca/cmc/exhibitions/
online-exhibitions/archaeology)
The Society for American Archaeology (http://www.saa.org/)
The World Archaeological Congress (http://www.worldarchaeologicalcongress.org/site/about.php)
• US Forest Service Volunteer program Passport in Time (http://www.passportintime.com/)
55
Archaeology
56
• World Archaeology News - weekly update from BBC Radio archaeologist, Win Scutt (http://www.archaeology.
ws/worldarchnews.html)
Cultural anthropology
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Cultural anthropology
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Anthropology portal
Cultural anthropology is a branch of anthropology focused on the study of cultural variation among humans,
collecting data about the impact of global economic and political processes on local cultural realities.
Anthropologists use a variety of methods, including participant observation, interviews and surveys. Their research
is often called fieldwork because it involves the anthropologist spending an extended period of time at the research
location.[1]
One of the earliest articulations of the anthropological meaning of the term "culture" came from Sir Edward Tylor
who writes on the first page of his 1897 book: “Culture, or civilization, taken in its broad, ethnographic sense, is that
complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits
acquired by man as a member of society.”[2] The term "civilization" later gave way to definitions by V. Gordon
Childe, with culture forming an umbrella term and civilization becoming a particular kind of culture.[3]
The anthropological concept of "culture" reflects in part a reaction against earlier Western discourses based on an
opposition between "culture" and "nature", according to which some human beings lived in a "state of nature".[citation
needed]
Anthropologists have argued that culture is "human nature", and that all people have a capacity to classify
experiences, encode classifications symbolically (i.e. in language), and teach such abstractions to others.
Since humans acquire culture through the learning processes of enculturation and socialization, people living in
different places or different circumstances develop different cultures. Anthropologists have also pointed out that
through culture people can adapt to their environment in non-genetic ways, so people living in different
environments will often have different cultures. Much of anthropological theory has originated in an appreciation of
and interest in the tension between the local (particular cultures) and the global (a universal human nature, or the
web of connections between people in distinct places/circumstances).[citation needed]
The rise of cultural anthropology occurred within the context of the late 19th century, when questions regarding
which cultures were "primitive" and which were "civilized" occupied the minds of not only Marx and Freud, but
many others. Colonialism and its processes increasingly brought European thinkers in contact, directly or indirectly
with "primitive others."[4] The relative status of various humans, some of whom had modern advanced technologies
that included engines and telegraphs, while others lacked anything but face-to-face communication techniques and
still lived a Paleolithic lifestyle, was of interest to the first generation of cultural anthropologists.
Parallel with the rise of cultural anthropology in the United States, social anthropology, in which sociality is the
central concept and which focuses on the study of social statuses and roles, groups, institutions, and the relations
among them, developed as an academic discipline in Britain. An umbrella term socio-cultural anthropology makes
reference to both cultural and social anthropology traditions.[5]
Cultural anthropology
Theoretical foundations
The critique of evolutionism
Anthropology is concerned with the lives of people within different parts of the world, particularly in relation to the
discourse of beliefs and practices. In addressing this question, ethnologists in the 19th century divided into two
schools of thought. Some, like Grafton Elliot Smith, argued that different groups must somehow have learned from
one another, however indirectly; in other words, they argued that cultural traits spread from one place to another, or
"diffused".
Other ethnologists argued that different
groups had the capability of creating similar
beliefs and practices independently. Some of
those
who
advocated
"independent
invention", like Lewis Henry Morgan,
additionally supposed that similarities meant
that different groups had passed through the
same stages of cultural evolution (See also
classical social evolutionism). Morgan, in
particular, acknowledged that certain forms
of society and culture could not possibly
have arisen before others. For example,
industrial farming could not have been
invented before simple farming, and
In the unilineal evolution model at left, all cultures progress through set stages,
while in the multilineal evolution model at right, distinctive culture histories are
metallurgy could not have developed
emphasized.
without previous non-smelting processes
involving metals (such as simple ground
collection or mining). Morgan, like other 19th century social evolutionists, believed there was a more or less orderly
progression from the primitive to the civilized.
20th-century anthropologists largely reject the notion that all human societies must pass through the same stages in
the same order, on the grounds that such a notion does not fit the empirical facts. Some 20th-century ethnologists,
like Julian Steward, have instead argued that such similarities reflected similar adaptations to similar environments
(see cultural evolution). Although 19th-century ethnologists saw "diffusion" and "independent invention" as
mutually exclusive and competing theories, most ethnographers quickly reached a consensus that both processes
occur, and that both can plausibly account for cross-cultural similarities. But these ethnographers also pointed out the
superficiality of many such similarities. They noted that even traits that spread through diffusion often were given
different meanings and function from one society to another. Analyses of large human concentrations in big cities, in
multi-disciplinar studies by Ronald Daus, show how new methods may be applied to the understanding of man living
in a global world and how it was caused by the action of extra-European nations, so high-lighting the role of Ethics
in modern anthropology.
Accordingly, most of these anthropologists showed less interest in comparing cultures, generalizing about human
nature, or discovering universal laws of cultural development, than in understanding particular cultures in those
cultures' own terms. Such ethnographers and their students promoted the idea of "cultural relativism", the view that
one can only understand another person's beliefs and behaviors in the context of the culture in which he or she lived
or lives.
Others, such as Claude Lévi-Strauss (who was influenced both by American cultural anthropology and by French
Durkheimian sociology), have argued that apparently similar patterns of development reflect fundamental
59
Cultural anthropology
60
similarities in the structure of human thought (see structuralism). By the mid-20th century, the number of examples
of people skipping stages, such as going from hunter-gatherers to post-industrial service occupations in one
generation, were so numerous that 19th-century evolutionism was effectively disproved.[6]
Cultural relativism
Cultural relativism is a principle that was established as axiomatic in anthropological research by Franz Boas and
later popularized by his students. Boas first articulated the idea in 1887: "...civilization is not something absolute, but
... is relative, and ... our ideas and conceptions are true only so far as our civilization goes."[7] Although, Boas did not
coin the term, it became common among anthropologists after Boas' death in 1942, to express their synthesis of a
number of ideas Boas had developed. Boas believed that the sweep of cultures, to be found in connection with any
sub-species, is so vast and pervasive that there cannot be a relationship between culture and race.[8] Cultural
relativism involves specific epistemological and methodological claims. Whether or not these claims require a
specific ethical stance is a matter of debate. This principle should not be confused with moral relativism.
Cultural relativism was in part a response to Western ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism may take obvious forms, in
which one consciously believes that one's people's arts are the most beautiful, values the most virtuous, and beliefs
the most truthful. Franz Boas, originally trained in physics and geography, and heavily influenced by the thought of
Kant, Herder, and von Humboldt, argued that one's culture may mediate and thus limit one's perceptions in less
obvious ways. This understanding of culture confronts anthropologists with two problems: first, how to escape the
unconscious bonds of one's own culture, which inevitably bias our perceptions of and reactions to the world, and
second, how to make sense of an unfamiliar culture. The principle of cultural relativism thus forced anthropologists
to develop innovative methods and heuristic strategies.
Theoretical approaches
•
•
•
•
Actor–network theory
Cultural materialism
Culture theory
Feminism
Foundational thinkers
•
•
•
•
Functionalism
•
Interpretive
•
Political Economy •
Practice Theory
Structuralism
Post-structuralism
Systems theory
Cultural anthropology
61
Boas and his students realized that if they were to conduct scientific
research in other cultures, they would need to employ methods that
would help them escape the limits of their own ethnocentrism. One
such method is that of ethnography: basically, they advocated living
with people of another culture for an extended period of time, so that
they could learn the local language and be enculturated, at least
partially, into that culture.
In this context, cultural relativism is of fundamental methodological
importance, because it calls attention to the importance of the local
context in understanding the meaning of particular human beliefs and
activities. Thus, in 1948 Virginia Heyer wrote, "Cultural relativity, to
phrase it in starkest abstraction, states the relativity of the part to the
whole. The part gains its cultural significance by its place in the whole,
and cannot retain its integrity in a different situation."[9]
Edward Burnett Tylor
Lewis Henry Morgan
Lewis Henry Morgan (1818–1881), a lawyer from Rochester, New York, became an advocate for and ethnological
scholar of the Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture, and especially kinship
patterns proved to be influential contributions to the field of anthropology. Like other scholars of his day (such as
Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that human societies could be classified into categories of cultural evolution on a
scale of progression that ranged from savagery, to barbarism, to civilization. Generally, Morgan used technology
(such as bowmaking or pottery) as an indicator of position on this scale.
Franz Boas, founder of the modern discipline
Franz Boas established academic anthropology in the United States in
opposition to this sort of evolutionary perspective. His approach was
empirical, skeptical of overgeneralizations, and eschewed attempts to
establish universal laws. For example, Boas studied immigrant children
to demonstrate that biological race was not immutable, and that human
conduct and behavior resulted from nurture, rather than nature.
Influenced by the German tradition, Boas argued that the world was
full of distinct cultures, rather than societies whose evolution could be
measured by how much or how little "civilization" they had. He
believed that each culture has to be studied in its particularity, and
argued that cross-cultural generalizations, like those made in the
natural sciences, were not possible.
In doing so, he fought discrimination against immigrants, blacks, and
indigenous peoples of the Americas.[10] Many American
anthropologists adopted his agenda for social reform, and theories of
race continue to be popular subjects for anthropologists today. The
so-called "Four Field Approach" has its origins in Boasian
Anthropology, dividing the discipline in the four crucial and
interrelated fields of sociocultural, biological, linguistic, and archaic
Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of modern
anthropology, often called the "Father of
American Anthropology"
Cultural anthropology
62
anthropology (e.g. archaeology). Anthropology in the United States continues to be deeply influenced by the Boasian
tradition, especially its emphasis on culture.
Kroeber, Mead & Benedict
Boas used his positions at Columbia University and the American
Museum of Natural History to train and develop multiple generations
of students. His first generation of students included Alfred Kroeber,
Robert Lowie, Edward Sapir and Ruth Benedict, who each produced
richly detailed studies of indigenous North American cultures. They
provided a wealth of details used to attack the theory of a single
evolutionary process. Kroeber and Sapir's focus on Native American
languages helped establish linguistics as a truly general science and
free it from its historical focus on Indo-European languages.
The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook, Anthropology, marked a
turning point in American anthropology. After three decades of
amassing material, Boasians felt a growing urge to generalize. This
was most obvious in the 'Culture and Personality' studies carried out by
younger Boasians such as Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict.
Influenced by psychoanalytic psychologists including Sigmund Freud
and Carl Jung, these authors sought to understand the way that
individual personalities were shaped by the wider cultural and social
forces in which they grew up.
Margaret Mead (1901-1978)
Though such works as Coming of Age in Samoa and The
Chrysanthemum and the Sword remain popular with the American
public, Mead and Benedict never had the impact on the discipline of
anthropology that some expected. Boas had planned for Ruth Benedict
to succeed him as chair of Columbia's anthropology department, but
she was sidelined by Ralph Linton, and Mead was limited to her
offices at the AMNH.
Wolf, Sahlins, Mintz & political economy
In the 1950s and mid-1960s anthropology tended increasingly to model
Ruth Benedict in 1937
itself after the natural sciences. Some anthropologists, such as Lloyd
Fallers and Clifford Geertz, focused on processes of modernization by which newly independent states could
develop. Others, such as Julian Steward and Leslie White, focused on how societies evolve and fit their ecological
niche—an approach popularized by Marvin Harris.
Economic anthropology as influenced by Karl Polanyi and practiced by Marshall Sahlins and George Dalton
challenged standard neoclassical economics to take account of cultural and social factors, and employed Marxian
analysis into anthropological study. In England, British Social Anthropology's paradigm began to fragment as Max
Gluckman and Peter Worsley experimented with Marxism and authors such as Rodney Needham and Edmund Leach
incorporated Lévi-Strauss's structuralism into their work. Structuralism also influenced a number of developments in
1960s and 1970s, including cognitive anthropology and componential analysis.
In keeping with the times, much of anthropology became politicized through the Algerian War of Independence and
opposition to the Vietnam War;[11] Marxism became an increasingly popular theoretical approach in the
discipline.[12] By the 1970s the authors of volumes such as Reinventing Anthropology worried about anthropology's
Cultural anthropology
63
relevance.
Since the 1980s issues of power, such as those examined in Eric Wolf's Europe and the People Without History,
have been central to the discipline. In the 1980s books like Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter pondered
anthropology's ties to colonial inequality, while the immense popularity of theorists such as Antonio Gramsci and
Michel Foucault moved issues of power and hegemony into the spotlight. Gender and sexuality became popular
topics, as did the relationship between history and anthropology, influenced by Marshall Sahlins (again), who drew
on Lévi-Strauss and Fernand Braudel to examine the relationship between social structure and individual agency.
Jean and John Comaroff produced a whole generation of anthropologists at the University of Chicago that focused
on these themes. Also influential in these issues were Nietzsche, Heidegger, the critical theory of the Frankfurt
School, Derrida and Lacan.[13]
Geertz, Schneider & interpretive anthropology
Many anthropologists reacted against the renewed emphasis on materialism and scientific modelling derived from
Marx by emphasizing the importance of the concept of culture. Authors such as David Schneider, Clifford Geertz,
and Marshall Sahlins developed a more fleshed-out concept of culture as a web of meaning or signification, which
proved very popular within and beyond the discipline. Geertz was to state:
"Believing, with Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I
take culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law
but an interpretive one in search of meaning."
— Clifford Geertz[14]
Geertz's interpretive method involved what he called "thick description." The cultural symbols of rituals, political
and economic action, and of kinship, are "read" by the anthropologist as if they are a document in a foreign
language. The interpretation of those symbols must be re-framed for their anthropological audience, i.e. transformed
from the "experience-near" but foreign concepts of the other culture, into the "experience-distant" theoretical
concepts of the anthropologist. These interpretations must then be reflected back to its originators, and its adequacy
as a translation fine-tuned in a repeated way, a process called the hermaneutic circle. Geertz applied his method in a
number of areas, creating programs of study that were very productive. His analysis of "religion as a cultural system"
was particularly influential outside of anthropology. David Schnieder's cultural analysis of American kinship has
proven equally influential.[15] Schneider demonstrated that the American folk-cultural emphasis on "blood
connections" had an undue influence on anthropological kinship theories, and that kinship is not a biological
characteristic but a cultural relationship established on very different terms in different societies.[16]
Prominent British symbolic anthropologists include Victor Turner and Mary Douglas.
The Post-modern turn
In the late 1980s and 1990s authors such as George Marcus and James Clifford pondered ethnographic authority, in
particular how and why anthropological knowledge was possible and authoritative. They were reflecting trends in
research and discourse initiated by Feminists in the academy, although they excused themselves from commenting
specifically on those pioneering critics.[17] Nevertheless, key aspects of feminist theorizing and methods became de
rigueur as part of the 'post-modern moment' in anthropology: Ethnographies became more interpretative and
reflexive,[18] explicitly addressing the author's methodology, cultural, gender and racial positioning, and their
influence on his or her ethnographic analysis. This was part of a more general trend of postmodernism that was
popular contemporaneously.[19] Currently anthropologists pay attention to a wide variety of issues pertaining to the
contemporary world, including globalization, medicine and biotechnology, indigenous rights, virtual communities,
and the anthropology of industrialized societies.
Cultural anthropology
64
Socio-cultural anthropology subfields
•
Applied anthropology
•
Historical anthropology
•
Psychological anthropology
•
Anthropology of art
•
Anthropology of gender & sexuality •
Public anthropology
•
Cognitive anthropology
•
Kinship & family
•
Anthropology of religion
•
Anthropology of development •
Legal anthropology
•
Anthropology of science & technology
•
Ecological anthropology
•
Media anthropology
•
Transpersonal anthropology
•
Economic anthropology
•
Medical anthropology
•
Urban anthropology
•
Gender & Sexualty
•
Political anthropology
•
Visual anthropology
•
Political Economy
Methods
Modern cultural anthropology has its origins in, and developed in reaction to, 19th century "ethnology", which
involves the organized comparison of human societies. Scholars like E.B. Tylor and J.G. Frazer in England worked
mostly with materials collected by others – usually missionaries, traders, explorers, or colonial officials – earning
them the moniker of "arm-chair anthropologists".
Participant Observation
Participant observation is a widely used methodology in many disciplines, particularly cultural anthropology, less so
in sociology, communication studies, and social psychology. Its aim is to gain a close and intimate familiarity with a
given group of individuals (such as a religious, occupational, sub cultural group, or a particular community) and their
practices through an intensive involvement with people in their cultural environment, usually over an extended
period of time. The method originated in the field research of social anthropologists, especially Bronislaw
Malinowski in Britain, the students of Franz Boas in the United States, and in the later urban research of the Chicago
School of sociology.
Such research involves a range of well-defined, though variable methods: informal interviews, direct observation,
participation in the life of the group, collective discussions, analyses of personal documents produced within the
group, self-analysis, results from activities undertaken off or online, and life-histories. Although the method is
generally characterized as qualitative research, it can (and often does) include quantitative dimensions. Traditional
participant observation is usually undertaken over an extended period of time, ranging from several months to many
years, and even generations. An extended research time period means that the researcher is able to obtain more
detailed and accurate information about the individuals, community, and/or population under study. Observable
details (like daily time allotment) and more hidden details (like taboo behavior) are more easily observed and
interpreted over a longer period of time. A strength of observation and interaction over extended periods of time is
that researchers can discover discrepancies between what participants say—and often believe—should happen (the
formal system) and what actually does happen, or between different aspects of the formal system; in contrast, a
one-time survey of people's answers to a set of questions might be quite consistent, but is less likely to show
conflicts between different aspects of the social system or between conscious representations and behavior.[20]
Cultural anthropology
Ethnography
In the 20th century, most cultural and social anthropologists turned to the crafting of ethnographies. An ethnography
is a piece of writing about a people, at a particular place and time. Typically, the anthropologist lives among people
in another society for a period of time, simultaneously participating in and observing the social and cultural life of
the group.
Numerous other ethnographic techniques have resulted in ethnographic writing or details being preserved, as cultural
anthropologists also curate materials, spend long hours in libraries, churches and schools poring over records,
investigate graveyards, and decipher ancient scripts. A typical ethnography will also include information about
physical geography, climate and habitat. It is meant to be a holistic piece of writing about the people in question, and
today often includes the longest possible timeline of past events that the ethnographer can obtain through primary
and secondary research.
Bronisław Malinowski developed the ethnographic method, and Franz Boas taught it in the United States. Boas'
students such as Alfred L. Kroeber, Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead drew on his conception of culture and
cultural relativism to develop cultural anthropology in the United States. Simultaneously, Malinowski and A.R.
Radcliffe Brown´s students were developing social anthropology in the United Kingdom. Whereas cultural
anthropology focused on symbols and values, social anthropology focused on social groups and institutions. Today
socio-cultural anthropologists attend to all these elements.
In the early 20th century, socio-cultural anthropology developed in different forms in Europe and in the United
States. European "social anthropologists" focused on observed social behaviors and on "social structure", that is, on
relationships among social roles (for example, husband and wife, or parent and child) and social institutions (for
example, religion, economy, and politics).
American "cultural anthropologists" focused on the ways people expressed their view of themselves and their world,
especially in symbolic forms, such as art and myths. These two approaches frequently converged and generally
complemented one another. For example, kinship and leadership function both as symbolic systems and as social
institutions. Today almost all socio-cultural anthropologists refer to the work of both sets of predecessors, and have
an equal interest in what people do and in what people say.
Cross-cultural comparison
One means by which anthropologists combat ethnocentrism is to engage in the process of cross-cultural comparison.
It is important to test so-called "human universals" against the ethnographic record. Monogamy, for example, is
frequently touted as a universal human trait, yet comparative study shows that it is not. The Human Relations Area
Files, Inc. (HRAF) is a research agency based at Yale University. Since 1949, its mission has been to encourage and
facilitate worldwide comparative studies of human culture, society, and behavior in the past and present. The name
came from the Institute of Human Relations, an interdisciplinary program/building at Yale at the time. The Institute
of Human Relations had sponsored HRAF’s precursor, the Cross-Cultural Survey (see George Peter Murdock), as
part of an effort to develop an integrated science of human behavior and culture. The two eHRAF databases on the
Web are expanded and updated annually. eHRAF World Cultures includes materials on cultures, past and present,
and covers nearly 400 cultures. The second database, eHRAF Archaeology, covers major archaeological traditions
and many more sub-traditions and sites around the world.
Comparison across cultures includies the industrialized (or de-industrialized) West. Cultures in the more traditional
standard cross-cultural sample of small scale societies are:
65
Cultural anthropology
Africa
Circum-Mediterranean
East Eurasia
Insular Pacific
North America
South America
66
Nama (Hottentot) • Kung (San) • Thonga • Lozi • Mbundu • Suku • Bemba • Nyakyusa (Ngonde) • Hadza • Luguru •
Kikuyu • Ganda • Mbuti (Pygmies) • Nkundo (Mongo) • Banen • Tiv • Igbo • Fon • Ashanti (Twi) • Mende •
Bambara • Tallensi • Massa • Azande • Otoro Nuba • Shilluk • Mao • Maasai
Wolof • Songhai • Wodaabe Fulani • Hausa • Fur • Kaffa • Konso • Somali • Amhara • Bogo • Kenuzi Nubian • Teda •
Tuareg • Riffians • Egyptians (Fellah) • Hebrews • Babylonians • Rwala Bedouin • Turks • Gheg (Albanians) •
Romans • Basques • Irish • Sami (Lapps) • Russians • Abkhaz • Armenians • Kurd
Yurak (Samoyed) • Basseri • West Punjabi • Gond • Toda • Santal • Uttar Pradesh • Burusho • Kazak • Khalka
Mongols • Lolo • Lepcha • Garo • Lakher • Burmese • Lamet • Vietnamese • Rhade • Khmer • Siamese • Semang •
Nicobarese • Andamanese • Vedda • Tanala • Negeri Sembilan • Atayal • Chinese • Manchu • Koreans • Japanese •
Ainu • Gilyak • Yukaghir
Javanese (Miao) • Balinese • Iban • Badjau • Toraja • Tobelorese • Alorese • Tiwi • Aranda • Orokaiva • Kimam •
Kapauku • Kwoma • Manus • New Ireland • Trobrianders • Siuai • Tikopia • Pentecost • Mbau Fijians • Ajie • Maori •
Marquesans • Western Samoans • Gilbertese • Marshallese • Trukese • Yapese • Palauans • Ifugao • Chukchi
Ingalik • Aleut • Copper Eskimo • Montagnais • Mi'kmaq • Saulteaux (Ojibwa) • Slave • Kaska (Nahane) • Eyak •
Haida • Bellacoola • Twana • Yurok • Pomo • Yokuts • Paiute (Northern) • Klamath • Kutenai • Gros Ventres •
Hidatsa • Pawnee • Omaha (Dhegiha) • Huron • Creek • Natchez • Comanche • Chiricahua • Zuni • Havasupai •
Papago • Huichol • Aztec • Popoluca
Quiché • Miskito (Mosquito) • Bribri (Talamanca) • Cuna • Goajiro • Haitians • Calinago • Warrau (Warao) •
Yanomamo • Carib • Saramacca • Munduruku • Cubeo (Tucano) • Cayapa • Jivaro • Amahuaca • Inca • Aymara •
Siriono • Nambicuara • Trumai • Timbira • Tupinamba • Botocudo • Shavante • Aweikoma • Cayua (Guarani) •
Lengua • Abipon • Mapuche • Tehuelche • Yaghan
Multi-sited Ethnography
Ethnography dominates socio-cultural anthropology. Nevertheless, many contemporary socio-cultural
anthropologists have rejected earlier models of ethnography as treating local cultures as bounded and isolated. These
anthropologists continue to concern themselves with the distinct ways people in different locales experience and
understand their lives, but they often argue that one cannot understand these particular ways of life solely from a
local perspective; they instead combine a focus on the local with an effort to grasp larger political, economic, and
cultural frameworks that impact local lived realities. Notable proponents of this approach include Arjun Appadurai,
James Clifford, George Marcus, Sidney Mintz, Michael Taussig, Eric Wolf and Ronald Daus.
A growing trend in anthropological research and analysis is the use of multi-sited ethnography, discussed in George
Marcus' article, "Ethnography In/Of the World System: the Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography". Looking at
culture as embedded in macro-constructions of a global social order, multi-sited ethnography uses traditional
methodology in various locations both spatially and temporally. Through this methodology, greater insight can be
gained when examining the impact of world-systems on local and global communities.
Also emerging in multi-sited ethnography are greater interdisciplinary approaches to fieldwork, bringing in methods
from cultural studies, media studies, science and technology studies, and others. In multi-sited ethnography, research
tracks a subject across spatial and temporal boundaries. For example, a multi-sited ethnography may follow a
"thing," such as a particular commodity, as it is transported through the networks of global capitalism.
Multi-sited ethnography may also follow ethnic groups in diaspora, stories or rumours that appear in multiple
locations and in multiple time periods, metaphors that appear in multiple ethnographic locations, or the biographies
of individual people or groups as they move through space and time. It may also follow conflicts that transcend
boundaries. An example of multi-sited ethnography is Nancy Scheper-Hughes' work on the international black
market for the trade of human organs. In this research, she follows organs as they are transferred through various
legal and illegal networks of capitalism, as well as the rumours and urban legends that circulate in impoverished
communities about child kidnapping and organ theft.
Cultural anthropology
Sociocultural anthropologists have increasingly turned their investigative eye on to "Western" culture. For example,
Philippe Bourgois won the Margaret Mead Award in 1997 for In Search of Respect, a study of the entrepreneurs in a
Harlem crack-den. Also growing more popular are ethnographies of professional communities, such as laboratory
researchers, Wall Street investors, law firms, or information technology (IT) computer employees.[21]
References
[1] "In his earlier work, like many anthropologists of this generation, Levi-Strauss draws attention to the necessary and urgent task of maintaining
and extending the empirical foundations of anthropology in the practice of fieldwork.": In Christopher Johnson, Claude Levi-Strauss: the
formative years (http:/ / books. google. co. uk/ books?id=NIJHaX0u-hUC& lpg=PP1& pg=PP1#v=onepage& q& f=false), Cambridge
University Press, 2003, p.31
[2] Tylor, Edward. 1920 [1871]. Primitive Culture (http:/ / books. google. co. uk/ books?id=VxZMk2PEUsoC& lpg=PP1&
pg=PP1#v=onepage& q& f=false). Vol 1. New York: J.P. Putnam’s Sons.
[3] Sherratt, Andrew V. "Gordon Childe: Archaeology and Intellectual History", Past and Present, No. 125. (Nov., 1989), pp. 151–185.
[4] Rosaldo, Renato. Culture and Truth. 1993. Beach Press.
[5] Campbell, D.T. (1983) The two distinct routes beyond kin selection to ultrasociality: Implications for the Humanities and Social Sciences. In:
The Nature of Prosocial Development: Theories and Strategies D. Bridgeman (ed.), pp. 11-39, Academic Press, New York
[6] Diamond, Jared. Guns, Germs and Steel.
