Graduate Education Portfolio | David Raanan

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A portfolio containing syllabi and one representative written work from each completed graduate course in the Communication Studies program at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas.

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Master of Arts Degree Communication Studies 2012-2013

GRADUATE EDUCATION PORTFOLIO
University of Nevada, Las Vegas

David Raanan [email] [email protected] [mobile] 561.313.5050


 

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

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I. Course Materials………………………………………………………………………………...3 A. Spring 2012 1. JMS 760: Social Influence of Media………………………………………….4 2. SOC 641: Social Inequality………………………………………………….30 B. Summer 2012 1. COM 682: Security Discourse……………………………………………….50 C. Fall 2012 1. COM 634: Conflict Management……………………………………………82 2. COM 710: Survey of Communication Studies……………………………..109 3. COM 730: Theories of Communication…………………...……………….134 D. Spring 2013 1. COM 711: Rhetorical Critical Research Methods……..…………………...165 2. COM 712: Empirical Research Methods…...................................................204 E. Summer 2013 1. COM 794: Special Readings………………………………………………..248 2. COM 610: Advanced Topics in Relational Communication……………….275 F. Fall 2013 1. COM 794: Legal Communication………………………………………….307 2. COM 607: Communication Between the Sexes……………………………331 II. Curriculum Vitae………………………………………………………………………….…363 III. Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………....365


 

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COURSE MATERIALS

(1) syllabus and (1) representative written work from the following courses • Social Influence of Media (JMS 760) • Social Inequality (SOC 641) • Security Discourse (COM 682) • Conflict Management (COM 634) • Survey of Communication Studies (COM 710) • Theories of Communication (COM 730) • Rhetorical Critical Research Methods (COM 711) • Empirical Research Methods (COM 712) • Special Readings (COM 794) • Advanced Topics in Relational Communication (COM 601) • Legal Communication (COM 794) • Communication Between the Sexes (COM 607)


 

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SOCIAL INFLUENCE OF MEDIA (JMS 760) Syllabus Social Influence of Media (JMS 760) Semester Topic: “Media and Postmodernism” Thursdays at 4; GUA 1120 Daniel A. Stout, PhD 2147 GUA 702 895 5957 [email protected] Purpose of the Course. To study through reading, discussion and writing important social influences of media. One of the most important developments in this regard is postmodernism, or period when there is no single meta-narrative or guiding paradigm of truth. It’s a departure from modernity, where belief in a worldview of progress, science, and technology was strongly embraced. Media are at the core of the postmodern era, where much of life’s activity involves technology. This course explores three cultural sectors through the lens of postmodernism in order to better understand social influences of media. Readings (books & articles) Herman, S. & Chomsky, N. (1988). Manufacturing consent. New York: Pantheon. Sayre, S. & King, C. (2010). Entertainment and society, 2nd ed. New York: Routledge. Stout, D.A. (2012). Media and religion: Foundations of an emerging field. New York: Routledge. Assigned articles will be provided by the instructor.

Short Papers. 4-6 pages; APA style. Paper 1. Some lament the loss of community today while others contend that communities have proceeded pretty much the same through history. Using concepts of “postmodernism” and “media” take a position on this issue.


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Ppaer 2. An argument made by postmodernists is that “media” and “religion” are the same thing, and that there is little or no useful distinction between the sacred and secular sectors of society. Using concepts of “postmodernism” and “media” take a position on this issue. Paper 3. Twenty years ago, author and philosopher Neil Postman claimed that entertain media, particularly television, was reducing the substance of citizens’ political knowledge and discourse. Using concepts of “postmodernism” and “media” take a position on this issue. Position 4. Using concepts of “postmodernism” and “media” explain the popularity of Ufology and pseudoscience. While some Enlightenment philosophers claimed that belief in the extraterrestrial would pass, we see this isn’t the case. How do you explain this. Reading and Activity Schedule 1/19 1/26 Introduction to the Course “What is pstmdernism? by A. Berger “Media in Modernity” by Joli Jensen “Postmodernism” “Postmodernism and Philosophy” by Stuart Sim “Postmodernism and Literary Criticism” POSTMODERN COMMUNITY AND MEDIA 2/2 “Bowling Alone: What’s the Score?” by Claude Fischer “Media Audiences as Interpretive Communities” by Tom Lindlof “Postmodernism and Lifestyles” by N. Watson “The Network Community” by Barry Wellman “Virtual Communities as Communities” by Barry Wellman Paper 1 Discussions; Paper 1 Due. POSTMODERN RELIGION AND MEDIA 3/1 Stout, Chaps. 1-5

2/9

2/23


 

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3/8 3/15

Stout, Chaps. 6-10 Paper 2 Discussions; Paper 2 Due. POSTMODERN ENTERTAINMENT AND MEDIA

3/22 3/29 4/5 4/12

Sayre & King Chaps 1-3 Sayre & King Chaps 5,9, & 11 SPRING BREAK Paper 3 Discussions; Paper 3 Due. POSTMODERN SCIENCE, ARCHITECTURE AND MEDIA

4/19 4/26 5/3
 

“Postmodernism, Science, & Technology” by I. Grant “Postmodernism and Architecture” by Diane Morgan Paper 4 Discussions; Paper 4 Due.


 

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Term Paper 1 of 4 (JMS 760) A Hazy Line Between Sacred and Secular “It is possible that some day soon, an advertising man who must create a television commercial for a new California Chardonnay will have the following inspiration: Jesus is standing alone in a desert oasis. A gentle breeze flutters the leaves of the stately palms behind him. Soft Mideastern music caresses the air. Jesus holds in his hand a bottle of wine at which he gazes adoringly. Turning toward the camera, he says, “When I transformed water into wine at Cana, this is what I had in mind. Try it today. You’ll become a believer” (as cited in Stout, 2012 p. 119). This satirical take on postmodern advertising by Postman (1992) succinctly paints a picture of the complex issue at hand vis-à-vis the blurring line between the sacred and the secular. Religion is ubiquitous and it’s everywhere in a multiplicity of forms, explicit and subliminal. We discover it in our favorite songs, news programs, talk shows, motion pictures and magazines. We are bombarded by numinous symbolism in TV commercials, print advertisements, sprawled across public transportation and by famous musicians and actors who add their religious faith to an already overwhelming, constant barrage of what many believe to be sacrosanct discourse. This somewhat recent prevalence of religion through the lens of the media and other mediums has led to a collision of the sacred and secular into one community that does not exist in a vacuum but within its own emerging definitions and parameters. Now, more than ever, society is exposed to religion and religious symbols so frequently that many argue it’s becoming increasingly difficult for believers to discern between what is hallowed and what is entertainment. Postman (1992) referred to this inability to distinguish the two as “the great symbol drain” (as cited in Stout, 2012 p. 119). In effect, the overuse of religious symbols in


 

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myriad realms of everyday life lessens the affect of the symbol with respect to its “sanctity” and “historical significance.” This common occurrence which Hoover (2001) referred to as symbol flattening describes, “a condition where symbols such as the cross are no longer “held in hierarchical relationship to other, more secular or cultural symbols” due to the frequency of their depiction in media” (as cited in Stout, 2012 p.119). Consider for a moment the rise of who is now considered one of the most influential pop icons of our time, Lady Gaga. Ingrained throughout her many music videos and live performances you will find religious imagery and innuendo which has caused great consternation among some and celebration among others. In her popular music video for the song “Judas” (reference to one of the twelve Apostles of Jesus), there is a scene where Gaga dances in her bra and panties; common sexual imagery that no longer causes the brouhaha it once did. However, sexual imagery is not the issue here, upon further glance you will find that her bra has a cross over each nipple. “I don’t really view the video as a religious statement. I view it as a social statement. I view it as a cultural statement” says Gaga (Sun, 2011). Is it blasphemy, artistic expression or a postmodern case of symbol flattening? Whichever you choose, this sort of religious symbolism routinely depicted within the entertainment industry points to the larger issue at hand, religion is now habitually being employed as a means to shock and win public attention, or further as a euphemism for cultural and social statements best exemplified in the aforementioned example. Mallia (2009) believes that sexual imagery may be replaced by religious imagery as a “bold new attention–getting device” (as cited in Stout, 2012 p. 119). Others contend that this shift from sexual imagery to religious imagery and symbolism has already taken a foothold in society. As the sacred and secular continue to morph into a single hybrid form perpetuated by the advent of the Internet, social media and a twenty-four hour news cycle, the difficulties of


 

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delineating between the two will become increasingly esoteric. When more than 60% of American’s get their faith from something other than attending a religious institution, it begs the question where exactly people are going for faith these days (Einstein, 2008)? “People want to have faith. They want to believe in something. But the religious impulse is increasingly being satisfied someplace other than in a traditional religious setting” explains Einstein (2008). She argues that these institutions are being displaced by movies, religious chat rooms, commercials, billboards and books via monumental advertising and marketing techniques that are “diminishing religious bodies’ direct influence on religious consumers” (p. 5). “In Nike Culture, Goldman and Papson argue, “the routine and continuous practice of reassigning cultural and social values to commodities eventually took its toll on the public will to believe. Some go so far as to blame the U.S. and UK trend away from organized religion to individual spirituality on advertising’s appropriation of religious symbolism” (as cited in Mallia, 2009 p. 181). The exponential rise of religious television networks (GodTV, ShalomTV) lends credence to this business of packaging religion as a commodity of content to be sold to consumers of faith (Einstein, 2008). Churches in and of themselves have become one of the most effective advertising and marketing tools in the business of religion. As Stout (2012) explains, “the basic elements of advertising (i.e., salience, persuasion, and call-to-action) are also found in the sermon (p. 115). Pastors have become endorsers of everything from religious films and books to high-priced seminars. In 2004, Mel Gibson’s box office hit The Passion of the Christ debuted in theaters across the country and around the world, totaling over $600 million in revenues. This films success sparked debate as to whether it was the content or effective marketing strategies that led to its colossal triumphs. Upon further research it may be gleaned that the films director and producers formulated a winning marketing strategy, beginning with premiering the film on Ash


 

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Wednesday. The anti-Semitic fervor surrounding the film and director spilled over onto daytime talk shows, nightly news outlets and into synagogues around the country, opening up a new market for the film, people of Jewish faith. Jews were encouraged to see the film and decide for themselves, boosting sales from a demographic that would have likely never bought a ticket in the first place (Einstein, 2008). Amazon.com also aided in the film’s promotion by sending emails to customers who had purchased religious material through their site, but most importantly it was the churches themselves which provided the most thorough and effective marketing, advertisement and publicity for The Passion of the Christ. Einstein (2008) elaborates: Evangelicals, charismatics, and Roman Catholics were the target markets for this film. Thirty invitation-only screenings were held for high-level church leaders and the heads of prominent evangelical organizations. The leaders of these organizations, and many others, were encouraged to purchase blocks of tickets for their institutions and to suggest that the local churches do the same. More than $3 million in advanced tickets sales were generated through this campaign. Audience members were offered “door hangers, invitation cards, church bulletin inserts, Bible excerpts and study guides” (p. 3). This highly targeted marketing campaign under the auspices of religion allowed for The Passion of the Christ to solidify its place among the top ten box office successes of all time. What stands alone after reviewing the marketing of this film is that religion has the vulnerability of being manipulated by big business and institutions of faith, providing a product for its believers or consumers; further obscuring what once was a fine line between the sacred and the secular. Never in our history have we seen, or been capable of, such flawless integration of media and religion through mediums that have only existed in recent decades. Mediums of yesterday are soon to be compounded with countless others that continue to emerge at this very moment.


 

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With the sophisticated level of integration, inundation of religious symbolism and well crafted marketing campaigns society experiences today, the once transparent yet impregnable wall between the sacred and profane will likely continue to crumble into obfuscation.


