Archaeology of the Body

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Archaeology of the Body Author(s): Rosemary A. Joyce Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 34 (2005), pp. 139-158 Published by: Annual Reviews Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25064880 . Accessed: 03/10/2011 21:46
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Archaeology
Rosemary A. Joyce
Department 94720-3710;

of the Body
of California, Berkeley, California

of Anthropology, University email: [email protected]

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2005. 34:139-58 First published online as a Review inAdvance on June 14, 2005 The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at anthro.annualreviews.org doi: 10.1146/ annurev.anthro.3

Key Words
embodiment, costume, representation, identity, personhood

Abstract
Under the influence of phenomenological approaches, a semiotic

perspective on the body is being replaced in archaeology by analysis of the production and experience of lived bodies in the past through
the juxtaposition and evidence practices that social of traces of the on of body effects practices, idealized gestures, On representa postures, and 729 tions, of habitual body.

3.070203.143

2005 by Copyright Annual Reviews. All rights reserved 0084-6570/05/1021 0139$20.00

consumption assumption reproduced

the corporal

the basis were

of a shared created archaeology as a and

through

associations

understandings with

of the body material

culture,

of the body has proceeded from two theoretical positions: the body
as the scene of display and the body as artifact. Today, the body

site of lived experience, a social body, and site of embodied agency, is replacing prior static conceptions of an archaeology of the body
as a public, legible surface.

I39

that

Contents CONTENTS. 140 142 144 145 147
to "Interior" As

pretations

archaeologists of material

have they

long offered recover that

inter imply a re

body practices, body ideals, and differential
experiences of the body. Introducing

FROMBODYORNAMENTSTO
ORNAMENTED BODIES. the Body's Surface. Inscribing

cent edited volume, Rautman & Talalay (2000, senses of p. 2) identify two well-established
the the fine "physical archaeological or the human diet, body: skeletal species" health, and which on the life on the one hand, that de of components "seen span,

THE PERFORMING
BODY... ARCHAEOLOGICAL the Archaeological Experiencing Body.
Is "Surface"

as a record and physical

ancient activities,"

other,

representations and

"Public" is to "Private"?.

149 .. 150 150

through femaleness, played

"cultural

ideas of maleness and

OF ARCHAEOLOGIES
EMBODIED PERSONHOOD

masculinity

out." Neither body works as

of these is particularly regularly ornaments uses

are femininity, senses of the ar new. Classic cer

THEORIZINGTHE BODY IN
ARCHAEOLOGY.

chaeological archaeological tain objects the potential

identified

body or actual

and discussed in objects on repre inter signs aspects of of rou whose bodies

of other drew

CONTENTS
The body strument of as metaphor for lived experience, to occupy has come social as in society, as and surface a cen

body practices. Archaeologists sentations of human beings pretations age, status, of idealized gender; beauty; and

to propose social other

and

embodiment. tinely brought identification

of

inscription in contemporary tral place although to make

Archaeological to light human as sexed, aged,

excavations remains, and raced

chaeology, has begun

coming critical

theory. Ar late to this topic, to contributions

in fact dominated

the archaeological

literature

of the body through the 1980s.
Starting during the in past the five 1990s, years, and the concerned At on the topics accelerating of ar with same em time,

writing
chaeology

about the body. With
of human to scholarship offers

its grounding
experience, on the ar body a

in the materiality

unique perspective anchored in bodily phys
a that emphasizes repe icality. As discipline over as the basis tition time for recognizing culturally outlines ment and ogists between human those intelligible ways practices, archaeology forms of embodi

chaeological bodiment the pace

publications have of diversified.

publication

long-established over

topics in archaeology of the body has inten
sified. First, Three a dramatic trends rise are evident time. of ar in the frequency

that different

were

transformed. are

historically At

the

produced, reproduced, same time, archaeol

chaeological articles explicitly concerned with the body in a sample of anthropological jour
nals, 1990 from to an average almost of one year per after year that before date, six per

aware of the gap that exists intensely the materiality of the traces of past and they the interpretations Archaeologi of

experience traces that

is evident (Table
attributed sual

1). This

increase may be
of postproces that of of emphasized attention identity, to such re

propose.

cal inquiry into the body thus foregrounds the challenges for wider scholarship, both within
anthropology and outside it, inherent in the

to the development in archaeology critiques previous and lack

the redressing human agency as gender,

aspects tied to

move from apparently solid physical facts to
social and cultural Explicit bodiment archaeological is relatively understandings. discussion recent, despite of em

closely

archaeological

search on the body (Brumfiel 1992).However,
simultaneously, the frequency of articles con the fact

cerned with

the body, considered from

the

H

J yce

TABLE

1

Journal

articles

from

1965

to 2004 Main

on

archaeology emphasis

of the body1

thematic

Physical
anthropology Ornament, dress Representation Body practices

Total N

Explicit

theory

16 12 15 64 13 30

25 25 38 16 24

114

" aBased on a sample of journal articles yielded by a search of the key words "body," "embodi*" and "archaeolog* on Anthropology Plus, an index Tozzer Literature and the of Index the Institute. This sample was combining Library's Anthropological Anthropological Royal Anthropological compared with results from a similar search ofWeb of Science/Web of Knowledge, which resulted in the addition of two more recent articles to the sample. Individual articles were classified according to the dominant thematic concerns, and a separate count was made of articles proposing theoretical approaches to embodiment. Some of the latter articles did not have an obvious thematic emphasis other than theoretical discussion. Although the selection of publications that are indexed means that this is not a complete survey of the literature, it is a uniform sample of major journals in the field over time and so does serve to show trends over time. These data should not be used as indications of the total number of articles on these topics.