[7] Franz Boas 1887 "Museums of Ethnology and their classification" Science 9: 589
[8] http:/ / www. utpa. edu/ faculty/ mglazer/ theory/ cultural_relativism. htm
[9] Heyer, Virginia 1948 "In Reply to Elgin Williams" in American Anthropologist 50(1) 163-166
[10] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free Press.
[11] Fanon, Frantz. (1963) The Wretched of the Earth, transl. Constance Farrington. New York, Grove Weidenfeld.
[12] Nugent, Stephen Some reflections on anthropological structural Marxism (http:/ / www. ingentaconnect. com/ search/
article?title=anthropology& title_type=tka& year_from=1998& year_to=2007& database=1& pageSize=20& index=4) The Journal of the
Royal Anthropological Institute, Volume 13, Number 2, June 2007, pp. 419-431(13)
[13] Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences (http:/ / links. jstor. org/
sici?sici=0002-7294(199809)2:100:3<716:TMOAAI>2. 0. CO;2-3) American Anthropologist 100:" 716-731
[17] Clifford, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California
Press.
[18] Dolores Janiewski, Lois W. Banner (2005) Reading Benedict / Reading Mead: Feminism, Race, and Imperial Visions, p.200 (http:/ / books.
google. com/ books?id=-rUHcVdEuIkC& pg=PA200) quotation:
[19] Gellner, Ernest (1992) Postmodernism, Reason, and Religion. London/New York: Routledge. Pp: 26-50
[20] DeWalt, K. M., DeWalt, B. R., & Wayland, C. B. (1998). "Participant observation." In H. R. Bernard (Ed.), Handbook of methods in
cultural anthropology. Pp: 259-299. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
[21] Dissertation Abstract (http:/ / www. ingentaconnect. com/ search/ expand?pub=infobike:/ / mcb/ 161/ 1995/ 00000008/ 00000003/
art00003& unc=)
External links
• Human Relations Area Files (http://www.yale.edu/hraf/)
• User's Guide: HRAF Collection of Ethnography. A Basic Guide to Cross-Cultural Research (http://www.yale.
edu/hraf/basiccc.htm)
• Webpage "History of German Anthropology/Ethnology 1945/49-1990 (http://www.germananthropology.com/)
• The Moving Anthropology Student Network-website (http://www.movinganthropology.org) - The site offers
tutorials, information on the subject, discussion-forums and a large link-collection for all interested scholars of
cultural anthropology
67
Cultural history
Cultural history
The term cultural history refers both to an academic discipline and to its subject matter.
Cultural history, as a discipline, at least in its common definition since the 1970s, often combines the approaches of
anthropology and history to look at popular cultural traditions and cultural interpretations of historical experience. It
examines the records and narrative descriptions of past knowledge, customs, and arts of a group of people. Its subject
matter encompasses the continuum of events occurring in succession leading from the past to the present and even
into the future pertaining to a culture.
Cultural history records and interprets past events involving human beings through the social, cultural, and political
milieu of or relating to the arts and manners that a group favors. Jacob Burckhardt helped found cultural history as a
discipline. Cultural history studies and interprets the record of human societies by denoting the various distinctive
ways of living built up by a group of people under consideration. Cultural history involves the aggregate of past
cultural activity, such as ceremony, class in practices, and the interaction with locales.
Description
Cultural history overlaps in its approaches with the French movements of histoire des mentalités (Philippe Poirrier,
2004) and the so-called new history, and in the U.S. it is closely associated with the field of American studies. As
originally conceived and practiced by 19th Century Swiss historian Jakob Burckhardt with regard to the Italian
Renaissance, cultural history was oriented to the study of a particular historical period in its entirety, with regard not
only for its painting, sculpture and architecture, but for the economic basis underpinning society, and the social
institutions of its daily life as well.[1]
Most often the focus is on phenomena shared by non-elite groups in a society, such as: carnival, festival, and public
rituals; performance traditions of tale, epic, and other verbal forms; cultural evolutions in human relations (ideas,
sciences, arts, techniques); and cultural expressions of social movements such as nationalism. Also examines main
historical concepts as power, ideology, class, culture, cultural identity, attitude, race, perception and new historical
methods as narration of body. Many studies consider adaptations of traditional culture to mass media (television,
radio, newspapers, magazines, posters, etc.), from print to film and, now, to the Internet (culture of capitalism). Its
modern approaches come from art history, annales, Marxist school, microhistory and new cultural history.
Common theoretical touchstones for recent cultural history have included: Jürgen Habermas's formulation of the
public sphere in The Structural Transformation of the Bourgeois Public Sphere; Clifford Geertz's notion of 'thick
description' (expounded in, for example, The Interpretation of Cultures); and the idea of memory as a
cultural-historical category, as discussed in Paul Connerton's How Societies Remember.
Historiography and the French Revolution
An area where new-style cultural history is often pointed to as being almost a paradigm is the 'revisionist' history of
the French Revolution, dated somewhere since François Furet's massively influential 1978 essay Interpreting the
French Revolution. The 'revisionist interpretation' is often characterised as replacing the allegedly dominant,
allegedly Marxist, 'social interpretation' which locate the causes of the Revolution in class dynamics. The revisionist
approach has tended to put more emphasis on 'political culture'. Reading ideas of political culture through Habermas'
conception of the public sphere, historians of the Revolution in the past few decades have looked at the role and
position of cultural themes such as gender, ritual, and ideology in the context of pre-revolutionary French political
culture.
Historians who might be grouped under this umbrella are Roger Chartier, Robert Darnton, Patrice Higonnet, Lynn
Hunt, Keith Baker, Joan Landes, Mona Ozouf and Sarah Maza. Of course, these scholars all pursue fairly diverse
interests, and perhaps too much emphasis has been placed on the paradigmatic nature of the new history of the
68
Cultural history
French Revolution. Colin Jones, for example, is no stranger to cultural history, Habermas, or Marxism, and has
persistently argued that the Marxist interpretation is not dead, but can be revivified; after all, Habermas' logic was
heavily indebted to a Marxist understanding. Meanwhile, Rebecca Spang has also recently argued that for all its
emphasis on difference and newness, the 'revisionist' approach retains the idea of the French Revolution as a
watershed in the history of (so-called) modernity, and that the problematic notion of 'modernity' has itself attracted
scant attention.
Cultural studies
Cultural studies is an academic discipline popular among a diverse group of scholars. It combines political economy,
geography, sociology, social theory, literary theory, film/video studies, cultural anthropology, philosophy, and art
history/criticism to study cultural phenomena in various societies. Cultural studies researchers often concentrate on
how a particular phenomenon relates to matters of ideology, nationality, ethnicity, social class, and/or gender. The
term was coined by Richard Hoggart in 1964 when he founded the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural
Studies. It has since become strongly associated with Stuart Hall, who succeeded Hoggart as Director.
References
[1] Siegfried Giedion, Space, Time and Architecture (6th ed.), p 3.
Further reading
• Arcangeli, Alessandro. (2011) Cultural History: A Concise Introduction (Routledge, 2011)
• Burke, Peter. (2004). What is Cultural History?. Cambridge: Polity Press.
• Ginzburg, Carlo (1989). Clues, Myths and the Historical Method. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University
Press. ISBN 0-8018-4388-X. Ginzburg "challenges us all to retrieve a cultural and social world that more
conventional history does not record." -Back Cover
• Hérubel, Jean-Pierre V.M.. (2010, January). "Observations on an Emergent Specialization: Contemporary French
Cultural History. Significance for Scholarship." Journal of Scholarly Publishing, Volume 41, Number 2, pp.
216-240.
• Lehan, R. D. (1998). The city in literature: an intellectual and cultural history. Berkeley: University of California
Press.
• Maor, E. (1987). To infinity and beyond: a cultural history of the infinite. Boston: Birkhäuser
• Melching, W., & Velema, W. (1994). Main trends in cultural history: ten essays. Amsterdam: Rodopi.
• Morris, I. (1999). Archaeology as Cultural History: Words and Things in Iron Age Greece. Blackwell Publishing.
• Munslow, Alun (1997). Deconstructing History. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-13192-8
• Poirrier, Philippe (2004), Les Enjeux de l’histoire culturelle, Seuil.
• Poster, M. (1997). Cultural history and postmodernity: disciplinary readings and challenges. New York:
Columbia University Press.
• Potter, W. J. (1996). An analysis of thinking and research about qualitative methods. LEA's communication
series. Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum.
• Ritter, H. (1986). Dictionary of concepts in history. Reference sources for the social sciences and humanities, no.
3. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press.
• Schlereth, T. J. (1990). Cultural history and material culture: everyday life, landscapes, museums. American
material culture and folklife. Ann Arbor, Mich: UMI Research Press.
• Spang, Rebecca. (2008). " Paradigms and Paranoia: how modern is the French Revolution (http://www.
historycooperative.org/journals/ahr/108.1/ah0103000119.html)?" American Historical Review, Volume 108.
69
Cultural history
External links
• International Society for Cultural History (http://www.abdn.ac.uk/isch/)
• Web Portal on Historical Culture and Historiography (http://www.culturahistorica.es/welcome.html)
Diaspora
A diaspora (from Greek διασπορά, "scattering, dispersion")[] is "the movement, migration, or scattering of people
away from an established homeland"[] or "people dispersed by whatever cause to more than one location",[] or
"people settled far from their ancestral homelands".[]
The word has come to refer to historical mass-dispersions of people with common roots, particularly movements of
an involuntary nature, such as the expulsion of Jews from the Middle East, the African Trans-Atlantic slave trade,
the southern Chinese during the coolie slave trade, or the century-long exile of the Messenians under Spartan rule.[]
Recently, scholarship has distinguished between different kinds of diaspora, based on its causes such as imperialism,
trade or labor migrations, or by the kind of social coherence within the diaspora community and its ties to the
ancestral lands. Some diaspora communities maintain strong political ties with their homeland. Other qualities that
may be typical of many diasporas are thoughts of return, relationships with other communities in the diaspora, and
lack of full assimilation into the host country.[]
Origins and development of the term
The term derives from the Greek verb διασπείρω (diaspeirō), "I scatter", "I spread about"[] and that form διά (dia),
"between, through, across"[] + the verb σπείρω (speirō), "I sow, I scatter".[] In Ancient Greece the term διασπορά
(diaspora) hence meant "scattering"[] and was inter alia used to refer to citizens of a dominant city-state who
emigrated to a conquered land with the purpose of colonization, to assimilate the territory into the empire.[1]
Its use began to develop from this original sense when the Hebrew Bible was translated into Greek;[2] the first
mention of a diaspora created as a result of exile is found in the Septuagint,[] first in
• Deuteronomy 28:25, in the phrase ἔσῃ ἐν διασπορᾷ ἐν πάσαις ταῖς βασιλείαις τῆς γῆς, esē en diaspora en
pasais tais basileiais tēs gēs, translated to mean "thou shalt be a dispersion in all kingdoms of the earth"
and secondly in
• Psalms 146(147).2, in the phrase οἰκοδομῶν Ἰερουσαλὴμ ὁ Kύριος καὶ τὰς διασπορὰς τοῦ Ἰσραὴλ ἐπισυνάξει,
oikodomōn Ierousalēm ho Kyrios kai tas diasporas tou Israēl episynaxē, translated to mean "The Lord doth build
up Jerusalem: he gathereth together the outcasts of Israel".
So after the Bible's translation into Greek, the word Diaspora was then used to refer to the population of Jews exiled
from Israel in 587 BCE by the Babylonians, and from Judea in 70 CE by the Roman Empire.[3] It subsequently came
to be used to refer to the historical movements of the dispersed ethnic population of Israel, to the cultural
development of that population or to the population itself.[4] In English when capitalized and without modifiers (that
is, simply the Diaspora), the term refers specifically to the Jewish diaspora;[] when uncapitalized the word diaspora
may be used to refer to refugee populations of other origins or ethnicities.[citation needed](see http:/ / www.
merriam-webster. com/ dictionary/ diaspora) The wider application of diaspora evolved from the Assyrian two-way
mass deportation policy of conquered populations to deny future territorial claims on their part.[5]
According to the Oxford English Dictionary Online, the first known recorded usage of the word diaspora in the
English language was in 1876 referring "extensive diaspora work (as it is termed) of evangelizing among the
National Protestant Churches on the continent".[6] The term became more widely assimilated into English by the mid
1950s, with long-term expatriates in significant numbers from other particular countries or regions also being
referred to as a diaspora.[citation needed] An academic field, diaspora studies, has become established relating to this
70
Diaspora
71
sense of the word.
In all cases, the term diaspora carries a sense of displacement; that is, the population so described finds itself for
whatever reason separated from its national territory, and usually its people have a hope, or at least a desire, to return
to their homeland at some point, if the "homeland" still exists in any meaningful sense. Some
writersWikipedia:Avoid weasel words have noted that diaspora may result in a loss of nostalgia for a single home as
people "re-root" in a series of meaningful displacements. In this sense, individuals may have multiple homes
throughout their diaspora, with different reasons for maintaining some form of attachment to each. Diasporic cultural
development often assumes a different course from that of the population in the original place of settlement. Over
time, remotely separated communities tend to vary in culture, traditions, language, and other factors. The last
vestiges of cultural affiliation in a diaspora is often found in community resistance to language change and in
maintenance of traditional religious practice.[citation needed]
Expanding definition
In an article published in 1991, William Safran set out six rules to distinguish diasporas from migrant communities.
These included criteria that the group maintains a myth or collective memory of their homeland; they regard their
ancestral homeland as their true home, to which they will eventually return; being committed to the restoration or
maintenance of that homeland; and they relate "personally or vicariously" to the homeland to a point where it shapes
their identity.[7][8][9] While Safran's definitions were influenced by the idea of the Jewish diaspora, he recognised the
expanding use of the term.[10]
Rogers Brubaker (2005) also notes that use of the term diaspora has been widening. He suggests that one element of
this expansion in use "involves the application of the term diaspora to an ever-broadening set of cases: essentially to
any and every nameable population category that is to some extent dispersed in space".[11] Brubaker has used the
WorldCat database to show that 17 out of the 18 books on diaspora published between 1900 and 1910 were on the
Jewish diaspora. The majority of works in the 1960s were also about the Jewish diaspora, but in 2002 only two out
of 20 books sampled (out of a total of 253) were about the Jewish case, with a total of eight different diasporas
covered.[12]
Brubaker outlines the original use of the term diaspora as follows:
Most early discussions of diaspora were firmly rooted in a conceptual 'homeland'; they were concerned
with a paradigmatic case, or a small number of core cases. The paradigmatic case was, of course, the
Jewish diaspora; some dictionary definitions of diaspora, until recently, did not simply illustrate but
defined the word with reference to that case.[13]
Brubaker argues that the initial expansion of the use of the phrase extended it to other, similar cases, such as the
Armenian and Greek diasporas. More recently, it has been applied to emigrant groups that continue their
involvement in their homeland from overseas, such as the category of long-distance nationalists identified by
Benedict Anderson. Brubaker notes that (as examples): Albanians, Basques, Hindu Indians, Irish, Japanese,
Kashmiri, Koreans, Kurds, Palestinians, and Tamils have been conceptualised as diasporas in this sense.
Furthermore, "labour migrants who maintain (to some degree) emotional and social ties with a homeland" have also
been described as diasporas.[13]
In further cases of the use of the term, "the reference to the conceptual homeland – to the 'classical' diasporas – has
become more attenuated still, to the point of being lost altogether". Here, Brubaker cites "transethnic and transborder
linguistic categories...such as Francophone, Anglophone and Lusophone 'communities'", along with Hindu, Sikh,
Buddhist, Confucian, Huguenot, Muslim and Catholic 'diasporas'.[14] Brubaker notes that, as of 2005[15], there were
also academic books or articles on the Dixie, white, liberal, gay, queer and digital diasporas.[12]
Some observers have labeled evacuation from New Orleans and the Gulf Coast in the wake of Hurricane Katrina the
New Orleans diaspora, since a significant number of evacuees have not been able to return, yet maintain aspirations
to do so.[16][17] Agnieszka Weinar (2010) notes the widening use of the term, arguing that recently, "a growing body
Diaspora
of literature succeeded in reformulating the definition, framing diaspora as almost any population on the move and
no longer referring to the specific context of their existence".[8] It has even been noted that as charismatic
Christianity becomes increasingly globalized, many Christians conceive of themselves as a diaspora, and form an
imaginary that mimics salient features of ethnic diasporas.[18]
European diasporas
European history contains numerous diaspora-like
events. In ancient times, the trading and colonising
activities of the Greek tribes from the Balkans and
Asia Minor spread people of Greek culture, religion
and language around the Mediterranean and Black
Sea basins, establishing Greek city states in Sicily,
southern Italy, northern Libya, eastern Spain, the
south of France, and the Black Sea coasts. Greeks
Greek Homeland and Diaspora 6th century BCE
founded more than 400 colonies.[19] Alexander the
Great's conquest of the Achaemenid Empire marked
the beginning of the Hellenistic period, which was characterized by a new wave of Greek colonization in Asia and
Africa, with Greek ruling classes established in Egypt, southwest Asia and northwest India.[20]
The Migration Period relocations, which included several phases, are just one set of many in history. The first phase
Migration Period displacement from between CE 300 and 500 included relocation of the Goths (Ostrogoths and
Visigoths), Vandals, Franks, various other Germanic people (Burgundians, Lombards, Angles, Saxons, Jutes, Suebi,
Alemanni, Varangians and Normans), Alans and numerous Slavic tribes. The second phase, between CE 500 and
900, saw Slavic, Turkic, and other tribes on the move, resettling in Eastern Europe and gradually making it
predominantly Slavic, and affecting Anatolia and the Caucasus as the first Turkic tribes (Avars, Huns, Khazars,
Pechenegs), as well as Bulgars, and possibly Magyars arrived. The last phase of the migrations saw the coming of
the Hungarian Magyars and the Viking expansion out of Scandinavia into Europe and the British Isles, as well as
Greenland and Iceland.
Such colonizing migrations cannot be considered indefinitely as diasporas; over very long periods, eventually the
migrants assimilate into the settled area so completely that it becomes their new homeland. Thus the modern
population of Hungary do not feel that they belong in the Western Siberia that the Hungarian Magyars left 12
centuries ago; and the English descendants of the Angles, Saxons and Jutes do not yearn to reoccupy the plains of
Northwest Germany.
In 1492, a Spanish expedition headed by Christopher Columbus reached the Americas, after which European
exploration and colonization rapidly expanded. In the 16th century approximately 240,000 Europeans entered
American ports.[21] Immigration continued to North and South America. In the 19th century alone over 50 million
people left Europe for the Americas.[22]
A specific 19th-century example is the Irish diaspora, beginning in the mid-19th century and brought about by An
Gorta Mór or "The Great Hunger" of the Irish Famine. Estimates are that between 45% and 85% of Ireland's
population emigrated, to countries including Britain, the United States, Canada, Argentina, Australia and New
Zealand. The size of the diaspora is demonstrated by the number of people around the world who claim Irish
ancestry; some sources put the figure at 80-100 million.
From the 1860s, Circassians were dispersed through the Levant, Europe, North America, Australia, and within
historical Circassia in the North Caucasus currently in Russia.
72
Diaspora
African diaspora
One of the largest diasporas of modern times is the African Diaspora, which dates back several centuries. During the
Atlantic Slave Trade, 9.4 to 12 million people from North, West, West-Central and South-east Africa survived
transportation to arrive in the Western Hemisphere as slaves.[23] This population and their descendants were major
influences on the culture of English, French, Italian, Portuguese and Spanish New World colonies. Prior to the
trans-Atlantic slave trade, millions of Africans had moved and settled, usually as slaves, sometimes as merchants and
seamen, in different parts of Asia and Europe.
Asian diaspora
Chinese emigration (also known as the Chinese Diaspora)[24] first occurred thousands of years ago. The mass
emigration that occurred from the 19th century to 1949 was caused mainly by wars and starvation in mainland
China, as well as political corruption. Most immigrants were illiterate or poorly educated peasants and coolies
(Chinese: 苦 力, literally "hard labor"), who immigrated to developing countries in need of labor, such as the
Americas, Australia, South Africa, Southeast Asia, Malaya and other places.
The largest Asian diaspora outside of Southeast Asia is the Indian diaspora. The overseas Indian community,
estimated at over 25 million, is spread across many regions in the world, on every continent. It constitutes a diverse,
heterogeneous and eclectic global community representing different regions, languages, cultures, and faiths (see
Desi).
The Romani are widely dispersed, with their largest concentrated populations in Europe. Linguistic and genetic
evidence indicates the Romanies originated on the Indian subcontinent, emigrating from India towards the northwest
no earlier than the 11th century.[25]
At least three waves of Nepalese diaspora can be identified. The earliest wave dates back to hundreds of years as
early marriage and high birthrates propelled Hindu settlement eastward across Nepal, then into Sikkim and Bhutan.
A backlash developed in the 1980s as Bhutan's political elites realized that Bhutanese Buddhists were at risk of
becoming a minority in their own country. At present, the United States is working towards resettling more than
60,000 ethnic Nepalese from Bhutan in the US as a third-country settlement programme.[26] A second wave was
driven by British recruitment of mercenary soldiers beginning around 1815 and resettlement after retirement in the
British Isles and southeast Asia. The third wave began in the 1970s as land shortages intensified and the pool of
educated labor greatly exceeded job openings in Nepal. Job-related emigration created Nepalese enclaves in India,
the wealthier countries of the Middle East, Europe and North America. Current estimates of the number of Nepalese
living outside Nepal range well up into the millions.
In Siam, regional power struggles among several kingdoms in the region led to a large diaspora of ethnic Lao
between the 1700s-1800s by Siamese rulers to settle large areas of the Siamese kingdom's northeast region, where
Lao ethnicity is still a major factor in 2012. During this period, Siam decimated the Lao capital, capturing, torturing
and killing the Lao king Anuwongse.
73
Diaspora
The 20th century and beyond
The 20th century saw huge population movements. Some involved large-scale transfers of people by government
action. Some migrations occurred to avoid conflict and warfare. Other diasporas were created as a consequence of
political decisions, such as the end of colonialism.
World War II and the end of colonial rule
As World War II unfolded, Nazi Germany deported and killed millions of Jews and many millions of others were
likewise enslaved or murdered, including Ukrainians, Russians and other Slavs. Some Jews fled from persecution to
western Europe and the Americas before borders closed. Later, other eastern European refugees moved west, away
from Soviet annexation,[27] and the Iron Curtain regimes after World War II. Hundreds of thousands of these
anti-Soviet political refugees and Displaced Persons ended up in western Europe, Australia, Canada and the United
States of America.
After World War II, the Soviet Union and Communist-controlled Poland, Hungary and Yugoslavia expelled
hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans, most of whom were descendants of immigrants who had settled in those
areas nearly two centuries before. This was allegedly in retaliation for the German Nazi invasion and their
pan-German attempts at annexation. Most of the refugees moved to the West, including western Europe, and with
tens of thousands seeking refuge in the United States.
Spain sent many political activists into exile during Franco's military regime from 1936 to his death in 1975.
Following World War II, the creation of the state of Israel, and a series of uprisings against colonialist rule, the
Middle East nations became more hostile in relation to their historic Jewish populations (Sephardim) of nearly 1
million people. Most of them emigrated, with the majority resettling in Israel, where they became known as Mizrahi
Jews.
At the same time, the Palestinian diaspora resulted from the war to dismantle Israel in 1948, in which 750,000 people
were displaced or emigrated from their former territory. The diaspora was enlarged by the effects of the 1967
Arab-Israeli War. Many Palestinians continue to live in refugee camps maintained by Middle Eastern nations, but
others have resettled in the Middle East and other countries.
The 1947 Partition resulted in the migration of millions of people between India and Pakistan. Millions were
murdered in the religious violence of the period, with estimates of fatalities up to 2 million people. Thousands of
former subjects of the British Raj went to the UK from the Indian subcontinent after India and Pakistan became
independent in 1947.
From the late 19th century, and formally from 1910, Japan made Korea a colony. Millions of Chinese fled to western
provinces not occupied by Japan (that is, in particular Ssuchuan/Szechwan and Yunnan in the Southwest and Shensi
and Kansu in the Northwest) and to Southeast Asia. More than 100,000 Koreans moved across the Amur River into
Eastern Russia (then the Soviet Union) away from the Japanese.[citation needed]
The Cold War and the formation of post-colonial states
During and after the Cold War-era, huge populations of refugees migrated from conflict, especially from
then-developing countries.
Upheaval in the Middle East and Central Asia, some of which was related to power struggles between the United
States and the Soviet Union, created new refugee populations which developed into global diasporas.
In Southeast Asia, many Vietnamese people immigrated to France and later millions to the United States, Australia
and Canada after the Cold War-related Vietnam War. Later, 30,000 French colons from Cambodia were displaced
after being expelled by the Khmer Rouge regime under Pol Pot.[citation needed] A small, predominantly Muslim ethnic
group, the Cham people long residing in Cambodia, were nearly eradicated. [citation needed] The mass exodus of
Vietnamese people from Vietnam coined the term 'Boat people'.
74
Diaspora
75
In Southwest China, many Tibetan people emigrated to India, following the 14th Dalai Lama in 1959 after the failure
of his Tibetan uprising. This wave lasted until the 1960s, and another wave followed when Tibet was opened up to
trade and tourism in the 1980s. It is estimated that about 200,000 Tibetans live now dispersed worldwide, half of
whom in are India, Nepal and Bhutan. In lieu of lost citizenship papers, the Central Tibetan Administration offers
Green Book identity documents to Tibetan refugees.
Sri Lankan Tamils have historically migrated to find work, notably during the British colonial period. Since the
beginning of the civil war in 1983, more than 800,000 Tamils have been displaced within Sri Lanka as local
diaspora, and over a half million Tamils living as the Tamil diaspora in destinations such as India, Australia, New
Zealand, Canada, the UK and Europe.
The Afghan diaspora resulted from the 1979 invasion by the former Soviet Union; both official and unofficial
records[citation needed] indicate that the war displaced over 6 million people, resulting in the creation of the largest
refugee population worldwide today.[citation needed]
Many Iranians fled the 1979 Iranian Revolution which culminated in the fall of the USA/British-ensconced Shah.
The Assyrian diaspora expanded by the Civil War in Lebanon, the coming into power of the Islamic republic of Iran,
the Ba'athist dictatorship in Iraq, and the present-day unrest in Iraq pushed Assyrians on the roads of exile.[28]
In Africa, a new series of diasporas formed following the end of colonial rule. In some cases as countries became
independent, numerous minority descendants of Europeans emigrated; others stayed in the lands which had been
family homes for generations. Uganda expelled 80,000 South Asians in 1972 and took over their businesses and
properties. The 1990s Civil war in Rwanda between rival ethnic groups Hutu and Tutsi turned deadly and produced a
mass influx of refugees.
In Latin America, following the 1959 Cuban Revolution and the introduction of communism, over a million people
have left Cuba.[29]
There was a Jamaican diaspora around the start of the 21st century.