 

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References Einstein, M. (2008). Brands of faith: Marketing religion in a commercial age. London ; New York, NY: Routledge. Herbert, D. E. J. (2011). Theorizing religion and media in contemporary societies: An account of religious ‘publicization’. European Journal of Cultural Studies, 14(6), 626-648. doi:10.1177/1367549411419981 Hjarvard, S. (2011). The mediatisation of religion: Theorising religion, media and social change.12(2), 119. Retrieved from http://www.tandfonline.com.ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/doi/abs/10.1080/14755610.2011.579 719 Hosseini, S. (2008). Religion and media, religious media, or media religion: Theoretical studies. Journal of Media and Religion, 7, 56. Mallia, K. (2009). From the sacred to the profane: A critical analysis of the changing nature of religious imagery in advertising.8(3), 172. Retrieved from http://www.tandfonline.com.ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/doi/abs/10.1080/1534842090309116 2 Stout, D. A. (2012). Media and religion: Foundations of an emerging field. NY, UK: Routledge. Sun, E. (2011). Lady gaga's 'judas,' anything but a religious statement? Retrieved February 24, 2012, from http://www.christianpost.com/news/lady-gagas-judas-anything-but-areligious-statement-50133/


 

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Term Paper 2 of 4 (JMS 760) Community in a Postmodern World Critics of postmodernism, or those who vehemently cling to the belief that we are simply living in a natural continuation of modernity, would purport that technology and the mainstream media of today are catalysts for the decline in our nations once robust sense of community and humanity. Robert Putnam (2000) , author of Bowling Alone: America’s Declining Social Capital, espouses these notions, further believing in the “the reduction in all the forms of in-person social intercourse upon which Americans used to found, educate, and enrich the fabric of their social lives.” Putnam and myriad critics are not necessarily wrong in their assessment. They foreground compelling points on what is certainly a complex phenomenon of the post World War II era, however, others would argue that their conclusions are oversimplified and lack sustained documentation, in turn, painting this issue with a broad brush when a more focused and narrow one would be more appropriate. After researching numerous studies and synthesizing there results, it can be gleaned that those who lament the perceived loss of community, while raising legitimate concerns, are mistaken about the grim outlook that our world is hurting, not profiting from, the rise of technology in the form of the internet and social media. The grandiose ascent of the Internet has built a stronger foundation over which we go about our daily lives communicating with neighbors, local community members, family, friends and business contacts that live great distances away. Wellman et al's (2003) study via social experiments concludes the following: rather than weakening community, the Internet supplements existing face-to-face and telephone contact. Heavy Internet users have a greater overall volume of contact with


 

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community members because Internet use suppplements telephone and face-to-face contact. It does not displace it. Frequent contact via the Internet is associated with frequent contact via other means. It is probable that people not only have more relationships than in pre-Internet times, they are in more frequent contact with community members. People are communicating more via the Internet, mobile phones and other communication technologies, adding on to other means of communication rather than substituting for them (The More the More section, para. 1). Delving deeper into the nuances within theory and reality, while shedding additional light on this issue is an extensive survey completed in August 2008 by Pew Internet Personal Networks and Community (PIPNC). After conducting telephone interviews with 2,512 adults from across the nation, PIPNC’s research results have provided many answers and insights to long-standing questions such as “are internet users less likely to participate in the local community?” (Hampton, Sessions, Ja Her, & Rainie, 2009, p. 42). Their findings reveal that over 70% of Americans in fact do know at least some of their neighbors by name, if not all or most. They are quick to make the distinction that “younger people, apartment dwellers, and those who are neither married nor cohabitating are typically at a stage in their lives when neighbors are less important than other types of social relationships” (Hampton, Sessions, Ja Her, & Rainie, 2009, p. 42). When we look at the structure of our local communities in this postmodern world it’s imperative that we take a bird’s eye view, recognizing the host of variables that have an effect on community relations compounded with new technological platforms that have moved community into a more Internet driven world. We are now filling the role many refer to as “E-Citizenship” or “Networked Individualism”, where members of a locality are interconnected through online mediums and communicate through them. Wellman et al. (2003, Rethinking Sociability section)


 

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explains this as a “shift away from communities based on small-group-like villages and neighborhoods and towards flexible partial communities based on networked households and individuals.” Findings yielded from the PIPNC’s survey seem to further legitimize what seems to be a shift in the way communities operate. A summary of their survey results show that “social isolation in America is not as high as has been reported in prior research” and in fact after a 30 year period, the proportion of American’s that identify themselves as being isolated is, at best, inconsequentially higher (Hampton, Sessions, Ja Her, & Rainie, 2009, p. 55). The PIPNC is steadfast in their research conclusion that “there is little to the argument that new information and communication technologies decrease participation in traditional, local social settings…and while there is some evidence that very specific internet activities, such as use of social networking services (e.g, Facebook, MySpace, LinkedIn), substitutes for some neighborhood involvement – the internet allows people to obtain traditional forms of neighborhood support from a social circle the extends outside of their neighborhood” (Hampton, Sessions, Ja Her, & Rainie, 2009, p. 56). In a similar vein, access to the Internet has expanded community, efficiency of interactions and increased the rate with which we connect to those who subscribe to our networks. To insinuate that community members are apathetic to their neighbors is to deny the fact that modern times have produced more modern measures. Whether you use the Internet or not, the PIPNC survey shows that levels of face-to-face interaction among both cohorts are equal. As communities begin to realize the shift to “E-Citizenships or E-Communities” (Wellman et al., 2003) they have in turn begun to react to it in an appropriate, progressive manner. By establishing neighborhood websites, blogs and forums, this new wave of community intervention and participation is ensuring that our sense of community stays intact, while protecting against any future declines. The PIPNC also reports that among those community


 

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members who engage in online neighborhood sites, they are substantially more present in local community functions than others who do not utilize such tools. Adding to the discourse of such an important topic, you would be remiss in not including the recent historical events that have truly changed the game with regard to social media and community cohesion. Consider for a moment what has been labeled the “Arab Spring” in many Middle-Eastern countries. Prompted by the suicide of an oppressed citizen in Tunisia, the recent use of social media in third world countries best exemplifies the unity and community that these platforms can create. Within 140 characters on Twitter, citizens of Tunisia and countless others held down by oppressive regimes have been successful in fomenting revolutions, overthrowing governments and delivering countries back to the people. Andy Carvin of National Public Radio (NPR) often comments on the efficacy of social media, explaining “social media is more about narratives than isolated content” (Schillinger, 2011, para. 13). His statement is thought provoking when juxtaposed with the “meta-narratives” approach widely followed in modernity although it’s clear he is using a portion of the term in a different context. One thing is certain though; anyone would be hard-pressed to find a non-violent tool as powerful and unifying as social media and the Internet, particularly in exceptional situations like this one. Only naiveté could allow us to believe that the social structure of American neighborhoods and communities has stayed equivalent to that of the 1950’s and 60’s. The massive and incremental changes in technology have subsequently lead to massive and incremental changes in how American communities socialize and form meaningful networks. Upon first glance, and rightfully so, it’s assumed that America’s sense of community has been degraded and displaced by the Internet, media and social networking. Not until we probe deeper into this complex issue do we discover the postmodern form of community; A hybrid community


 

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that incorporates face-to-face interactions, email correspondence, texting, video chatting, tweeting and facebooking, to name only a few. Under the auspices of the Internet, our world will no doubt continue to evolve, into what exact form, we can’t be sure of yet but one thing is certain, as Hampton et al. (2009) argues “it is clear that people shape technology far more than the other way around” (p. 56).


 

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References Hampton, K., Sessions, L., Ja Her, E., & Rainie, L. (2009). Social Isolation and New Technology. January 25, 2012. Heartney, E. (2001). Postmodernism. Cambridge, U.K.; New York, N.Y.: Cambridge University Press. Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of american community. New York: Simon & Schuster. Schillinger, R. (2011). Social media and the arab spring: What have we learned? Retrieved February 7, 2012, from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/raymond-schillinger/arab-spring-socialmedia_b_970165.html Wellman, B., Quan-Haase, A., Boase, J., Chen, W., Hampton, K., Isla de Diaz, I., & Miyata, K. (2003). The Social Affordances of the Internet for Networked Individualism. Retrieved January 23, 2012, from http://jcmc.indiana.edu/vol8/issue3/wellman.html#abstract


 

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Term Paper 3 of 4 (JMS 760) Political Prowess in a Postmodern World Just as seamless as the integration is between media and religion in postmodernism, so to is the blurring line between political news and entertainment. The once obvious distinction between informative (hard) news and news coverage for the purpose of amusement has become clouded, fusing into what many posit as an indistinguishable narrative which Meyer & Hinchman (2002) call “politainment” as described in their book, Media Democracy: How the Media Colonize Politics. Politainment is a postmodern phenomenon that describes the merging of politics and entertainment, particularly through the prism of a television camera. Those who espouse this hybrid form of news and entertainment would agree that its appeal has materialized through the natural evolution of its’ audience, an audience which is charmed by aestheticization. Balkin (1998) maintains that, “television tends to emphasize entertainment value. It subjects culture to a Darwinian process: The less entertaining is weeded out, the more entertaining survives to be broadcast. Hence coverage of public events, politics, and even law must eventually conform to the requirements of ‘good television,’ that is, the kind of television that grabs and keeps viewers’ attention by absorbing and entertaining them.” A survey of the electorate conducted by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press during the 2000 election reported that “47 percent of people under thirty years old were informed at least occasionally about the presidential campaign by late-night talk shows” (Jones). Balkin’s (1998) claim gains credence when considering the advent of wildly popular politainment programs such as The Daily Show with Jon Stewart, Real Time with Bill Maher and The Colbert Report, to name a few. Although these programs are regarded as reporting “fake news” by mainstream news establishments, scholars in the field would argue that these “fake news” programs add


 

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more veracity to the political discourse than other established news outlets such as CNN or FoxNews. Jones elaborates: Even though The Daily Show is a fake news show, its faux journalistic style allows the show’s writers and host to question, dispel, and critique the manipulative language and symbolizations coming from the presidential campaign while simultaneously opening up deeper truths about politics than that offered by the “objective” reporting of mainstream journalism. By actually showing the high levels of spin and rhetoric produced by the candidates and their campaigns, then offering humorous retorts that cut to the heart of the matter, The Daily Show offers its viewers particular (and perhaps more useful) “information” about the campaign that is often missing from “ real” journalist reports on the news networks, and hence informs its viewers in ways that mainstream journalism rarely does. Given the extraordinary level of outright distortions, lies, and spin that dominated both the Republican and Democratic campaigns…perhaps the postmodern notion that the “fake” is more real than the “real” is not such an unsettling notion when it comes to citizens looking for truth in contemporary political communication on television (p. 3). Jones foregrounds a valid point shared by many critics of today’s mainstream news media and the limited amount of empirical data does tend to lean toward the critics view. The Pew Research Center for the People and the Press repeated its 2000 study in 2004, this time inquiring about whether or not each respondent actually learned something from the aforementioned politainment programs. According to their findings, 21 percent of American’s under the age of 30 responded that they had gleaned some type of political knowledge from shows like Saturday Night Live and The Daily Show (as cited in Jones, p. 4).