perspective creased, obvious and

and way

of bioarchaeology, has these contributions postprocessual. archaeologists Both have

in sharply are in no positivist found the

and experience those ma perception through terial traces that survive over time, contributes a unique dimension to anthropologies of

interpretive

embodiment. This review of connects the body the contemporary to earlier archaeologi ar

body to be an increasingly compelling subject
during What cent body the past ismost 15 years. distinctive literature to which about the most re the are

chaeology cal concern of identity

with

archaeological is the degree

concerning interpretations

through

the symbolic communication ornaments and cos body

tume. Following Grosz
the body as a "concrete, of and flesh, organization tal structure

(1995, p. 104), I view
material, nerves, which through of are animate skele given organs,

being grounded
within

in social theory, both from
and outside it. Articles engage common af archaeological become

anthropology that explicitly theorize ment with embodiment

substances,

a

unity

and

cohesiveness inscription interest

psychical

ter 1990 (Table
nist theory, and

1). Phenomenology,
the work of Foucault

femi
have all

and

social

been influential in archaeology of the body (Fisher & Loren 2003, Golden & Toohey 2003, Hamilakis et al. 2002, Meskell & Joyce
2003, Montserrat 1998, Rautman other 2000). anthropo In creasingly, as is the case with

Archaeological was to the rise of archae linked body closely sex and seen as inscribed of ologies gender, in dress, and ornamentation, body modifi

the body's surface." in the surface of the

cation (Marcus 1993, 1996; Sorensen
2000). of The demonstration bodies of that are age, has to sexed/gendered constructions always class, shifted a wider

1991,
simul ethnic the at

constructions

on embodiment, logical work archaeologists are to it the assump necessary finding clarify tions in make from they moving theorizing perception rience. to attempting which to understand approaches expe both

taneously

status ity, race, and social tention of archaeologists

gamut

Archaeology,

of practices

shaping embodied personhood
Archaeology of the Body 141

www.annualreviews.org

(Joyce 2004, Meskell 2001). Some archaeo logical analyses reflexively relate bodily prac
tices to representational practices through

of were tion

origin.

Many

of with

those

assumed This

meanings assump

concerned continues in

identity. part of For

to be archaeology.

contemporary example, Lee

which images were produced that served both
as models ration for embodiment experiences and as commemo of embodiment of selected

research

(2000, pp. 114-15) explicitly bases her discus
sion of Minoan representations of masculine

(Clark 2003, Hill
archaeological

2000, Joyce
argue

1998). Some
that represen

and feminine bodies on the assumption that
"dress verbal complex functions as a primary means of non "constant, have been communication" social messages emitting that would

analyses

tational practices literally expanded the site of the embodied person, incorporating rep
resentations, the person, spaces, even when and items these of costume items were in re

intended by the wearer and understandable by the viewer" (p. 114).
From understood this perspective as marking body ornaments are aspects already-given

moved from direct bodily contact (Gillespie 2001, 2002; Houston & Stuart 1998; Looper 2003a,b).
Contemporary archaeological considera

of social status of the individual person, or
as media social for identities. the communication of given that spe assumption to different cat cific costumes corresponded a meant of in the that persons past egories The person's "read nection off" social the status body. and There history is a of could strong costume be con and

tion of the complex relationships between body practices and practices of representation shows that the concept of an easily defined
body "surface" at the boundary between an

interiorized person and exteriorized society is problematic (Looper 2003a). Archaeologi cal exploration, using bioarchaeological tech niques, of theways inwhich habitual practices and dispositions literally shape flesh and bones (Boyd 1996) further questions the isolation
of a public, inscriptional body surface cover

between

discussions

identity and the archaeology of economically and socially stratified societies (Anawalt 1981,
Kuttruff 1993). As a result, some of the most

significant discussions
marking of the body

in archaeology of the
surface originated in

ing an uninterpreted physical interior because the biological person is both themedium and
product of social archaeology in question son, and an to invoke Today, is to place of the body's surface the body, the per automatically action. between embodied persons

studies of political economy, tracing links be
tween the relations of costume fectiveness status. of production in marking and the ef differential

Peregrine
archaeological of costume

(1991) reviewed the history of
arguments ornaments for the significance as indications of spe

relations

in society.

cific social statuses in societies with "prestige

FROM BODY ORNAMENTS TO ORNAMENTED BODIES
Costume, body ornaments, and representa

economies." goods were naments

Noting commonly

that

costume

or

employed

in cer

emonies
stated an

of social reproduction,
interpretation interested between social shared by in pursuing reproduction

Peregrine
other the and ar con the

tions of costume in artworks have long been used by archaeologists as evidence of distinct
statuses on the basis of an implicit understand

chaeologists nection

ing of the surface of the body as public. As Robb (1998, p. 332) notes, under the "in
formation transnlission,, view of the symbolic

persons. Hayden production (1998) suggested that such objects were par ticularly important in societies at this level of integration because of the significance of social displays in building individualized sta
tus for "aggrandizers," the minority of peo

of embodied

functions of artifacts (Wobst 1977), archae
ologists atively assumed clear that objects within conveyed their rel meanings cultures

ple

in a society who

seek to distinguish

142

Joyce

themselves nomic shell these

from A

others recent

for analysis thus

their

own

eco

benefit. body were

of Hohokam concludes of group that mem

were suggested feather cloaks. These

made

by wearing

Hawaiian

ornaments "material

long-established

assumptions

about

symbols

bership and identity" and "insignia of office," simultaneously signifying identification with a group and distinctions within it (Bayman 2002, p. 70).
All these authors replicate, and several ex

the relation of body ornament and identity continue to be influential in archaeological re
search. More lationships as recent products work considers these re of active construction