A million Colombian refugees have left Colombia since 1965 to escape the country's violence and civil wars. In
South America, thousands of Argentinan, Chilean and Uruguayan refugees fled to Europe during periods of military
rule in the 1970s and 1980s. In Central America, Nicaraguans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Hondurans, Costa Ricans
(however, the country had no dictators) and Panamanians fled conflict and poor economic conditions.
Hundreds of thousands of people fled from the Rwandan Genocide in 1994 into neighboring countries. Thousands of
refugees from deteriorating conditions in Zimbabwe have gone to South Africa. The long war in Congo, in which
numerous nations have been involved, has also created millions of refugees.
Tens of thousands of Iraqis have fled conflict in their nation since the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
In popular culture
Works of science fiction sometimes refer to a diaspora, taking place when much of humanity leaves Earth to settle
on far-flung "colony worlds". (e.g. The Honor Harrington Series, in which humanity has spread out roughly 1000
light years from Earth in all directions over the previous 1900 years, starting in 2103.)
İsmet Özel wrote a poem titled "Of not being a Jew" in which he lamented the fact that he felt like a pursued Jew,
but had no second country to which he could go. He writes:
Your load is heavy
He's very heavy
Just because he's your brother
Your brothers are your pogroms
When you reach the doorsteps of your friends
Diaspora
76
Starts your Diaspora
DJ Krust and Saul Williams' track "Coded Language" opens with the line "Whereas, breakbeats have been the
missing link connecting the diasporic community to its drum woven past."
Punk rock band Rise Against titled one of their songs "Diaspora" in the album The Sufferer & the Witness but later
changed it to "Prayer of the Refugee". The originally titled song was available on advance copies of the album.
The experimental rock outfit PINKNOISE released an EP in 2010 titled The Dance Of The Diaspora, expressing the
current Indian diaspora, both musically and demographically.
The Progressive Post-Metal group Irepress titled one of their songs "Diaspora" in the album Sol Eye Sea I. The song
was the first track on the album and is one of the more popular.
A Battlestar Galactica themed video game is titled "Diaspora". (Official Website) [30]
Notes
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4]
[5]
pp.1-2, Tetlow
p.81, Kantor
pp.53, 105-106, Kantor
p.1, Barclay
pp.96-97, Galil & Weinfeld
[7] Brubaker 2005, p. 5.
[8] Weinar 2010, p. 75.
[9] Cohen 2008, p. 6.
[10] Cohen 2008, p. 4.
[11] Brubaker 2005, p. 3.
[12] Brubaker 2005, p. 14.
[13] Brubaker 2005, p. 2.
[14] Brubaker 2005, pp. 2–3.
[15] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?title=Diaspora& action=edit
[19] Early development of Greek society (http:/ / highered. mcgraw-hill. com/ sites/ 0072424354/ student_view0/ chapter10/ table_of_contents.
html)
[20] Hellenistic Civilization (http:/ / mars. wnec. edu/ ~grempel/ courses/ wc1/ lectures/ 10hellenism. html)
[22] David Eltis Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic slave trade
[23] "Welcome to Encyclopædia Britannica's Guide to Black History", Encyclopædia Britannica (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ blackhistory/
article-24156)
[27] An International Conference on the Baltic Archives Abroad (http:/ / www. kirmus. ee/ baltic_archives_abroad_2006/ participants. html)
[28] Codeswitching Worldwide II, by Rodolfo Jacobson
[30] http:/ / diaspora. hard-light. net/
References
• Barclay, John M. G., (ed.), Negotiating Diaspora: Jewish Strategies in the Roman Empire, Continuum
International Publishing Group, 2004
• Braziel, Jana Evans. 2008. Diaspora - an introduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell.
• Brubaker, Rogers (2005). "The 'diaspora' diaspora" (http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/soc/faculty/brubaker/
Publications/29_Diaspora_diaspora_ERS.pdf). Ethnic and Racial Studies 28 (1): 1–19. doi:
10.1080/0141987042000289997 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0141987042000289997). Retrieved 22 February
2011.
• Cohen, Robin (2008). Global Diasporas: An Introduction (2nd ed.). Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-43550-1.
• Galil, Gershon, & Weinfeld, Moshe, Studies in Historical Geography and Biblical Historiography: Presented to
Zekharyah Ḳalai, BRILL, 2000
• Forbes, Andrew, and Henley, David, People of Palestine (Chiang Mai: Cognoscenti Books, 2012), ASIN:
B0094TU8VY
Diaspora
• Kantor, Mattis, The Jewish time line encyclopedia: a year-by-year history from Creation to the Present, (New
updated edition), Jason Aronson, Northvale NJ, 1992
• Luciuk, Lubomyr, "Searching for Place: Ukrainian Displaced Persons, Canada and the Migration of Memory,"
University of Toronto Press, 2000.
• Oonk, G, 'Global Indian Diasporas: trajectories of migration and theory, Amsterdam University Press, 2007.
• Shain, Yossi, Kinship and Diasporas in International Politics, Michigan University Press, 2007
• Sami Mahroum, Cynthia Eldridge, Abdallah S Daar (2006), Transnational diaspora options: How developing
countries could benefit from their emigrant populations. International Journal on Multicultural Societies, 2006.
• S Mahroum, P De Guchteneire (2007), Transnational Knowledge Through Diaspora Networks-Editorial.
International Journal of Multicultural Societies 8 (1), 1-3
• Tetlow, Elisabeth Meier, Women, Crime, and Punishment in Ancient Law and Society, Continuum International
Publishing Group, 2005
• Weinar, Agnieszka (2010). "Instrumentalising diasporas for development: International and European policy
discourses" (http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=WWBuLV9L8WoC&lpg=PP1&pg=PA73#v=onepage&
q&f=false). In Bauböck, Rainer; Faist, Thomas. Diaspora and Transnationalism: Concepts, Theories and
Methods. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 73–89. ISBN 90-8964-238-2.
• B. Xharra and M. Wählisch, Beyond Remittances: Public Diplomacy and Kosovo's Diaspora, Foreign Policy
Club, Pristina (2012), http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2108317.
External links
•
•
•
•
Livius.org: Diaspora (http://www.livius.org/di-dn/diaspora/diaspora.htm)
http://asiansinafrica.com
DIASPORAS.SE (http://diasporas.se)
Integration : Building Inclusive Societies (IBIS) (http://www.unaoc.org/communities/migrationintegration)
UN Alliance of Civilizations online community on Good Practices of Integration of Migrants across the World
77
Economic anthropology
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Economic anthropology is a scholarly field that attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic,
geographic and cultural scope. It is practiced by anthropologists and has a complex relationship with the discipline of
economics, of which it is highly critical. Its origins as a sub-field of anthropology begin with the British founder of
Anthropology, Bronislaw Malinowski, and his French compatriot, Marcel Mauss, on the nature of gift-giving
exchange (or reciprocity) as an alternative to market exchange. Economic Anthropology remains, for the most part,
80
Economic anthropology
81
focused upon exchange. The school of thought derived from Marx and known as Political Economy focuses on
production in contrast and is covered in a separate article. The large body of work on the Anthropology of
development is also dealt with in a separate article.
Post-World War II, Economic Anthropology was highly influenced by the work of economic historian Karl Polanyi.
Polanyi drew on anthropological studies to argue that true market exchange was limited to a restricted number of
western, industrial societies. The use of formal economic theory (Formalism) was inappropriate in non-industrial
societies he argued. In non-industrial societies, exchange was "embedded" in non-market institutions such as kinship,
religion and politics (an idea he borrowed from Mauss). He labelled this approach Substantivism. The Formalist vs
Substantivist debate was highly influential and defined an era.[1]
As globalization became a reality, and the division between market and non-market economies (or between "the west
and the rest") became untenable, anthropologists began to look at the relationship between a whole variety of types
of exchange within market societies. Neo-substantivists examine the ways in which so-called pure market exchange
in market societies fails to fit market ideology. Economic Anthropologists have abandoned the primitivist niche they
were relegated to by economists, and have now turned to examine corporations, banks, and the global financial
system from an anthropological perspective.
Reciprocity and the gift
Malinowski and Mauss on Kula exchange
Bronislaw Malinowski's path-breaking work, "Argonauts of the
Western Pacific" (1922), directly confronted the question, "why would
men risk life and limb to travel across huge expanses of dangerous
ocean to give away what appear to be worthless trinkets?" (Although
he could have asked this, as well, about the Dutch gifting of trinkets to
the aboriginals of Manhattan Island). Malinowski carefully traced the
network of exchanges of bracelets and necklaces across the Trobriand
Islands, and established that they were part of a system of exchange
(the Kula ring), and that this exchange system was clearly linked to
[]
political authority.
Malinowski's study became the subject of debate with the French
anthropologist, Marcel Mauss, author of "The Gift" ("Essai sur le don,"
1925).[2] Malinowski placed the emphasis on the exchange of goods
Bronislaw Malinowski, Anthropologist at the
between individuals, and their non-altruistic motives for giving the
London School of Economics
gift: they expected a return of equal or greater value (colloquially
referred to as "Indian giving"). In other words, reciprocity is an
implicit part of gifting; there is no such thing as the "free gift" given without expectation. Mauss, in contrast,
emphasized that the gifts were not between individuals, but between representatives of larger collectivities. These
gifts were, he argued, a "total prestation." They were not simple, alienable commodities to be bought and sold, but,
like the "Crown jewels", embodied the reputation, history and sense of identity of a "corporate kin group," such as a
line of kings. Given the stakes, Mauss asked "why anyone would give them away?" His answer
Economic anthropology
82
was an enigmatic concept, "the spirit of the gift." A good part of the
confusion (and resulting debate) was due to a bad translation. Mauss
appeared to be arguing that a return gift is given to keep the very
relationship between givers alive; a failure to return a gift ends the
relationship and the promise of any future gifts. Jonathan Parry has
demonstrated that Mauss was actually arguing that the concept of a
"pure gift" given altruistically only emerges in societies with a well
developed market ideology.[]
A Kula bracelet from the Trobriand Islands.
Mauss' concept of "total prestations"
was further developed by Annette
Weiner, who revisited Malinowski's
fieldsite in the Trobriand Islands. Her
critique was twofold: first, Trobriand
Island society is matrilineal, and
women hold a great deal of economic
and political power. Their exchanges
were
ignored
by
Malinowski.
Secondly, she developed Mauss'
argument about reciprocity and the
"spirit of the gift" in terms of
"inalienable possessions: the paradox
of keeping while giving."[3] Weiner contrasts "moveable goods" which can be exchanged with "immoveable goods"
that serve to draw the gifts back (in the Trobriand case, male Kula gifts with women's landed property). She argues
that the specific goods given, like Crown Jewels, are so identified with particular groups, that even when given, they
are not truly alienated. Not all societies, however, have these kinds of goods, which depend upon the existence of
particular kinds of kinship groups. French anthropologist Maurice Godelier[4] pushed the analysis further in "The
Enigma of the Gift" (1999). Albert Schrauwers has argued that the kinds of societies used as examples by Weiner
and Godelier (including the Kula ring in the Trobriands, the Potlatch of the Indigenous peoples of the Pacific
Northwest Coast, and the Toraja of South Sulawesi, Indonesia) are all characterized by ranked aristocratic kin groups
that fit with Claude Levi-Strauss' model of "House Societies" (where "House" refers to both noble lineage and their
landed estate). Total prestations are given, he argues, to preserve landed estates identified with particular kin groups
and maintain their place in a ranked society.[5]
Economic anthropology
83
Gifts and Commodities
The misunderstanding about what Mauss meant by "the spirit of the
gift" led some anthropologists to contrast "gift economies" from
"market economies" as polar opposites, thereby implying that
non-market exchange was always altruistic. Marshall Sahlins, a
well-known American cultural anthropologist, identified three main
types of reciprocity in his book Stone Age Economics (1972).[6] Gift or
generalized reciprocity is the exchange of goods and services without
Three tongkonan noble houses in a Torajan
village.
keeping track of their exact value, but often with the expectation that
their value will balance out over time. Balanced or Symmetrical
reciprocity occurs when someone gives to someone else, expecting a fair and tangible return - at a specified amount,
time, and place. Market or Negative reciprocity is the exchange of goods and services where each party intends to
profit from the exchange, often at the expense of the other. Gift economies, or generalized reciprocity, occurred
within closely knit kin groups, and the more distant the exchange partner, the more balanced or negative the
exchange became.
This opposition was classically expressed by Chris Gregory in his book "Gifts and Commodities" (1982). Gregory
argued that
Commodity exchange is an exchange of alienable objects between people who are in a state of
reciprocal independence that establishes a quantitative relationship between the objects exchanged…
Gift exchange is an exchange of inalienable objects between people who are in a state of reciprocal
dependence that establishes a qualitative relationship between the transactors" (emphasis added.)[7]
Commodity exchange
Gift exchange
immediate exchange
delayed exchange
alienable goods
inalienable goods
actors independent
actors dependent
quantitative relationship qualitative relationship
between objects
between people
Other anthropologists, however, refused to see these different "exchange spheres" as such polar opposites. Marilyn
Strathern, writing on a similar area in Papua New Guinea, dismissed the utility of the opposition in "The Gender of
the Gift" (1988).[8]
Spheres of Exchange
The relationship of new market exchange systems to indigenous non-market exchange remained a perplexing
question for anthropologists. Paul Bohannan (see below, under substantivism) argued that the Tiv of Nigeria had
three spheres of exchange, and that only certain kinds of goods could be exchanged in each sphere; each sphere had
its own different form of money.[9] Similarly, Clifford Geertz's model of "dual economy" in Indonesia,[10] and James
C. Scott's model of "moral economy"[11] hypothesized different exchange spheres emerging in societies newly
integrated into the market; both hypothesized a continuing culturally ordered "traditional" exchange sphere resistant
to the market. Geertz used the sphere to explain peasant complacency in the face of exploitation, and Scott to explain
peasant rebellion. This idea was taken up lastly by Jonathan Parry and Maurice Bloch, who argued in "Money and
the Morality of Exchange" (1989), that the "transactional order" through which long-term social reproduction of the
family takes place has to be preserved as separate from short-term market relations.[12]
Economic anthropology
84
Charity: "the poison of the gift"
In his classic summation of the gift exchange debate, Jonathan Parry
highlighted that ideologies of the "pure gift" (as opposed to total
prestations) "is most likely to arise in highly differentiated societies
with an advanced division of labour and a significant commercial
sector."[13] Schrauwers illustrated the same points in two different
areas in the context of the "transition to capitalism debate" (see
Political Economy). He documented the transformations among the To
Pamona of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia, as they were incorporated in
global market networks over the twentieth century. As their everyday
production and consumption activities were increasingly commodified,
they developed an oppositional gift (posintuwu) exchange system
which funded social reproductive activities, thereby preserving larger
kin, political and religious groups. This "pure gift" exchange network
emerged out of an earlier system of "total prestations."[14]
The Sharon Temple, Sharon, Ontario circa 1860.
Similarly, in analyzing the same "transition to capitalist debate" in
early 19th century North America, he documented how new,
oppositional "moral economies" grew in parallel with the emergence of
the market economy. As the market became increasingly
institutionalized, so too did early utopian socialist experiments like the
Children of Peace, in Sharon, Ontario, who built an ornate Temple
dedicated to sacralizing the giving of charity; this was eventually
institutionalized as a mutual credit organization, land sharing, and
'Free gifts' of Posintuwu culminate in the
co-operative marketing. In both cases, Schrauwers emphasizes that
exchange of bridewealth at a To Pamona
these alternate exchange spheres are tightly integrated and mutualistic
wedding.
with markets as commodities move in and out of each circuit.[9] Parry
had also underscored, using the example of charitable giving of alms in
India (Dāna), that the "pure gift" of alms given with no expectation of return could be "poisonous." That is, the gift
of alms embodying the sins of the giver, when given to ritually pure priests, saddled these priests with impurities that
they could not cleanse themselves of. "Pure gifts" given without a return, can place recipients in debt, and hence in
dependent status: the poison of the gift.[15] Although the Children of Peace tried to sacralize the pure giving of alms,
they found charity created difficulties for recipients. It highlighted their near bankruptcy and hence opened them to
lawsuits and indefinite imprisonment for debt. Rather than accept charity, the free gift, they opted for loans
instead.[9]
Economic anthropology
The social life of things and singularization
Rather than emphasize how particular kinds of objects are either gifts
or commodities to be traded in restricted spheres of exchange, Arjun
Appadurai and others began to look at how objects flowed between
these spheres of exchange. They refocussed attention away from the
character of the human relationships formed through exchange, and
placed it on "the social life of things" instead. They examined the
strategies by which an object could be "singularized" (made unique,
special, one-of-a-kind) and so withdrawn from the market. A marriage
ceremony that transforms a purchased ring into an irreplaceable family
Wedding rings: commodity or pure gift?
heirloom is one example; the heirloom, in turn, makes a perfect gift.
Singularization is the reverse of the seemingly irresistible process of
commodification. They thus show how all economies are a constant flow of material objects that enter and leave
specific exchange spheres. A similar approach is taken by Nicholas Thomas, who examines the same range of
cultures and the anthropologists who write on them, and redirects attention to the "entangled objects" and their roles
as both gifts and commodities.[16] This emphasis on things has led to new explorations in "consumption studies" (see
below).
The cultural construction of economic systems: the substantivist approach
The Formalist vs Substantivist debate
The opposition between substantivist and formalist economic models
was first proposed by Karl Polanyi in his work The Great
Transformation (1944). He argued that the term 'economics' has two
meanings: the formal meaning refers to economics as the logic of
rational action and decision-making, as rational choice between the
alternative uses of limited (scarce) means. The second, substantive
meaning, however, presupposes neither rational decision-making nor
conditions of scarcity. It simply refers to the study of how humans
make a living from their social and natural environment. A society's
livelihood strategy is seen as an adaptation to its environment and
Non-market subsistence farming in New Mexico:
material conditions, a process which may or may not involve utility
household provisioning or 'economic' activity?
maximisation. The substantive meaning of 'economics' is seen in the
broader sense of 'economising' or 'provisioning'. Economics is simply the way society meets their material needs.
Anthropologists embraced the substantivist position as empirically oriented as it did not impose western cultural
assumptions on other societies where they might not be warranted. The Formalist vs. Substantivist debate was not
between anthropologists and economists, however, but a disciplinary debate largely confined to the journal
"Research in Economic Anthropology." In many ways, it reflects the common debates between "etic" and "emic"
explanations as defined by Marvin Harris in cultural anthropology of the period. The principal proponents of the
substantivist model were George Dalton and Paul Bohannan. Formalists such as Raymond Firth and Harold K.
Schneider asserted that the neoclassical model of economics could be applied to any society if appropriate
modifications are made, arguing that its principles have universal validity.
For some anthropologists the substantivist position does not go far enough. Stephen Gudeman, for example, argues
that the processes of making a livelihood are culturally constructed. Therefore, models of livelihoods and related
economic concepts such as exchange, money or profit must be analyzed through the locals' ways of understanding
85
Economic anthropology
86
them. Rather than devising universal models rooting in Western economic terminologies and then applying them
indiscriminately to all societies, one should come to understand the 'local model'.
Stephen Gudeman and the Culturalist approach
In his work on livelihoods Gudeman seeks to present the "people's own economic construction" (1986:1);[] that is,
people's own conceptualizations or mental maps of economics and its various aspects. His description of a peasant
community in Panama reveals that the locals did not engage in exchange with each other in order to make a profit
but rather viewed it as an "exchange of equivalents", with the exchange value of a good being defined by the
expenses spent on producing it. Only outside merchants made profits in their dealings with the community; it was a
complete mystery to the locals how they managed to do so.
Gaining a livelihood might be modelled as a causal and instrumental act, as a natural and inevitable sequence, as a result of supernatural
dispositions or as a combination of all these.
“
”
[]
— Gudeman 1986:47
Gudeman also criticizes the substantivist position for imposing their own universal model of economics on
preindustrial societies and so making the same mistake as the formalists. While conceding that substantivism rightly
emphasises the significance of social institutions in economic processes, Gudeman considers any deductive universal
model, be it formalist, substantivist or Marxist, to be ethnocentric and tautological. In his view they all model
relationships as mechanistic processes by taking the logic of natural science based on the material world and
applying it to the human world. Rather than to "arrogate to themselves a privileged right to model the economies of
their subjects", anthropologists should seek to understand and interpret local models (1986:38).[] Such local models
may differ radically from their Western counterparts. For example, the Iban only use hand knives to harvest rice.
Even though the use of sickles would speed up the harvesting process, their concern that the spirit of the rice may
flee is greater than their desire to economize the harvesting process.
Gudeman brings post-modern cultural relativism to its logical conclusion. Generally speaking, however, culturalism
can also be seen as an extension of the substantivist view, with a stronger emphasis on cultural constructivism, a
more detailed account of local understandings and metaphors of economic concepts, and a greater focus on
socio-cultural dynamics than the latter (cf. Hann, 2000).[] Culturalists also tend to be both less taxonomic and more
culturally relativistic in their descriptions while critically reflecting on the power relationship between the
ethnographer (or 'modeller') and the subjects of his or her research. While substantivists generally focus on
institutions as their unit of analysis, culturalists lean towards detailed and comprehensive analyses of particular local
communities. Both views agree in rejecting the formalist assumption that all human behaviour can be explained in
terms of rational decision-making and utility maximisation.
Culturalism can also be criticized from various perspectives. Marxists would argue that culturalists are too idealistic
in their notion of the social construction of reality and too weak in their analysis of external (i.e. material) constraints
on individuals that affect their livelihood choices. If, as Gudeman argues, local models cannot be held against a
universal standard, then there is no way of relating them to hegemonic ideologies propagated by the powerful that
serve to neutralise resistance. This is further complicated by the fact that in an age of globalization most cultures are
being integrated into the global capitalist system and are influenced to conform to Western ways of thinking and
acting. Local and global discourses are mixing and the distinctions between the two are beginning to blur. Even
though people will retain aspects of their existing worldviews, universal models can be used to study the dynamics of
their integration into the rest of the world.
Economic anthropology
Entrepreneurs in "imperfect markets"
Inspired by a collection on "Trade and Market in the early Empires" edited by Karl Polanyi, the substantivists
conducted a wide comparative study of market behavior in traditional societies where such markets were embedded
in kinship, religion and politics. They thus remained focused on the social and cultural processes that shaped
markets, rather than on the individual focused study of economizing behavior found in economic analysis. George
Dalton and Paul Bohannon, for example, published a collection on markets in sub-Saharan Africa.[17] Pedlars and
Princes: Social Development and Economic Change in Two Indonesian Towns by Clifford Geertz compared the
entrepreneurial cultures of Islamic Java with Hinduized Bali in the post-colonial period.[18] In Java, trade was in the
hands of pious Muslims, whereas in Bali, larger enterprises were organized by aristocrats.[19] Over time, this
literature was refocused on "informal economies", those market activities lying on the periphery of legal markets.[20]
Modernization theory of development had led economists in the 1950s and 1960s to expect that traditional forms of
work and production would disappear in developing countries. Anthropologists found, however, that the sector had
not only persisted, but expanded in new and unexpected ways. In accepting that these forms of productions were
there to stay, scholars began using the term informal sector, which is credited to the British anthropologist Keith Hart
in a study on Ghana in 1973. This literature focuses on the "invisible work" done by those who fall outside the
formal production process, such as the production of clothing by domestic workers, or those who are bound
labourers in sweatshops. As these studies have shifted to the informal sector of western economies, the field has been
dominated by those taking a political economy approach.[21]
Neo-Substantivism and capitalism as a cultural system
While many anthropologists like Gudeman were concerned with peasant economic behaviour, others turned to the
analysis of market societies. Economic Sociologist Mark Granovetter provided a new research paradigm
(neo-substantivism) for these researchers. Granovetter argued that the neo-liberal view of economic action which
separated economics from society and culture promoted an 'undersocialized account' that atomises human behavior.
Similarly, he argued, substantivists had an "over-socialized" view of economic actors, refusing to see the ways that
rational choice could influence the ways they acted in traditional, "embedded" social roles.
Actors do not behave or decide as atoms outside a social context, nor do they adhere slavishly to a script
written for them by the particular intersection of social categories that they happen to occupy. Their attempts
at purposive action are instead embedded in concrete, ongoing systems of social relations.[]
Granovetter applied the concept of embeddedness to market societies, demonstrating that even there, "rational"
economic exchanges are influenced by pre-existing social ties.[] In his study of ethnic Chinese business networks in
Indonesia, Granovetter found individual's economic agency embedded in networks of strong personal relations. In
processes of clientelization the cultivation of personal relationships between traders and customers assumes an equal
or higher importance than the economic transactions involved. Economic exchanges are not carried out between
strangers but rather by individuals involved in long-term continuing relationships.
87
Economic anthropology
88
Money and finance
Special and general purpose monies
Early Anthropologists of the Substantivist school were struck by the
number of "special purpose monies," like wampum and shell money,
that they encountered. These special purpose monies were used to
facilitate trade, but were not the "universal" money of market based
economies. Universal money served five functions:
A sample picture of a fictional ATM card. The
largest part of the world's money exists only as
accounting numbers which are transferred
between financial computers. Various plastic
cards and other devices give individual
consumers the power to electronically transfer
such money to and from their bank accounts,
without the use of currency.