 

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As alternative programs, channels and Internet websites continue to proliferate, one thing can be certain about American citizens’ viewership vis-à-vis politics, it’s becoming increasingly fragmented which many argue may lead (or already has) to a decline in political knowledge or at best a narrow partisan viewpoint. Prior (2005) summarizes this complex and often times paradoxical issue in his venerated research paper entitled News vs. Entertainment: How Increasing Media Choice Widens Gap in Political Knowledge and Turnout. Via his random sample survey of 2,358 U.S. citizens he corroborated his assumption “that motivation, not ability, is the main obstacle that stands between an abundance of political information and a well and evenly informed public” (p. 13). Prior’s (2005) conclusions are as follows: Greater choice allows politically interested people to access more information and increase their political knowledge. Yet those who prefer nonpolitical content can more easily escape the news and therefore pickup less political information than they used to. In a high choice environment, lack of motivation, not lack of skills or resources, poses the main obstacle to a widely informed electorate. Greater media choice thus widens the knowledge gap (p. 1). Prior (2005) in essence strongly believes that it is our own motivations, drives and preferences that dictate whether we choose to watch an in-depth news program or one that exists for our mere entertainment. He belies the notion that the public cannot discern between politics and entertainment by placing onus on the viewer. Assume for a moment that said viewer prefers to engage in watching a hard news program or at least a program they believe to be reporting hard news. The question still remains whether or not the well-intentioned viewer will be exposed to complete and factual news stories or instead fragmented sensationalized pieces of a story framed by the source? Balkin (1998) would choose the ladder convinced that, “over time, television


 

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coverage of politics tends to focus less on substantive policy issues than on the techniques of securing political advantage and political viability. The question of ‘who’s winning’ and how are they achieving this victory tends to dominate television coverage. Given the limited time available for broadcast and the limited attention of audiences, ‘inside’ stories about strategy and jockeying for political advantage tend to crowd out stories about substantive policy questions” (Balkin, 1998 see special role of television). Simply stated, this epoch of sound bites and sensationalized newsreels combined with a constant barrage of breaking news continue to work in tandem to obscure more thought-provoking and in-depth analyses of more complex issues. In recent years, and in reaction to a twenty-four hour news cycle, election coverage in particular has begun to best exemplify how reporting speeds of the media have adversely affected political discourse in the United States. Harack (2010) contends that during elections in this epoch “we spend more time talking about who has the lead and who is catching up. We hear about the status of the polls more than the global and nation-shaping issues that form the platforms of the candidates.” This phenomenon is often referred to as “horse-race reporting” (Harack, 2010). Many of the estimable journalistic practices of the past have made way for a more rapid fire reporting structure that puts greater emphasis on being the first to report a breaking news story rather than being the first to ask a politician the “tough questions.” Subsequently, each news organization in turn pushes its own agenda following most events, evident when switching between Republican and Democratic channels and seeing two completely different stories pertaining to the same event. Upon further examination of the issue it becomes clear that Neil Postman and his critics are both correct. There is a dichotomy that exists with regard to political knowledge in the 21st century and there is plenty of blame to go around for the lack of substantive reporting and


 

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attenuation of American’s political interests. If citizens expect to get the most out of their democracy they must take an active and meaningful role in the voting and election process. The greatest burden will continue to be placed on the ability of Americans to equip themselves with the knowledge needed to make informed decisions that may often times be of monumental magnitude. Most importantly, Americans must begin to seek out and demand truth among media. If they are aware of deception and framing among established news outlets they must challenge such chicanery. Equally, media must return to practicing ethical and objective reporting of the news regardless of a story’s entertainment value; clearly a virtue easier expressed then held today in an age of interest groups and agendas. In his work Brave New World, Aldous Huxley “feared the truth would be drowned in a sea of irrelevance” (as cited in Postman, 1985 forward). A continuation of the status quo may indeed result in Huxley’s fear or possibly Entman’s (1989) worst fear for that matter, a democracy without citizens!


 

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References Balkin, J. M. (1998). How mass media simulate political transparency. Retrieved March 18, 2012, from http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/jbalkin/articles/media01.htm Entman, R. M., & ebrary, I. (1989). Democracy without citizens. New York: Oxford University Press. Retrieved from http://www.library.unlv.edu/help/remote.html; http:// site.ebrary.com/lib/unlv/Doc?id=10142065 Hall, P. (2010). Mass media: Setting the political agenda. In Pearson Prentice Hall. Harack, B. (2010). Media speed's negative effect on politics. Retrieved March 15, 2012, from http://www.visionofearth.org/media/books/media-speeds-negative-effect-on-politics/ Jones, J. P."Fake" news versus "real" news as sources of politcal information: The daily show and postmodern politcal reality. In http://www.odu.edu/al/jpjones/Fake%20News.pdf London, S. (1993). How the media frames political issues. Retrieved March 20, 2012, from http://www.scottlondon.com/reports/frames.html Meyer, T., & Hinchman, L. (2002). Media democracy: How the media colonize politics. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Inc. Postman, N. (1985). Amusing ourselves to death :Public discourse in the age of show business. New York: Viking. Prior, M. (2005). News vs. entertainment: How increasing media choice widens gaps in political knowledge and turnout. American Journal of Political Science, 49(3), 577-592. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2005.00143.x


 

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Term Paper 4 of 4 (JMS 760) Popularity of the Unworldly in Postmodernism It seems that philosophers of the enlightenment era were wrong in their assumption that belief in the extraterrestrial would be ephemeral. American society’s fascination, some would argue borderline obsession, with the paranormal is evident in myriad facets throughout the last century and may be more celebrated today than ever before. Human interest in Ufology and pseudoscience begs the omnipresent question posed time and again by the science community; with no concrete evidence that aliens and the like exist, why are so many people transfixed by paranormal phenomena and why do they continue to have faith in the existence of other life forms? Naturally, there are a multiplicity of responses to this question, many of which contend that mass media plays a substantial role in perpetuating a belief in phenomena not of this Earth. “Among scholars and skeptics there is an assumption that the mass media should take a major responsibility for that fact that so many people seem to accept paranormal claims uncritically. The reason for the prevalence of “absurd beliefs” among the populaces of every culture… is to be found in the uncritical acceptance and promotion of these notions by the media” (Sparks & Miller, 2001 p. 99). Sparks & Miller, among other scholars in the field, argue that the media’s persistent reporting of paranormal news stories and science fiction scripted program content, visà-vis extraterrestrial phenomena, continue to impart mystique and curiosity on a pastime that without such broad coverage would otherwise be of little importance to the masses. Science fiction television programs and movies have historically garnered high ratings from their respective audiences. Blockbuster films such as ET and Independence Day along with The Sixth Sense, The Blair Witch Project and TV programs like Unsolved Mysteries, Medium and Touched


 

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by an Angel lend credence to the fact that America enjoys this realm of the abstract, unfounded and unchallenged. Maione (1998) elaborates: Programs on major TV networks often present a misleading account of the scientific status of paranormal claims by failing to fairly present the skeptical side of the story… A program that misrepresents the evidence for a particular claim is bad, but one that misrepresents the scientific method in doing so is many times worse (as cited in Sparks & Miller, 2001). In an effort to be more succinct, many scholars believe that presenting a polemical narrative, which exists in the aforementioned primetime programs and movies, yields uncritical acceptance of the paranormal among viewers, further compounding its mystery and allure to the masses. Even in the absence of sustained empirical research on this subject, there have been peerreviewed studies completed that shed some light on the impact that media has on the beliefs of viewers with respect to paranormal depictions. In 1994, Sparks, Hansen and Shah published their cardinal study about the relationship between paranormal media exposure and subsequent paranormal beliefs. Via their study, they arrived at the conclusion that presenting a disclaimer at the beginning of a program expressing its fictional nature largely affected how viewers responded to the content of said program. Sparks & Miller (2001) expound: the nature of a truth claim or disclaimer that was presented prior to the entertainment program "Beyond Reality,” affected viewers' subsequent paranormal beliefs. Those viewers who watched the program after hearing a disclaimer about the fictional nature of the material were significantly less likely to endorse paranormal beliefs after the program than viewers who heard no disclaimer. In another experiment, Sparks, Sparks, and Gray (1995) found that subjects who viewed a video segment on UFOs from "Unsolved


 

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Mysteries" were more likely to express belief in UFOs than were subjects who watched an unrelated video. Finally, Sparks, Nelson, and Campbell (1997) conducted a random sample survey and reported that paranormal beliefs were positively correlated with viewing of TV programs that dealt with the paranormal (p. 285). Critics who espouse the notion that media has little or no significant influence on viewers beliefs often present the chicken and egg dilemma in response to the research offered in the field and their decries are not without merit. Sparks & Miller’s studies cannot disprove the likelihood that those who already believe in the paranormal are more apt to seek out programs with paranormal content in the first place. If nothing else, the limited research reveals the potent and pervasive effect media can have on society’s belief in the extraterrestrial. As founder of the Cultural Environment Movement, George Gerbner’s (1987) widely cited theory on cultivation is apropos to the discussion on media’s perpetuation of the extraterrestrial. By means of his professional work, Gerbner describes the process of “blurring, blending and bending” in media as mainstreaming. In his view, heavy viewing habits and constant exposure to homogenous concepts, symbols and countless other stimuli (violence in particular), ultimately develops in a “commonality of outlook” among viewers (as cited in Griffin, 2008 p. 350-358). We must subsequently ask ourselves if it’s plausible that this common outlook may be attributed to the proliferation of accepted beliefs with respect to the paranormal in today’s epoch? Mirroring Gerbner’s own research and conclusions, one can be fairly confident in inferring that he would endorse the notion of “exaggerated beliefs” of paranormal phenomena that has been proven to develop among heavy television and movie viewers (Griffin, 2008 p. 350-358).


 

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As media plays its role in capturing our attention and provoking our wonderment in the unearthly, society’s primal and innate curiosity about the world’s complexities provides ample opportunities for believers and doubters alike to seek the truth about human origin and existence. The unknown has always and will continue to enthrall mankind. Our curiosity, hunger for authenticity and relentless pursuit for answers has allowed us to put a man on the moon, among a legion of other historic endeavors. Goldsmith & Owen (1980) add: Despite our lack of definite information, no doubt exists concerning the interest of human beings in the origin of life. Every culture has creation myths, and even our own “sophisticated” civilization cares deeply about its origins. We find this pervasive interest at the root of the diverse religious beliefs, and we find also that humanity has always been fascinated by the possibility that life may exist elsewhere in our solar system or somewhere further out in space, among the myriad stars in the sky. The idea of visitors coming to Earth from somewhere “out there” also has an ancient history, and appears among the earliest writings that archeologists have deciphered (p. 4-5). Goldsmith & Owens bring to the forefront of paranormal discourse what many believe to be, and what the past century has proven, a longing among the human race to discover what else exists beyond the planet it is relegated to. A longing conceived somewhere deep in the human conscience, sparked by much solitary inquisition and ultimately perpetuated and packaged for consumption by the masses through the prism of media. It seems no amount of meta-narratives or scientific fact can obfuscate the human inclination to look up at the sky and ponder, “are we really alone in the universe?”


 

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References Goldsmith, D., & Owen, T. (1980). The search for life in the universe. California: The Benjamin/Cummings Publishing Company, Inc. Griffin, E. (2008). Cultivation theory of george gerbner. In A first look at communication theory (7th ed., pp. 350). New York, NY: Irwin/McGraw-Hill. Minerd, J. (2000). Aliens: A social phenomenon. The Futurist, 34(3) Neimark, J. (1997). Dispatch from dreamland. Psychology Today, 30(5) Sparks, G. G., & Miller, W. (2001). Investigating the relationship between exposure to television programs that depict paranormal phenomena and beliefs in the paranormal. Communication Monographs, 68(1), 98. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=4312100&site=ehost-live Sparks, G. G., Pellechia, M., & Irvin, C. (1998). Does television news about UFOs affect viewers' UFO beliefs?: An experimental investigation. Communication Quarterly, 46(3), 284-294. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=1918508&site=ehost-live Sucher, Y. (2002). Alien fascination. Retrieved April 12, 2012, from http://www.riverdeep.net/current/2002/03/031802_extraterrestrials.jhtml What is a UFO and why are they so fascinating? (2009). Retrieved April 10, 2012, from http://paranormaldailynews.com/2009/05/23/what-is-a-ufo-and-why-are-they-sofascinating/


 

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SOCIAL INEQUALITY (SOC 641) Syllabus This syllabus is subject to change. It is the student’s responsibility to stay abreast of content and/or scheduling changes. COURSE: SOCIAL INEQUALITY

COURSE #: SOCIOLOGY 441/641 SECTION #: 001 DAYS AND TIMES: Wednesdays: 7:00 – 9:45 ROOM #: FDH 105 PROFESSOR: DR. ROBERT (Bob) PARKER SOCIOLOGY OFFICE: CBC B-226/227 SOCIOLOGY PHONE: 895-3322 SOCIOLOGY FAX: 895-4800 PARKER'S OFFICE: CBC B-217 PARKER'S EXTENSION: 895-0263 (Voice Mail) PARKER'S E-MAIL ADDRESS: [email protected] OFFICE HOURS: Tuesdays and Wednesdays: 5:45 – 7:00 p.m. REQUIRED TEXTS: C. Wright Mills The Power Elite. G. William Domhoff Who Rules America? (6th edition).