plicitly cite, the logic of Earle's (1987) ground breaking work on specialization and wealth
in Hawaiian and Inka societies, which con

of identity, not simply as signaling of inde pendently existing identities (Fisher & Loren 2003). Attention is focused on the degree of
intentionality of costume that and can be assumed in the use serves to the way that costume

sidered the links between precious materials incorporated in distinctive costume items like
Hawaiian feather cloaks and the social statuses

perpetuate embodied identities. Stone (2003) notes that archaeologists today are divided
about the use nic tive the degree of material Personal can of consciousness culture as required for symbols or ornaments of eth distinc

and roles signified by such costume. Earle ar
gued that Hawaiian cloaks were in fact mate

rial signs of status. Commenting on Inka use of cloth and of metal and shell ornaments in
costume, he argued that different costumes vi

identity. costume

be understood

as desirable

media of identity when self-consciousness is assumed because they could be displayed or
not ilar as situations warranted. Taking a sim perspective, of body intergenerational ornaments in Mesoamerica as a means of transmis has

sually distinguished different rankswithin this
complex society.

Discussions
on the

of costume and identity based
transmission model are

sion been

information

interpreted

recreating

not limited to studies of chiefdoms and early states.White (1992, p. 539) explicitly consid ered why objects like body ornaments were products of theUpper Palaeolithic inEurope, a period of innovation in "the material con
struction and representation of meaning" (see

embodied personhood within a line of re lated persons (Joyce 1998, 2003a; Meskell & Joyce 2003). Exemplifying such recent work, Bazelmans (2002) argues that differences in dress represented inmedieval burials index a
complex intentions body interplay and of religious and class-based the Treating Bazelmans (2002, understandings. project,"

alsoWhite

Wobst 1989).White (1992), like that in visible marks (1977), argued highly
in costume within a would community. in be widely In his view, more than record, into any are the

as a "cultural

corporated terpretable

p. 73) attends closely to the use in burial ritu
als of "items the body" which not feed, intoxicate, as reflections as informative and dress of a co about simply but "identity," of

ornaments, "personal perhaps other aspect of the archaeological a for archaeologists of access point

herent the

enactment

embodiment

in mortuary

of the past" (White 1992, p. 539). Following Weiner (1992),White (1992, p. 541) drew attention to the potential for or social world
naments made of durable materials to persist

contexts.

The assumption that the visibility of items of dress contributes to the public legibility
of part a personal of history remains a productive analy contemporary archaeological

beyond a single human life span, creating in tergenerational continuity in identities and
social distinctions, and to exteriorize asser

tions about social identity thatmight be more
controversial or contested as verbal state

sis (Isaza Aizpurua & McAnany 1999; Joyce 1999,2002a; Loren 2003). The textualization of the body's surface is increasingly viewed as a
more or less deliberate social strategy through

ments, like the claims of power and veiled threats of military might that Earle (1987)

which embodied simply signaled.

identities were shaped, not

www.annualreviews.org

Archaeology of theBody

143

Inscribing

the Body's

Surface

junction

between

the

body

surface

and

in

Citing Turner's (1980) concept of "the so cial skin,"White (1992) identified archaeo
logical body ornaments as demarcating and

teriority (Arnold 1991, Stone 1991). Thus, although framed initially in terms of the sig
naling of a stable, preexisting, essential iden

inscribing the body's surface as the point of
articulation exterior between society, between transformed work was an interior a physical social influential self and an and body

tity, work published and presented at confer ences during this period quickly raised key
issues that required archaeologists interested

its symbolically tion. Turner's

presenta on many

in embodied identity to rethink their analytic
frameworks.

archaeologists who began in the early 1990s
to explore the way sites that could of the artifacts be used social archaeological an understanding in preserved to construct processes of

Yates (1993) used a detailed study of an thropomorphic images in Scandinavian rock
art as a platform for an early attempt to the

embodiment in past human societies (Fisher & Loren 2003, Joyce 1998, Loren 2001). Work on the social inscription of the body's
surface eventually led to archaeological cri

orize the body. The norm then (and even today) was to identify as masculine figures with apparent phallic features, and as feminine
those that lacked such marks. Yates under

scored that this view of sexual identity as based
on having or contemporary lacking western a phallus was rooted in European understand

tiques of an easy assumption of a distinction
between collapse tation skin of and what body" of concern lies into "beneath," surface of represen the "the

ings of sexed subjectivity.Wanting
stand might how be other represented understandings in schematic

to under
of gender anthro

in place

with

the experience

of embodiment (compare Csordas 1994, pp. 9-12; Grosz 1994, pp. 115-121). One reason
for the early dominance of studies of the ar chaeological as an inscribed surface was body on visual in the dependence images, literally as a proxy for living bodies scribed surfaces,

pomorphic figures, he found it necessary
reconsider resentation. the ontology His resolution of the of subject the challenge

to

of rep

he faced was to view the body as "a plain over which the grid is laid in order to mark
focus and intensity_the a as a featureless life plateau begins body... or without of organs' consistency 'body plane terms onto to use Deleuze and Guattari's points which gans onto are written signs and their associated this plain by or by culture_The are meanings applied of cultural inscrip certain of

(Joyce 1996, Shanks 1995). As analyses pro gressed, researchers identified difficulties with
gular that equated the original model identities with categorical surface. ings of the body's stable sets and sin of mark