•
•
•
•
•
Medium of exchange: they facilitated trade
Unit of account: they are an abstract measure of value or worth
Store of value: they allow wealth to be preserved over time
Standard of deferred payment: they are a measure of debt
Means of payment: they can be used in non-market situations to pay
debts (like taxes).[22]
Special purpose monies, in contrast, were frequently restricted in their
use; they might be limited to a specific exchange sphere such as the
brass rods used by the Tiv of Nigeria in the early twentieth century (see "spheres of exchange" above). Most of this
early work documented the effects of universal money on these special purpose monies. Universal money frequently
weakened the boundaries between exchange spheres. Others have pointed out, however, how alternative currencies
such as Ithaca HOURS in New York state are used to create new community based spheres of exchange in western
market economies by fostering barter.[][23]
Much of this work was updated and retheorized in the edited collection: Money and Modernity: State and Local
Currencies in Melanesia.[24] A second collection, Money and the morality of exchange examined how "general
purpose money" could be transformed into a "special purpose money" - how money could be "socialized" and
stripped of its moral danger so that it abets domestic economies free of market demands.[25]
William Reddy undertook the same kind of analysis of the meanings of monetary exchange in terms of the growth of
Liberalism in early modern Europe. Reddy critiques what he calls the "Liberal illusion" that developed in this period,
that money is a universal equivalent and a principle of liberation. He underscores the different values and meanings
that money has for those of different classes.[26]
Barter
David Graeber argues that the inefficiencies of barter in archaic society has been used by economists since Adam
Smith to explain the emergence of money, the economy, and hence the discipline of economics itself.[] "Economists
of the contemporary orthodoxy... propose an evolutionary development of economies which places barter, as a
'natural' human characteristic, at the most primitive stage, to be superseded by monetary exchange as soon as people
become aware of the latter's greater efficiency."[27] However, extensive investigation since then has established that
"No example of a barter economy, pure and simple, has ever been described, let alone the emergence from it of
money; all available ethnography suggests that there never has been such a thing. But there are economies today
which are nevertheless dominated by barter."[]
Anthropologists have argued "that when something resembling barter does occur in stateless societies it is almost
always between strangers, people who would otherwise be enemies."[28] Barter occurred between strangers, not
fellow villagers, and hence cannot be used to naturalisticly explain the origin of money without the state. Since most
people engaged in trade knew each other, exchange was fostered through the extension of credit.[29][] Marcel Mauss,
author of 'The Gift', argued that the first economic contracts were to not act in one's economic self-interest, and that
before money, exchange was fostered through the processes of reciprocity and redistribution, not barter.[30] Everyday
Economic anthropology
exchange relations in such societies are characterized by generalized reciprocity, or a non-calculative familial
"communism" where each takes according to their needs, and gives as they have.[31]
Other anthropologists have questioned whether barter is typically between "total" strangers, a form of barter known
as "silent trade". However, Benjamin Orlove has shown that barter occurs through "silent trade" (between strangers),
but also in commercial markets as well. "Because barter is a difficult way of conducting trade, it will occur only
where there are strong institutional constraints on the use of money or where the barter symbolically denotes a
special social relationship and is used in well-defined conditions. To sum up, multipurpose money in markets is like
lubrication for machines - necessary for the most efficient function, but not necessary for the existence of the market
itself."[32]
Barter may occur in commercial economies, usually during periods of monetary crisis. During such a crisis, currency
may be in short supply, or highly devalued through hyperinflation. In such cases, money ceases to be the universal
medium of exchange or standard of value. Money may be in such short supply that it becomes an item of barter itself
rather than the means of exchange. Barter may also occur when people cannot afford to keep money (as when
hyperinflation quickly devalues it).[33]
Money as Commodity Fetish
Anthropologists have analyzed these cultural situations
where universal money is being introduced as a means of
revealing the underlying cultural assumptions about money
that market based societies have internalized. Michael
Taussig, for example, examined the reactions of peasant
farmers in Columbia as they struggled to understand how
money could make interest. Taussig highlights that we have
fetishized money. We view money as an active agent,
capable of doing things, of growth. In viewing money as an
active agent, we obscure the social relationships that actually
give money its power. The Columbian peasants, seeking to
explain how money could bear interest, turned to folk beliefs
like the "baptism of money" to explain how money could
grow. Dishonest individuals would have money baptized,
which would then become an active agent; whenever used to
buy goods, it would escape the till and return to its owner.[34]
Schrauwers similarly examines a situation where paper
money was introduced for the first time, in early nineteenth
century Ontario, Canada. Paper money, or bank notes, were
not a store of wealth; they were an I.O.U., a "promisory
note," a fetish of debt. Banks in the era had limited capital.
Metal money fetishism: A political poster shows gold coin as
They didn't loan that capital. Instead, they issued paper notes
the basis of prosperity. (ca. 1896)
promising to pay that amount should the note be presented in
their office. Since these notes stayed in circulation for lengthy periods, banks had little fear they would have to pay,
and so issued many more notes than they could redeem, and charged interest on all of them. Utilizing Bourdieu's
concept of symbolic capital, Schrauwers examines the way that elite social status was converted into economic
capital (the bank note). The bank note's value depended entirely on the public's perceptions that it could be
redeemed, and that perception was based entirely on the social status of the bank's shareholders.[35]
89
Economic anthropology
Banking, finance and the stock market
More recent work has focused on finance capital and stock markets. Anna Tsing for example, analyzed the "Bre-X
stock scandal" in Canada and Indonesia in terms of "The economy of appearances."[36] Ellen Hertz, in contrast,
looked at the development of stock markets in Shanghai, China, and the particular ways in which this free market
was embedded in local political and cultural realities; markets do not operate in the same manner in all countries.[37]
A similar study was done by Karen Ho on Wall Street, in the midst of the financial crisis of 2008. Her book,
Liquidated: an ethnography of Wall Street, provides an insiders view of how "market rationality" works, and how it
is embedded in particular kinds of social networks.[38]
Bill Maurer has examined how Islamic bankers who are seeking to avoid religiously proscribed interest payments
have remade money and finance in Indonesia. His book, Mutual Life, Limited, compares these Islamic attempts to
remake the basis of money to local currency systems in the United States, such as "Ithaca Hours." In doing so, he
questions what it is that gives money its value.[] This same question of what gives money its value is also addressed
in David Graeber's book Towards an Anthropological Theory of Value: The false coin of our own dreams.[39]
James Carrier has extended the cultural economic and neo-substantivist position by applying their methods to the
"science of economics" as a cultural practice. He has edited two collection that examine "free market" ideologies,
comparing them to the culturally embedded economic practices they purport to describe. The edited collection,
"Meanings of the market: the Free Market in Western Culture",[40] examined the use of market models in
policy-making in the United States. A second edited collection "Virtualism: A New Political Economy," examined
the cultural and social effects on western nations forced to adhere to abstract models of the free market: "Economic
models are no longer measured against the world they seek to describe, but instead the world is measured against
them, found wanting and made to conform."[41]
Consumption studies
The anthropology of corporate capitalism
Symbolic, cultural and economic capital
Similar insights were developed by Pierre Bourdieu, who also rejected the arguments of the new institutional
economists. While these economists attempted to incorporate culture in their models, they did so by arguing that
non-market "tradition" was the product of rational maximizing action in the market (i.e., to show they are the
solution to an economic problem, rather than having deep cultural roots). Bourdieu argued strongly against what he
called RAT (Rational Action Theory) theory, arguing that any actor, when asked for an explanation for their
behaviour will provide a rational post hoc answer, but that that excuse does not in fact guide the individual in the act.
Driving a car is an example; individuals do so out of an acquired "instinct", obeying the rules of the road without
actually focusing upon them. Bourdieu utilized an alternate model, which emphasized how "economic capital" could
be translated into "symbolic capital" and vice versa. For example, in traditional Mexican villages, those of wealth
would be called upon to fulfill "cargo offices" in the church, and host feasts in honour of the saints. These offices
used up their economic capital, but in so doing, it was translated into status (symbolic capital) in the traditional role.
This symbolic capital could, in turn, be used to draw customers in the marketplace because of a reputation for
honesty and selflessness.
90
Economic anthropology
Actor-Network theory
Michel Callon has spearheaded the movement of applying ANT approaches to study economic life (notably
economic markets). This body of work interrogates the interrelation between the economy and economics,
highlighting the ways in which economics (and economics-inspired disciplines such as marketing) shapes the
economy (see Callon, 1998 and 2005).
Ethnographies of the corporation
Corporations are increasingly hiring anthropologists as employees and consultants, leading to an increasingly critical
appraisal about the organizational forms of post-modern capitalism.[42] Aihwa Ong's Spirits of resistance and
capitalist discipline: factory women in Malaysia (1987) was pathbreaking in this regard.[43] Her work inspired a
generation of anthropologists who have examined the incorporation of women within corporate economies,
especially in the new "Free trade zones" of the newly industrializing third world.[44][45] Others have focused on the
former industrialized (now rust-belt) economies.[46] Daromir Rudnyckyj has analyzed how neo-liberal economic
discourses have been utilized by Indonesian Muslims operating the Krakatau Steel Company to create a "spiritual
economy" conducive to globalization while enhancing the Islamic piety of workers.[47] George Marcus has called for
anthropologists to "study up" and to focus on corporate elites, and has edited a series called Late Editions: Cultural
Studies for the End of the Century.
References
Further reading
• "Wirtschaftsanthropologie", special issue of the journal Historische Anthropologie, 17-2, 2009.
• Dunham, S. Ann (2009). Dewey, Alice G.; Cooper, Nancy I., eds. Surviving against the Odds: Village Industry in
Indonesia (http://www.dukeupress.edu/Catalog/ViewProduct.php?productid=46699). a John Hope Franklin
Center Book. Contributors: Maya Soetoro-Ng, Alice G. Dewey, Nancy I. Cooper, Robert W. Hefner. Durham,
N.C.: Duke University Press. ISBN 9780822346876.
• Earle, Timothy (2008). "Economic anthropology," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition.
Abstract. (http://www.dictionaryofeconomics.com/article?id=pde2008_E000009&q=Economic Anthropology
&topicid=&result_number=1)
• Graeber, David (2001). Toward an anthropological theory of value: the false coin of our own dreams. New York:
Palgrave. ISBN 978-0-312-24044-8. OCLC 46822270 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/46822270).
• Graeber, David (2011). Debt: The First 5000 Years. Brooklyn, N.Y: Melville House. ISBN 978-1-933633-86-2.
OCLC 426794447 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/426794447).
• Gudeman, Stephen (2001). The Anthropology of Economy: Community, Market, and Culture. Blackwell
publishers.
• Halperin, Rhoda H. "New and Old in Economic Anthropology" American Anthropologist 84(2): 339-349. 1982
(http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/122472629/abstract)
• Haugerud, Angelique (2013). No Billionaire Left Behind: Satirical Activism in America. Stanford University
Press. ISBN 9780804781534.
• Landa, J.T. (1994). Trust, Ethnicity, and Identity: Beyond the New Institutional Economics of Ethnic Trading
Networks, Contract Law, and Gift-Exchange. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0-472-10361-X.
• Orlove, B. S. (1986). "Barter and Cash Sale on Lake Titicaca: A Test of Competing Approaches". Current
Anthropology 27 (2): 85–106. doi: 10.1086/203399 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/203399).
• Wilk, R. (1996). Economies and Cultures: Foundations of Economic Anthropology. Westview Press.
ISBN 0-8133-2059-3.
91
Economic anthropology
92
External links
• The Society for Economic Anthropology (http://seawiki.wikidot.com/)
• Faculty Page of Michael Chibnik, Faculty Member and teacher of Economic Anthropology at The University of
Iowa (http://www.uiowa.edu/~anthro/chibnik.shtml)
Ethnobiology
Ethnobiology is the scientific study of the way plants and animals are treated or used by different human cultures. It
studies the dynamic relationships between peoples, biota, and environments, from the distant past to the immediate
present.[1]
"People-biota-environment" interactions around the world are documented and studied through time, across cultures,
and across disciplines in a search for valid, reliable answers to two 'defining' questions: "How and in what ways do
human societies use nature, and how and in what ways do human societies view nature?"[2]
History
Beginnings (15th century-19th century)
Naturalists have been interested in local biological knowledge since the time Europeans started colonising the world,
from the 15th century onwards.[3]
Europeans not only sought to understand the
new regions they intruded into but also were on
the look-out for resources that they might
profitably exploit, engaging in practices that
today we should consider tantamount to
biopiracy. Many new crops .. entered into
Europe during this period, such as the potato,
tomato, pumpkin, maize, and tobacco.[3] (Page
121)
Local biological knowledge, collected and sampled over
these early centuries significantly informed the early
development of modern biology[3]:
16th Century English map of the world showing extent of
western geographic knowledge at that time (1599)
• during the 17th century Georg Eberhard Rumphius benefited from local biological knowledge in producing his
catalogue, "Herbarium Amboinense", covering more than 1 200 species of the plants of Indonesia;
• during the 18th century, Carl Linnaeus relied upon Rumphius's work, and also corresponded with other people all
around the world when developing the biological classification scheme that now underlies the arrangement of
much of the accumulated knowledge of the biological sciences.
• during the 19th century, Charles Darwin, the 'father' of evolutionary theory, on his Voyage of the Beagle took
interest in the local biological knowledge of peoples he encountered.
Ethnobiology
93
Phase I (1900s-1940s)
Ethnobiology itself, as a distinctive practice, only emerged during the 20th century as part of the records then being
made about other peoples, and other cultures. As a practice, it was nearly always ancillary to other pursuits when
documenting others' languages, folklore, and natural resource use:
At it earliest and most rudimentary, this comprised listing the names and uses of plants and animals in
native non-Western or 'traditional' populations often in the context of salvage ethnography ..[ie]
ethno-biology as the descriptive biological knowledge of 'primitive' peoples.[4]
This 'first phase' in the development of ethnobiology as a practice has been described as still having an essentially
utilitarian purpose, often focusing on identifying those 'native' plants, animals and technologies of some potential use
and value within increasingly dominant western economic systems[4][5]
Phase II (1950s-1970s)
Arising out of practices in Phase I (above) came a 'second phase' in the development of 'ethnobiology', with
researchers now striving to better document and better understand how other peoples' themselves "conceptualise and
categorise" the natural world around them.[4]
By the mid-20th century .. utilitarian-focussed studies started to give way to more cognitively framed
ones, notably studies that centred on elucidating classificatory schemes.[3] (Page 122)
This 'second' phase is marked[4]:
• in Northern America (mid 1950s) with Harold Conklin's
completing his doctorate entitled "The relation of
Hanunóo [6] culture to the plant world"[7]
• in Britain (mid 1960s) with the publication of Claude
Lévi-Strauss' book The Savage Mind[8] legitimating "folk
biological classification" as a worthy cross-cultural
research endeavour
• in France (mid 1970s) with André-Georges Haudricourt's
linguistic studies of botanical nomenclature[9] and R.
Porteres' and others work in economic biology.[10]
Some Mangyan (who count the Hanunóo among their
members) men, on Mindoro island, Philippines, where Harold
Conklin did his ethnobiological work
Present (1980s-2000s)
By the turn of the 21st century ethnobiological practices, research, and findings have had a significant impact and
influence across a number of fields of biological inquiry including ecology,[11] conservation biology,[12]
development studies,[13] and political ecology.[14]
The Society of Ethnobiology advises on its web page:
Ethnobiology is a rapidly growing field of research, gaining professional, student, and public interest ..
internationally
Ethnobiology has come out from its place as an ancillary practice in the shadows of other core pursuits, to arise as a
whole field of inquiry and research in its own right: taught within many tertiary institutions and educational
programmes around the world;[4] with its own methods manuals,[15] its own readers,[16] and its own textbooks[17]
Ethnobiology
Subjects of inquiry
Usage
All societies make use of the biological world in which they are situated, but there are wide differences in use,
informed by perceived need, available technology, and the culture's sense of morality and sustainability.[citation
needed]
Ethnobiologists investigate what lifeforms are used for what purposes, the particular techniques of use, the
reasons for these choices, and symbolic and spiritual implications of them.
Taxonomy
Different societies divide the living world up in different ways. Ethnobiologists attempt to record the words used in
particular cultures for living things, from the most specific terms (analogous to species names in Linnean biology) to
more general terms (such as 'tree' and even more generally 'plant'). They also try to understand the overall structure
or hierarchy of the classification system (if there is one; there is ongoing debate as to whether there must always be
an implied hierarchy.[18]
Cosmological, moral and spiritual significance
Societies invest themselves and their world with meaning partly through their answers to questions like "how did the
world happen?", "how and why did people come to be?", "what are proper practices, and why?", and "what realities
exist beyond or behind our physical experience?" Understanding these elements of a societies' perspective is
important to cultural research in general, and ethnobiologists investigate how a societies' view of the natural world
informs and is informed by them.
Traditional ecological knowledge
In order to live effectively in a given place, a people needs to understand the particulars of their environment, and
many traditional societies have complex and subtle understandings of the places in which they live.[citation needed]
Ethnobiologists seek to share in these understandings, subject to ethical concerns regarding intellectual property and
cultural appropriation.
Cross-cultural ethnobiology
In cross cultural ethnobiology research, two or more communities participate simulatenously. This enables the
researcher to compare how a bio-resource is used by different communities.[19]
Subdisciplines
Ethnobotany
Ethnobotany investigates the relationship between human societies and plants: how humans use plants- as
food, technology, medicine, and in ritual contexts; how they view and understand them; and their symbolic
and spiritual role in a culture.
Ethnozoology
The subfield ethnozoology focuses on the relationship between animals and humans throughout human
history. It studies human practices such as hunting, fishing and animal husbandry in space and time, and
human perspectives about animals such as their place in the moral and spiritual realms.[citation needed]
94
Ethnobiology
Ethnoecology
Ethnoecology refers to an increasingly dominant 'ethnobiological' research paradigm focused, primarily, on
documenting, describing, and understanding how other peoples perceive, manage, and use whole ecosystems.
Other disciplines
Studies and writings within ethnobiology involve and draw upon the research and researchers from across such
disciplines and fields of knowledge as;[1]
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
archaeology,
geography,
linguistics,
systematics,
population biology,
ecology,
cultural anthropology,
ethnography,
pharmacology,
• nutrition,
• conservation, and
• sustainable development.
Ethics
Through much of the history of ethnobiology, its practitioners were primarily from dominant cultures, and the
benefit of their work often accrued to the dominant culture, with little control or benefit invested in the indigenous
peoples whose practice and knowledge they recorded.
Just as many of those indigenous societies work to assert legitimate control over physical resources such as
traditional lands or artistic and ritual objects, many work to assert legitimate control over their intellectual property.
In an age when the potential exists for large profits from the discovery of, for example, new food crops or medicinal
plants, modern ethnobiologists must consider intellectual property rights, the need for informed consent, the potential
for harm to informants, and their "debt to the societies in which they work".[20]
Furthermore, these questions must be considered not only in light of western industrialized nations' common
understanding of ethics and law, but also in light of the ethical and legal standards of the societies from which the
ethnobiologist draws information.[21]
95
Ethnobiology
Footnotes
[1] Society of Ethnobiology's "What is Ethnobiology" webpage (http:/ / www. ethnobiology. org/ education/ whatis. html) Accessed 12 April
2008
[2] Berlin, Brent (1992) Page 4
[3] Sillitoe, Paul (2006)
[4] Ellen, Roy (2006)
[5] Examples of studies from this 'first' phase in the development of ethnobiology include Stevenson (1915), Castetter (1944) and Harrington
(1947)
[6] http:/ / www. mangyan. org/ tribal/ index. html#hanunoo
[7] Conklin, H.C. (1954)
[8] Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1966)
[9] Haudricourt, Andre-Georges (1973)
[10] Porteres, R. (1977)
[11] for instances of ethnobiology's influence on ecology, see Balée (1998); Plotkin (1995); Schultes & von Reis (1995)
[12] for instances of ethnobiology's influence on conservation biology see Cunningham (2001); Johannes (1989); Laird (2002); Tuxill & Nabhan
(2001)
[13] for an instancing of ethnobiology's influence on development studies, see Warren, Slikkerveer & Brokensha (1995)
[14] for an instancing of ethnobiology's influence on political ecology see Zerner (2000)
[15] Ethnbiology methods manuals include Alexiades (1996) and Martin (1995)
[16] one Ethnobiology reader is Minnis (2000)
[17] one Ethnobiology textbook is Cotton (1996)
[18] Ellen, Roy (1993) pages 216 forward
[19] Franco, F.M. and Narasimhan, D. (2012). Ethnobotany of the Kondh, Poraja, Gadaba and Bonda of the Koraput region of Odisha, India.
D.K. Printworld, New Delhi
[20] Code of Ethics of the American Anthropological Association, section A (http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ committees/ ethics/ ethcode. htm)
[21] Dodson (2007)
References
• ALEXIADES, M.N. (1996) Selected guidelines for ethnobotanical research: a field manual. The New York
Botanical Garden. New York.
• BALLEE, W (1998) (ed.) Advances in historical ecology. New York: Columbia University Press.
• BERLIN, Brent (1992) Ethnobiological Classification - Principles of Categorization of Plants and Animals in
Traditional Societies. Princeton University Press, 1992.
• CASTETTER, E.F. (1944) "The domain of ethnobiology". The American Naturalist. Volume 78. Number 774.
Pages 158-170.
• CONKLIN, H.C. (1954) The relation of Hanunóo culture to the plant world. PhD dissertation, Yale University.
• COTTON, C.M (1996) Ethnobotany: principles and applications. John Wiley. London.
• CUNNINGHAM, A.B (2001) Applied ethnobotany: people, wild plant use and conservation. Earthscan. London
• DODSON, Michael (2007). "Report of the Secretariat on Indigenous traditional knowledge" (http://www.un.
org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/6_session_dodson.pdf) (PDF). Report to the United Nation's Economic and
Social Council's Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, Sixth Session, New York, 14–25 May. United Nation's
Economic and Social Council. New York. Retrieved 2007-11-28.
• ELLEN, Roy (1993) The Cultural Relations of Classification, an Analysis of Nuaulu Animal Categories from
Central Seram. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• ELLEN, Roy (2006). "Introduction" (http://www.kent.ac.uk/anthropology/files/jrai_270.pdf) (PDF). Special
Edition of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. S1-S22. Retrieved 2008-04-21.
• HARRINGTON, J.P (1947) "Ethnobiology". Acta Americana. Number 5. Pages 244-247
• HAUDRICOURT, Andre-Georges (1973) "Botanical nomenclature and its translation." In M. Teich & R Young
(Eds) Changing perspectives in the history of science: Essays in honour of Joseph Needham Heinemann. London.
Pages 265-273.
96
Ethnobiology
• JOHANNES, R.E (Ed)(1989) Traditional ecological knowledge. IUCN, The World Conservation Union.
Cambridge
• LAIRD, S.A. (Ed) (2002) Biodiversity and traditional knowledge: equitable partnerships in practice. Earthscan.
London.
• LEVI-STRAUSS, Claude (1966). The savage mind. Weidenfeld & Nicolson. London.
• MARTIN, G.J (1995) Ethnobotany: a methods manual. Chapman & Hall. London.
• MINNIS, P (Ed) (2000) Ethnobotany: a reader. University of Oklahoma Press. Norman.
• PLOTKIN, M.J (1995) "The importance of ethnobotany for tropical forest conservation." in R.E. Schultes & Siri
von Reis (Eds) Ethnobotany: evolution of a discipline (eds) Chapman & Hall. London. Pages 147-156.
• PORTERES, R. (1977)."Ethnobotanique." Encyclopaedia Universalis Organum Number 17. Pages 326-330.
• POSEY, D.A & W. L. Overal (Eds.), 1990) Ethnobiology: Implications and Applications. Proceedings of the
First International Congress of Ethnobiology. Belém: Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi.
• POSEY, D. A. (Ed.), (1999) Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity. London: United Nations
Environmental Programme & Intermediate Technology Publications.
• SCHULTES, R.E. & VON REIS, S (1995) (Eds) Ethnobotany: evolution of a discipline (eds) Chapman & Hall.
London. Part 6.
• SILLITOE, Paul (2006) "Ethnobiology and applied anthropology: rapprochement of the academic with the
practical". Special Edition of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute S119-S142
• STEVENSON, M.C. (1914) "Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians." Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report.
Volume 30. Number 31102, Government Printing Office. Washington, D.C.
• TUXILL, J & NABHAN, G.P (2001) People, plants and protected area. Earthscan. London.
• WARREN, D.M; SLIKKERVEER, L; & BROKENSHA, D. (Eds) (1995) The cultural dimension of
development: indigenous knowledge systems. Intermediate Technology Publications. London.
• ZERNER, C (Ed) (2000) People, plants and justice: the politics of nature conservation. Columbia University
Press. New York.
• Balancing Act Research and Education (B.A.R.E.) (1996) Ecosystem Management Director and Ethnobotanist
Lyncho Ruiz
Participatory ethnobotanical lab and field research station to encourage the involvement of local youth in detailed
nutrition methodological propagation and restoration of local threatened species. Will provide a unique opportunity
to further its goal of protecting our natural heritage.
External links
• Biology on-line "Ethnobiology" articles (http://www.biology-online.org/kb/biology_articles/ethnobiology.
html)
• Ethnobiology — Traditional Biological Knowledge in Contemporary Global Context. (Athabasca University
Course Resource List) (http://www.athabascau.ca/courses/anth/491/resources.htm)
• International Society of Ethnobiology (http://www.ethnobiology.net/)
• Journal of Ethnobiology (http://ethnobiology.org/publications/journal)
• Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine (http://www.ethnobiomed.com/)
• Society of Ethnobiology (http://ethnobiology.org)
97
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Anthropology portal
Ethnography (from Greek ἔθνος ethnos = folk/people and γράφω grapho = to write) is a qualitative research
design aimed at exploring cultural phenomena. The resulting field study or a case report reflects the knowledge and
the system of meanings in the lives of a cultural group.[1][2][3] An ethnography is a means to represent graphically
and in writing, the culture of a people.
Ethnography, as the empirical data on human societies and cultures, was pioneered in the biological, social, and
cultural branches of anthropology but has also become popular in the social sciences in general—sociology,[4]
communication studies, history—wherever people study ethnic groups, formations, compositions, resettlements,
social welfare characteristics, materiality, spirituality, and a people's ethnogenesis.[5] The typical ethnography is a
holistic study[6][7] and so includes a brief history, and an analysis of the terrain, the climate, and the habitat. In all
cases it should be reflexive, make a substantial contribution toward the understanding of the social life of humans,
have an aesthetic impact on the reader, and express a credible reality. It observes the world (the study) from the point
of view of the subject (not the participant ethnographer) and records all observed behavior and describes all
symbol-meaning relations using concepts that avoid casual explanations.
100
Ethnography
101
Data collection methods
Data collection methods are meant to capture the "social meanings and ordinary activities" [8] of people (informants)
in "naturally occurring settings" [8] that are commonly referred to as "the field." The goal is to collect data in such a
way that the researcher imposes a minimal amount of their own bias on the data.[8] Multiple methods of data
collection may be employed to facilitate a relationship that allows for a more personal and in-depth portrait of the
informants and their community. These can include participant observation, field notes, interviews, and surveys.
Interviews are often taped and later transcribed, allowing the interview to proceed unimpaired of note-taking, but
with all information available later for full analysis. Secondary research and document analysis are also employed to
provide insight into the research topic. In the past kinship charts were commonly used to "discover logical patterns
and social structure in non-Western societies".[9] However anthropology today focuses more on the study of urban
settings and the use of kinship charts is seldom employed.
In order to make the data collection and interpretation transparent, researchers creating ethnographies often attempt
to be "reflexive." Reflexivity refers to the researcher's aim "to explore the ways in which [the] researcher's
involvement with a particular study influences, acts upon and informs such research".[10] Despite these attempts of
reflexivity, no researcher can be totally unbiased, which has provided a basis to criticize ethnography.
Traditionally, the ethnographer focuses attention on a community, selecting knowledgeable informants who know
the activities of the community well.[] These informants are typically asked to identify other informants who
represent the community, often using chain sampling.[] This process is often effective in revealing common cultural
denominators connected to the topic being studied.[] Ethnography relies greatly on up-close, personal experience.
Participation, rather than just observation, is one of the keys to this process.[11] Ethnography is very useful in social
research.
Differences across disciplines
The ethnographic method is used across a range of different
disciplines, primarily by anthropologists but also occasionally
by sociologists. Cultural studies, economics, social work,
education, ethnomusicology, folklore, religious studies,
geography, history, linguistics, communication studies,
performance studies, advertising, psychology, usability and
criminology are other fields which have made use of
ethnography.