 

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COURSE GUIDELINES 1. PURPOSE: This course is designed to serve as an introduction to social inequality and the exercise of political power in the U.S. The major focus is on key divisions within the U.S. stratification system, including race, class, and gender, and its connection to issues such as employment, social mobility and the criminal justice system. The course examines questions surrounding who really exerts political and economic power in the U.S. 2. ATTENDANCE: Consult the official policy in the College Bulletin/Schedule. Attendance may be recorded and may be a factor in determining your final course grade. 3. CLASSROOM CONDUCT: DEACTIVATE CELL PHONES, iphones, texting devices, etc. BEFORE ENTERING the classroom. Smoking, eating, and drinking are not permitted in classrooms. Be courteous to those around you; please limit talking to class-related matters. Please be punctual and refrain from leaving class until the period is completely finished. Please let me know if you have a problem arriving or departing in a timely manner. 4. CLASS PREPARATION: Be prepared for each day's topic. Read ahead. Mark up the text to your satisfaction. Raise questions. Take notes from the book, our discussions, and the videotapes we will be viewing. 5. WITHDRAWAL DEADLINES: It is the student's responsibility to stay abreast of withdrawal deadlines. June 25 is the final day students’ may withdrawal from Session II courses. 6. ACADEMIC DISHONESTY: Acts of academic dishonesty will result in a failing assignment and/or course grade. 7. TEACHING METHODS: Assigned readings from the text follow. It is assumed that students can and will read this material on their own, so that class time can be used for discussions based on the readings, the viewing of videotapes, and contemporary issues that dovetail with the course material. Your active participation based on the reading material and the videotapes will be essential for this to be a successful class. This is not a standard lecturetype course. Students are responsible for all class sessions, for all readings, and for all videotapes for exam purposes. 8. EXAMS: There will be 3 exams, each of which are worth 100 points. Exams will be of the multiple-choice variety. Make-up exams will be strictly limited to truly urgent situations.


 

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9. DISCLAIMER STATEMENT: IF YOU HAVE A DOCUMENTED DISABILITY THAT MAY REQUIRE ASSISTANCE, YOU WILL NEED TO CONTACT THE DISABILITY RESOURCE CENTER FOR COORDINATION IN YOUR ACADEMIC ACCOMMODATIONS. THE DRC IS LOCATED IN THE REYNOLDS STUDENT SERVICES COMPLEX IN ROOM 137. THE DRC PHONE NUMBER IS 895-0866 (TDD 895-0652). 10. For Graduate Students Only. To receive graduate credit in this course, graduate students must write a critical, original research paper on a topic related to material covered in class (or omitted from class discussions). You may choose your own topic, but you must have my approval. It should be 12-15 pages in length. The assignment is worth 100 points. 11. Grading: Except for Graduate Students, grades for this course will be determined using the following scheme.

270-300 = A 240-269 = B 210-239 = C 180-209 = D 179 and below = F Agenda Date Topic Reading

1/23 1/30

Introduction Higher Circles Local Society Metro 400 Celebrities The Very Rich The Chief Executives Ch. 1 Ch. 2 Ch. 3 Ch. 4 Ch. 5 Ch. 6

2/6 2/13


 

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2/20 2/27 3/6 3/13 3/20 3/27 4/3

The Corporate Rich Review Exam #1 The Warlords The Military Ascendancy The Political Directorate The Theory of Balance The Power Elite The Mass Society The Conservative Mood Spring Break The Higher Immorality Exam #2

Ch. 7

Ch. 8 Ch. 9 Ch. 10 Ch. 11 Ch. 12 Ch. 13 Ch. 14 Ch. 15

4/10

Class and Power in America The Corporate Community The Corporate Community and the Upper Class The Policy-Planning Network The Role of Public Opinion Parties and Elections How the Power Elite Dominate Government The Big Picture Potential Challenges to Class Domination

Ch. 1 Ch. 2

4/17

Ch. 3,4 Ch. 5 Ch. 6 Ch. 7,8

4/24 5/1

5/8

Ch. 9

5/15

Final Exam


 

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  Term Paper (SOC 641)

The American Middle Class: Fighting to Stay in the Middle David Raanan University of Nevada, Las Vegas


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Abstract In many instances the middle class of America has been regarded as the foundation for which the coveted American Dream is built upon. What keeps it alive for millions of Americans is the hope of one day owning their own home or providing their children access to higher education. The past two decades have not only posed considerable threats to this hope but also to its sanctity and subsequently to those who wake up each morning believing that their future can be greater than their parents’. In this paper we will analyze and discuss this critical segment of society by examining American middle class declines vis-à-vis income, debt and home ownership. The middle class is not extinct but more will have to be done to guarantee their survival. Keywords: [middle class, debt, foreclosure, bankruptcy, inequality, income disparity]


 

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“Are you better off now than you were four years ago?” In 1980, Ronald Reagan posed this question to a raucous crowd of supporters in a heated election year for the Presidential Office. At the time, it was an effective form of campaign rhetoric that made voters stop and truly think about the economic conditions of their own lives. Over 30 years have passed since then, and this question appears to be more relevant in today’s epoch then ever before. Unfortunately, the most likely response to the aforementioned question from a multiplicity of American’s who occupy the middle class would in many instances be a resounding no! An in-depth study of the true middle class and the myriad components that constitute this class allows us to observe their trials and tribulations from an objective, bird’s eye view. This vantage point will no doubt render itself useful at the conclusion of this paper when we ask ourselves this omnipresent question once again, “are you better off now than you were four years ago?” To narrow the scope and for purposes of manageability we will consider declines in the American middle class strata vis-à-vis three areas of concern; income, debt and home ownership. In order to appropriately analyze the middle class we must first define its parameters. According to the United States Census Bureau, there is no official or ubiquitous definition for who actually composes the middle class of this country. However, there are two measures that the U.S. Census Bureau uses to yield perspective on income inequality and distribution of wealth. These measures are elaborated as follows: The shares of aggregate income received by households (or other income recipient units such as families) and the Gini index (or index of income concentration). In the shares approach, we rank households from lowest to highest on the basis of income and then divide them into equal population groups, typically quintiles. We then divide the aggregate income of each group by the overall aggregate income to derive shares. The


 

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Gini index incorporates more detailed shares data into a single statistic which summarizes the dispersion of the income shares across the whole income distribution. The Gini index ranges from zero, indicating perfect equality (where everyone receives an equal share), to one, perfect inequality (where all the income is received by only one recipient) (U.S. census bureau narrative para. middle class, 2010). Many find the government’s definition of the middle class, or lack thereof, confusing and convoluted. Others continue to define the middle class by taking the average income of the middle 25% to 66% of households. Either way you slice it, Schoen (2007) posits “in the end, there is no consensus definition of the ‘middle class’; neither is there an official government definition. What constitutes the middle class is relative, subjective and not easily defined” (as cited in Schoen, 2007). A modern phenomenon that still exists today is the willingness of an American citizen to categorize their lifestyle as ‘middle class’ even when their financial situation may prove otherwise. The Pew Research Center report entitled, Inside the Middle Class: Bad Times Hit the Good Life purports that 53% of the public defines itself as being of the middle class strata (p. 28). A further break down into particular demographics, the Pew report shows that “about half of whites (53%), blacks (50%) and Latinos (54%) say they’re middle class. Men are about as likely as women to say they’re middle class (51% vs. 55%)” (p. 29). Although it’s difficult to accurately gauge middle class boundaries, upon synthesizing research results it becomes increasingly easier to gauge the income and quality of life declines in America’s middle 50%, which will be discussed in greater detail in the following paragraphs.
  Over the past 30 years America has seen exponential, as well as incremental, changes in

income. Maloney & Schumer (2010) confirm that exponential income growth has been widely relegated to the top 10 percent of the population. “After remaining relatively constant for much


 

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of the post-war era, the share of total income accrued by the wealthiest 10 percent of households jumped from 34.6 percent in 1980 to 48.2 percent in 2008” (p. 3). Incremental changes vis-à-vis income has been more of an issue pertaining to the American middle class. Simply stated, as the top one to twenty percent have seen record surges in income and net worth, the other roughly 80 percent of the country has seen a modest rise in income growth ultimately culminating in stagnation or in some cases even slight declines overall. “Between 1967 and 2008, incomes for the top 20 percent of Americans grew by $70,600 – gains of over 70.3 percent. Income growth for the middle quintile was far slower, growing by just $10,200 – a 25.7 percent increase. During both the recession of the early 1990’s and the downturn of the early 2000’s, middle-class incomes fell” (Maloney & Schumer, 2010 p. 4). In an effort to effectively explain income statistics and the like, Taylor et al. (2008) divides the country into three subgroups; lower income, middle income and upper income (p. 110). Via their study on the demographics of the middle-income class Taylor et al. are able to make clear distinctions about who has been “winning and losing” within this strata. For example, focus is placed on several different variables, one of which being education. Education is certainly an important determining factor in these circumstances. Those with the least educational credentials have endured some of the biggest declines in income since the 1970’s. Taylor et al. (2008) expounds: In 1970, 36% of adults with a high school diploma or less were in lower income households. In 2006, 46% of these adults were in lower income households. Also, fewer of these adults were in the upper income tier in 2006 (17%) than in 1970 (23%). Adults with one to three years of college also lost considerable ground (p.110). Income inequality with relation to educational attainment becomes evident with the above statistics. In a similar vein, adults who obtained a bachelor’s degree or higher saw the least


 

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amount of fluctuation in their middle class status from 1970 to 2006. However, even this group experienced a slight decline in membership, going from 32% in 1970 to 29% in 2006 suggesting that some members went into the upper class while more likely fell into the lower class (Taylor et al., 2008 p. 120 figure 7). Age is yet another component, variable and determinate of middle class income. While seniors 65 years and older have enjoyed uphill momentum in their incomes since 1970, young adults ages 18-29 haven’t been as fortunate. These young adults “were more likely to be lower income in 2006 (39%) than in 1970 (30%) and saw their income position decline” (Taylor et al., 2008 p. 111). Furthermore, the actual number of adults in middle-income households has followed a downward trend since 1970. Via their study, Taylor et al. (2008) concludes: In 1970, 51 million, or 40%, of the nation’s 127 million adults resided in middle income households. Thus, the portion of adults in the middle income households has declined from 40% in 1970 to 35% in 2006. The share of adults in households with lower incomes has risen from 31.5% in 1970 to about 33% in 2006. At the upper end, 28% of adults were in high income households in 1970 and that share has increased to 32% in 2006 (p. 116). This research exemplifies the meta-narrative that is the middle class struggle and squeeze. As the upper and lower classes begin to balloon in population size, the middle class is slowly becoming marginalized, resulting in a degree of income polarization and inequality that seems to be widening as time progresses. History has already regarded President Clinton’s administration as one of progress for middle class families at a crucial period in time when they struggled to resurrect themselves from the economic slump in the 1990’s. During this epoch, income grew at what many consider to be


 

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a “healthy pace” (Maloney & Schumer, 2010 p. 4). President Clinton was able to balance the budget, bring down unemployment, reduce America’s debt and depart office leaving behind a surplus. The “healthy pace” reference was born in the 50’s and 60’s when things were brightest for the middle class. According to Koepp (2001), “the heyday of the U.S. middle class, and its high expectations, came in the 1950s and 1960s, when the median U.S. family income -adjusted to today's price levels -- leaped from $14,832 in 1950 to $27,338 in 1970. But the prosperity spiral was halted by the inflation of the 1970s, which carried prices aloft more rapidly than wages and thus caused real income levels to stagnate for more than a decade. Last year's, 2001, median was only $27,735, barely an improvement from 1970” (Koepp, 2001). As previously mentioned, there is no standard or agreed upon definition for the middle class, yet focused research allows one to make the calculated inference that middle class America is being left behind in the dust. Many who have pursued what society holds to be honorable middle class professions such as teachers and firefighters continue to live in that precarious grey area between a middle class lifestyle and poverty. In summary, with little to no monetary cushion due to a decline or stagnation in income, many among the middle class can essentially be described as one car accident, medical emergency or other unfortunate circumstance away from falling out of the middle class. Income inequality in America is only the tip of the iceberg when considering the myriad complications and consequences that arise from stagnant or declining salaries and wages. One serious consequence and ripple effect of such income inequality is that of household debt which often results in the increased need for credit services among the middle class. Maloney & Schumer (2010) summarize this by-product of income disparity by asserting “stagnant middle class incomes meant increased demand for credit, fueling an unsustainable bubble. The everyday


 