Sorensen (1991) exemplifies the initial ap proach to archaeological understanding of the
body as a product of costuming acts. In her

a process

influential analysis, she proposed that gen der difference was signaled through standard ized forms of dress. The implication that gen der identity was preexisting, expressed in, but
not formed by, acts of dressing, was unset

tion" (Yates 1993, p. 59). This proposal neatly made the data available (inscribed rock sur faces) homologous with the theorized body. It exposed the inadequacy of archaeological views shaped by engagement with inert im ages and dead bodies, of the body as a pas sive thing waiting
meaning. In contrast a uniform, with approaches role dress work as that of body signal, to seeks assumed mark more situate

tled by the framing of the argument as about
the "construction" of gender. An assumed sta

to be marked with signs of

bility of bodily identity, broadly endorsed in
archaeology cussions across of lines at the time, cross-dressing of gender-specific also or supported impersonation costuming that dis

transhistorical

and ornament, ings, recent archaeological

produced a contradictory implication of a dis

body practices and representational practices historically in relation to the production of

144 J yce

different
(2002) derstood the not the

embodied

experiences.
needs of a

Rainbird
to be un

that tattooing argues as the inscription a "wrapping but Tattooing, in

In a similarly critical study of standard practices in burial analysis, Gilchrist (1997,
pp. dieval 47-50) noted that in men in a sample of me were stature cemeteries with "weapons England with the tallest

body,

on history that does images" forms the skin mod of

just mark person.

actually an

associated

irreversible

and strongest physique" (p. 49). She suggested
that weapons of male ied gender here make less sense of the as than of as traces certain effects men signals embod

ification of the skin identified archaeologi cally both directly (Alvrus et al. 2001, Barber 1999) and indirectly (Green 1979, Rainbird 2002, Thompson 1946), raises interesting
questions tation about on the archaeological surface. interpre Literally body of marks the body's tattoos

experience whose

as warriors,

experience bone. ingly an

Archaeological can evident,

analysis, tell us about

to the penetrated as it is increas the embod

demarcating

the skin,

and related

ied life of deceased persons, but only through
understanding body among of practices, persons. the reflexive relations and ex ar between perience perceptions, Contemporary

or (such as scarification practices body pierc create permanent the use of unlike marks, ing) or ornaments, can be which adopted clothing or more tattoo Practices like changed easily. ing require explicit consideration of the sig

chaeologists move beyond the textualization of the body's surface and call attention to the
discernable styles effects on of the use the experience of ornaments of the person or of dress

nificance to bodily identity of the interplay of
permanence and impermanence (Grosz 1994,

pp. 138-44). The fluidity of embodiment has
been cussions rience addressed of that in recent bodily consider archaeological and dis expe impact performance the substantive

whose body is literally shaped by amanner of
dress.

that archaeologically
such ment, as habitual would have

invisible body practices,
of dress on the and orna of experience

PERFORMING THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL BODY
Archaeologists
media, including experience ied

patterns had

interested in linking material
have to embod representations, on Butler's built analy are so

embodiment.

Boyd
marized

(2002, p. 142) has critically sum
the implications research of much on body traditional ornamenta

ses (1990, 1993) of the ways that the physical
characteristics of the body given

archaeological

tion: "[B]ody decoration

is seen as part of
the body. represent mean

a of formulation representational Decorative elements symbolically particular ideas, particular subjective

cial meaning through repetitive performance (Perry& Joyce 2001). Contrasting fundamen tallywith the beginning point of the informa
tion signaling model of dress, analyses draw

ings, which are materially
body in order to convey the body meaning he notes, ings. However, ject, only given As

inscribed'
ideas itself remains

on the
an ob of of

ing on Butler's work begin from the position
that "there is no atemporal, .outside fixed the acts 'core' and to a ges person's identity..

those

and mean

decoration."

the use through the limited view

tures that constitute it" (Alberti 2001, p. 190).
From body bodied this perspective representations can be seen as records of stereotyped that performances terms citational served of the em or

inscription here ignores the already-existing history of the embodied person. Acknowledg ing this prior history, he suggests that the ar raying of the dead body inNatufian
in the Levant be viewed as "a practice

as models,

in Butler's

precedents,

for the

burials
relating

to perceptions of the body.. .bodily action by the living on the bodies of the dead" (Boyd 2002, p. 142).

embodied gestures of living people (Bachand et al. 2003; Joyce 1993,1998, 2001b,c, 2002a, 2003a,b; Joyce & Hendon 2000). The fleeting performativity of living bod ies can be traced archaeologically through
www.annualreviews.org Archaeology of theBody 145

reflexivity

between

representations

and

the

pp. human Age

102-4) form

asks on could

how seals

representations from us the

of

the

use in body practices of objects like those represented floyce 1993,1998,2001b). An ex
tended analysis of stereotyped human repre

late Bronze the cor

Aegean

inform

about

in small, hand-modeled figurines the of Honduran Playa de losMuertos cul sentations
ture culminated in the proposal that these

poral bodies of human subjects. Noting that despite the inclusion of highly specific details, the bodies depicted are ultimately not real istic in proportion,
presentation of

and are selective in their
architecture, she un

highly detailed, individualized images would have served as intimate sources of bodily
precedents for the young women who are the

bodily

derlines the homogeneity of classes of bodies in representation. Citing Butler (1990), she
suggests bodied that actions these seals present as conventional specific gender em per

majority of identified subjects (Joyce 2002 a, 2003 b). By relating ornaments depicted at particular bodily sites (the hair, ears, neck,
wrists, and ankles) to durable objects recov

formances seen in details of differential body
positioning tivities each as much gender as was ac specific to carry presumed in the

ered archaeologically, including from burials, it was possible to argue that specific figurai images were likely idealized representations of persons of different ages.What could not be discerned from the durable traces in ar
chaeological tures associated or dancing sites were with young the different women, stereotyped ages, pos standing pos

out (German 2000, pp. 104-5). Palka (2002) builds on a scrupulously detailed analysis of
visual representations of human figures to ar