Cultural and social anthropology
A picture of the Izmir Ethnography Museum (İzmir
Etnografya Müzesi) from the courtyard.
Cultural anthropology and social anthropology were
developed around ethnographic research and their canonical texts which are mostly ethnographies: e.g. Argonauts of
the Western Pacific (1922) by Bronisław Malinowski, Ethnologische Excursion in Johore (1875) by Nicholas
Miklouho-Maclay, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) by Margaret Mead, The Nuer (1940) by E. E. Evans-Pritchard,
Naven (1936, 1958) by Gregory Bateson or "The Lele of the Kasai" (1963) by Mary Douglas. Cultural and social
anthropologists
today
place
such
a
high
value
on
actually
Ethnography
doing ethnographic research that ethnology—the comparative
synthesis of ethnographic information—is rarely the
foundation for a career.[citation needed] The typical ethnography
is a document written about a particular people, almost always
based at least in part on emic views of where the culture
begins and ends. Using language or community boundaries to
bound the ethnography is common.[12] Ethnographies are also
sometimes called "case studies."[13] Ethnographers study and
interpret culture, its universalities and its variations through
ethnographic study based on fieldwork. An ethnography is a
specific kind of written observational science which provides
an account of a particular culture, society, or community. The
fieldwork usually involves spending a year or more in another
society, living with the local people and learning about their
ways of life. Ethnographers are participant observers. They
take part in events they study because it helps with
understanding local behavior and thought. Classic examples
are Carol Stack's All Our Kin, Jean Briggs' "Never in Anger",
Richard Lee's "Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers", Victor Turner's
Ethnography museum
"Forest of Symbols", David Maybry-Lewis' "Akew-Shavante
Society", E.E. Evans-Pritchard's "The Nuer" and Claude Lévi-Strauss' "Tristes Tropiques". Iterations of ethnographic
representations in the classic, modernist camp include Bartholomew Dean's recent (2009) contribution, Urarina
Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia.[14]
A typical ethnography attempts to be holistic[6][7] and typically follows
an outline to include a brief history of the culture in question, an
analysis of the physical geography or terrain inhabited by the people
under study, including climate, and often including what biological
anthropologists call habitat. Folk notions of botany and zoology are
presented as ethnobotany and ethnozoology alongside references from
the formal sciences. Material culture, technology and means of
subsistence are usually treated next, as they are typically bound up in
Bronisław Malinowski among Trobriand tribe
physical geography and include descriptions of infrastructure. Kinship
and social structure (including age grading, peer groups, gender,
voluntary associations, clans, moieties, and so forth, if they exist) are typically included. Languages spoken, dialects
and the history of language change are another group of standard topics.[15] Practices of childrearing, acculturation
and emic views on personality and values usually follow after sections on social structure.[16] Rites, rituals, and other
evidence of religion have long been an interest and are sometimes central to ethnographies, especially when
conducted in public where visiting anthropologists can see them.[17]
As ethnography developed, anthropologists grew more interested in less tangible aspects of culture, such as values,
worldview and what Clifford Geertz termed the "ethos" of the culture. Clifford Geertz's own fieldwork used
elements of a phenomenological approach to fieldwork, tracing not just the doings of people, but the cultural
elements themselves. For example, if within a group of people, winking was a communicative gesture, he sought to
first determine what kinds of things a wink might mean (it might mean several things). Then, he sought to determine
in what contexts winks were used, and whether, as one moved about a region, winks remained meaningful in the
same way. In this way, cultural boundaries of communication could be explored, as opposed to using linguistic
boundaries or notions about residence. Geertz, while still following something of a traditional ethnographic outline,
102
Ethnography
103
moved outside that outline to talk about "webs" instead of "outlines"[18] of culture.
Within cultural anthropology, there are several sub-genres of ethnography. Beginning in the 1950s and early 1960s,
anthropologists began writing "bio-confessional" ethnographies that intentionally exposed the nature of ethnographic
research. Famous examples include Tristes Tropiques (1955) by Claude Lévi-Strauss, The High Valley by Kenneth
Read, and The Savage and the Innocent by David Maybury-Lewis, as well as the mildly fictionalized Return to
Laughter by Elenore Smith Bowen (Laura Bohannan). Later "reflexive" ethnographies refined the technique to
translate cultural differences by representing their effects on the ethnographer. Famous examples include "Deep
Play: Notes on a Balinese Cockfight" by Clifford Geertz, Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco by Paul Rabinow,
The Headman and I by Jean-Paul Dumont, and Tuhami by Vincent Crapanzano. In the 1980s, the rhetoric of
ethnography was subjected to intense scrutiny within the discipline, under the general influence of literary theory and
post-colonial/post-structuralist thought. "Experimental" ethnographies that reveal the ferment of the discipline
include Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man by Michael Taussig, Debating Muslims by Michael F. J. Fischer
and Mehdi Abedi, A Space on the Side of the Road by Kathleen Stewart, and Advocacy after Bhopal by Kim Fortun.
This critical turn in sociocultural anthropology during the mid-1980s can, in large part, be traced to the influence of
the now classic (and often contested) text, Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, (1986) edited
by James Clifford and George Marcus. Writing Culture helped bring changes to both anthropology and ethnography
often described in terms of being 'postmodern,' 'reflexive,' 'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural' in nature in
that the text helped to highlight the various epistemic and political predicaments that many practitioners saw as
plaguing ethnographic representations and practices.[19] Where Geertz's and Turner's interpretive anthropology
recognized subjects as creative actors who constructed their sociocultural worlds out of symbols, postmodernists
attempted to draw attention to the privileged status of the ethnographers themselves. That is, the ethnographer cannot
escape their own particular viewpoint in creating an ethnographic account thus making any claims of objective
neutrality on the part of their representation highly problematic, if not altogether impossible.[20] In regards to this last
point, Writing Culture became a focal point for looking at how ethnographers could describe different cultures and
societies without denying the subjectivity of those individuals and groups being studied while simultaneously doing
so without laying claim to absolute knowledge and objective authority.[21] Along with the development of
experimental forms such as 'dialogic anthropology' and 'narrative ethnography,' Writing Culture helped to encourage
the development of 'collaborative ethnography.'[22] This exploration of the relationship between writer, audience, and
subject has become a central tenet of contemporary anthropological and ethnographic practice wherein active
collaboration between the researcher(s) and subject(s) has helped blend, in certain instances, the practice of
collaboration in ethnographic fieldwork with the process of creating the actual ethnographic product that emerges
from the research itself.[22][23][24]
Sociology
Sociology
Outline
•
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Theory
History
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Positivism
Ethnography
104
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Antipositivism
•
Functionalism
•
Conflict theories
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Middle-range
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Mathematical
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Critical theory
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Socialization
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Structure and agency
Research methods
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Quantitative
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Qualitative
•
Historical
•
Computational
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Ethnographic
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Ethnography
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Sociology is another field which prominently features ethnographies. Urban sociology and the Chicago School in
particular are associated with ethnographic research, with some well-known early examples being Street Corner
Society by William Foote Whyte and Black Metropolis by St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Jr.. Some of the
influence for this can be traced to the anthropologist Lloyd Warner who was on the Chicago sociology faculty, and
to Robert Park's experience as a journalist. Symbolic interactionism developed from the same tradition and yielded
several excellent sociological ethnographies, including Shared Fantasy by Gary Alan Fine, which documents the
early history of fantasy role-playing games. Other important ethnographies in sociology include Pierre Bourdieu's
work on Algeria and France, Paul Willis's Learning to Labour on working class youth, the work of Elijah Anderson,
Mitchell Duneier, and Loïc Wacquant on black America, and Lai Olurode's Glimpses of Madrasa From Africa. But
even though many sub-fields and theoretical perspectives within sociology use ethnographic methods, ethnography
is not the sine qua non of the discipline, as it is in cultural anthropology.
Communication studies
Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, ethnographic research methods began to be widely employed by communication
scholars. The purpose of ethnography is to describe and interpret the shared and learned patterns of values,
behaviors, beliefs and language of a culture-sharing group (Harris, 1968), also Agar (1980) notes that ethnography is
both a process and an outcome of the research. Studies such as Gerry Philipsen's [25] analysis of cultural
communication strategies in a blue-collar, working-class neighborhood on the south side of Chicago, Speaking 'Like
a Man' in Teamsterville, paved the way for the expansion of ethnographic research in the study of communication.
Scholars of communication studies use ethnographic research methods to analyze communicative behaviors and
phenomena. This is often characterized in the writing as attempts to understand taken-for-granted routines by which
working definitions are socially produced. Ethnography as a method is a storied, careful, and systematic examination
of the reality-generating mechanisms of everyday life (Coulon, 1995). Ethnographic work in communication studies
seeks to explain "how" ordinary methods/practices/performances construct the ordinary actions used by ordinary
people in the accomplishments of their identities. This often gives the perception of trying to answer the "why" and
"how come" questions of human communication.[26] Often this type of research results in a case study or field study
such as an analysis of speech patterns at a protest rally, or the way firemen communicate during "down time" at a fire
station. Like anthropology scholars, communication scholars often immerse themselves, participate in and/or directly
observe the particular social group being studied.[27]
Other fields
The American anthropologist George Spindler was a pioneer in applying ethnographic methodology to the
classroom.
Anthropologists like Daniel Miller and Mary Douglas have used ethnographic data to answer academic questions
about consumers and consumption. In this sense, Tony Salvador, Genevieve Bell, and Ken Anderson describe design
ethnography as being "a way of understanding the particulars of daily life in such a way as to increase the success
probability of a new product or service or, more appropriately, to reduce the probability of failure specifically due to
a lack of understanding of the basic behaviors and frameworks of consumers."[28]
Businesses, too, have found ethnographers helpful for understanding how people use products and services, as
indicated in the increasing use of ethnographic methods to understand consumers and consumption, or for new
Ethnography
product development (such as video ethnography). The recent Ethnographic Praxis in Industry (EPIC) conference is
evidence of this.[citation needed] Ethnographers' systematic and holistic approach to real-life experience is valued by
product developers, who use the method to understand unstated desires or cultural practices that surround products.
Where focus groups fail to inform marketers about what people really do, ethnography links what people say to what
they actually do—avoiding the pitfalls that come from relying only on self-reported, focus-group data.
Evaluating ethnography
Ethnographic methodology is not usually evaluated in terms of philosophical standpoint (such as positivism and
emotionalism). Ethnographic studies nonetheless need to be evaluated in some manner. While there is no consensus
on evaluation standards, Richardson (2000, p. 254)[29] provides 5 criteria that ethnographers might find helpful.
1. Substantive Contribution: "Does the piece contribute to our understanding of social-life?"
2. Aesthetic Merit: "Does this piece succeed aesthetically?"
3. Reflexivity: "How did the author come to write this text…Is there adequate self-awareness and self-exposure for
the reader to make judgments about the point of view?"[30]
4. Impact: "Does this affect me? Emotionally? Intellectually?" Does it move me?
5. Expresses a Reality: "Does it seem 'true'—a credible account of a cultural, social, individual, or communal sense
of the 'real'?"
Ethics
Gary Alan Fine argues that the nature of ethnographic inquiry demands that researchers deviate from formal and
idealistic rules or ethics that have come to be widely accepted in qualitative and quantitative approaches in research.
Many of these ethical assumptions are rooted in positivist and post-positivist epistemologies that have adapted over
time, but nonetheless are apparent and must be accounted for in all research paradigms. These ethical dilemmas are
evident throughout the entire process of conducting ethnographies, including the design, implementation, and
reporting of an ethnographic study. Essentially, Fine maintains that researchers are typically not as ethical as they
claim or assume to be — and that "each job includes ways of doing things that would be inappropriate for others to
know".[31]
Fine is not necessarily casting blame or pointing his finger at ethnographic researchers, but rather is attempting to
show that researchers often make idealized ethical claims and standards which in actuality are inherently based on
partial truths and self-deceptions. Fine also acknowledges that many of these partial truths and self-deceptions are
unavoidable. He maintains that "illusions" are essential to maintain an occupational reputation and avoid potentially
more caustic consequences. He claims, "Ethnographers cannot help but lie, but in lying, we reveal truths that escape
those who are not so bold".[32] Based on these assertions, Fine establishes three conceptual clusters in which
ethnographic ethical dilemmas can be situated: "Classic Virtues," "Technical Skills," and "Ethnographic Self."
Much debate surrounding the issue of ethics arose after the ethnographer Napoleon Chagnon conducted his
ethnographic fieldwork with the Yanomani people of South America.
While there is no international standard on Ethnographic Ethics, many western anthropologists look to the American
Anthropological Association for guidance when conducting ethnographic work.[33] The Association has generated a
code of ethics approved in February 2009 which states that Anthropologists have "moral obligations as members of
other groups, such as the family, religion, and community, as well as the profession".[34] The code of ethics goes on
to note that anthropologists are also part of a wider scholarly and political network as well as human and natural
environment which needs to be reported on respectfully.[34] The code of ethics recognizes that sometimes very close
and personal relationship can sometimes emerge out of doing ethnographic work.[34] The American Anthropological
Association does recognize that the code is a bit limited in scope mainly because doing ethnographic work can
sometimes be multidisciplinary and anthropologists need to familiarize themselves with ethic not only from an
106
Ethnography
anthropological perspective but also from the perspectives of other disciplines.[35] The eight page code of ethics
outlines ethical considerations for those conducting Research, Teaching, Application and Dissemination of Results
which are briefly outlined below.[36]
• Conducting Research-When conducting research Anthropologists need to be aware of the potential impacts of the
research on the people and animals they study.[37] If the seeking of new knowledge will negatively impact the
people and animals they will be studying they may not undertake the study according to the code of ethics.[37]
• Teaching-When teaching the discipline of anthropology, instructors are required to inform students of the ethical
dilemmas of conducting ethnographies and field work.[38]
• Application-When conducting an ethnography Anthropologists must be "open with funders, colleagues, persons
studied or providing information, and relevant parties affected by the work about the purpose(s), potential
impacts, and source(s) of support for the work." [39]
• Dissemination of Results-When disseminating results of an ethnography the code notes that "[a]nthropologists
have an ethical obligation to consider the potential impact of both their research and the communication or
dissemination of the results of their research on all directly or indirectly involved." [40] Research results of
ethnographies should not be withheld from participants in the research if that research is being observed by other
people.[39]
Classic virtues
• "The kindly ethnographer" – Most ethnographers present themselves as being more sympathetic than they
actually are, which aids in the research process, but is also deceptive. The identity that we present to subjects is
different from who we are in other circumstances.
• "The friendly ethnographer" – Ethnographers operate under the assumption that they should not dislike anyone. In
actuality, when hated individuals are found within research, ethnographers often crop them out of the findings.[41]
• "The honest ethnographer" – If research participants know the research goals, their responses will likely be
skewed. Therefore, ethnographers often conceal what they know in order to increase the likelihood of
acceptance.[41]
Technical skills
• "The Precise Ethnographer" – Ethnographers often create the illusion that field notes are data and reflect what
"really" happened. They engage in the opposite of plagiarism, giving credit to those undeserving by not using
precise words but rather loose interpretations and paraphrasing. Researchers take near-fictions and turn them into
claims of fact. The closest ethnographers can ever really get to reality is an approximate truth.
• "The Observant Ethnographer" – Readers of ethnography are often led to assume the report of a scene is complete
– that little of importance was missed. In reality, an ethnographer will always miss some aspect because they are
not omniscient. Everything is open to multiple interpretations and misunderstandings. The ability of the
ethnographer to take notes and observe varies, and therefore, what is depicted in ethnography is not the whole
picture.
• "The Unobtrusive Ethnographer" – As a "participant" in the scene, the researcher will always have an effect on
the communication that occurs within the research site. The degree to which one is an "active member" affects the
extent to which sympathetic understanding is possible.[42]
107
Ethnography
Ethnographic self
The following appellations are commonly misconceived conceptions of ethnographers:
• "The Candid Ethnographer" – Where the researcher situates themselves within the ethnography is ethically
problematic. There is an illusion that everything reported has actually happened because the researcher has been
directly exposed to it.
• "The Chaste Ethnographer" – When ethnographers participate within the field, they invariably develop
relationships with research subjects/participants. These relationships are sometimes not accounted for within the
reporting of the ethnography despite the fact that they seemingly would influence the research findings.
• "The Fair Ethnographer" – Fine claims that objectivity is an illusion and that everything in ethnography is known
from a perspective. Therefore, it is unethical for a researcher to report fairness in their findings.
• "The Literary Ethnographer" – Representation is a balancing act of determining what to "show" through
poetic/prosaic language and style versus what to "tell" via straightforward, ‘factual’ reporting. The idiosyncratic
skill of the ethnographer influences the face-value of the research.[43]
According to Norman K. Denzin, the following eight principles should be considered when observing, recording and
sampling data:
1. The groups should combine symbolic meanings with patterns of interaction.
2. Observe the world from the point of view of the subject, while maintaining the distinction between everyday and
scientific perceptions of reality.
3. Link the group's symbols and their meanings with the social relationships.
4. Record all behaviour.
5. Methodology should highlight phases of process, change and stability.
6. The act should be a type of symbolic interactionism.
7. Use concepts that would avoid casual explanations.
References
[1] Geertz, C. (1973). Thick description: Toward an interpretive theory of culture.
[2] In The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (pp 3-30). New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers
[3] Philipsen, G. (1992). Speaking Culturally: Explorations in Social Communication. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press
[4] "Ethnology" at dictionary.com (http:/ / dictionary. reference. com/ browse/ ethnology).
[6] Ember, Carol and Melvin Ember. Cultural Anthropology. 2006. Prentice Hall, Chapter One
[7] Heider, Karl. Seeing Anthropology. 2001. Prentice Hall, Chapters One and Two.
[8] [Brewer, John D. (2000). Ethnography. Philadelphia: Open University Press. p.10.]
[9] http:/ / www. anthrobase. com/ Dic/ eng/ def/ kinship. html
[10] [nightingale, David & Cromby, John. Social Constructionist Psychology: A Critical Analysis of Theory and Practice. Philadelphia: Open
University Press. p.228.]
[11] Genzuk, Michael, PH.D., A Synthesis of Ethnographic (http:/ / www-bcf. usc. edu/ ~genzuk/ Ethnographic_Research. html), Center for
Multilingual, Multicultural Research, University of Southern California
[12] Naroll, Raoul. Handbook of Methods in Cultural Anthropology.
[13] Chavez, Leo. "Shadowed Lives: Undocumented workers in American society (Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology). 1997 Prentice Hall.
[15] cf. Ember and Ember 2006, Heider 2001 op cit.
[16] Ember and Ember 2006, op cit., Chapters 7 and 8
[17] Truner, Victor. The Forest of Symbols. remainder of citation forthcoming
[18] Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Culture Chapter one.
[19] Olaf Zenker & Karsten Kumoll. Beyond Writing Culture: Current Intersections of Epistemologies and Representational Practices. (2010).
New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-84545-675-7. Pgs. 1-4
[20] Paul A. Erickson & Liam D. Murphy. A History of Anthropological Theory, Third Edition. (2008). Toronto: Broadview Press. ISBN
978-1-55111-871-0. Pg. 190
[21] Paul A. Erickson & Liam D. Murphy. A History of Anthropological Theory, Third Edition. (2008). Toronto: Broadview Press. ISBN
978-1-55111-871-0. Pgs. 190-191
[22] Olaf Zenker & Karsten Kumoll. Beyond Writing Culture: Current Intersections of Epistemologies and Representational Practices. (2010).
New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-84545-675-7. Pg. 12
108
Ethnography
[23] Luke E. Lassiter. 'From "Reading over the Shoulders of Natives" to "Reading alongside Natives", Literally: Toward a Collaborative and
Reciprocal Ethnography'. (2001). Journal of Anthropologcal Research, 57(2):137-149
[24] Luke E. Lassiter. 'Collaborative Ethnography and Public Anthropology'. (2005). Current Anthropology, 46(1):83-106
[25] http:/ / oak. cats. ohiou. edu/ ~mv537899/ sc. htm
[26] Rubin, R. B., Rubin, A. M., and Piele, L. J. (2005). Communication research: Strategies and sources. Belmont, California: Thomson
Wadworth. pp. 229.
[27] Bentz, V. M., and Shapiro, J. J. (1998). Mindful inquiry in social research. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage. pp. 117.
[28] Salvador, Tony; Genevieve Bell; and Ken Anderson (1999) Design Ethnography. Design Management Journal (pp. 35-41). p.37
[29] Richardson,L. (2000). Evaluating ethnography. Qualitative Inquiry, 6(2), 253-255
[30] For postcolonial critiques of ethnography from various locations, see essays in Prem Poddar et al, Historical Companion to Postcolonial
Literatures--Continental Europe and its Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008.
[31] Fine, p. 267
[32] Fine, p. 291
[33] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics http:/ / www. aaanet. org/ issues/ policy-advocacy/ upload/ AAA-Ethics-Code-2009.
pdf, p.1
[34] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.1
[35] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.2
[36] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.1-8
[37] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.2-3
[38] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.4
[39] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.5
[40] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.5-6
[41] Fine, p. 270-77
[42] Fine, p. 277-81
[43] Fine, p. 282-89
Additional reading
• Agar, Michael (1996) The Professional Stranger: An Informal Introduction to Ethnography. Academic Press.
• Clifford, James & George E. Marcus (Eds.). Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. (1986).
Berkeley: University of California Press.
• Douglas, Mary and Baron Isherwood (1996) The World of Goods: Toward and Anthropology of Consumption.
Routledge, London.
• Erickson, Ken C. and Donald D. Stull (1997) Doing Team Ethnography : Warnings and Advice. Sage, Beverly
Hills.
• Fine, G. A. (1993). Ten lies of ethnography. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 22(3), p. 267-294.
• Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Cultures.
• Heath, Shirley Brice & Brian Street, with Molly Mills. On Ethnography.
• Hymes, Dell. (1974). Foundations in sociolinguistics: An ethnographic approach. Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press.
• Kottak, Conrad Phillip (2005) Window on Humanity : A Concise Introduction to General Anthropology, (pages
2–3, 16-17, 34-44). McGraw Hill, New York.
• Marcus, George E. & Michael Fischer. Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the
Human Sciences. (1986). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• Miller, Daniel (1987) Material Culture and Mass Consumption. Blackwell, London.
• Spradley, James P. (1979) The Ethnographic Interview. Wadsworth Group/Thomson Learning.
• Salvador, Tony; Genevieve Bell; and Ken Anderson (1999) Design Ethnography. Design Management Journal.
• Van Maanen, John. 1988. Tales of the Field: On Writing Ethnography Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• Westbrook, David A. Navigators of the Contemporary: Why Ethnography Matters. (2008). Chicago: University
of Chicago Press.
109
Ethnography
External links
• 100 of the Most Influential Ethnographies and Anthropology Texts (http://www.architectonictokyo.com/
100_of_the_Most_Influential_Ethnographies_and_Anthropology_Texts.html)
• Ethnographic Praxis in Industry Conference (http://www.epiconference.com)
• Genzuk, Michael (2003) A Synthesis of Ethnographic Research (http://www-rcf.usc.edu/~genzuk/
Ethnographic_Research.html)
• Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History (http://anthro.amnh.org/anthro.html) - Over
160,000 objects from Pacific, North American, African, Asian ethnographic collections with images and detailed
description, linked to the original catalogue pages, field notebooks, and photographs are available online.
• Ross Archive of African Images (http://raai.library.yale.edu/site/index.php)
• Ethnographic material collection from Northern Anatolia and Caucasus -Photo Gallery (http://www.karalahana.
com/fotograflar/thumbnails.php?album=9)
• Ethnography.com (http://www.ethnography.com) A community based Ethnography website for academic and
professional ethnographers and interested parties
• New Zealand Museum (http://collections.tepapa.govt.nz/) Images of objects from Pacific cultures.
• University of Pennsylvania's "What is Ethnography?" (http://www.sas.upenn.edu/anthro/anthro/
whatisethnography) Penn's Public Interest Anthropology Web Site
• American Ethnography -- Definitions: What is Ethnography? (http://www.americanethnography.com/
ethnography.php) A collection of quotes about ethnography (Malinowski, Lévi-Strauss, Geertz, ...)
• Doing ethnographies (http://www.qmrg.org.uk/files/2008/12/58-doing-ethnographies.pdf) (Concepts and
Techniques in Modern Geography)
• Cornell University Library Southeast Asia Visions (http://dlxs2.library.cornell.edu/s/sea/index.php)
• Ethnography for the masses (http://www.2cv.co.uk/documents/19Ethnography for the Masses.pdf) 2CV's
Practical Application of Ethnography in Market Research
• Scott Polar Research Institute (http://www.spri.cam.ac.uk/museum/catalogue/armc/) Arctic Material
Culture Collection
•
Texts on Wikisource:
• Otis Tufton Mason (1905). "Ethnography". New International Encyclopedia.
• "Ethnology and ethnography". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). 1911.
• "Ethnography". Encyclopedia Americana. 1920.
• "Ethnography". Collier's New Encyclopedia. 1921.
110
Ethnology
111
Ethnology
Anthropology
Anthropology portal
Ethnology (from the Greek ἔθνος, ethnos meaning "nation"[1]) is the branch of anthropology that compares and
analyzes the characteristics of different peoples and the relationship between them.[]
Scientific discipline
Compared to ethnography, the study of single groups through direct
contact with the culture, ethnology takes the research that
ethnographers have compiled and then compares and contrasts
different cultures.
Adam František Kollár, 1779
Ethnology
112
Levi-Strauss by Pablo Secca
The term ethnologia (ethnology) is credited to Adam Franz
Kollár (1718-1783) who used and defined it in his Historiae
ivrisqve pvblici Regni Vngariae amoenitates published in
Vienna in 1783.[2] as: “the science of nations and peoples, or,
that study of learned men in which they inquire into the
origins, languages, customs, and institutions of various
nations, and finally into the fatherland and ancient seats, in
order to be able better to judge the nations and peoples in their
own times.” [3]
Kollár's interest in linguistic and cultural diversity was
aroused by the situation in his native multi-lingual Kingdom
of Hungary and his roots among its Slovaks, and by the shifts
that began to emerge after the gradual retreat of the Ottoman
Empire in the more distant Balkans.[4]
A picture of the Izmir Ethnography Museum (İzmir
Etnografya Müzesi) from the courtyard.
Among the goals of ethnology have been the reconstruction of human history, and the formulation of cultural
invariants, such as the incest taboo and culture change, and the formulation of generalizations about "human nature",
a concept which has been criticized since the 19th century by various philosophers (Hegel, Marx, structuralism, etc.).
In some parts of the world ethnology has developed along independent paths of investigation and pedagogical
doctrine, with cultural anthropology becoming dominant especially in the United States, and social anthropology in
Great Britain. The distinction between the three terms is increasingly blurry. Ethnology has been considered an
academic field since the late 18th century especially in Europe and is sometimes conceived of as any comparative
study of human groups.