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consequence of stagnant middle class paychecks is the creation of demand for credit in order to make ends meet – and to keep up with the Joneses, as the rich get richer” (p. 5). As Americans struggle to keep their head above water, large percentages of middle class families are taking on more and more debt in order to maintain lifestyles of the past or simply to keep existing. The most pervasive and crippling forms of debt encompass student loans toward education, auto loans, outstanding credit card payments and home mortgage debts. These previously mentioned critical debt areas constitute what is commonly referred to as the “household debt sector” of the economy (Middle class shackled by banking debt chains, 2010). The author of Middle class shackled by banking debt chains simplifies the issue even further by dividing the total number of U.S. households (113,000,000) by the total household debt (12.77 trillion), resulting in approximately 113,000 of debt per American household. These figures alone are quite staggering when considering household debt figures of the past. Let’s consider for a moment the discretionary income and fixed costs of a single-earner family in the early 1970’s and then juxtapose those figures with a dual-earner family in the early 2000’s to uncover the underlying point of declining income and increased debt of today’s middle class family. In the 1970’s, a single-earner family made approximately $42,000 in total income. $22,890 of their total income was spent on fixed costs such as a mortgage, healthcare insurance, taxes, auto insurance and childcare. That left $19,560 of their total income as discretionary monies spent on matters of their choosing. In the 2000’s, a dual-earning family made approximately $74,000 in total income. $55,660 of this family’s total income was spent on the same fixed costs mentioned previously while only $18,110 was left over for discretionary purposes. Upon further analysis, the argument can be made that as a result of an exponential rise in debt and fixed costs over the past 30 years, a single-income family of the 1970’s was slightly better off than a dual-income


 

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family of the 2000’s (Middle class shackled by banking debt chains, 2010). It is of importance to note that the decline in discretionary income mentioned above may or may not be solely contributed to debt but otherwise underscores the overall point of an inherent decline in available discretionary funds among the middle class. The article Middle class shackled by banking debt chains (2010) describes this current trend as a “tightening of the chains of debt on the working and middle class”. This florid description is apropos when looking at the larger issues facing middle class Americans vis-à-vis debt in the 21st century. Some are quick to point fingers and take part in a “blaming the victim” scenario yet substantial fault lies in lax lending practices and increased advertising of banks and credit card companies enticing would be spenders. One such company is Citigroup, formerly Citicorps. From 2001 to 2006, Citigroup shelled out over 1 billion dollars in advertising costs espousing their new philosophy on home equity loans, entitled “Live Richly”. One ad purports, “There’s got to be at least $25,000 hidden in your house. We can help you find it” (Story, 2008). Such blatant disregard to consumer safety and stability within credit company advertising campaigns is an issue not being addressed in an epoch of great turmoil for middle class American’s in excessive debt. There is a consensus among experts in the field that misleading and ambiguous advertising in the credit industry has produced a greater debt load on Americans. Harvard economist Sendhil Mullainathan has studied persuasion in financial advertising and explains, “It’s very difficult for one advertiser to come to you and change your perspective, but as it becomes socially acceptable for everyone to accumulate debt, everyone does” (Story, 2008). Mullainathan foregrounds a valid point and exposes the poison inherent in financial companies today that have turned the other cheek to these predatory and exploitative advertising practices which continue to provide false hopes and onerous debt on the middle class. On May 22, 2009 President Barack Obama made an attempt to stabilize the middle


 

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class and combat the deceptive practices employed by credit card companies for far too long. The Credit Card Accountability, Responsibility, and Disclosure (CARD) Act of 2009 was signed into law in order to protect the 80 percent of American families that have a credit card, as well as the 40 percent who carry a balance at any given time. According to the Office of the Press Secretary, American’s pay around 15 billion dollars a year in credit card penalty fees. “With this new law, consumers will have the strong and reliable protections they deserve”, says President Obama (Fact sheet: Reforms to protect American credit card holders, 2009). This legislation is an estimable step in the right direction although it is not nearly enough to obviate future middle class struggles. It is apparent debt and credit woes have become increasingly onerous in the lives of middle class citizens who are being pushed to the brink of marginalization. Historically, and certainly in this recent epoch much of that debt can be contributed to American middle class homeownership. Taylor et al. (2008) explains, “About three-quarters of the new debt taken on by middle class families was due to debt secured buy a family’s primary residence” (p. 141). Owning a home in America used to be part of the American dream, an indication that a family had done everything right and could now enjoy the perks of homeownership. Unfortunately, the American dream has morphed into the American nightmare within only a few decades. Since 1983, debt has risen quicker than the value of family’s assets subsequently making housing the “principle collateral for family debt” (Taylor et al., 2008 p. 153). Taylor et al. (2008) believes that there are three main factors that have led to this housing crisis and increased debt load, the first of which being rising homeownership rates between 1992 and 2004. Secondly, the onset of skyrocketing home prices and lastly the “greater likelihood of securing debt with housing then by other means.” The current housing crisis in the United States has ravaged the middle class


 

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resulting in massive home price declines and unprecedented rates of bankruptcy and foreclosures producing a mean debt level increase of 144% between 1983 and 2004 (Taylor et al., 2008 p. 153). As more American families began buying homes in recent years, homeownership rates nearly peaked at 69% in 2004 reaching 73% for middle class families. Byproducts of home ownership will in most cases be debt owed in the form of mortgages, home equity loans or lines of credit. Taylor et al. (2008) informs “in 1983, 37% of U.S. families held debt secured by their primary residence. That proportion increased slightly to 39% by 1992 then jumped to 46% by 2004” (p. 155). As the rise of subprime lending took hold in the United States in the early 2000’s, so did the increased risks being taken by middle class borrowers who believed they could live the American Dream and finance their own home. With massive deregulation during the Bush presidency and unethical lending practices among some of the nations richest and most powerful banks and corporations, middle class America among a multiplicity of others were duped into believing they could afford to buy a home. Bianco (2008) explains: along with the rise of unregulated lenders came a rise in the kinds of subprime loans that economists say have sounded an alarm. The large number of adjustable rate mortgages, interest-only mortgages and “stated income” loans are an example of this thinking. “Stated income” loans, also called “no doc” loans and, sarcastically, “liar loans,” are a subset of Alt-A loans. The borrower does not have to provide documentation to substantiate the income stated on the application to finance home purchases. Such loans should have raised concerns about the quality of the loans if interest rates increased or the borrower became unable to pay the mortgage (p. 7). These so called “liar loans” are just one of the many examples of how lenders dropped the ball


 

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with regard to consumer protections. In another vein, blame must also be cast on the borrowers who were naive enough to believe that they could borrow on a loan that they knew they could not pay back in a reasonable amount of time, under reasonable circumstances. Yet, naiveté is minutiae in the shadows and cannot be fully blamed for creating a crisis that has stunned the richest nation in the world, reaching a pinnacle of record foreclosures and bankruptcies within the middle class and elsewhere. It’s regrettable that borrowers had a lapse in judgment and no one is suggesting that they should be exonerated from just blame, however, the government failed in protecting consumers by allowing such predatory practices to snowball into prevalent ones. Said borrowers should have been denied loans that they could not provide proper documentation for, period and end of story. In 2001 the housing bubble finally burst in America, reaching its apex around 2005. Home prices had reached unsustainable levels and true to the definition of a housing bubble, “following the rapid increases are decreases in home prices and mortgage debt that is higher than the value of the property” (Bianco, 2008 p. 3). This turn of events would prove to be disastrous as middle class Americans started to find themselves in yet another precarious position. They now owed money on a mortgage that cost more than the value of their home, or what is commonly referred to as an underwater mortgage. With the advent of underwater mortgages inevitably came the second wave of destruction for middle class Americans, foreclosures and bankruptcies. In 2010, foreclosures soared to record setting highs. Rick Sharga, President of RealtyTrac, a company that tabulates such statistics says, “in terms of foreclosure activity, 2010 was a train wreck, we continue to see unprecedented levels of foreclosures and bank repossessions” (DePaul, 2011). A train wreck may be an understatement after taking a gander at the actual numbers. There were 2.9 million foreclosures in 2012 with approximately 257,747 of them filed in December alone. These numbers show an increase of


 

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almost 2 percent over 2009 and a 23 percent increase over 2008 (DePaul, 2011). Furthermore, FDIC foreclosure statistics (2011) make light of the following: Every three months, 250,000 new families enter into foreclosure while one child in every classroom in America is at risk of losing his/her home because their parents are unable to pay their mortgage. More than 6 in 10 homeowners delinquent in their mortgage payments are not aware of services that mortgage lenders can offer to individuals having trouble with their mortgage. 85% have already missed one mortgage payment while 50% have already missed two payments (p. 1-2). Perhaps this crisis characterizes the final blow to a middle class that is hanging on by less than a thread today. Unfortunately, the lack of empirical research data available prevents us from accurately analyzing the ramifications and financial future of middle class families confronted with foreclosure. One thing is certain though, the long term negative impact of foreclosure on families’ finances. Kingsley, Smith, & Price (2009) foreground the greatest concerns following a foreclosure, “for homeowners, credit ratings are damaged, which affects their ability to move on to a new home and lessens their ability to get loans for other purchases. Poor credit ratings may also negatively influence terms and prices for services such as insurance and may impede efforts to get jobs, because some employers access credit ratings for new hires” (p. 10). A circumstance as grave as this would no doubt decrease the likelihood of a former middle class, postforeclosure family entering the coveted ranks of the middle class again. America is a superpower for innumerable reasons. A few of these reasons include the opportunity to live a better life than your parents did, to get an education and climb up the ranks of the social ladder and ultimately to realize the American Dream as cliché as the phrase has become. In many instances the middle class of America is exactly what the American Dream was


 

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built on and what keeps hope alive for millions of Americans that dream of one day owning their own home or gaining access to higher education. The past two decades have not only posed considerable threats to this dream, and its sanctity, but also to the millions of people who wake up each morning believing that their future can be better than their parents’. The facts and figures presented in this paper unfortunately paint a grim picture and do not reflect a brighter future for a segment of society that has been the backbone of a great nation. A strong American middle class is compulsory in our nations future, particularly if we have any hopes of maintaining our role as the leader of the free world. We must earnestly take on the complex but solvable issues of income, debt and home ownership in a meaningful and exigent manner. The task will no doubt be one of epic proportions but that’s what makes America great, our ability to overcome what others believe to be impossible feats. If we collectively demand that the proper steps be taken now, we can, at the very least, have hope that the answer to the late President Regan’s question, “are you better off now than you were four years ago?” may still be a confident and convincing yes!


 

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References Bianco, K. M. (2008). The subprime lending crisis: Causes and effects of the mortgage meltdown. DePaul, J. (2011). Foreclosures at all-time high - may rise in 2011. Retrieved March 15, 2012, from http://www.thefiscaltimes.com/Articles/2011/01/13/Foreclosures-at-All-Time-HighMay-Rise-in-2011.aspx#page1 Fact sheet: Reforms to protect American credit card holders. (2009). Retrieved March 15, 2012, from http://www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/Fact-Sheet-Reforms-to-ProtectAmerican-Credit-Card-Holders FDIC foreclosure statistics. (2011). Retrieved March 3, 2012, from http://www.fdic.gov/about/comein/files/foreclosure_statistics.pdf Jaison, A. R., & Deitz, R. (2011). Job polarization in the united states: A widening gap and shrinking middle. Retrieved March 3, 2012, from http://libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2011/11/job-polarization-in-the-united-statesa-widening-gap-and-shrinking-middle.html Kingsley, T. G., Smith, R., & Price, D. (2009). The impacts of foreclosures on families and communities. The Urban Institute, Koepp, S. (2001). Retrieved March 3, 2012, from http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,143633,00.html Maloney, C. B., & Schumer, C. E. (2010). Income inequality and the great recession: Report by the U.S. congress joint econimic committee.