gue for both experiential and symbolic di mensions of handedness among the Classic
Maya. on Emphasis to more critical dress that previously performativity examination have been contributes of items of sim

with

seated

tures with older individuals. Nor
chaeological serve the remains diversity of include treatment

did the ar
to ob

any way

viewed

of hair within

each age-related group of figures. By tacking
back and forth between the representations

ply as reflections of categories of people. Thus Danielsson (2002) denaturalizes the singling
out the of use the head of helmets in Scandinavian and head traditions ornaments, of re

and the archaeologically recovered durable objects, this study argued for both citation ality of age-specific bodily postures and prac tices of dress, and for individuality within even
the highly stereotyped representations. Bas

lating the use of these items to the isolation of the face as a figurai motif in art. Arguing
that and the use the of helmets and of in terms head ornaments faces need as a representation isolated of

ing this analysis on the framework provided by Butler (1993), itwas argued that both the fig urines and the living bodies that surrounded children were sources of bodily ideals against which they would have measured their own
embodied performances. The greater dura

to be understood

"masking"

cultural practice, Danielsson
suggests disembodied mances during that "masks states," the enable

(2002, p. 181)
embodiment perfor on Cen of

transformative life course. Work

bility of the figurai representations, and the differential durability of some body practices,
would have made these more of effective specific in the forms generations of long-term embodiment, reproduction even over

societies also identified a rela between emphasis on the head as the tionship site of identity in representational images and tral American
actual practices of dress and ornamentation,

multiple

(Joyce 2000a, 2001c, 2003a). Other archaeological analyses
tion, juxtapose now

including masking, through which the head was shaped and inflected in life (Joyce 1998). Explicitly grounding the analysis in the the oretical work of Butler (1990, 1993), these studies argued that specific body practices
were part of a repertoire of charged perfor

similarly
but

performance bodily seen not as documentary simply

and representa

as disciplinary or normative. German
146 Joyce

(2000,

mances thatmarked transitions during the life

course in prehispanic Central America (Joyce 2000a). Beginning with concern with the body as
a site of representation and working ornament, to engage a object, tions of archaeologists costume, have represented on the rela and with body more

& Taube (2000) presented an overview of epigraphic and iconographie evi iment. Houston
dence for sensory perception among the Clas

sicMaya nobility, and Houston
on human representation

(2001) drew
codes of

to propose

practices

body been led

phenomenological ence of the persons

approaches whose

to the bodies were

experi liter

decorum typical of the same group. Sweely (1998) considered in detail the possible im plications for intervisibility, and thus differ ential knowledge, of persons who might have
been at work in one sector of ancient Ceren,

ally shaped by these practices (Joyce 2003a, Meskell & Joyce 2003). Under the influence
of approaches the importance identity to archaeology that emphasize of of so of cross-cutting and the active scholars begun to draw dimensions negotiation

El Salvador, a site whose burial by volcanic eruption allows a finer-grained modeling of everyday interaction than is ordinarily possi ble in archaeology. Dornan (2004) draws on
neuro-phenomenology to propose interpre

social

cial positions, ment have

interested on other

in embodi lines of evi

tations of individual religious experience
Classic Maya society.

in

dence to flesh out flat and Stereotypie views of
bodies tive in past societies derived from norma of representations. Through examination

Models
sometimes here

of
relied

embodied
on assuming research

experience
universals, has been

have
and criti

traces of body modification that would have affected the exteriority of the body, evident in
human begun skeletal to raise remains, questions archaeologists about varied have embod

archaeological

cal in reinforcing
perceptual, sensory,

the historicity
and experiential

of specific
regimes

ied experiences. Moving
sions begun of normative to include

away from discus

(Meskell & Joyce 2003). Constructing cred ible models of past experiences of embod
iment becomes more difficult once univer

have bodies, archaeologists ex consideration of sensory impossible to de

once considered periences tect archaeologically.

sality is questioned because the archaeologist cannot begin by assuming the position of a iconographie or lit typical person. Where
erary sources are available, Classic of the as for the clas sical Mediterranean, Egyptians, by historic models and many Maya, societies ancient studied to such not

Experiencing

the Archaeological

Body
Kus (1992) issued an early call for the neces
sity of including sensory experience as part of

archaeologists, approaches have been productive, although

any archaeology of embodiment. Building on
her ethnographic experiences, she argued that

without points of disagreement (Houston & Taube 2000, Meskell 2000a, Meskell & Joyce 2003).
Representational media, whether texts or

archaeological interpretations that did not di
rectly cant aspects experiences particular address the senses would miss signifi of human experience people in the past, to act in

that motivated ways. research has

images, bring with them an additional set of interpretive challenges. They must be viewed not simply as reflections of existing concepts
of embodiment, but as part of the mate

Archaeological rience since then Drawing tral on

on

sensory varied

expe forms. Cen

rial apparatus through which
were sive tions naturalized. archaeological where extensive Analysis materials, textual provides or of

such concepts
less even discur in situa

taken texts in

European concepts

recording the

Mexican

sixteenth

(1988), Ortiz de century, L pez Austin rst (1995) detailed F Montellano and (1989), models of indigenous physiology and embod

sources

are available,

iconographie a valuable way

to tack from acknowledged
bodily experiences that

bodily ideals to
were in

sometimes

www.annualreviews.org

Archaeology of theBody

147

conflict with expressed ideals. For example, examining medieval British society, Gilchrist (1999, pp. 109^45) adopts a phenomenolog
ical perspective, of considering castles and the the spatial or of ganization persons experiences for understand

in Brittany "the physical body... has gone from a living whole of flesh and bone, to a
chaotic lated, The mass to a new of bone rearranged and whole sinew, partly as stacks articu of ribs. the body

figure...