The 15th-century exploration of America by European explorers had an important role in formulating new notions of
the Occidental, such as, the notion of the "Other". This term was used in conjunction with "savages", which was
either seen as a brutal barbarian, or alternatively, as "noble savage". Thus, civilization was opposed in a dualist
manner to barbary, a classic opposition constitutive of the even more commonly shared ethnocentrism. The progress
of ethnology, for example with Claude Lévi-Strauss's structural anthropology, led to the criticism of conceptions of a
linear progress, or the pseudo-opposition between "societies with histories" and "societies without histories", judged
too dependent on a limited view of history as constituted by accumulative growth.
Ethnology
Lévi-Strauss often referred to Montaigne's essay on cannibalism as an early example of ethnology. Lévi-Strauss
aimed, through a structural method, at discovering universal invariants in human society, chief among which he
believed to be the incest taboo. However, the claims of such cultural universalism have been criticized by various
19th and 20th century social thinkers, including Marx, Nietzsche, Foucault, Derrida, Althusser and Deleuze.
The French school of ethnology was particularly significant for the development of the discipline since the early
1950s with Marcel Griaule, Germaine Dieterlen, Claude Lévi-Strauss and Jean Rouch.
Scholars
• List of scholars of ethnology
References
[2] Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, "The anthropological tradition in Slovenia." In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez Roldán, eds.
Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
[3] Kollár, Adam František − Historiae jurisque publici regni Ungariae amoenitates, I-II. Vienna., 1783
[4] Gheorghiţă Geană, "Discovering the whole of humankind: the genesis of anthropology through the Hegelian looking-glass." In: Han F.
Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
Bibliography
• Forster, Johann Georg Adam. Voyage round the World in His Britannic Majesty’s Sloop, Resolution, Commanded
by Capt. James Cook, during the Years 1772, 3, 4, and 5 (2 vols), London (1777).
• Lévi-Strauss, Claude. The Elementary Structures of Kinship, (1949), Structural Anthropology (1958)
• Mauss, Marcel. originally published as Essai sur le don. Forme et raison de l'échange dans les sociétés
archaïques in 1925, this classic text on gift economy appears in the English edition as The Gift: The Form and
Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies.
• Maybury-Lewis, David. Akwe-Shavante society (1967), The Politics of Ethnicity: Indigenous Peoples in Latin
American States (2003).
• Clastres, Pierre. Society Against the State (1974).
• Pop, Mihai and Glauco Sanga. "Problemi generali dell'etnologia europea" (http://links.jstor.org/
sici?sici=0391-9099(198004)1<89:PGDE>2.0.CO;2-O&size=LARGE&origin=JSTOR-enlargePage), La
Ricerca Folklorica, No. 1, La cultura popolare. Questioni teoriche (April 1980), pp. 89–96.
External links
• Webpage "History of German Anthropology/Ethnology 1945/49-1990 (http://www.germananthropology.com/)
• Languages (http://www.ethnologue.com/) describes the languages and ethnic groups found worldwide,
grouped by host nation-state.
• Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History (http://anthro.amnh.org/anthro.html) - Over
160,000 objects from Pacific, North American, African, Asian ethnographic collections with images and detailed
description, linked to the original catalogue pages, field notebooks, and photographs are available online.
• National Museum of Ethnology (http://www.minpaku.ac.jp/english/) - Osaka, Japan
•
Texts on Wikisource:
• "Ethnology". New International Encyclopedia. 1905.
• Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Ethnology and ethnography". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge
University Press.
• "Ethnology". The New Student's Reference Work. 1914.
• "Ethnology". Encyclopedia Americana. 1920.
113
Ethnology
114
• "Ethnology". Collier's New Encyclopedia. 1921.
Human
Human[]
Temporal range: 0.195–0Ma
Pleistocene – Recent
A man and a woman from Southeast Asia
Conservation status
Least Concern (IUCN 3.1)
Scientific classification
Kingdom:
Animalia
Phylum:
Chordata
Class:
Mammalia
Order:
Primates
Family:
Hominidae
Tribe:
Hominini
Genus:
Homo
Species:
H. sapiens
Binomial name
Homo sapiens
Linnaeus, 1758
Human
115
Subspecies
†Homo sapiens idaltu White et al., 2003
Homo sapiens sapiens
Range of Homo sapiens (green)
Synonyms
Humans (variously Homo sapiens and Homo sapiens sapiens) are primates of the family Hominidae, and the only
extant species of the genus Homo.[1][2] Humans are distinguished from other animals by a relatively larger brain with
a particularly well developed neocortex, prefrontal cortex and temporal lobes; enabling high levels of abstract
reasoning, language, introspection, problem solving, culture through social learning, and other important mental
capabilities which, combined with bipedal locomotion that frees the hands for manipulating objects, has allowed far
greater use of tools than any other species. Humans are the only extant species known to build fires and cook their
food, as well as the only known species to clothe themselves and create and use numerous other technologies and
arts. The scientific study of humans is the discipline of anthropology.
Humans are uniquely adept at utilizing systems of symbolic communication such as language and art for
self-expression, the exchange of ideas, and organization. Humans create complex social structures composed of
many cooperating and competing groups, from families and kinship networks to states. Social interactions between
humans have established an extremely wide variety of values, social norms, and rituals, which together form the
basis of human society. Humans are noted for their desire to understand and influence their environment, seeking to
explain and manipulate phenomena through science, philosophy, mythology, and religion.
Homo sapiens originated in Africa, where it reached anatomical modernity about 200,000 years ago and began to
exhibit full behavioral modernity around 50,000 years ago.[] The human lineage diverged from the last common
ancestor with its closest living relative, the chimpanzee, some five million years ago, evolving into the
Australopithecines and eventually the genus Homo.[3] The first Homo species to move out of Africa was Homo
erectus, the African variety of which, together with Homo heidelbergensis, is considered to be the immediate
ancestor of modern humans.[4][5] Homo sapiens proceeded to colonize the continents, arriving in Eurasia
125,000–60,000 years ago,[6][7] Australia around 40,000 years ago, the Americas around 15,000 years ago, and
remote islands such as Hawaii, Easter Island, Madagascar, and New Zealand between the years AD 300 and
1280.[][8]
Humans began to practice sedentary agriculture about 12,000 years ago, domesticating plants and animals which
allowed for the growth of civilization. Humans subsequently established various forms of government, religion, and
culture around the world, unifying people within a region and leading to the development of states and empires. The
rapid advancement of scientific and medical understanding in the 19th and 20th centuries led to the development of
fuel-driven technologies and improved health, causing the human population to rise exponentially. With individuals
widespread in every continent except Antarctica, humans are a cosmopolitan species, and by 2012, their population
was estimated to be around 7 billion.[][9]
Human
Etymology and definition
With the discovery and study of fossil ancestors of modern humans the meaning of the word "human" changed, as
the previously clear boundary between human and ape blurred, now encompassing multiple species. Today in
scientific usage "human" may refer to any member of the genus Homo. Furthermore within Homo sapiens, there is a
distinction between anatomically modern Homo sapiens and Archaic Homo sapiens, the earliest fossil members of
the species. Sometimes groups such as the Neanderthals are classified as a subspecies of Homo sapiens—Homo
sapiens neanderthalensis. However, in everyday usage, and in this article, the word "human" generally refers to the
only extant species of the genus—anatomically and behaviorally modern Homo sapiens. The open question about
possible extinct subspecies will be briefly covered. Fossil humans are covered in the article "Homo", and in the
articles about individual species of the genus.
The English adjective human is a Middle English loanword from Old French humain, ultimately from Latin
hūmānus, the adjective form of homō "man". The word's use as a noun (with a plural: humans) dates to the 16th
century.[10] The native English term man can refer to the species generally (a synonym for mankind), and could
formerly refer to specific individuals of either sex. The latter use is now obsolete.[11] Generic uses of the term "man"
are declining, in favor of reserving it for referring specifically to adult males. The word is from Proto-Germanic
mannaz, from a Proto-Indo-European (PIE) root man-.
The species binomial Homo sapiens was coined by Carl Linnaeus in his 18th century work Systema Naturae, and he
himself is the lectotype specimen.[12] The generic name Homo is a learned 18th century derivation from Latin homō
"man", ultimately "earthly being" (Old Latin hemō, a cognate to Old English guma "man", from PIE dʰǵʰemon-,
meaning "earth" or "ground").[13] The species-name sapiens means "wise" or "sapient". Note that the Latin word
homo refers to humans of either gender, and that sapiens is the singular form (while there is no word sapien).
History
Evolution
Scientific study of human evolution studies the development of the genus Homo, reconstructing the evolutionary
divergence of the human lineage from other hominins (members of the human clade after the split from the
chimpanzee lineage), hominids (great apes) and primates. Modern humans are defined as belonging to the species
Homo sapiens, specifically to the single extant subspecies Homo sapiens sapiens.
Evidence from molecular biology
The closest living relatives of humans are
chimpanzees (genus Pan) and gorillas
(genus Gorilla).[] With the sequencing of
both the human and chimpanzee genome,
current estimates of similarity between
human and chimpanzee DNA sequences
range between 95% and 99%.[][14][15] By
Family tree showing the extant hominoids: humans (genus Homo), chimpanzees
using the technique called a molecular clock
and bonobos (genus Pan), gorillas (genus Gorilla), orangutans (genus Pongo), and
which estimates the time required for the
gibbons (four genera of the family Hylobatidae: Hylobates, Hoolock, Nomascus,
number of divergent mutations to
and Symphalangus). All except gibbons are hominids.
accumulate between two lineages, the
approximate date for the split between lineages can be calculated. The gibbons (Hylobatidae) and orangutans (genus
Pongo) were the first groups to split from the line leading to the humans, then gorillas (genus Gorilla) followed by
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Human
the chimpanzees and bonobos (genus Pan). The splitting date between human and chimpanzee lineages is placed
around 4–8 million years ago during the late Miocene epoch.[16][][17]
Evidence from the fossil record
There is little fossil evidence for the
divergence of the gorilla, chimpanzee and
hominin lineages.[18][19] The earliest fossils
that have been proposed as members of the
hominin lineage are Sahelanthropus
tchadensis dating from 7 [20] million years
ago, and Orrorin tugenensis dating from 5.7
[21]
million years ago and Ardipithecus
kadabba dating to 5.6 [22] million years ago.
Each of these have been argued to be a
bipedal ancestor of later hominins, but in
each cases the claims have been contested. It
is also possible that either of these species
are ancestors of another branch of African
Skulls of 1. Gorilla 2. Australopithecus 3. Homo erectus 4. Neanderthal (La
apes, or that they represent a shared ancestor
Chapelle aux Saints) 5. Steinheim Skull (Archaic Homo sapiens) 6. Anatomically
modern Homo sapiens
between hominins and other apes. The
question of the relation between these early
fossil species and the hominin lineage is still to be resolved. From these early species the Australopithecines arose
around 4 [23] million years ago diverged into robust (also called Paranthropus) and gracile branches, one of which
(possibly A. garhi) went on to become ancestors of the genus Homo.
The earliest members of the genus Homo are Homo habilis which evolved around 2.3 [24] million years ago. Homo
habilis is the first species for which we have positive evidence of use of stone tools. The brains of these early
hominins were about the same size as that of a chimpanzee, and their main adaptation was bipedalism as an
adaptation to terrestrial living. During the next million years a process of encephalization began, and with the arrival
of Homo erectus in the fossil record, cranial capacity had doubled. Homo erectus were the first of the hominina to
leave Africa, and these species spread through Africa, Asia, and Europe between 1.3 to 1.8 [25] million years ago.
One population of H. erectus, also sometimes classified as a separate species Homo ergaster, stayed in Africa and
evolved into Homo sapiens. It is believed that these species were the first to use fire and complex tools. The earliest
transitional fossils between H. ergaster/erectus and archaic humans are from Africa such as Homo rhodesiensis, but
seemingly transitional forms are also found at Dmanisi, Georgia. These descendants of African H. erectus spread
through Eurasia from ca. 500,000 years ago evolving into H. antecessor, H. heidelbergensis and H.
neanderthalensis. The earliest fossils of anatomically modern humans are from the Middle Paleolithic, about
200,000 years ago such as the Omo remains of Ethiopia and the fossils of Herto sometimes classified as Homo
sapiens idaltu.[] Later fossils of archaic Homo sapiens from Skhul in Israel and Southern Europe begin around
90,000 years ago.[26]
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Human
Anatomical adaptations
Human evolution is characterized by a number of
morphological, developmental, physiological, and
behavioral changes that have taken place since the split
between the last common ancestor of humans and
chimpanzees. The most significant of these adaptations
are 1. bipedalism, 2. increased brain size, 3. lengthened
ontogeny (gestation and infancy), 4. decreased sexual
dimorphism. The relationship between all these
changes is the subject of ongoing debate.[] Other
significant morphological changes included the
evolution of a power and precision grip, a change first
occurring in H. erectus.[]
Bipedalism is the basic adaption of the Hominin line,
and it is considered the main cause behind a suite of
skeletal changes shared by all bipedal hominins. The
earliest bipedal Hominin is considered to be either
Sahelanthropus[] or Orrorin, with Ardipithecus, a full
bipedal, coming somewhat later. The knuckle walkers,
the gorilla and chimpanzee, diverged around the same
Reconstruction of Homo habilis, the first human ancestor to use
stone tools
time, and either Sahelanthropus or Orrorin may be
humans' last shared ancestor with those animals. The
early bipedals eventually evolved into the Australopithecines and later the genus Homo. There are several theories of
the adaptational value of bipedalism. It is possible that bipedalism was favored because it freed up the hands for
reaching and carrying food, because it saved energy during locomotion, because it enabled long distance running and
hunting, or as a strategy for avoiding hyperthermia by reducing the surface exposed to direct sun.
The human species developed a much larger brain than that of other primates – typically 1,330 cc in modern
humans, over twice the size of that of a chimpanzee or gorilla.[] The pattern of encephalization started with Homo
habilis which at approximately 600 cc had a brain slightly larger than chimpanzees, and continued with Homo
erectus (800–1100 cc), and reached a maximum in Neanderthals with an average size of 1200-1900cc, larger even
than Homo sapiens. The pattern of human postnatal brain growth differs from that of other apes (heterochrony), and
allows for extended periods of social learning and language acquisition in juvenile humans. However, the differences
between the structure of human brains and those of other apes may be even more significant than differences in
size.[][][27][28] The increase in volume over time has affected different areas within the brain unequally – the
temporal lobes, which contain centers for language processing have increased disproportionately, as has the
prefrontal cortex which has been related to complex decision making and moderating social behavior.[]
Encephalization has been tied to an increasing emphasis on meat in the diet,[29][30] or with the development of
cooking,[] and it has been proposed that intelligence increased as a response to an increased necessity for solving
social problems as human society became more complex.
The reduced degree of sexual dimorphism is primarily visible in the reduction of the male canine tooth relative to
other ape species (except gibbons). Another important physiological change related to sexuality in humans was the
evolution of hidden estrus. Humans are the only ape in which the female is fertile year round, and in which no
special signals of fertility are produced by the body (such as genital swelling during estrus). Nonetheless humans
retain a degree of sexual dimorphism in the distribution of body hair and subcutaneous fat, and in the overall size,
males being around 25% larger than females. These changes taken together have been interpreted as a result of an
increased emphasis on pair bonding as a possible solution to the requirement for increased parental investment due to
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Human
the prolonged infancy of offspring.
Rise of Homo sapiens
By the beginning of the Upper
Paleolithic period (50,000 BP), full
behavioral
modernity,
including
language, music and other cultural
universals had developed.[31][32] As
modern humans spread out from Africa
they encountered other hominids such
as Homo neanderthalensis and the
so-called Denisovans, who may have
evolved from populations of Homo
erectus that had left Africa already
around 2 [33] million years ago. The
nature of interaction between early
humans and these sister species has
been a long standing source of
The path followed by humans in the course of history
controversy, the question being
whether humans replaced these earlier
species or whether they were in fact similar enough to interbreed, in which case these earlier populations may have
contributed genetic material to modern humans.[] Recent studies of the Human and Neanderthal genomes suggest
gene flow between archaic Homo sapiens and Neanderthals and Denisovans.[34][35][36]
This migration out of Africa is estimated to have begun about 70,000 years BP. Modern humans subsequently spread
globally, replacing earlier hominins (either through competition or hybridization). They inhabited Eurasia and
Oceania by 40,000 years BP, and the Americas at least 14,500 years BP.[][37]
Transition to civilization
Until c. 10,000 years ago, humans lived as hunter-gatherers. They generally lived in small nomadic groups known as
band societies. The advent of agriculture prompted the Neolithic Revolution, when access to food surplus led to the
formation of permanent human settlements, the domestication of animals and the use of metal tools for the first time
in history. Agriculture encouraged trade and cooperation, and led to complex society. Because of the significance of
this date for human society, it is the epoch of the Holocene calendar or Human Era.
About 6,000 years ago, the first proto-states developed in Mesopotamia, Egypt's Nile Valley and the Indus Valley.
Military forces were formed for protection, and government bureaucracies for administration. States cooperated and
competed for resources, in some cases waging wars. Around 2,000–3,000 years ago, some states, such as Persia,
India, China, Rome, and Greece, developed through conquest into the first expansive empires. Ancient Greece was
the seminal civilization that laid the foundations of Western culture, being the birthplace of Western philosophy,
democracy, major scientific and mathematical advances, the Olympic Games, Western literature and historiography,
as well as Western drama, including both tragedy and comedy.[38] Influential religions, such as Judaism, originating
in West Asia, and Hinduism, originating in South Asia, also rose to prominence at this time.
The late Middle Ages saw the rise of revolutionary ideas and technologies. In China, an advanced and urbanized
society promoted innovations and sciences, such as printing and seed drilling. In India, major advancements were
made in mathematics, philosophy, religion and metallurgy. The Islamic Golden Age saw major scientific
advancements in Muslim empires. In Europe, the rediscovery of classical learning and inventions such as the
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Human
printing press led to the Renaissance in the 14th and 15th centuries. Over the next 500 years, exploration and
colonialism brought great parts of the world under European control, leading to later struggles for independence. The
Scientific Revolution in the 17th century and the Industrial Revolution in the 18th–19th centuries promoted major
innovations in transport, such as the railway and automobile; energy development, such as coal and electricity; and
government, such as representative democracy and Communism.
With the advent of the Information Age at the end of the 20th century, modern humans live in a world that has
become increasingly globalized and interconnected. As of 2010, almost 2 billion humans are able to communicate
with each other via the Internet,[39] and 3.3 billion by mobile phone subscriptions.[40]
Although interconnection between humans has encouraged the growth of science, art, discussion, and technology, it
has also led to culture clashes and the development and use of weapons of mass destruction. Human civilization has
led to environmental destruction and pollution significantly contributing to the ongoing mass extinction of other
forms of life called the holocene extinction event,[41] which may be further accelerated by global warming in the
future.[42]
Habitat and population
Early human settlements were
dependent on proximity to water and,
depending on the lifestyle, other
natural resources used for subsistence,
such as populations of animal prey for
hunting and arable land for growing
crops and grazing livestock. But
humans have a great capacity for
altering their habitats by means of
The Earth, as seen from space in October 2000, showing the extent of human occupation
technology, through irrigation, urban
of the planet. The bright lights are the most densely inhabited areas.
planning,
construction,
transport,
manufacturing goods, deforestation
and desertification. Deliberate habitat alteration is often done with the goals of increasing material wealth, increasing
thermal comfort, improving the amount of food available, improving aesthetics, or improving ease of access to
resources or other human settlements. With the advent of large-scale trade and transport infrastructure, proximity to
these resources has become unnecessary, and in many places, these factors are no longer a driving force behind the
growth and decline of a population. Nonetheless, the manner in which a habitat is altered is often a major
determinant in population change.
Technology has allowed humans to colonize all of the continents and adapt to virtually all climates. Within the last
century, humans have explored Antarctica, the ocean depths, and outer space, although large-scale colonization of
these environments is not yet feasible. With a population of over seven billion, humans are among the most
numerous of the large mammals. Most humans (61%) live in Asia. The remainder live in the Americas (14%), Africa
(14%), Europe (11%), and Oceania (0.5%).[citation needed]
Human habitation within closed ecological systems in hostile environments, such as Antarctica and outer space, is
expensive, typically limited in duration, and restricted to scientific, military, or industrial expeditions. Life in space
has been very sporadic, with no more than thirteen humans in space at any given time.[43] Between 1969 and 1972,
two humans at a time spent brief intervals on the Moon. As of June 2013, no other celestial body has been visited by
humans, although there has been a continuous human presence in space since the launch of the initial crew to inhabit
the International Space Station on October 31, 2000.[] However, other celestial bodies have been visited by
human-made objects.
120
Human
121
Since 1800, the human population has increased from one billion to over seven billion. In 2004, some 2.5 billion out
of 6.3 billion people (39.7%) lived in urban areas, and this percentage is expected to continue to rise throughout the
21st century. In February 2008, the U.N. estimated that half the world's population would live in urban areas by the
end of the year.[44] Problems for humans living in cities include various forms of pollution and crime,[45] especially
in inner city and suburban slums.
Humans have had a dramatic effect on the environment. As humans are rarely preyed upon, except by other humans
for a variety of reasons, they have been described as apex or superpredators.[46] Currently, through land
development, combustion of fossil fuels, and pollution, humans are thought to be the main contributor to global
climate change.[47] If this continues at its current rate it is predicted that climate change will wipe out half of all
species over the next century.[48][49]
Biology
Anatomy and physiology
Human body types vary substantially. Although body
size is largely determined by genes, it is also
significantly influenced by environmental factors such
as diet and exercise. The average height of an adult
human is 1.4 m (4 ft 7 in) to 1.9 m (6 ft 3 in) tall,
although this varies significantly from place to place
and depending on ethnic origin.[50] The average mass
of an adult human is 54–64 kg (120–140 lbs) for
females and 76–83 kg (168–183 lbs) for males.[51]
Weight can also vary greatly (e.g. obesity).
Although humans appear hairless compared to other
primates, with notable hair growth occurring chiefly on
the top of the head, underarms and pubic area, the
average human has more hair follicles on his or her
body than the average chimpanzee. The main
distinction is that human hairs are shorter, finer, and
less heavily pigmented than the average chimpanzee's,
thus making them harder to see.[52] Humans, like other
primates, have sweat glands, better enabling them to
conserve energy in tropical environments.
Basic anatomical features of female and male humans. These models
have had body hair and male facial hair removed and head hair
trimmed. The female model is wearing red nail polish on her toenails
and a ring.
The hue of human skin and hair is determined by the presence of pigments called melanins. Human skin hues can
range from dark brown to pale pink, or even nearly white or colorless, such as in cases of Albinism. Human hair
ranges from white to brown to red to most commonly black.[53] This depends on the amount of melanin (an effective
sun blocking pigment) in the skin and hair, with hair melanin concentrations in hair fading with increased age,
leading
to
grey
or
even
Human
white hair. Most researchers believe that skin darkening
was an adaptation that evolved as a protection against
ultraviolet solar radiation, which also helps balancing
folate, which is destroyed by ultraviolet radiation, and
vitamin D, which requires sunlight to form.[54] The skin
pigmentation of contemporary humans is clinally
distributed across the planet, and in general correlates
with the level of ultraviolet radiation. Human skin also
has a capacity to darken (sun tanning) in response to
exposure to ultraviolet radiation.[55][56] Humans tend to
be physically weaker than other similarly sized
primates.[citation needed]
The construction of the human pelvis differs from other
primates, as do the toes. As a result, humans are slower
for short distances than most other animals, but are
among the best long-distance runners in the animal
kingdom.[57] Humans' thinner body hair and more
productive sweat glands also help avoid heat
exhaustion while running for long distances. A
trade-off for these advantages of the modern human
pelvis is that childbirth is more difficult and dangerous,
Vitruvian Man, Leonardo da Vinci's image is often used as an
especially given the larger head size of human babies
implied symbol of the essential symmetry of the human body, and by
compared to other primates. This means that human
extension, of the universe as a whole.
babies must turn around as they pass through the birth
canal which other primates do not do, and it makes humans the only species in which females require help from their
conspecifics to reduce the risks of birthing.
The dental formula of Humans is: 2.1.2.32.1.2.3. Humans have proportionately shorter palates and much smaller teeth
than other primates. They are the only primates to have short, relatively flush canine teeth. Humans have
characteristically crowded teeth, with gaps from lost teeth usually closing up quickly in young individuals. Humans
are gradually losing their wisdom teeth, with some individuals having them congenitally absent.[]
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Human
Genetics
Like all mammals humans are a diploid eukaryotic
species. Each somatic cell has two sets of 23
chromosomes, each set received from one parent,
gametes have only one set of chromosomes which is a
mixture of the two parental sets. Among the 23
chromosomes there are 22 pairs of autosomes and one
pair of sex chromosomes. Like other mammals,
humans have an XY sex-determination system, so that
females have the sex chromosomes XX and males have
XY.
One human genome was sequenced in full in 2003, and
currently efforts are being made to achieve a sample of
the genetic diversity of the species (see International
HapMap Project). By present estimates, humans have
approximately 22,000 genes.[] The variation in human
DNA is minute compared to that of other species,
possibly suggesting a population bottleneck during the
A graphical representation of the ideal human karyotype, including
both the male and female variant of the sex chromosome (number
Late Pleistocene (ca. 100,000 years ago), in which the
23).
human population was reduced to a small number of
breeding pairs.[][] Nucleotide diversity is based on
single mutations called single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). The nucleotide diversity between humans is about
0.1%, which is 1 difference per 1,000 base pairs.[][] A difference of 1 in 1,000 nucleotides between two humans
chosen at random amounts to approximately 3 million nucleotide differences since the human genome has about 3
billion nucleotides. Most of these SNPs are neutral but some (about 3 to 5%) are functional and influence phenotypic
differences between humans through alleles.
By comparing the parts of the genome that are not under natural selection and which therefore accumulate mutations
at a fairly steady rate, it is possible to reconstruct a genetic tree incorporating the entire human species since the last
shared ancestor. Each time a certain mutation (Single nucleotide polymorphism) appears in an individual and is
passed on to his or her descendants a haplogroup is formed including all of the descendants of the individual who
will also carry that mutation. By comparing mitochondrial DNA which is inherited only from the mother, geneticists
have concluded that the last female common ancestor whose genetic marker is found in all modern humans, the
so-called mitochondrial Eve, must have lived around 200,000 years ago.
The forces of natural selection have continued to operate on human populations, with evidence that certain regions of
the genome display directional selection in the past 15,000 years.[]
123
Human
124
Life cycle
A 10 mm human embryo at 5
weeks
Boy and girl before puberty
Adult man and woman in the reproductive age
Elderly man and woman
As with other mammals, human reproduction takes place as internal fertilization by sexual intercourse. During this
process, the erect penis of the male is inserted into the female's vagina until the male ejaculates semen, which
contains sperm. The sperm travels through the vagina and cervix into the uterus or Fallopian tubes for fertilization of
the ovum. Upon fertilization and implantation, gestation then occurs within the female's uterus.