 

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Middle class shackled by banking debt chains. (2010). Retrieved February 18, 2012, from http://www.mybudget360.com/middle-class-debt-household-debt-mortgage-credit-cardstudent-loans-45-trillion-shackles-of-debt/ Schoen, J. W. (2007). Who or what is the middle class? Retrieved February 29, 2012, from http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21272238/#.T1aVP1GLHdk Story, L. (2008). Home equity frenzy was a bank ad come true. Retrieved February 15, 2012, from http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/15/business/15sell.html?_r=2&pagewanted=all Taylor, P., Morin, R., Cohn, D., Fry, R., Kochhar, R., & Clark, A. (2008). Inside the middle class: Bad times hit the good life. U.S. census bureau narrative (middle class). (2010). Retrieved March 3, 2012, from http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/income/data/inequality/middleclass.html


 

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SECURITY DISCOURSE (COM 682) Syllabus INSTRUCTOR: Jacob Thompson, Ph.D. OFFICE: GUA 4140, phone: 895-3474. If you cannot locate me in my office, please check in the debate squad room—CBC C 324/6 EMAIL: [email protected] (DO NOT email me through webcampus) OFFICE HOURS: T/R 1:00-2:00 p.m., W 10:00-12:00, and by appointment MEETING PLACE: GUA 2213 General class information Course Description and Overview: In this course we will investigate the discourse of national security. This discourse shapes and is shaped by the ways that we understand foreign policy, war, enemies, allies, and many other concepts discussed in this course. The course will focus on the political speeches, public conversations, language, arguments, and linguistic practices related to security policy, including but not limited to topics such as the rhetorics of American foreign policy, war, terrorism and nuclear weapons. Learning Outcomes/Course Objectives: 1) To introduce graduate students to the various rhetorical dimensions of security. 2) Graduate students are expected to demonstrate an advanced ability to read broadly, think carefully about issues covered and express their ideas orally and in writing at a level appropriate for M.A. candidates. 3) To expand graduate student comprehension of the rhetorical complexity of American foreign policy. 4) To familiarize graduate students with the arguments and linguistic representations used to justify and prosecute military action. 5) To provide graduate students with an understanding of the different forms of terrorism and the relationship between terrorism, terrorists, governments and communication. 6) To introduce graduate students to the rhetorical dimensions of nuclear arms and proliferation. 7) To increase graduate students’ written and oral skills. Expected Results: Achievement of these goals will be measured by class participation and performance on oral and written assignments in and out of class. Required class readings: ALL class readings are available on webcampus. Graduate students may be expected to read more journal articles per class than undergraduate students.
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Method of Instruction: This course is designed to provide you with a variety of speaking and writing experiences. Lectures and discussions will cover key concepts but will not “spit back” the material to you, and you will frequently be asked in lecture to explain and/or discuss materials from the assigned readings. Graduate student input is especially important as it is frequently more nuanced and deeper than the insights that undergraduate students are able to contribute. Lectures will include information from the text and from other sources. You will, from time to time, be asked to supplement the instructor’s lectures with your own in-class presentations. The main focus, however, is on active learning. Each class students will be asked to not simply discuss the material but to apply it. Readings must be completed before the class for which they are assigned. Full participation from every student is essential to maximize your experience in this course. You are encouraged to discuss course material with your fellow graduate students (if there are any), share ideas, exchange notes and study together. You should generally refrain from exchanging notes with undergraduate students and studying with them. If you have any problems and/or issues with any aspect of the class, see me as soon as possible. Coming to me at the end of the semester will prove fruitless. Attendance: Graduate students are expected to attend every class unless they have been previously excused. Learning occurs not simply in reading the material, but in actively engaging it in the classroom, listening to, evaluating, and hearing the opinions of other students in the class. Attendance is therefore essential for success. For additional information on UNLV’s Religious Holidays policy, please see page 13 of the syllabus. Course Grading: Midterm: 20% Final Exam: 25% Homework/Quizzes/Presentations/Participation: 10% Prospectus Paper: 5% Term Paper: 40% Term paper grading breakdown Introduction & Literature Review: 25% Application & Analysis: 25% Implications & Conclusion: 25% Final Product: 25%

Grading Scale The following grading scale will be used for this course: 92.5 – 100% = A 72.5 – 76.4% = C 89.5 – 92.4% = A69.5 – 72.4% = C86.5 – 89.4% = B+ 66.5 – 69.4% = D+ 82.5 – 86.4% = B 62.5 – 66.4% = D 79.5 – 82.4% = B59.6 – 62.4% = D76.5 – 79.4% = C+ 00 –59.5% = F GRADUATE Assignment Descriptions: All take home assignments must be: typed, 12pt. Times New Roman font, one inch margins with no separate title page. Do not submit papers in plastic covers. If outside sources are
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necessary to complete the assignment proper documentation is required. All submitted papers should include page numbers. Assignments that require more than one page to answer that are not stapled will not be accepted. 1) Midterm Exam: This will be an in class exam that will include short answer and essay questions. It will cover the first half of the semester’s notes, in-class discussions and readings. Graduate students must bring their own blue books. 2) Final Exam: This will be an in class exam that will potentially include essay questions. It will cover the entire semester’s notes, in-class discussions and readings. Graduate students must bring their own blue books. 3) Homework/Quizzes/Presentations/Participation: Graduate students will be asked to type a summary of the assigned reading to turn in before we discuss said reading. They also will be asked to read and summarize additional/supplementary readings that have not been assigned to undergraduate students, but that are directly relevant to the topic being discussed on a given day. For each of these readings they must create a brief hand out to distribute to undergraduate students, provide the instructor with a hard copy and an email copy of their (more extensive than the hand out) lecture notes, and briefly present the material to the class (5-10 minute presentation). If students are not assigned an article summary, it is likely that they will be quizzed on the content of the assigned reading, before we discuss it. Other in-class assignments may also count toward your point total in this category. 4) Prospectus Paper: In a 3-5 page paper, graduate students will propose and justify a topic for their term paper. They will (1) explain the rhetorical artifact that they are examining, (2) justify why that rhetorical artifact is “important,” (3) explain how you plan to examine that artifact (briefly explain/justify your methodology), and (4) predict directions that the final paper may take. 5) PROGRESSIVE TERM PAPER a) Introduction & Literature Review Paper: Detailed assignment available later b) Application & Analysis Paper: Detailed assignment available later c) Implications and Conclusion Paper: Detailed assignment available later d) Final Term Paper: Detailed assignment available later

Other information/policies on assignments A Word on Grading Term Papers and Essays: Essays will be graded on the quality and clarity of your argument and ideas AND on proper syntax (spelling, grammar, punctuation, format, etc.). Organization, evidence, documentation,


 

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reasoning and accuracy of claims all will contribute to the assigned grade. Attached to this syllabus is a list of my suggestions for successful academic writing and a rubric that I use to grade written assignments. Extra Credit Opportunities: Extra credit is something that must be available to the entire class and will not be awarded on an individual basis. There is the possibility there will be no extra credit opportunities for the class. In the event there are, students will be notified. Typically, extra credit is only awarded for projects related to course content and that employ some form of output. While any extra credit opportunities will be made available to the entire class, they may take place on the weekend or a specific time outside of class when certain students are not able to attend because of other obligations or scheduling conflicts. It is not the instructor’s responsibility to schedule extra credit opportunities at times convenient to every student. Policy on Late Work: Late work will not be accepted (constituting a “0”) unless prior permission is granted by the instructor due to extenuating circumstances (i.e. death in the family). Please note: poor planning by students, job interviews/responsibilities, and similar situations do not constitute an “extenuating circumstance.” The official UNLV policy regarding absence or late work due to religious holidays will be observed in this class (see p. 13 in this syllabus). Policy on email and email Submissions: All paper and homework submissions must be made in hardcopy form. If you are unable to attend a class when an assignment is due, I advise you to get a hardcopy to someone who is able to turn it in for you on time. If you need to contact me via email, please email me at [email protected] DO NOT use the “email” function on webcampus to email me—I seldom check it. However, I will provide you (the class) with important updates through the webcampus email function. If you choose to not use your rebelmail account, please make sure at the very least that you have your rebelmail email automatically forwarded to the account that you most frequently use. For more information on the UNLV rebelmail policy, please see p. 15 of this syllabus. Students are advised to keep all returned and graded assignments and to retain a copy of any assignments that they turn in on a disk as well. Policy on assigned readings: All class readings are available on webcampus ALL READINGS MUST BE PRINTED OFF AND BROUGHT TO CLASS ON THE DAY THEY ARE TO BE DISCUSSED. I advise you to print the articles BEFORE you read them so that you can underline important passages, take notes about the readings in the margins, and you’ll also automatically have a handy reference for your papers and to study for tests. Additional Class Policies:


 

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1) The schedule may be rearranged during the term, but students will be notified in writing (usually via webcampus announcements and email) when this happens. You are responsible for finding out about any changes made to the class if you are absent. 2) Turn off all cell phones, and other electronic devices that may disturb the class before class starts. 3) Students are responsible for lecture notes and other information missed by not attending class, including any changes to the schedule or assignments. If notes are missed students are expected to get them from another student and not the instructor. 4) Students are expected to have copies of all turned in assignments in case of loss, theft, or damage. 5) Follow the syllabus and keep up with all required reading and assignments. You are responsible for all material presented in the text (whether discussed in class or not) as well as class lectures, assignments or activities. 6) If you are having problems with any aspect of the course please come and see me. 7) Grades are determined on quality of output. Furthermore, I understand all students desire an “A” for the course no matter what their situation. If you know you “have to” make a certain grade for scholarship reasons, for example, you should be working with me from the beginning of the semester. I cannot do anything for a student who comes to me at the end of the semester. 8) I will attempt to return all graded materials within 1 week of receipt. In some circumstances, the turn-around time on graded materials may be a bit longer, and then they will be returned whenever I finish grading them. 9) Students must keep all returned graded materials and handouts in the event there is a discrepancy on grade calculations. 10) All assignments handed in to the instructor must be stapled or they will not be accepted. 11) Students may use laptop computers to take notes in class, as long as they meet the following conditions: a. Use of a laptop may not interfere with your participation in class discussions. If you are not able to pay attention to discussion and type simultaneously, then you should take hand written notes. b. Laptop wireless adapters are to be disabled before class begins. c. Any student found doing anything that is not directly related to class on their laptop (including, but not limited to email, facebook, surfing the net, games, etc.) will no longer be allowed to use a laptop in the class. 12) Students must bring TWO PRINTED COPIES of their “study questions.”One copy is to be turned in to the instructor and the other is to be used to prompt answers to questions brought up in class discussion.


 

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Paper Grading Criteria “A” Paper • • • • • • • • • • A clear, original thesis that synthesizes the material in the course in a thoughtful cogent manner A clear organizational structure that is easy for the reader to follow and understand The writing is clear, cogent and fluid with few, if any, grammatical, syntactical or spelling errors Sources are clearly, completely and consistently cited without error. Main points are supported with relevant information The analysis is thoughtful and presents insight into understanding the topic of the paper The conclusions are clear and push our understanding of material further Contains an accurate bibliography Meets all requirements for paper format Adheres to assignment topic closely

“B” Paper • • • • • • • • • • Thesis is present but may not be clear, or easily identified by the reader The organizational structure is somewhat easy to follow, but is not consistent throughout the paper Most points have evidentiary support, but not all, and evidence may appear without something to support There are some grammatical, syntactical and spelling errors throughout the manuscript Citations are incomplete in some cases Analysis contains some logical gaps Does not contain a full conclusion Contains an accurate bibliography Meets all requirements for paper format Adheres to assignment topic in almost every manner

“C” Paper • • • • • • • • •
  Thesis is difficult to find, or is a simple restatement of an obvious point. Transitions are unclear and organization of the paper is hard to follow Most points lack evidentiary support and often times evidence appears without something to support There are quite a few consistent grammatical, syntactical and spelling errors throughout the paper Citations are incomplete, or done inconsistently There are very few examples and the argument is impossible to identify Not much of a conclusion Bibliography done incompletely or incorrectly Meets all requirements for paper format 55



Adheres to assignment topic

“D” Paper • • • • • • • • • Minimal effort with no clear thesis or argument No clear organization for paper Almost all points lack supporting evidence There are many grammatical, syntactical and spelling errors throughout the paper There is no conclusion Sources are incorrectly cited Bibliography is not there, or is incomplete and erroneous Meets all requirements for paper format Adheres to assignment topic in a small way

“F” Paper • • • • • • • • • Minimal effort with no clear thesis or argument No clear organization for paper Almost all points lack supporting evidence There are many grammatical, syntactical and spelling errors throughout the paper There is no conclusion Sources are incorrectly cited Bibliography is not there, or is incomplete and erroneous Does not meet all the requirements for paper structure Does not adhere to assignment topic Jake’s Rules For Writing 1. ALWAYS, ALWAYS, ALWAYS, ALWAYS, ALWAYS, have a couple people (who are smart and write well) proofread your papers for you. If you cannot find anyone to proofread your paper, finish it early and take it to the campus writing center. 2. Spell check your paper. 3. Write primarily in the past tense… If the things you’re describing or analyzing happened in the past, the articles you’re reviewing were written in the past, you should write ABOUT them in the past tense. 4. Have citations to back up ANYTHING that is not common knowledge. You must credit your sources where credit is due. Not doing so is plagiarism. 5. Indent paragraphs (5 spaces) by using the “tab” button. Do NOT put spaces [hard returns] between paragraphs. 6. Write simply. a. Shorter sentences typically are better sentences. b. Do not use run-on sentences or extremely complex sentences. c. Do not over-stretch your vocabulary for the purpose of “sounding academic.” 7. Paragraphs must be appropriately sized. They should contain one main idea, and almost never should be an entire type-written page long.