is the social whole,

in them

as the bases

of the social collectivity, intowhich individual
egos have ety or one that as well merged.. can die as the through .one can be part can the message of actual of soci alone_One artwork, the use imagine was re

ing gendered experiences of embodiment. Morris & Peatfield (2002) use representations of bodily gestures inscribed in figurines recov ered from hilltop sanctuaries in Crete to ex plore the "feeling body" experiencing ritual,
entering into altered states of conscious

conveyed

human

mains" (Thomas & Tilley 1993, pp. 269-70). In a particularly striking study of material from Neolithic
challenges

ness.
with

Explicitly
ethnographic

grounded
research, using states, that the

in comparison
particularly controlled their on pos

Scotland, MacGregor
bias of much

(1999)
archaeo

the visual

shamanic ture to

induce

experiences trance assumes

argument they as

essentially study sumed

figurines postures the

logical analysis and demonstrates how objects that in no way can be directly linked to bod ies (either as body parts or representations)
may provide a basis to conceptualize em

iconically by ritual

represent participants

actual at

sanctu

ary sites (compare T te 1996). Tarlow (2002, p. 87) explores how the physicality of the body
in nineteenth century England was experi

bodiment. He considers in detail the sensory experience of decorated stone balls, which oc
cupants of these sites may have enjoyed, as an

enced by those who survived the deceased per
son, simultaneously illuminating the sensory

alternative to functionalist explanations of the production and use of these objects, explicitly
relating these bodily experiences to the cre

affect of the dead body for the living (com pare Kus 1992) and the existence of a philoso phy of incorruptibility of the body that shaped
the loved For lives one. archaeologists working sources, be one of in areas lack of survivors and their now-deceased

ation and re-creation of social identities. He
argues ileges that most visual archaeological over priv analysis the use of other

experience

senses (compare Hamilakis
emphasizes the tactile

2002). Instead, he
of the artifacts

qualities

he

is examining

(compare Ouzman
that archaeologists

2001).
em

ing documentary approaches even begin of publications may to

phenomenological the only ways to In a series contexts

MacGregor

advocates

ploy "haptic analysis" in addition to themore
common visual analyses of material culture to

explore

embodiment. excavated

juxtaposing

in Neolithic
disarticulated with which picted analyses human in visual

Britain and Europe,
human of formal body remains were constructed

in which
deposited, spaces in

remain attentive to the likelihood that other cultures in the past elaborated distinctive sen sory regimes. As Csordas (1994, p. 61) notes, "work on haptic touch is useful in develop ing a sense of the agency of the body in both
individual and social existence, and may thus

sometimes de parts were a number of archae images,

ologists have suggested lines of approach to both an experiencing body and the body as experienced by others (Fowler 2002; Richards 1993; Thomas 1993, 2000, 2002; Thomas & Tilley 1993). Emphasizing the fragmentation of the remains of human bodies across dif
ferent contexts, for partible these an researchers of have argued embodiment Thus, in sites

contribute to the elaboration of the model of embodied feeling."
Other routes for archaeological under

standing of embodied experience come from the application of biological techniques to
reconstruct health, work patterns, and body

vigorously that was

experience and collective.

modifications throughout the life course (Boyd 1996, Cohen & Bennett 1993, Cox & Sealy 1997). Differential access to dietary

148

Joyce

resources

can

provide

information

about

site where preserved.

traces

of practices of teeth,

during filing,

life

are

status identities reflected in living bodies as
differences construction in of stature repetitive and body size. Re activity constitutes

Extraction

inset

ting materials,
dental

and supplementing
are specific

teeth with
that

"appliances"

practices

evidence of habitual adoption of postures,
sometimes specific to gender or other iden

tities. Far more
to their

than skin deep, the biologi cal experiences of people in the past, similar
experiences any attempt of defy and person identity to separate surface and

hood, interior.

have begun to be viewed as evidence of bod ily experience and the cultural shaping of em bodied personhood (Becker 2000; Boyd 2002, pp. 145-46; Joyce 2001c; Robb 1997, 2002). Just as bioarchaeological studies of bod ily interiority yield understandings of embod
ied experience do reexaminations so also and public appearance, of costume and represen

Is "Surface" to "Interior" "Public" is to "Private"? Following
p. 91) argues

As

tation challenge the equation of the body with
a public surface. Rissman (1988), in a contex

tual analysis comparing the contents of buried (2000,
consider hoards to human argued interments that civilization, costume in the Harappan ornaments

Grosz

(1995), Gilchrist
materialist

for "amore

ation of the body, one which would examine how the processes of social inscription on the
exterior surface coalesce to construct a psychi

worn by the dead, traditionally viewed by ar
chaeologists private, as evidence of the internalized, of the per uncontestable "identity"

cal interior" through "the inclusion of the di mensions of time and space." Peterson (2000) exemplifies the work of bioarchaeologists
whose studies of human skeletal remains chal

son, were viewed by a wider public during
mortuary status rituals of dead as part of contestation the groups of the persons and to which

lenge the dichotomy of surface and interior in precisely theway predicated by social analyses such as those by Grosz (1994, 1995). Bioar
chaeologists trace the evidence in the more

they belonged. Sweely (1998), citing Joyce (1996), suggests that experiences of the in
habitants of ancient Ceren in more and less

intimate spatial settings served to naturalize
their sense of their own position and rela

durable parts of the human body of habitual
patterns of movement and action and of dif

tions to others as they grew from childhood to adulthood. Gilchrist (2000, p. 91) proposed to
examine sexuality, the "interior, experiential qualities the ma of as it was expressed through