The zygote divides inside the female's uterus to become an embryo, which over a period of 38 weeks (9 months) of
gestation becomes a fetus. After this span of time, the fully grown fetus is birthed from the woman's body and
breathes independently as an infant for the first time. At this point, most modern cultures recognize the baby as a
person entitled to the full protection of the law, though some jurisdictions extend various levels of personhood earlier
to human fetuses while they remain in the uterus.
Compared with other species, human childbirth is dangerous. Painful labors lasting 24 hours or more are not
uncommon and sometimes lead to the death of the mother, the child or both.[58] This is because of both the relatively
large fetal head circumference and the mother's relatively narrow pelvis.[][] The chances of a successful labor
increased significantly during the 20th century in wealthier countries with the advent of new medical technologies.
In contrast, pregnancy and natural childbirth remain hazardous ordeals in developing regions of the world, with
Human
125
maternal death rates approximately 100 times greater than in developed countries.[]
In developed countries, infants are typically 3–4 kg (6–9 pounds) in weight and 50–60 cm (20–24 inches) in height
at birth.[59] However, low birth weight is common in developing countries, and contributes to the high levels of
infant mortality in these regions.[] Helpless at birth, humans continue to grow for some years, typically reaching
sexual maturity at 12 to 15 years of age. Females continue to develop physically until around the age of 18, whereas
male development continues until around age 21. The human life span can be split into a number of stages: infancy,
childhood, adolescence, young adulthood, adulthood and old age. The lengths of these stages, however, have varied
across cultures and time periods. Compared to other primates, humans experience an unusually rapid growth spurt
during adolescence, where the body grows 25% in size. Chimpanzees, for example, grow only 14%, with no
pronounced spurt.[] The presence of the growth spurt is probably necessary to keep children physically small until
they are psychologically mature. Humans are one of the few species in which females undergo menopause. It has
been proposed that menopause increases a woman's overall reproductive success by allowing her to invest more time
and resources in her existing offspring and/or their children (the grandmother hypothesis), rather than by continuing
to bear children into old age.[][]
There are significant differences in life expectancy around the world. The developed world is generally aging, with
the median age around 40 years. In the developing world the median age is between 15 and 20 years. Life
expectancy at birth in Hong Kong is 84.8 years for a female and 78.9 for a male, while in Swaziland, primarily
because of AIDS, it is 31.3 years for both sexes.[60] While one in five Europeans is 60 years of age or older, only one
in twenty Africans is 60 years of age or older.[61] The number of centenarians (humans of age 100 years or older) in
the world was estimated by the United Nations at 210,000 in 2002.[62] At least one person, Jeanne Calment, is known
to have reached the age of 122 years;[] higher ages have been claimed but they are not well substantiated.
Worldwide, there are 81 men aged 60 or older for every 100 women of that age group, and among the oldest, there
are 53 men for every 100 women.[citation needed]
Diet
Humans preparing a meal in Bali, Indonesia
Human
126
Venus of Willensdorf statuette from the Upper Palaeolithic period Two starved boys during the Russian famine of 1921
Humans are omnivorous, capable of consuming a wide variety of plant and animal material.[63][64] Varying with
available food sources in regions of habitation, and also varying with cultural and religious norms, human groups
have adopted a range of diets, from purely vegetarian to primarily carnivorous. In some cases, dietary restrictions in
humans can lead to deficiency diseases; however, stable human groups have adapted to many dietary patterns
through both genetic specialization and cultural conventions to use nutritionally balanced food sources.[65] The
human diet is prominently reflected in human culture, and has led to the development of food science.
Until the development of agriculture approximately 10,000 years ago, Homo sapiens employed a hunter-gatherer
method as their sole means of food collection. This involved combining stationary food sources (such as fruits,
grains, tubers, and mushrooms, insect larvae and aquatic mollusks) with wild game, which must be hunted and killed
in order to be consumed.[66] It has been proposed that humans have used fire to prepare and cook food since the time
of Homo erectus.[67] Around ten thousand years ago, humans developed agriculture,[68] which substantially altered
their diet. This change in diet may also have altered human biology; with the spread of dairy farming providing a
new and rich source of food, leading to the evolution of the ability to digest lactose in some adults.[69][70] Agriculture
led to increased populations, the development of cities, and because of increased population density, the wider
spread of infectious diseases. The types of food consumed, and the way in which they are prepared, has varied
widely by time, location, and culture.
In general, humans can survive for two to eight weeks without food, depending on stored body fat. Survival without
water is usually limited to three or four days. About 36 million humans die every year from causes directly or
indirectly related to hunger.[71] Childhood malnutrition is also common and contributes to the global burden of
disease.[72] However global food distribution is not even, and obesity among some human populations has increased
rapidly, leading to health complications and increased mortality in some developed, and a few developing countries.
Worldwide over one billion people are obese,[] while in the United States 35% of people are obese, leading to this
being described as an "obesity epidemic".[] Obesity is caused by consuming more calories than are expended, so
excessive weight gain is usually caused by a combination of an energy-dense high fat diet and insufficient exercise.[]
Human
Biological variation
Most current genetic and archaeological evidence supports a recent
single origin of modern humans in East Africa[] with first migrations
placed at 60,000 years ago. Current genetic studies have demonstrated
that humans on the African continent are the most genetically diverse.[]
However, compared to the other great apes, human gene sequences are
remarkably homogeneous.[]
Nonetheless, there is important biological variation in the human
species – with traits such as skin color, eye color, hair color and
texture, height and build, and cranial features varying clinally across
People in warm climates are often relatively
the globe. Those aspects of genetic variation that give clues to human
slender, tall and dark skinned, such as these
Maasai men from Kenya.
evolutionary history, or which are relevant for medical research have
received particular attention. For example the genes that cause adult
humans to be able to digest lactose are present in high frequencies in
population that have long histories of cattle domestication, suggesting
natural selection having favored that gene in populations that depend
on cow milk. Some hereditary diseases such as Sickle cell anemia are
frequent in populations from areas in which Malaria has been endemic
throughout history – it is believed that the same gene causes increased
resistance to Malaria among those who are unaffected carriers.
Similarly populations that have inhabited specific climates such as
arctic or tropical regions or high altitudes, tend to have developed
specific phenotypes that are beneficial for conserving energy in those
environments — short stature and stocky build in cold regions, tall and
lanky in hot regions, and with high lung capacities in high altitudes.
People in cold climates tend to be relatively short,
heavily built and fair skinned such as these Inuit
Similarly variation in skin color varies clinally with darker colors
women from Canada.
around the equator where the added protection from the sun is thought
to give an evolutionary advantage, and lighter skin tones closer to the
poles where there is less sunlight and the lighter colored skin improves Vitamin D synthesis.
Today it is possible to determine, by genetic analysis, the geographic ancestry of a person and the degree of ancestry
from each region. Such analyses can pinpoint the migrational history of a person's ancestors with a high degree of
accuracy. Often, due to practices of group endogamy, allele frequencies cluster locally around kin groups and
lineages, or by national, cultural or linguistic boundaries, giving a detailed degree of correlation between genetic
clusters and population groups when considering many alleles simultaneously.
127
Human
Race
There is considerable biological variation in between human
populations across the globe, resulting in fairly variable phenotypes.
Traditionally human phenotypical variation has been described as
breaking down into large continental races, characterized by easily
definable traits. Humans were then classified into one of four or five
phenotypical groups often based on skin color, hair texture, and facial
anatomy, and which were matched to a continent with which each
group were associated. Often racial classification of humans was
A Libyan, a Nubian, a Syrian, and an Egyptian,
described in terms of essential characteristics, and came to serve as a
drawing by an unknown artist after a mural of the
way of naturalizing social and cultural stereotypes about racial groups,
tomb of Seti I.
in turn justifying or motivating different forms of racism. As the study
of human biological variation advanced it became clear that most
variation is clinally distributed and blends gradually from one area to the next, with no clear boundaries between
continents, additionally different traits have different clinal distributions. This realization made many anthropologists
and biologists abandon the idea of major human races, instead describing biological variation in terms of populations
and clinally distributed traits.
Today there is no scientific consensus on the biological relevance of race. While biological characteristics of an
individual can give many clues about the geographical origin of their ancestors, anthropologists generally reject the
notion of human "race" as a biological classification scheme. Instead they see it as a set of social constructions that
map onto, but partly obscures, biological variation. Most anthropologists also maintain that the term "race" tacitly
assumes that races are clearly bounded groups with essential characteristics, often ordered hierarchically and used to
justify social inequality.[73][74][75] An opposing view has it that it is possible to talk about "races" without making
essentialist or hierarchical assumptions, and some biologists and many forensic scientists use the word race to
describe biological variation associated with continental ancestry. It is generally agreed upon that certain genetic
traits, including some common illnesses, correlate with genetic ancestry from specific regions, and genetic ancestry
as determined by racial identification is becoming an increasingly common tool for risk assessment in
medicine.[][][][76][][][77][78]
The use of the term "race" to mean something like "subspecies" among humans is obsolete; Homo sapiens has no
existing subspecies (with the exception of Homo sapiens sapiens, the subspecies which includes all existing
humans). In its modern scientific connotation, the term is not applicable to a species as genetically homogeneous as
the human one, as stated in the declaration on race (UNESCO 1950, re-ratified 1978[79]).[] Genetic studies have
substantiated the absence of clear biological borders; thus the term "race" is rarely used in scientific terminology,
either in biological anthropology and in human genetics.[] What in the past had been defined as "races"—whites,
blacks, or Asians—are now defined as "ethnic groups" or "populations", in correlation with the field (sociology,
anthropology, genetics) in which they are considered.[][80]
128
Human
129
Psychology
The human brain, the focal point of the central nervous system in
humans, controls the peripheral nervous system. In addition to
controlling "lower", involuntary, or primarily autonomic activities
such as respiration and digestion, it is also the locus of "higher"
order functioning such as thought, reasoning, and abstraction.[81]
These cognitive processes constitute the mind, and, along with
their behavioral consequences, are studied in the field of
psychology.
Generally regarded as more capable of these higher order
activities, the human brain is believed to be more "intelligent" in
general than that of any other known species. While some
non-human species are capable of creating structures and using
simple tools—mostly through instinct and mimicry—human
technology is vastly more complex, and is constantly evolving and
improving through time.
Sleep and dreaming
Drawing of the human brain, showing several
important structures
Humans are generally diurnal. The average sleep requirement is
between seven and nine hours per day for an adult and nine to ten hours per day for a child; elderly people usually
sleep for six to seven hours. Having less sleep than this is common among humans, even though sleep deprivation
can have negative health effects. A sustained restriction of adult sleep to four hours per day has been shown to
correlate with changes in physiology and mental state, including reduced memory, fatigue, aggression, and bodily
discomfort.[] During sleep humans dream. In dreaming humans experience sensory images and sounds, in a sequence
which the dreamer usually perceives more as an apparent participant than as an observer. Dreaming is stimulated by
the pons and mostly occurs during the REM phase of sleep.
Consciousness and thought
Humans are one of the relatively few species to have sufficient self-awareness to recognize themselves in a mirror.[]
Already at 18 months, most human children are aware that the mirror image is not another person.[82]
The human brain perceives the external world through the senses, and
each individual human is influenced greatly by his or her experiences,
leading to subjective views of existence and the passage of time.
Humans are variously said to possess consciousness, self-awareness,
and a mind, which correspond roughly to the mental processes of
thought. These are said to possess qualities such as self-awareness,
sentience, sapience, and the ability to perceive the relationship between
oneself and one's environment. The extent to which the mind
constructs or experiences the outer world is a matter of debate, as are
the definitions and validity of many of the terms used above.
Lecture at the Faculty of Biomedical
Engineering, CTU in Prague.
The physical aspects of the mind and brain, and by extension of the nervous system, are studied in the field of
neurology, the more behavioral in the field of psychology, and a sometimes loosely defined area between in the field
of psychiatry, which treats mental illness and behavioral disorders. Psychology does not necessarily refer to the brain
or nervous system, and can be framed purely in terms of phenomenological or information processing theories of the
Human
130
mind. Increasingly, however, an understanding of brain functions is being included in psychological theory and
practice, particularly in areas such as artificial intelligence, neuropsychology, and cognitive neuroscience.
The nature of thought is central to psychology and related fields. Cognitive psychology studies cognition, the mental
processes' underlying behavior. It uses information processing as a framework for understanding the mind.
Perception, learning, problem solving, memory, attention, language and emotion are all well researched areas as
well. Cognitive psychology is associated with a school of thought known as cognitivism, whose adherents argue for
an information processing model of mental function, informed by positivism and experimental psychology.
Techniques and models from cognitive psychology are widely applied and form the mainstay of psychological
theories in many areas of both research and applied psychology. Largely focusing on the development of the human
mind through the life span, developmental psychology seeks to understand how people come to perceive,
understand, and act within the world and how these processes change as they age. This may focus on intellectual,
cognitive, neural, social, or moral development.
Some philosophers divide consciousness into phenomenal consciousness, which is experience itself, and access
consciousness, which is the processing of the things in experience.[83] Phenomenal consciousness is the state of
being conscious, such as when they say "I am conscious." Access consciousness is being conscious of something in
relation to abstract concepts, such as when one says "I am conscious of these words." Various forms of access
consciousness include awareness, self-awareness, conscience, stream of consciousness, Husserl's phenomenology,
and intentionality. The concept of phenomenal consciousness, in modern history, according to some, is closely
related to the concept of qualia. Social psychology links sociology with psychology in their shared study of the
nature and causes of human social interaction, with an emphasis on how people think towards each other and how
they relate to each other. The behavior and mental processes, both human and non-human, can be described through
animal cognition, ethology, evolutionary psychology, and comparative psychology as well. Human ecology is an
academic discipline that investigates how humans and human societies interact with both their natural environment
and the human social environment.
Motivation and emotion
Motivation is the driving force of desire behind all deliberate actions of
humans. Motivation is based on emotion—specifically, on the search
for satisfaction (positive emotional experiences), and the avoidance of
conflict. Positive and negative is defined by the individual brain state,
which may be influenced by social norms: a person may be driven to
self-injury or violence because their brain is conditioned to create a
positive response to these actions. Motivation is important because it is
involved in the performance of all learned responses. Within
psychology, conflict avoidance and the libido are seen to be primary
motivators. Within economics, motivation is often seen to be based on
incentives; these may be financial, moral, or coercive. Religions
generally posit divine or demonic influences.
Illustration of grief from Charles Darwin's book
Happiness, or the state of being happy, is a human emotional
The Expression of the Emotions in Man and
Animals.
condition. The definition of happiness is a common philosophical
topic. Some people might define it as the best condition that a human
can have—a condition of mental and physical health. Others define it as freedom from want and distress;
consciousness of the good order of things; assurance of one's place in the universe or society.
Emotion has a significant influence on, or can even be said to control, human behavior, though historically many
cultures and philosophers have for various reasons discouraged allowing this influence to go unchecked. Emotional
experiences perceived as pleasant, such as love, admiration, or joy, contrast with those perceived as unpleasant, like
Human
hate, envy, or sorrow. There is often a distinction made between refined emotions that are socially learned and
survival oriented emotions, which are thought to be innate. Human exploration of emotions as separate from other
neurological phenomena is worthy of note, particularly in cultures where emotion is considered separate from
physiological state. In some cultural medical theories emotion is considered so synonymous with certain forms of
physical health that no difference is thought to exist. The Stoics believed excessive emotion was harmful, while
some Sufi teachers felt certain extreme emotions could yield a conceptual perfection, what is often translated as
ecstasy.
In modern scientific thought, certain refined emotions are considered a complex neural trait innate in a variety of
domesticated and non-domesticated mammals. These were commonly developed in reaction to superior survival
mechanisms and intelligent interaction with each other and the environment; as such, refined emotion is not in all
cases as discrete and separate from natural neural function as was once assumed. However, when humans function in
civilized tandem, it has been noted that uninhibited acting on extreme emotion can lead to social disorder and crime.
Sexuality and love
For humans, sexuality has important social functions: it creates
physical intimacy, bonds and hierarchies among individuals, besides
ensuring biological reproduction. Humans are one of only two primate
species, the other being the bonobo, that frequently have sex outside of
female fertile periods and that also often engage in sexual activity for
no other purpose than pleasure and enjoyment, something that is very
rare among other animals.[citation needed] Sexual desire or libido, is
experienced as a bodily urge, often accompanied by strong emotions
Human parents continue caring for their offspring
such as love, ecstasy and jealousy. The significance of sexuality in the
long after they are born.
human species is reflected in a number of physical features among
them hidden ovulation, the evolution of external scrotum and penis
suggesting sperm competition, the absence of an os penis, permanent secondary sexual characteristics and the
forming of pair bonds based on sexual attraction as a common social structure. Contrary to other primates that often
advertise estrus through visible signs, human females do not have a distinct or visible signs of ovulation plus they
experience sexual desire outside of their fertile periods. These adaptations indicate that the meaning of sexuality in
humans is similar to that found in the Bonobo, and that the complex human sexual behavior has a long evolutionary
history.[]
Human choices in acting on sexuality are commonly influenced by cultural norms which vary widely. Restrictions
are often determined by religious beliefs or social customs. The pioneering researcher Sigmund Freud believed that
humans are born polymorphously perverse, which means that any number of objects could be a source of pleasure.
According to Freud humans then pass through five stages of psychosexual development and can fixate on any stage
because of various traumas during the process. For Alfred Kinsey, another influential sex researcher, people can fall
anywhere along a continuous scale of sexual orientation, with only small minorities fully heterosexual or
homosexual. Recent studies of neurology and genetics suggest people may be born predisposed to various sexual
tendencies.[][]
131
Human
132
Culture
Human society statistics
World population
7.1 billion
Population density[citation
12.7 per km² (4.9 mi²) by total area
43.6 per km² (16.8 mi²) by land area
needed]
Beijing, Bogotá, Buenos Aires, Cairo, Delhi, Dhaka, Guangzhou, Istanbul, Jakarta, Karachi, Kinshasa,
Kolkata, Lagos, Lima, London, Los Angeles, Manila, Mexico City, Moscow, Mumbai, New York
City, Osaka, Paris, Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Seoul, Shanghai, Shenzhen, Tehran, Tianjin, Tokyo,
Wuhan
Largest
agglomerations[citation
needed]
Most widely spoken native
[84]
languages
[85]
Mandarin Chinese, Spanish, English, Arabic, Hindi, Bengali, Portuguese, Russian, Japanese, German,
Javanese, Punjabi, Telugu, Vietnamese, French, Marathi, Turkish, Korean, Tamil, Italian, Urdu,
Indonesian
Most popular religions
Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, Judaism, Baha'i
GDP (nominal)[citation
$36,356,240 million USD
($5,797 USD per capita)
needed]
GDP (PPP)[citation needed]
$51,656,251 million IND
($8,236 per capita)
Humans are highly social beings and tend to live in large complex social groups. More than any other creature,
humans are adept at utilizing systems of communication for self-expression, the exchange of ideas, and organization,
and as such have created complex social structures composed of many cooperating and competing groups. Human
groups range from families to nations. Social interactions between humans have established an extremely wide
variety of values, social norms, and rituals, which together form the basis of human society.
Culture is defined here as patterns of complex symbolic behavior, i.e. all behavior that is not innate but which has to
be learned through social interaction with others; such as the use of distinctive material and symbolic systems,
including language, ritual, social organization, traditions, beliefs and technology.
Language
The human capacity to exchange information and ideas through speech (and recently, writing) is unparalleled in
other species. Unlike the closed sign systems of other primates in which sounds are unique and mutually exclusive,
human language is open – an infinite number of meanings can be produced by combining a limited number of
sounds and words. Human language also has the capacity of displacement, using words to represent things and
happenings that are not presently or locally occurring, but reside in the shared imagination of interlocutors.[] Basic
displacement may occur in other species, but is uniquely elaborated in humans, allowing symbols and language to
refer to abstract or even purely imaginary states, and underpinning the complex symbolic culture of the species.
Humans are the only species able to ask questions. Unlike chimpanzees and bonobos, who are able to answer
complex questions but can not formulate and ask questions themselves, humans ask questions from a very early
age.[86][87] Human language is also unique in being a modality independent sign system, the same meanings can be
conveyed through different media, auditively in speech, visually by gestural signs or writing and even through tactile
media such as braille. The faculty of language is a defining feature of humanity, and a cultural universal. Language
is central to the communication between humans, and to the sense of identity that unites nations, cultures and ethnic
groups. The invention of writing systems at least five thousand years ago allowed the preservation of language on
material objects, and was a major technological advancement. The science of linguistics describes the structure and
function of language and the relationship between languages. There are approximately six thousand different
languages currently in use, including sign languages, and many thousands more that are extinct.[]
Human
Gender roles
The sexual division of humans into male and female has been marked culturally by a corresponding division of roles,
norms, practices, dress, behavior, rights, duties, privileges, status, and power. Cultural differences by gender have
often been believed to have arisen naturally out of a division of reproductive labor; the biological fact that women
give birth led to their further cultural responsibility for nurturing and caring for children. Gender roles have varied
historically, and challenges to predominant gender norms have recurred in many societies.
Kinship
All human societies organize, recognize and classify types of social
relationships based on relations between parents and children
(consanguinity), and relations through marriage (affinity). These kinds
of relations are generally called kinship relations. In most societies
kinship places mutual responsibilities and expectations of solidarity on
the individuals that are so related, and those who recognize each other
as kinsmen come to form networks through which other social
institutions can be regulated. Among the many functions of kinship is
the ability to form descent groups, groups of people sharing a common
line of descent, which can function as political units such as clans.
Another function is the way in which kinship unites families through
marriage, forming kinship alliances between groups of wife-takers and
wife-givers. Such alliances also often have important political and
economical ramifications, and may result in the formation of political
organization above the community level. Kinship relations often
Humans often live in family-based social
includes regulations for whom an individual should or shouldn't marry.
structures.
All societies have rules of incest taboo, according to which marriage
between certain kinds of kin relations are prohibited – such rules vary widely between cultures. Some societies also
have rules of preferential marriage with certain kin relations, frequently with either cross or parallel cousins. Rules
and norms for marriage and social behavior among kinsfolk is often reflected in the systems of kinship terminology
in the various languages of the world. In many societies kinship relations can also be formed through forms of
co-habitation, adoption, fostering, or companionship, which also tends to create relations of enduring solidarity.
Ethnicity
Humans often form ethnic groups, such groups tend to be larger than kinship networks and be organized around a
common identity defined variously in terms of shared ancestry and history, shared cultural norms and language, or
shared biological phenotype. Such ideologies of shared characteristics are often perpetuated in the form of powerful,
compelling narratives that give legitimacy and continuity to the set of shared values. Ethnic groupings often
correspond to some level of political organization such as the band, tribe, city state or nation. Although ethnic groups
appear and disappear through history, members of ethnic groups often conceptualize their groups as having histories
going back into the deep past. Such ideologies give ethnicity a powerful role in defining social identity and in
constructing solidarity between members of an ethno-political unit. This unifying property of ethnicity has been
closely tied to the rise of the nation state as the predominant form of political organization in the 19th and 20th
century.[88][89][90][91][92][93]
133
Human
134
Society, government, and politics
Society is the system of organizations and institutions arising from
interaction between humans. A state is an organized political
community occupying a definite territory, having an organized
government, and possessing internal and external sovereignty.
Recognition of the state's claim to independence by other states,
enabling it to enter into international agreements, is often important to
the establishment of its statehood. The "state" can also be defined in
terms of domestic conditions, specifically, as conceptualized by Max
Weber, "a state is a human community that (successfully) claims the
monopoly of the 'legitimate' use of physical force within a given
territory."[94]
The United Nations complex in New York City,
which houses one of the largest political
organizations in the world
Government can be defined as the political means of creating and enforcing laws; typically via a bureaucratic
hierarchy. Politics is the process by which decisions are made within groups; this process often involves conflict as
well as compromise. Although the term is generally applied to behavior within governments, politics is also
observed in all human group interactions, including corporate, academic, and religious institutions. Many different
political systems exist, as do many different ways of understanding them, and many definitions overlap. Examples of
governments include monarchy, Communist state, military dictatorship, theocracy, and liberal democracy, the last of
which is considered dominant today. All of these issues have a direct relationship with economics.
Trade and economics
Trade is the voluntary exchange of goods and services, and is a form of
economics. A mechanism that allows trade is called a market. The
original form of trade was barter, the direct exchange of goods and
services. Modern traders instead generally negotiate through a medium
of exchange, such as money. As a result, buying can be separated from
selling, or earning. The invention of money (and later credit, paper
money and non-physical money) greatly simplified and promoted
trade. Because of specialization and division of labor, most people
concentrate on a small aspect of manufacturing or service, trading their
Buyers and sellers bargaining in a market
labor for products. Trade exists between regions because different
regions have an absolute or comparative advantage in the production of
some tradable commodity, or because different regions' size allows for the benefits of mass production.
Economics is a social science which studies the production, distribution, trade, and consumption of goods and
services. Economics focuses on measurable variables, and is broadly divided into two main branches:
microeconomics, which deals with individual agents, such as households and businesses, and macroeconomics,
which considers the economy as a whole, in which case it considers aggregate supply and demand for money, capital
and commodities. Aspects receiving particular attention in economics are resource allocation, production,
distribution, trade, and competition. Economic logic is increasingly applied to any problem that involves choice
under scarcity or determining economic value.
Human
135
War
War is a state of widespread conflict between states or other large
groups of humans, which is characterized by the use of lethal violence
between combatants and/or upon civilians. (Humans also engage in
lesser conflicts, such as brawls, riots, revolts, and melees. A revolution
may or may not involve warfare.) It is estimated that during the 20th
century between 167 and 188 million humans died as a result of
war.[95] A common perception of war is a series of military campaigns
between at least two opposing sides involving a dispute over
sovereignty, territory, resources, religion, or other issues. A war
between internal elements of a state is a civil war.
Japanese samurai attacking a Mongol ship in the
13th century. Warfare has been an integral aspect
of all human societies since before the rise of
civilization.
There have been a wide variety of rapidly advancing tactics throughout the history of war, ranging from
conventional war to asymmetric warfare to total war and unconventional warfare. Techniques include hand to hand
combat, the use of ranged weapons, Naval warfare, and, more recently, air support. Military intelligence has often
played a key role in determining victory and defeat. Propaganda, which often includes information, slanted opinion
and disinformation, plays a key role in maintaining unity within a warring group, and/or sowing discord among
opponents. In modern warfare, soldiers and combat vehicles are used to control the land, warships the sea, and
aircraft the sky. These fields have also overlapped in the forms of marines, paratroopers, naval aircraft carriers, and
surface-to-air missiles, among others. Satellites in low Earth orbit have made outer space a factor in warfare as well
as it is used for detailed intelligence gathering, however no known aggressive actions have been taken from space.
Material culture and technology
Stone tools were used by proto-humans at least 2.5 million years ago.[]
The controlled use of fire began around 1.5 million years ago. Since
then, humans have made major advances, developing complex
technology to create tools to aid their lives and allowing for other
advancements in culture. Major leaps in technology include the
discovery of agriculture – what is known as the Neolithic Revolution,
and the invention of automated machines in the Industrial Revolution.