 

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8. Make sure that your referents are clear… do not say “this” without telling me what “this” actually is. 9. Do NOT end a sentence with a preposition 10. Adverbs modify verbs, they should end in “LY” i.e. “she ran quickLY” NOT “she ran quick” 11. Subject verb agreement—never write “presidential campaigns is…” it’s ARE. 12. Do not use contractions in academic writing [i.e. don’t, can’t, I’ve, etc] 13. Do not use an acronym without writing out its complete title first, after it’s written out once, you may use the acronym. 14. Do not write in the first person singular [I believe] or first person plural [as we can see] 15. Do NOT ask questions in an academic paper, unless they are your research questions. Make declarative statements instead. Additional UNLV Policies To Note: Academic Misconduct – Academic integrity is a legitimate concern for every member of the campus community; all share in upholding the fundamental values of honesty, trust, respect, fairness, responsibility and professionalism. By choosing to join the UNLV community, students accept the expectations of the Academic Misconduct Policy and are encouraged when faced with choices to always take the ethical path. Students enrolling in UNLV assume the obligation to conduct themselves in a manner compatible with UNLV’s function as an educational institution. An example of academic misconduct is plagiarism. Plagiarism is using the words or ideas of another, from the Internet or any source, without proper citation of the sources. See the Student Academic Misconduct Policy (approved December 9, 2005) located at: http://studentconduct.unlv.edu/misconduct/policy.html. Copyright – The University requires all members of the University Community to familiarize themselves and to follow copyright and fair use requirements. You are individually and solely responsible for violations of copyright and fair use laws. The university will neither protect nor defend you nor assume any responsibility for employee or student violations of fair use laws. Violations of copyright laws could subject you to federal and state civil penalties and criminal liability, as well as disciplinary action under University policies. Additional information can be found at: http://provost.unlv.edu/copyright/. Disability Resource Center (DRC) – The Disability Resource Center (DRC) determines accommodations that are “reasonable” in promoting the equal access of a student reporting a disability to the general UNLV learning experience. In so doing, the DRC also balances instructor and departmental interests in maintaining curricular standards so as to best achieve a fair evaluation standard amongst students being assisted. In order for the DRC to be effective it must be considered in the dialog between the faculty and the student who is requesting accommodations. For this reason faculty should only provide students course adjustment after having received this “Academic Accommodation Plan.” If faculty members have any questions regarding the DRC, they should call a DRC counselor. UNLV complies with the provisions set forth in Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990. The DRC is located in the Student Services Complex (SSC-A), Room 143, phone (702) 895-0866, fax (702) 895-0651. For additional information, please visit: http://drc.unlv.edu/.


 

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Religious Holidays Policy -- Any student missing class quizzes, examinations, or any other class or lab work because of observance of religious holidays shall be given an opportunity during that semester to make up missed work. The make-up will apply to the religious holiday absence only. It shall be the responsibility of the student to notify the instructor no later than the last day of late registration of his or her intention to participate in religious holidays which do not fall on state holidays or periods of class recess. This policy shall not apply in the event that administering the test or examination at an alternate time would impose an undue hardship on the instructor or the university which could have been avoided. For additional information, please visit: http://catalog.unlv.edu/content.php?catoid=4&navoid=164. Tutoring -- The Academic Success Center (ASC) provides tutoring and academic assistance for all UNLV students taking UNLV courses. Students are encouraged to stop by the ASC to learn more about subjects offered, tutoring times and other academic resources. The ASC is located across from the Student Services Complex, #22 on the current UNLV map. Students may learn more about tutoring services by calling (702) 895-3177 or visiting the tutoring web site at: http://academicsuccess.unlv.edu/tutoring/. UNLV Writing Center--One-on-one or small group assistance with writing is available free of charge to UNLV students at the Writing Center, located in CDC-3-301. Although walk-in consultations are sometimes available, students with appointments will receive priority assistance. Appointments may be made in person or by calling 895-3908. The student’s Rebel ID Card, a copy of the assignment (if possible), and two copies of any writing to be reviewed are requested for the consultation. More information can be found at: http://writingcenter.unlv.edu/ Rebelmail – By policy, faculty and staff should e-mail students’ Rebelmail accounts only. Rebelmail is UNLV’s Official e-mail system for students. It is one of the primary ways students receive official university communicationsuch as information about deadlines, major campus events, and announcements. All UNLV students receive a Rebelmail account after they have been admitted to the university. Students’ e-mail prefixes are listed on class rosters. The suffix is always @unlv.nevada.edu.


 

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Term Paper (COM 682)

An Inductive Rhetorical Analysis: Barack Obama on the Death of Osama Bin Laden David Raanan University of Nevada, Las Vegas


 

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Review of Literature:
  On May 2, 2011 President Barack Obama delivered an historic speech on the death of the most wanted terrorist of our time, Osama Bin Laden. This 9 minute and 27 second rhetorical artifact is the culmination of efforts put forth by three U.S. Presidents, and more importantly thousands of military personnel actively involved, wounded or killed in combat missions in Afghanistan and Iraq. This momentous speech comprises 1,387 words and was delivered nationally, globally and in front of a relatively small live audience consisting of the Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, National Security Advisor Tom Donilon, CIA Director Leon Panetta, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton and Vice President Joe Biden. This speech expounds on the work done by an amalgamation of intelligence and counterterrorism professionals that culminated in the killing of Osama Bin Laden over a 10-year period. President Obama opens with a clear and concise statement of Bin Laden’s death and then begins to recount, with the use of loaded and emotional words, the story of September 11, 2001. The President comments on the casualties as well as the resolve of the American people to unite as “one American family.” Naturally he turns to the issue of national security in a post-9/11 world. President Obama then elaborates on a myriad of American victories that led to the capture or killing of terrorist organizations deemed responsible for the 9/11 attack. Next, without divulging any details on the operation itself, the President explains his decision to launch “a targeted operation” against the compound in Pakistan that U.S. intelligence believed to be housing Bin Laden. All the while, the President is quite careful to articulate that the “United States is not – and never will be – at war with Islam,” says Obama. After some comments on the cost of war and a brief thank you to those involved in the operation, President Obama concluded


 

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this speech by reminding the audience that although a mass murderer who was responsible for egregious attacks on human life has been brought to justice, “the cause of securing our country is not complete.” The significance and importance of this speech was undeniable, both domestically as well as globally, and not just because Osama Bin Laden and Al Qaeda were able to successfully carry out the largest terrorist attack in history on U.S. soil, but because the attack fundamentally changed our nations behavior with respect to international relations in the 21st century. From the nearly 3,000 innocent American’s murdered, to the subsequent wars this attack provoked, to the bloodshed spilled by thousands of military personnel, this speech resonated with millions of people around the world on levels with which we may never fully comprehend. Furthermore, in the wake of a victory speech of this magnitude, there arises a wellspring of questions posed with regard to our nation’s future moving forward. Many American’s may have been wondering what the status of Al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations were and what their status would be after American troops leave Iraq and Afghanistan. Others might have inquired about how news of Osama Bin Laden’s death will affect the blueprint for success in Afghanistan and ultimately the United States’ strategy for troop withdrawal in the region. Immediately following this speech, it is probable that Americans feared what they thought might be an inevitable retaliation from Bin Laden supporters in reaction to their leaders’ blatant murder. Moreover, it would not be a stretch to suggest that people around the country and world speculated on the future of U.S. and Pakistani relations after having learned that Bin Laden had sought refuge near an active military base in Pakistan for a prolonged period of time. All these questions and countless more make this speech a rhetorical artifact of immense importance.


 

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My inductive rhetorical analysis of President Obama’s speech on Osama Bin Laden’s death will endeavor to answer one paramount question; what topoi and rhetorical devices are being used in the speech and what kind of affect do they have on the audience? I will try to apply newly gleaned information on rhetoric to prompt general conclusions which can be extrapolated from this speech and may attest to the way in which the speech is intended to persuade or influence the public. I will seek out and apply devices discussed in class such as prophetic dualism, technocratic realism, idealism, American exceptionalism and security metaphors, to name a few. Since reading Obama’s speech in its entirety, in tandem with the readings and speeches we have reviewed in class, I have been intrigued to find out what rhetorical devices he employs within his address on this topic. While I have found and read a plethora of research, extensive class material included, with regard to public interpretation of war rhetoric and analyses on a multitude of war speeches (Murphy, 2003; Noon, 2004; West & Carey, 2006), I have yet to discover any journal articles or papers that examine the criteria I have noted above vis-à-vis audience reactions or impressions, polling and news reporting not withstanding. While many articles provide an in-depth exploration into Obama’s speech, I cannot find any articles that sincerely answer the question posed in the inductive rhetorical analysis I intend to develop. President Obama’s speech on the death of Osama Bin Laden is a unique rhetorical artifact. Its distinctiveness is evident by simply stating the speech’s topic and deep relevance That Bin Laden has had in the recent history of our country. Its rhetorical topoi are present in other speeches in history. Obama uses many devices for persuasion and effect found elsewhere with a modern twist in this declaration of victory against the terrorists responsible for 9/11.


 

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In the East Room of the White House at 11:35pm on May 2, 2011, President Barack Obama delivered his speech on Osama Bin Laden’s downfall. There were numerous events taking place in the country leading up to the delivery of his speech, including the operation to kill Bin Laden. His speech was a culmination of over 10 years worth of bipartisan efforts to capture or kill the world’s most wanted terrorist. The motivations for the speech were simple and succinct. Osama Bin Laden has been killed, America was victorious and freedom shall always usurp fear. Obama took great care to resolve any dissonance American’s might have had regarding terrorism and the safety of the United States in the future. According to contributing editor, Sam Stein (2011) at the Huffington Post, “The president made the decision to undertake the operation at 8:20 a.m. on April 29th in the White House’s Diplomatic Room before he left to survey tornado damage in Alabama. Tom Donilon, his National Security Advisor, prepared the formal orders and convened the principals at 3 p.m. that same day to complete the planning.” The next day Obama hosted the annual White House Correspondent’s dinner. The many in attendance were regaled by Obama’s quite humorous address, completely unaware that hours before he had signed off on one of the most dangerous and potentially politically crippling military operation’s of recent past. Contextually, Obama’s speech was entirely dedicated to the explanation of attacks on September 11, 2001, a description of intelligence efforts leading up to the operation, brief background on the operation itself and finally concludes by declaring that “the cause for securing our country is not complete,” says Obama. Although his speech was by its very nature a victory speech, Obama’s tone was somber and his demeanor stoic and serious. This was an inherently formal address to both the nation and the world.