ferential life experiences (Agarwal et al. 2004, Becker 2000, Boyd 2002, Cohen & Bennett 1993, Robb 2002). In traditional physical an
such traces of individual embod thropology, were to character ied experience abstracted ize categories groups, vations pretation for of people (sexes, the races, same or age

teriality of space and visual imagery" among celibate medieval women (see also Gilchrist
1994). In these and similar studies, the bound

aries of "the body" and of the spatial context
"around" it are shown to be inextricably re

example). Today, are open to more as evidence

obser inter

idiographic

of diverse

experiences

lated (Potter 2004). The products of such new approaches in
archaeology are no longer categorical expres

of embodied persons (Robb 2002). Particu larly interesting from such an osteobiograph ical perspective are studies of the dramatic manipulation
skeletal In many remains times

of the living body, reflected in
as well and places, as in artistic human canons. populations

sions of preexisting identities. Instead, con temporary archaeology of the body, moving beyond the dichotomy of surface and interior, considers the ways that body practices and
representations of bodies worked together to

have shaped the stillmalleable head of infants and young children (Boyd 2002, pp. 145^46; is another bodily Joyce 2001a,c). Dentition

produce experiences of embodied personhood differentiated along lines of sex, age, power,
etc.

www.annualreviews.org

Archaeology of the Body

149

ARCHAEOLOGIES OF EMBODIED PERSONHOOD
Meskell
cussed was plicit almost

of a kind of hyperbolic masculinity (Winter 1996). Analyses of Classic Maya images in
which young men's active, vigorous bodies are

(1996), noting
in then-current always the

that "the body" dis
archaeological female body, urged to masculinity, writing ex

presented as objects for the admiring gaze of
older males of for these and women alike offer as an analysis images simultaneously performances as inscriptions precedents of

archaeological

attention

a theme addressed most directly by Knapp (1998). Scott (1997, p. 8) noted the irony that
critiques of the common archaeological use of

the embodied men and

of cohorts of an idealized

young

amasculine

subject position had done little to theorize explicitly masculinity itself, instead
on delineating feminine experience.

young male body (Joyce 2000b, 2002b). Broadening the scope of embodied per sonhood beyond the feminized body has also involved radically questioning the indivisi bility of embodied persons. Thomas (2002) suggests that the archaeology of Neolithic
Britain a form can best be understood distinct as evidence from His of contem argument, contexts and artifacts in of of personhood

focusing

Although she suggested that "preoccupation with the body as a defining force is a peculiarly
late modern argued from social ancient development" Roman (p. 8), and Greek "not and data in fact

that masculinity

in the

past was

porary Western based which on careful

individuality. examination elements

measured by levels of direct sexual activity or
paternity.. 9), a number .nor of bodily prowess, nor dress" archaeological were analyses (p. have

human

skeletal

were split and rearranged, is that in Neolithic
Britain the embodied person may not have

productively traced discourses through which
embodied masculinities shaped.

Gilchrist
archaeologists

(1997, pp. 47-50)
who have,

is among the
ways,

in different

been bounded by the skin, but extended sub stantively by objects of various kinds (Thomas 2002, p. 41). "Both artefacts and bodies were governed by the principles of partibility and
circulation. general volved Both economy other could formed of elements substances' Both down made in a more which artefacts into parts, in and and

underscored
expressed difference male and

the production of masculinities
strength subjects a suite as often as between of objects a among male Relating

as differential

female.

materials. be broken

placed
Europe

in burials of males
to cultivation of the

in Bronze Age
body and par

bodies artefacts

at least were together"

by putting 2002,

differ p. 42;

ticipation

in warfare, Treherne

(1995) pro
masculin of this

ent substances

(Thomas

warrior that an exemplary posed was a circumstances of ity product

time and place. Yates (1993, pp. 35-36, 41 48), in his analysis of human images in Scan dinavian rock art, identified representational schema depicting distinct masculinities, con trasting in their degree of phallicism and ag
gression, with prominent calf muscles act

of compare Fowler 2002). Understandings as and dividual have been personhood partible employed by other archaeologists in analyses of the extension ofmaterial culture of the body
in a number of ancient societies (Fowler 2003,

Looper 2003a, Meskell & Joyce 2003). To un derstand the body in the past, archaeologists are increasingly engaging broader theories of
embodiment and materiality.

ing as a marker of a particular kind of male (1989) pursued an analysis of body. Winter the way that the able body in texts describing
a Mesopotamian visual emphasis ruler was referenced through of on musculature in portraits

THEORIZING THE BODY IN ARCHAEOLOGY
A central assumption, often left inexplicit in
archaeological social work on were in respect embodiment, "created, to is that ordered, understandings perpetuated

the seated ruler. She further proposed that the
body visual of another ruler was of viewers sexualized as a for the consumption production

and

associations

ISO

Joyce

with material
These out childhood,

culture" (Lesick 1997, p. 38).
shape contributing experience to the through production

Related common

arguments since Meskell

have

become her

more discus

associations

formulated

sion, which although published in 2000 com
ments on a conference held in 1996. Boyd

of adult social positions (Joyce 2000a). Sofaer Derevenski (1997, pp. 196-97) argues that
"the developing ascribes gendered actively transforms child imports, to into transfers, objects the and and meanings them