Archaeology attempts to tell the story of past or lost cultures in part by
close examination of the artifacts they produced. Early humans left
stone tools, pottery, and jewelry that are particular to various regions
and times.
An array of Neolithic artifacts, including
bracelets, axe heads, chisels, and polishing tools.
Body culture
Throughout their history humans have altered their appearance by wearing clothing[96][97] and adornments, by
trimming or shaving hair or by means of body modifications.
Body modification is the deliberate altering of the human body for any non-medical reason, such as aesthetics,
sexual enhancement, a rite of passage, religious reasons, to display group membership or affiliation, to create body
art, shock value, or self-expression.[] In its most broad definition it includes plastic surgery, socially acceptable
decoration (e.g., common ear piercing in many societies), and religious rites of passage (e.g., circumcision in a
number of cultures).[]
Human
136
Religion and spirituality
Religion is generally defined as a belief system concerning the
supernatural, sacred or divine, and practices, values, institutions and
rituals associated with such belief. Some religions also have a moral
code. The evolution and the history of the first religions have recently
become areas of active scientific investigation.[99][][] However, in the
course of its development, religion has taken on many forms that vary
by culture and individual perspective. Some of the chief questions and
issues religions are concerned with include life after death (commonly
involving belief in an afterlife), the origin of life, the nature of the
universe (religious cosmology) and its ultimate fate (eschatology), and
what is moral or immoral. A common source for answers to these
questions are beliefs in transcendent divine beings such as deities or a
singular God, although not all religions are theistic. Spirituality, belief
or involvement in matters of the soul or spirit, is one of the many
different approaches humans take in trying to answer fundamental
questions about humankind's place in the universe, the meaning of life,
and the ideal way to live one's life. Though these topics have also been
addressed by philosophy, and to some extent by science, spirituality is
unique in that it focuses on mystical or supernatural concepts such as
karma and God.
Religion and spirituality are important aspects of
human cultures, as is seen in The Creation of
Adam by Michelangelo.
Although the exact level of religiosity can be hard to measure,[] a
majority of humans professes some variety of religious or spiritual
belief, although many (in some countries a majority) are irreligious.
This includes humans who have no religious beliefs or are atheists,
scientific skeptics, agnostics or simply non-religious. Humanism is a
philosophy which seeks to include all of humanity and all issues
common to humans; it is usually non-religious. Most religions and
Nsibidi script from Nigeria. A means of
communication
among the initiates of the
spiritual beliefs are clearly distinct from science on both a
[98]
Ekpe secret society.
philosophical and methodological level; the two are not generally
considered mutually exclusive and a majority of humans hold a mix of
both scientific and religious views. The distinction between philosophy and religion, on the other hand, is at times
less clear, and the two are linked in such fields as the philosophy of religion and theology.
Human
137
Philosophy and self-reflection
Philosophy is a discipline or field of study involving the investigation, analysis,
and development of ideas at a general, abstract, or fundamental level. It is the
discipline searching for a general understanding of reality, reasoning and values.
Major fields of philosophy include logic, metaphysics, epistemology, philosophy
of mind, and axiology (which includes ethics and aesthetics). Philosophy covers
a very wide range of approaches, and is used to refer to a worldview, to a
perspective on an issue, or to the positions argued for by a particular philosopher
or school of philosophy.
Science and mathematics
Another unique aspect of human culture and thought is the development of
Statue of Confucius on Chongming
complex methods for acquiring knowledge through observation and
Island in Shanghai
quantification. The scientific method has been developed to acquire knowledge
of the physical world and the rules, processes and principles of which it consists,
and combined with mathematics it enables the prediction of complex patterns of causality and consequence. Some
other animals are able to recognize differences in small quantities, but humans are able to understand and recognize
much larger, even abstract, quantities, and to recognize and understand algorithmic patterns which enables infinite
counting routines and algebra, something that is not found in any other species.
Art, music, and literature
Allegory of Music (ca. 1594), a
painting of a woman writing sheet
music by Lorenzo Lippi
Art is a cultural universal, and humans have been producing artistic works at
least since the days of Cro Magnon. As a form of cultural expression by humans,
art may be defined by the pursuit of diversity and the usage of narratives of
liberation and exploration (i.e. art history, art criticism, and art theory) to mediate
its boundaries. This distinction may be applied to objects or performances,
current or historical, and its prestige extends to those who made, found, exhibit,
or own them. In the modern use of the word, art is commonly understood to be
the process or result of making material works that, from concept to creation,
adhere to the "creative impulse" of human beings. Art is distinguished from other
works by being in large part unprompted by necessity, by biological drive, or by
any undisciplined pursuit of recreation.
Music is a natural intuitive phenomenon based on the three distinct and
interrelated organization structures of rhythm, harmony, and melody. Listening
to music is perhaps the most common and universal form of entertainment for humans, while learning and
understanding it are popular disciplines. There are a wide variety of music genres and ethnic musics. Literature, the
body of written—and possibly oral—works, especially creative ones, includes prose, poetry and drama, both fiction
and non-fiction. Literature includes such genres as epic, legend, myth, ballad, and folklore.
Human
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2011
[8] Tim Appenzeller, Nature Human migrations: Eastern odyssey (http:/ / www. nature. com/ news/ human-migrations-eastern-odyssey-1. 10560)
485, 24–26 2 May 2012
[10] OED, s.v. "human".
[11] The OED considers obsolete the sense "a designation applied equally to particular individuals of either sex", citing a 1597 source as the most
recent ("The Lord had but one paire of men in Paradise.") while it continues to endorse the sense "as a general or indefinite designation" as
current in English.
[13] Porkorny (1959) s.v. "g'hðem" pp. 414–416; "Homo." Dictionary.com Unabridged (v 1.1). Random House, Inc. 23 Sep. 2008.
[14] Ajit, Varki and David L. Nelson. 2007. Genomic Comparisons of Humans and Chimpanzees. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2007. 36:191–209:
"Sequence differences from the human genome were confirmed to be ∼1% in areas that can be precisely aligned, representing ∼35 million
single base-pair differences. Some 45 million nucleotides of insertions and deletions unique to each lineage were also discovered, making the
actual difference between the two genomes ∼4%."
[15] Ken Sayers, Mary Ann Raghanti, and C. Owen Lovejoy. 2012 (forthcoming, october) Human Evolution and the Chimpanzee Referential
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[16] Ruvolo, M. 1997. Genetic Diversity in Hominoid Primates. Annual Review of Anthropology , Vol. 26, (1997), pp. 515–540
[17] Dawkins R (2004) The Ancestor's Tale. ^ "Query: Hominidae/Hylobatidae". Time Tree. 2009. Retrieved December 2010.
[18] Begun, David R. 2010. Miocene Hominids and the Origins of the African Apes and Humans. Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 39: 67
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[28] Leonard, William R. , J. Josh Snodgrass, and Marcia L. Robertson. 2007. Effects of Brain Evolution on Human Nutrition and Metabolism.
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[32] Francesco d'Errico and Chris B. Stringer. 2011. Evolution, revolution or saltation scenario for the emergence of modern cultures? Phil.
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[46] Scientific American (1998). Evolution and General Intelligence: Three hypotheses on the evolution of general intelligence (http:/ / www.
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[49] Wilson, E.O. (2002). in The Future of Life.
[52] Why Humans and Their Fur Parted Way by Nicholas Wade, New York Times, August 19, 2003.
[54] Jablonski, N.G. & Chaplin, G. (2000). The evolution of human skin coloration (http:/ / www. bgsu. edu/ departments/ chem/ faculty/ leontis/
chem447/ PDF_files/ Jablonski_skin_color_2000. pdf) (pdf), 'Journal of Human Evolution 39: 57–106.
[56] Robin, Ashley (1991). Biological Perspectives on Human Pigmentation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[58] According to the July 2: 2007 Newsweek magazine, a woman dies in childbirth every minute, most often due to uncontrolled bleeding and
infection, with the world's poorest women most vulnerable. The lifetime risk is 1 in 16 in sub-Saharan Africa, compared to 1 in 2,800 in
developed countries.
[60] "Human Development Report 2006," (http:/ / hdr. undp. org/ hdr2006/ ) United Nations Development Programme, pp. 363–366, November
9, 2006
[61] The World Factbook (https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ publications/ the-world-factbook/ ), U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved April
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[68] Earliest agriculture in the Americas (http:/ / www. archaeology. org/ 9707/ newsbriefs/ squash. html) Earliest cultivation of barley (http:/ /
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5038116. stm) – URLs retrieved February 19, 2007
[71] United Nations Information Service. "Independent Expert On Effects Of Structural Adjustment, Special Rapporteur On Right To Food
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[83] Ned Block: On a Confusion about a Function of Consciousness in: The Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 1995.
[88] J. Hutchinson & A.D. Smith (eds.), Oxford readers: Ethnicity (Oxford 1996), "Introduction"
[89] Smith, Anthony D. (1999) Myths and Memories of the Nation. Oxford University Press. pp.4–7
[90] Banton, Michael. (2007) Weber on Ethnic Communities: A critique. Nations and Nationalism 13 (1), 2007, 19–35.
[91] Delanty,Gerard & Krishan Kumar (2006) The SAGE Handbook of Nations and Nationalism. SAGE. ISBN 1412901014 p. 171
[92] Ronald Cohen 1978 "Ethnicity: Problem and Focus in Anthropology" in Annual Review of Anthropology 7: 383 Palo Alto: Stanford
University Press
[93] Thomas Hylland Eriksen (1993) Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives. London: Pluto Press
[94] Max Weber's definition of the modern state 1918 (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20020612070242/ http:/ / www. mdx. ac. uk/ www/ study/
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[95] Ferguson, Niall. "The Next War of the World." Foreign Affairs, Sep/Oct 2006
[97] Kvavadze E, Bar-Yosef O, Belfer-Cohen A, Boaretto E,Jakeli N, Matskevich Z, Meshveliani T. (2009).30,000-Year-Old Wild Flax Fibers"
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Further reading
• Freeman, Scott; Jon C. Herron, Evolutionary Analysis (4th ed.) Pearson Education, Inc., 2007. ISBN
0-13-227584-8 pages 757–761.
External links
• Archaeology Info (http://www.archaeologyinfo.com/homosapiens.htm)
• Homo sapiens (http://humanorigins.si.edu/evidence/human-fossils/species/homo-sapiens) – The Smithsonian
Institution's Human Origins Program
• Homo sapiens Linnaeus, 1758 (http://www.eol.org/pages/327955) at the Encyclopedia of Life
• View the human genome (http://www.ensembl.org/Homo_sapiens/Info/Index) on Ensembl
139
Interpersonal relationship
140
Interpersonal relationship
Relationships
Part of a series on
Love
Field of study
The study of interpersonal relationships involves several branches of the social sciences, including such disciplines
as sociology, psychology, anthropology, and social work.Interpersonal skills are extremely vital when trying to
develop a relationship with another person. The scientific study of relationships evolved during the 1990s and came
to be referred to as 'relationship science',[1] which distinguishes itself from anecdotal evidence or pseudo-experts by
basing conclusions on data and objective analysis. Interpersonal ties are also a subject in mathematical sociology.[2]
Development
Interpersonal relationships are dynamic systems that change continuously during their existence. Like living
organisms, relationships have a beginning, a lifespan, and an end. They tend to grow and improve gradually, as
people get to know each other and become closer emotionally, or they gradually deteriorate as people drift apart,
move on with their lives and form new relationships with others. One of the most influential models of relationship
development was proposed by psychologist George Levinger.[3] This model was formulated to describe
heterosexual, adult romantic relationships, but it has been applied to other kinds of interpersonal relations as well.
According to the model, the natural development of a relationship follows five stages:
1. Acquaintance – Becoming acquainted depends on previous relationships, physical proximity, first impressions,
and a variety of other factors. If two people begin to like each other, continued interactions may lead to the next
stage, but acquaintance can continue indefinitely.
2. Buildup – During this stage, people begin to trust and care about each other. The need for intimacy, compatibility
and such filtering agents as common background and goals will influence whether or not interaction continues.
3. Continuation – This stage follows a mutual commitment to a long-term friendship, romantic relationship, or
marriage. It is generally a long, relative stable period. Nevertheless, continued growth and development will occur
during this time. Mutual trust is important for sustaining the relationship.
4. Deterioration – Not all relationships deteriorate, but those that do tend to show signs of trouble. Boredom,
resentment, and dissatisfaction may occur, and individuals may communicate less and avoid self-disclosure. Loss
of trust and betrayals may take place as the downward spiral continues, eventually ending the relationship.
(Alternately, the participants may find some way to resolve the problems and reestablish trust.)
5. Termination – The final stage marks the end of the relationship, either by death, or by separation.
Friendships may involve some degree of transitivity. In other words, a person may become a friend of an existing
friend's friend. However, if two people have a sexual relationship with the same person, they may become
Interpersonal relationship
competitors rather than friends. Accordingly, sexual behavior with the sexual partner of a friend may damage the
friendship (see love triangle). Sexual activities between two friends tend to alter that relationship, either by "taking it
to the next level" or by severing it.
Flourishing relationships
Positive psychologists use the term "flourishing relationships" to describe interpersonal relationships that are not
merely happy, but instead characterized by intimacy, growth, and resilience.[4] Flourishing relationships also allow a
dynamic balance between focus on the intimate relationships and focus on other social relationships.
Background
While traditional psychologists specializing in close relationships have focused on relationship dysfunction, positive
psychology argues that relationship health is not merely the absence of relationship dysfunction.[5] Healthy
relationships are built on a foundation of secure attachment and are maintained with love and purposeful positive
relationship behaviors. Additionally, healthy relationships can be made to "flourish." Positive psychologists are
exploring what makes existing relationships flourish and what skills can be taught to partners to enhance their
existing and future personal relationships. A social skills approach posits that individuals differ in their degree of
communication skill, which has implications for their relationships. Relationships in which partners possess and
enact relevant communication skills are more satisfying and stable than relationships in which partners lack
appropriate communication skills.[6]
Adult attachment and attachment theory
Healthy relationships are built on a foundation of secure attachments. Adult attachment models represent an internal
set of expectations and preferences regarding relationship intimacy that guide behavior.[5] Secure adult attachment,
characterized by low attachment-related avoidance and anxiety, has numerous benefits. Within the context of safe,
secure attachments, people can pursue optimal human functioning and flourishing.[5] This is because social acts that
reinforce feelings of attachment also stimulate the release of neurotransmitters such as oxytocin and endorphin,
which alleviate stress and create feelings of contentment.[7] Attachment theory can also be used as a means of
explaining adult relationships.[8]
Love
The capacity for love gives depth to human relationships, brings people closer to each other physically and
emotionally, and makes people think expansively about themselves and the world.[5]
In his triangular theory of love, psychologist Robert Sternberg theorizes that love is a mix of three components: some
(1) passion, or physical attraction; (2) intimacy, or feelings of closeness; and (3) commitment, involving the decision
to initiate and sustain a relationship. The presence of all three components characterizes consummate love, the most
durable type of love. In addition, the presence of intimacy and passion in marital relationships predicts marital
satisfaction. Also, commitment is the best predictor of relationship satisfaction, especially in long-term relationships.
Positive consequences of being in love include increased self-esteem and self-efficacy.[5]
Referring to the emotion of love, Psychiatrist Daniel Casriel defined the “logic of love” as “the logic of pleasure and
pain” in the concept of a "Relationship Road Map" that became the foundation of PAIRS' relationship education
classes.[]
”We are drawn to what we anticipate will be a source of pleasure and will look to avoid what we
anticipate will be a source of pain. The emotion of love comes from the anticipation of pleasure.”[]
Based on Casriel’s theory, sustaining feelings of love in an interpersonal relationship requires “effective
communication, emotional understanding, and healthy conflict resolution skills.”[9]
141
Interpersonal relationship
Theories and empirical research
Confucianism
Confucianism is a study and theory of relationships especially within hierarchies.[10] Social harmony—the central
goal of Confucianism—results in part from every individual knowing his or her place in the social order, and playing
his or her part well. Particular duties arise from each person's particular situation in relation to others. The individual
stands simultaneously in several different relationships with different people: as a junior in relation to parents and
elders, and as a senior in relation to younger siblings, students, and others. Juniors are considered in Confucianism to
owe their seniors reverence and seniors have duties of benevolence and concern toward juniors. A focus on
mutuality is prevalent in East Asian cultures to this day.
Minding relationships
The mindfulness theory of relationships shows how closeness in relationships may be enhanced. Minding is the
"reciprocal knowing process involving the nonstop, interrelated thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of persons in a
relationship."[11] Five components of "minding" include:[5]
1. Knowing and being known: seeking to understand the partner
2. Making relationship-enhancing attributions for behaviors: giving the benefit of the doubt
3. Accepting and respecting: empathy and social skills
4. Maintaining reciprocity: active participation in relationship enhancement
5. Continuity in minding: persisting in mindfulness
Culture of appreciation
After studying married couples for many years, psychologist John Gottman has proposed the theory of the "magic
ratio" for successful marriages. The theory says that for a marriage to be successful, couples must average a ratio of
five positive interactions to one negative interaction. As the ratio moves to 1:1, divorce becomes more likely.[5]
Interpersonal interactions associated with negative relationships include criticism, contempt, defensiveness, and
stonewalling. Over time, therapy aims to turn these interpersonal strategies into more positive ones, which include
complaint, appreciation, acceptance of responsibility, and self-soothing. Similarly, partners in interpersonal
relationships can incorporate positive components into difficult subjects in order to avoid emotional
disconnection.[12]
In addition, Martin Seligman proposes the concept of Active-Constructive Responding, which stresses the
importance of practicing conscious attentive listening and feedback skills. In essence, practicing this technique aims
to improve the quality of communication between members of the relationship, and in turn the gratitude expressed
between said members.[13]
Capitalizing on positive events
People can capitalize on positive events in an interpersonal context to work toward flourishing relationships. People
often turn to others to share their good news (termed "capitalization"). Studies show that both the act of telling others
about good events and the response of the person with whom the event was shared have personal and interpersonal
consequences, including increased positive emotions, subjective well-being, and self-esteem, and relationship
benefits including intimacy, commitment, trust, liking, closeness, and stability.[14] Studies show that the act of
communicating positive events was associated with increased positive affect and well-being (beyond the impact of
the positive event itself a). Other studies have found that relationships in which partners responded to "good news"
communication enthusiastically were associated with higher relationship well-being.[15]
142
Interpersonal relationship
Other perspectives
Neurobiology of interpersonal connections
There is an emerging body of research across multiple disciplines investigating the neurological basis of attachment
and the prosocial emotions and behaviors that are the prerequisites for healthy adult relationships.[5] The social
environment, mediated by attachment, influences the maturation of structures in a child's brain. This might explain
how infant attachment affects adult emotional health. Researchers are currently investigating the link between
positive caregiver–child relationships and the development of hormone systems, such as the HPA axis.
Applications
Researchers are developing an approach to couples therapy that moves partners from patterns of repeated conflict to
patterns of more positive, comfortable exchanges. Goals of therapy include development of social and interpersonal
skills. Expressing gratitude and sharing appreciation for a partner is the primary means for creating a positive
relationship. Positive marital counseling also emphasizes mindfulness. The further study of "flourishing relationships
could shape the future of premarital and marital counseling as well."[5]
Controversies
Some researchers criticize positive psychology for studying positive processes in isolation from negative
processes.[citation needed] Positive psychologists argue that positive and negative processes in relationships may be
better understood as functionally independent, not as opposites of each other.[16]
References
[2] Berscheid, E., & Peplau, L.A. (1983). The emerging science of relationships. In H.H. Kelley, et al. (Eds.), Close relationships. (pp. 1–19).
New York: W.H. Freeman and Company.
[3] Levinger, G. (1983). Development and change. In H.H. Kelley, et al. (Eds.), Close relationships. (pp. 315–359). New York: W.H. Freeman
and Company.
[4] Fincham, F.D., & Beach, S.R.H. (2010). Of Memes and Marriage: Toward a Positive Relationship Science. Journal of Family Theory &
Review, 2, 4–24.
[5] Snyder, C.R., & Lopez, Shane, J. (2007). "Positive psychology: the scientific and practical explorations of human strengths.", Thousand
Oaks, California: Sage Publications, 297–321.
[11] John H. Harvey, J.H., & Pauwels, B.G. (2009). Relationship Connection: A Redux on the Role of Minding and the Quality of Feeling
Special in the Enhancement of Closeness. [Eds.] Snyder, C.D., & Lopez, S.J. Oxford Handbook of Positive Psychology: Second Edition.
Oxford: Oxford University Press. 385–392.
[14] Gable, S.L., & Reis, H.T. (2010). Good News! Capitalizing on Positive Events in an Interpersonal Context. Advances in Experimental Social
Psychology, 42, 195–257.
[15] Gable, S.L., Reis, H.T., Impett, E.A., Asher, E.R. (2004). What Do You Do When Things Go Right? The Intrapersonal and Interpersonal
Benefits of Sharing Positive Events. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 87, 228–245.
[16] Maniaci, M.R., & Reis, H.T. (2010). The Marriage of Positive Psychology and Relationship Science: A Reply to Fincham and Beach.
Journal of Family Theory & Review, 2, 47–53.
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147
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
File:Da Vinci Vitruve Luc Viatour.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Da_Vinci_Vitruve_Luc_Viatour.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Original drawing:
Photograpy:
File:Moai Easter Island InvMH-35-61-1.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Moai_Easter_Island_InvMH-35-61-1.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors:
User:Jastrow
File:African sccs cultures.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:African_sccs_cultures.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anthon.Eff, Giorgiomonteforti,
Mvangeest, TUBS
File:Circum-mediterannean sccs cultures.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Circum-mediterannean_sccs_cultures.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors:
Anthon.Eff, Look2See1, Mvangeest
File:East eurasian sccs cultures.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:East_eurasian_sccs_cultures.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anthon.Eff, Mvangeest
File:Insular pacific.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Insular_pacific.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anthon.Eff, Mvangeest, T L Miles
File:North american sccs cultures.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:North_american_sccs_cultures.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anthon.Eff,
Mvangeest, T L Miles, TUBS
File:South america SCCS cultures.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:South_america_SCCS_cultures.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anthon.Eff,
Mvangeest, T L Miles
Image:Human remains.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Human_remains.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Fairv8, Hesperian, Túrelio, 1 anonymous edits
File:Iowa archaeology edgewater.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Iowa_archaeology_edgewater.JPG License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0
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File:Punu mask Gabon.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Punu_mask_Gabon.JPG License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: arts-primitive.com
File:ChineseMedecine.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:ChineseMedecine.JPG License: Public Domain Contributors: Miuki, Xhienne
File:Cannibalism in Brazil ('French Antarctica') in 1555, by André Thevet.jpg Source:
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picture)
File:Table of Natural History, Cyclopaedia, Volume 2.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Table_of_Natural_History,_Cyclopaedia,_Volume_2.jpg License: Public
Domain Contributors: Brian0918, LaosLos, Tmizuk, Wst
File:Libr0310.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Libr0310.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: 84user, Ambigraphe, AndreasPraefcke, Aristeas, Cmapm,
Fastfission, Grandiose, JMCC1, Mattes, Matthead, Papa November, Pieter Kuiper, Ragesoss, 2 anonymous edits
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MSchnitzler2000, Solon
File:Emile Durkheim.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Emile_Durkheim.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Chico, Dittaeva, Gvf, Mu, P. S. Burton, Piotrus,
Tets, Thierry Caro, Tony Rotondas, Vindicator, Wouterhagens, 3 anonymous edits
Image:Blumenbach's five races.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Blumenbach's_five_races.JPG License: Public Domain Contributors: Blumenbach
File:FranzBoas.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:FranzBoas.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: 430072, Erkan Yilmaz, Illegitimate Barrister, Jonund, Mdd,
Tom, TommyBee, 虍, 1 anonymous edits
File:Ruth Benedict.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ruth_Benedict.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: World Telegram staff photographer
File:Dolina-Pano-3.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Dolina-Pano-3.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: Mario Modesto Mata
File:Taung child (Frankfurt am Main) 2.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Taung_child_(Frankfurt_am_Main)_2.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License
Contributors: Gerbil
File:Archeologists sign at Lubbock Lake Monument IMG 1591.JPG Source:
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File:Monte Albán archeological site, Oaxaca.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Monte_Albán_archeological_site,_Oaxaca.jpg License: Creative Commons
Attribution-ShareAlike 1.0 Generic Contributors: Haylli, PMG, Petrusbarbygere, Ultratomio, 1 anonymous edits
File:Archeoscan excavation site.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Archeoscan_excavation_site.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Contributors: Dr John
Wells
File:Vill excavation.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Vill_excavation.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported Contributors: Clemens
Adolphs, Prometeus
File:Sifting for POW remains, Wake Island.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Sifting_for_POW_remains,_Wake_Island.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors:
U.S. Air Force photo/Tech. Sgt. Shane A. Cuomo
File:Howard Carter in the King Tutankhamen's tomb.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Howard_Carter_in_the_King_Tutankhamen's_tomb.jpg License: Public
Domain Contributors: Harry Burton
File:Beit shean1.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Beit_shean1.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Beny Shlevich, Gveret Tered,
Tango7174, 1 anonymous edits
File:Looting rontoy2007.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Looting_rontoy2007.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Nathancraig
File:Adad-Nirari stela.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Adad-Nirari_stela.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Dbachmann, Jastrow, Mmcannis, Smerdis of
Tlön, Sumerophile
File:Cultural evolution.PNG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Cultural_evolution.PNG License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported Contributors:
FedericoMP, Mdd, Pharos, 1 anonymous edits
File:Margaret Mead (1901-1978).jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Margaret_Mead_(1901-1978).jpg License: unknown Contributors: Smithsonian Institution from
United States
File:Location greek ancient.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Location_greek_ancient.png License: Public Domain Contributors: User:ChrisO
File:Bronislawmalinowski.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Bronislawmalinowski.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Library of the London School of Economics
and Political Science
File:Kula bracelet.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Kula_bracelet.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0,2.5,2.0,1.0 Contributors: Brocken
Inaglory
Image:Trobriand.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Trobriand.png License: Public Domain Contributors: Bendeguz
Image:Toraja house.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Toraja_house.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5 Contributors: Humboldt, Indon,
Jayapura, Merbabu, Midori
File:SharonTemple.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:SharonTemple.jpg License: unknown Contributors: unknown (Life time: unknown)
File:To Pamona Bridewealth exchange.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:To_Pamona_Bridewealth_exchange.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike
3.0 Contributors: User:Schrauwers
File:Wedding rings.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Wedding_rings.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Contributors: EvaK, FlickrLickr, FlickreviewR,
Nevit
File:El Cerrito, San Miguel County, New Mexico. The staple crops in El Cerrito are corn, beans and alfal . . . - NARA - 521202.jpg Source:
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License: Public Domain Contributors: Michael Barera
148
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
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