(2002, p. 137) criticizes archaeologists work ing on sites in the Levant for a lack of attention
to "the social that, noting and body as is generally embodied the case agency," in archae

gendered

world inwhich s/he lives."Although her anal Western childhood, ysis is based on studies of
she with assumes other that gender children constructs, in other would societies, nonethe

ology, the body ismainly approached as "an an objectified entity in physical/biological thropological studies" or, as the dead body of
mortuary zation, ments studies, as an index of much of social His or as a focus characterize symbolism. organi com ar

less have passed through similar stages of
development, content. tural understandings culture which albeit processing distinct sharing of cul such Archaeologists call workfs] for analysis to structure

contemporary

"material ex

chaeological practice. To move forward, Boyd (2002, p. 138) proposes a shift to examine
together "food consumption, treatment of

cultural

perience" (Lesick 1997, p. 38). Archaeolog ical explorations of embodiment, distinct as
they may derstanding archaeology ence, and be of in other respects, share an un that experi a point the material as environment past shaping as potentially past experiences.

the dead body, treatment of the living body
and body representation." Hamilakis and col

leagues (2002, p. 13) propose that such dis
tinct strands of archaeological research on

delineates consequently, with such

the body may begin to be integrated in an
emerging emphasis on what they call "the ex

of connection

periencing body," "in which
sensory may as and phenomenological to enrich be used existing anthropology, archaeology."

critically-aware
archaeologies traditions such studies, and

(2000b) has argued that archaeo logical writing on the body needs to be more
rigorously theorized. She describes archae

Meskell

physical

gender They as

ology of the body as proceeding from two theoretical positions. In the first position she
identifies perspective the body as "the scene she traces to reliance a of display," on the work

mortuary appraisal attention

include

in their

such developments to the incorporation

archaeological into the body of

of Foucault (see alsoMeskell
sees with this line of work gesture, (p. "the as "posture, costume, 15). The body

1998b).Meskell
concerned sexuality, second and

primarily

representation" which sociates theory. cerned she with She with calls

as artifact,"

project, she as

structuration Giddens' Anthony sees "the as artifact" as con body as "normative "sets of bodies"

food and drugs (Boyd 2002, Hamilakis 1999, 2002,Wilkie 2000) and concern with material technologies as shaping the body [in theman ner captured byMauss's (1992) elucidation of "techniques of the body"] and as bodily exten sions, or what Hayles (1999) calls prostheses. An archaeology of the body as site of lived
experience of agency and as the site of "the articulation and mean structure, causality

representatives of larger social entities fulfill ing their negotiated roles, circumscribed by
powerful social forces," passive bodies "de

ing, rationality and imagination, physical de
terminations and symbolic resonances" is a

scribed in relationship to [the] landscape or
as spatially experiencing (p. 16). the phenomenon She was strongly as criti of monuments"

cal of both archaeological approaches, seeing
them, as practiced the body to that date, lacking con cern with as a site of lived experience.

(2000b, p. 18) aligns with the and with phenomenology of Merleau-Ponty feminist theory.Meskell is careful to separate her call for attention to lived experience from an equation of an archaeology of the body with
the reconstruction of biography of named,

project Meskell

historical

individuals,

something

that

is
i$i

www.annualreviews.org

Archaeology of theBody

possible

where

archaeological

data

are

suffi

ciently rich and particularistic (Meskell 1998a, 1999, 2000a). Instead her proposal, illus
trated sonhood burials, by her own work on and on Egyptian of data per from is drawing houses, a range documentary

rial site of identity, from body and tradition ally understood itself to be limited to address ing the body as a public site or object of social action (Grosz 1994, pp. 3-10; Knapp & Meskell 1997, pp. 183-87; Meskell 1996, Turner 1998b, 2000b, 2001; 1984, pp. 30-59). Phenomenological approaches adopted by ar chaeologists offer instead a perspective on the body as "the instrument by which all infor
mation and knowledge is received and mean

sources,

that archaeologists take up the challenge of "a search for the construction of identity or self (Meskell 2000b, p. 20) thatwould include but
not be There restricted are to embodiment. points of intersection between

studies of embodiment and subjectivity in the
social sciences at large and archaeology in

ing is generated" (Grosz 1994, p. 87, com 1962). Csordas menting on Merleau-Ponty that (1994, pp. 10-11) suggests contemporary
approaches nomenology to embodiment an rooted in require emphasis on "lived phe ex

particular (Joyce 2004). Grosz (1995, p. 33) discerns two lines of discussion of the body
in contemporary social theory, one "inscrip

tive" and one dealing with the phenomeno logical "lived body": "[T]he first conceives the
body as a surface are on which inscribed, social the law, moral second refers ity, and values

perience." He sees this shift from analysis of an objectified "body" to understanding of ac
tive "embodiment" as involving replacement

of semiotic approaches with hermeneutic in terpretive perspectives. Under the influence
of phenomenological temporary semiotic archaeology perspective in the con approaches, of embodiment, the of the information trans

largely to the lived experience of the body, the body's internal or psychic inscription. Where the first analyzes a social, public body, the
second anatomy takes the body-schema as its Most object(s)." or imaginary archaeology,

until recently, has treated the body solely as
inscriptive.

mission and identity signaling models and the description of inert (often literally dead) bodies are being replaced by analysis of the
production and surface experience and interior of lived are no bodies, longer in which separated.

Archaeology
tradition that

Western developed from the
separated mind, the nonmate

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Beyond the debts evident from the work I cite, I acknowledge themany generous scholars who have shared the development of these ideas with me. I thank Geoffrey McCafferty, Veronica
Kann, Cheryl Claassen, and Mary Weismantel, who separately but almost simultaneously sug

own gested I read the work of Judith Butler. For invitations that allowed me to develop my at various points, I additionally thank Rita Wright, Jeffrey Quilter, Meredith Chesson, ideas Cecelia Klein, Roberta Gilchrist, Barbara Voss and Robert Schmidt, Genevi ve Fisher and Diana Loren, and Lynn Meskell and Robert Pruecel. It is traditional to absolve all such ac knowledged persons from responsibility of my errors, which I do; but they certainly deserve credit for anything I have achieved here and elsewhere.

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