 

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I intend to use extensive scholarly research materials to inductively analyze this rhetorical artifact. In reviewing the relevant literature on President Barack Obama’s address on the death of Osama Bin Laden, I will demonstrate that the following question has been left unanswered and thus warrants further exploration and criticism. What topoi and rhetorical devices are being used and what kind of affect do they have on the audience? Specifically, I will focus on background literature on the historical use of rhetorical devices in security discourse. The bulk of background literature appears in the numerous scholarly sources provided as class material, which elaborate on specifics of wartime rhetorical discourse. Each of the sources listed below contains concepts or rhetorical devices that will be used to deconstruct and assemble a cogent analysis of the speech involved with this inductive evaluation. In the following paragraph I will divide each of these sources into a coherent list of related topics and provide brief summaries. The first topic consists of articles that speak to the presidential justifications for war. These articles elaborate on the background of, and rhetorical devices employed, in the strategy of a President who intends to take their country to war. “Images of Savagery in American Justifications for War” (Ivie, 1980) examines topoi that “are instrumental in the generation of public support for a call-to-arms.” The concept of victimage rhetoric is explained. “Somalia and the Imperial Savage: Continuities in the Rhetoric of War” (Butler, 2002) discusses imperial and modern savage constructs. “Idealism and Pragmatism in American Foreign Policy Rhetoric: The Case of John F. Kennedy and Vietnam,” exemplifies JFK’s use of both idealistic and pragmatic arguments in support of his foreign policy ideals (Bostdorff & Goldzwig, 1994). Ivie (2003) once again offers his expertise on wartime rhetoric by explaining the use of images, vocabularies of motives and war in “Presidential Motives for War.” Mark Stuckey’s (1995) article entitled


 

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“Competing Foreign Policy Visions: Rhetorical Hybrids After the Cold War” extends insights on the orientational metaphor “that allowed American interests to be easily communicated to and understood by the mass public” during the Cold War epoch. He also expounds on the three common foreign policy dramas; Cold War, New World Order and Power Politics. The second topic consists of two articles that provide background on how former President George W. Bush used historical memory to “characterize the world in a simple, dualistic fashion that evades a critical engagement with history” (Noon, 2004). “Operation Enduring Analogy: World War II, the War on Terror, and the Uses of Historical Memory” (Noon, 2004) recounts the Bush administration’s use of analogies exploiting “the greatest generation” theme to garner support for his global war on terror. “Our Mission and Our Moment: George W. Bush and September 11th” (Murphy, 2003) gives phenomenal insight into Bush’s use of genre, visual imagery and the creation of audience to influence public support of his policies. The third topic includes articles that explain American foreign policy rhetoric in great scrupulousness. “The Rhetoric of American Foreign Policy” (Wander, 1984) introduces the reader to the concepts of prophetic dualism and technocratic realism while explaining how each is skillfully employed in the rhetoric of American foreign policy. “The Meaning of Security” (Chilton, 1996) touches upon security metaphors that permeate throughout American foreign policy rhetoric. “Realism and Rhetoric in International Relations” (Beer & Hariman, 1996) delves into how “the doctrine of political realism became the dominant theory within international relations.” Thomas Kane’s (1991) article on “Foreign Policy Suppositions and Commanding Ideas” argues the “importance of developing a post-cold war rhetoric with a new vocabulary containing important implications for the contemporary world.” “The Public Controversy Over the Panama Canal Treaties: An Analysis of American Foreign Policy


 

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Rhetoric” (Hollihan, 1986) supplements Stuckey’s (1995) explanation of the dramas inherent in foreign policy discourse as it relates to the Panama Canal treaty in particular. The fourth topic pertains to an article that examines crisis rhetoric. “The Function of Epideictic and Deliberative Strategies in President Crisis Rhetoric” (Dow, 1989) posits that there are two different types of rhetoric employed during a crisis; epideictic and deliberative. Deliberative rhetoric fulfills the need for communal understanding. Deliberative rhetoric strives for policy approval. Forensic rhetoric is used less frequently in foreign policy matters. The fifth and final topic includes a more focused look at Kenneth Burke’s (1969) “A Grammar of Motives.” In this introduction to his book, Burke (1969) expounds on the five key terms of dramatism. They are: Act, Scene, Agent, Agency, and Purpose. A review of the literature presented above indicates that there is sufficient scholarly support to aid me in my inductive rhetorical analysis of President Barack Obama’s speech on the death of Osama Bin Laden. Methodology: It has been postulated that “language determines society. It orders experience because it creates the forms which make possible the communication of experience” (Ivie, 2003). In this inductive rhetorical analysis of President Barack Obama’s speech on the death of Osama Bin Laden, I will apply Kenneth Burke’s (1969) method of examining a rhetorical artifact to demonstrate how Obama’s rhetoric makes possible a focused communication of experience that appeals to his audience. Burke’s (1969) method of “dramatism” employs the dramatistic pentad, which encompasses the five compulsory elements of effective persuasive rhetoric (Kelley, 1988). These elements are as follows; act, scene, agent, agency and purpose. Kelley (1988) describes the Burkean approach as one that “encourages the critic to examine language to discover what


 

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motive a speaker might have had in a certain situation and how that rhetor attempted to redefine the situation or persuade an audience to a perspective” (p. 322). In order to effectively deconstruct this rhetorical artifact, and in an effort to define its key elements, which will ultimately yield the rhetor’s purpose, Burke’s dramatistic pentad offers a critic the most robust option in an attempt to understand the semantics of a text as well as how the rhetoric is used to channel a response from the audience. Further, this method furnishes the most effective platform for performing an inductive rhetorical analysis with the promise of veracity and thoroughness. For the purposes of this analysis as well as the uniqueness of this address, there is no other method more compelling which would elucidate the true meaning behind the speech of the rhetor. The first area of literature deemed relevant to this topic consists of extensive background on the art and critique of contemporary rhetoric. There are an abundance of articles, online resources and books covering rhetorical critiques. The two sub-categories of research are literature on general rhetorical critiques and literature focused on rhetoric used in tandem with security discourse and numerous foreign policy issues. The first sub-category of literature appears in one the foundations for rhetorical thought and the baseline for future criticisms, The Art of Rhetoric by Aristotle (translated by Roberts, 2008). Dating back to 367 BC, Aristotle is credited with developing the system that allowed rhetorical critique to prosper. The rhetorical foundations din this book will enable proper documentation of devices used in the speeches to be analyzed. Critiques of Contemporary Rhetoric (Campbell & Burkholder, 1997) lends additional assistance to practicing proper rhetorical criticism. Its robust blueprint for a thorough analysis will allow for an accurate description of the text.


 

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The steps that will be applied in analyzing the text in the following section are as follows: First, it is critical to identify the purpose, act, scene, agent and agency of the text as a whole. Second, with these elements in mind, it becomes uncomplicated to examine each paragraph of President Obama’s speech to determine what rhetorical devices were being utilized as well as how those devices assisted in strengthening the purpose of the text in its entirety (i.e. how the audience is affected by the rhetoric). Finally, in the implications and conclusion paper, the efficacy of Obama’s speech will be assessed in order to determine if its primary purpose was achieved. Analysis: Before examining the text, it may be helpful to define each element of the dramatic pentad as it pertains to this speech. Beginning with purpose, this address by President Obama is given to assure the American people that the death of Osama Bin Laden is another victory in America’s effort to defeat terrorism. The act is simply the United States’ operation that led to the killing of the world’s most wanted terrorist, Osama Bin Laden. The scene is created by positioning the United States as being attacked solely based upon its ideals and freedoms. More specifically, with regard to the scene, the operation took place at a compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan. There are three agents involved in this drama; the United States, President Barack Obama and the Navy Seals that executed the mission to kill Bin Laden. The Navy Seals along with the intelligence community constitute the agency of Obama’s rhetorical drama. Obama (2011) began his speech by immediately defining its act wherein he states the following: “Tonight, I can report to the American people and to the world that the United States has conducted an operation that killed Osama Bin Laden,” he explicates. The very first sentence of this speech denotes victory and becomes the foundation for which the entirety of the


 

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President’s address is built upon, in the interest of realizing its purpose. Obama’s tone, however, was not one of celebration or adulation. Instead Obama used the epideictic approach, which conveys a more ceremonial appeal, although he later vacillates between both epideictic and deliberative rhetoric (Murphy, 2003). Obama (2011) then artfully injects two rhetorical devices after his description of Osama Bin Laden, when he declared that “the leader of Al Qaeda, and a terrorist who’s responsible for the murder of thousands of innocent men, women, and children.” By labeling Bin Laden as a “terrorist,” Obama is invoking the image of imperial savagery akin to Bill Clinton’s use of the device during the crisis in Somalia (Butler, 2002). Obama was creating the image of “the other” in this instance. These terrorists as a collective community “of others” were demonized as uncivilized and inherently savage “murderers of men, women, and children” (Butler, 2002). The inclusion of “children” as victims of terrorist attacks adds to the visceral response of the audience (Winkler). Prophetic dualism was also introduced within the first paragraph of Obama’s speech. The United States and the “terrorists” were juxtaposed into well-defined boxes of good and evil, respectively. According to Philip Wander, “one side acts in accord with all that is good, decent, and at one with God’s will. The other acts in direct opposition. Conflict between them is resolved only through the total victory of one side over the other” (p. 157). In keeping with the dramatic purpose of this speech, prophetic dualism device buttresses America’s role as the hero in a battle against savage villains of terrorism. In the following paragraph Obama communicated a narrative on the history of the September 11, 2001 attacks. He explained:


 

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It was nearly 10 years ago that a bright September day was darkened by the worst attack on the American people in our history. The images of 9/11 are seared into our national memory – hijacked planes cutting through a cloudless September sky; the Twin Towers collapsing to the ground; black smoke billowing up from the Pentagon; the wreckage of Flight 93 in Shanksville, Pennsylvania, where the actions of heroic citizens saved even more heartbreak and destruction (Obama, 2011). In the above excerpt, Obama makes use of the social memory device to connect the audience emotionally to the egregious acts conducted on U.S. soil. He painted the picture of that “cloudless September sky” as an image of U.S. tranquility and peace, soon transformed into death, destruction and impending war. Obama’s intended purpose was to shed light on the fact that America did not provoke this attack and its justification can be none other than the loathing of freedom in the mind of a terrorist. Invoking social memory allows the audience “to experience a common heritage with people they have never seen; they can acquire memories of a past to which they have no geographic or biological connection,” Noon (2003) explains. Such a vivid description of the 9/11 attacks “legitimates the present as the inevitable outcome of the past” (Noon, 2003). The concrete language consistent with his rendition of the attack also espouses Obama’s strategy to directly appeal to his audiences’ emotions. Obama also includes a light and dark archetype by juxtaposing “bright” and “darkened.” Obama continued to conjure up negative images of 9/11 in the third paragraph. He spoke to the “children who were forced to grow up without their mother or their father” and the “nearly 3,000 citizens taken from us, leaving a gaping hole in our hearts” (Obama, 2011). These anecdotes almost foment raw anger and contempt to the listener. With this, Obama continued to justify the act of his drama and ultimately lends credence to its purpose.


 

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The fourth paragraph of Obama’s address was meant to invoke American patriotism, unity and the communal goals of citizens. Obama (2011) exclaims, “in our time of grief, the American people came together…we reaffirmed our ties to each other, and our love of community and country… we were united as one American family.” The use of the link metaphor in security discourse is quite apparent in Obama’s rhetoric here (Chilton, 1996). The notion of “social bonds” and “moral commitments” are explicit in his dialogue on the unification of Americans after 9/11 (p. 199). Obama’s epideictic approach affords him the opportunity to praise the audience and the American response to the tragedy (Murphy, 2003). In paragraph five, Obama (2011) discusses the “resolve to protect our nation and to bring those who committed this vicious attack to justice.” This paragraph marks a turning point from anger to action in the speech. Using deliberative rhetoric, Obama (2011) sets the stage for American retaliation against Al Qaeda in an effort “to protect our citizens, our friends, and our allies.” He once again used prophetic dualism to further isolate Al Qaeda as an evil entity (Wander, 1984). Al Qaeda “had openly declared war on the United States and was committed to killing innocents in our country and around the globe,” decries Obama (2011). This idea of Al Qaeda’s tyranny can be seen as a god term and yet another topoi in the savage binary construct. The irrational vs. rational binary is a “distinction in the image of the enemy as a savage” which contrasts an “irrational and lawless antagonist to a rational and law-abiding protagonist” (Ivie, 1980). These tropes put the final touches on the depiction of savagery that Obama painted for Al Qaeda. Moreover, Obama’s (2011) oath to “protect our citizens, our friends, and our allies” pinpoints the scene element in the dramatic pentad. He brought to the attention of the audience that “innocent” Americans were being attacked simply because a terrorist organization abhorred their freedoms.


 

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Moving towards the middle portion of Obama’s speech, paragraphs six through ten recount America’s efforts to eradicate terrorism and bolster its homeland defense while enumerating small victories that lead to the location and killing of Osama Bin Laden. The first signs of pragmatism by Obama begin to surface within this area of his speech. For example he self-assuredly reported: Last August, after years of painstaking work by our intelligence community, I was briefed on a possible lead to Bin Laden. It was far from certain, and it took many months to run this thread to ground. I met repeatedly with my national security team as we developed more information about the possibility that we had located Bin Laden hiding within a compound deep inside of Pakistan…I determined that we had enough intelligence to take action, and authorized an operation to get Osama Bin Laden and bring him to justice (Obama, 2011). Obama’s rhetoric in the above excerpt used elements of technocratic realism and pragmatism, which enabled his administration to gather ample intelligence and proceed accordingly. John F. Kennedy skillfully and quite successfully invoked pragmatic rhetoric in 1961 to legitimize his policy for Vietnam and Obama seems wise to follow suit (Bostdorff & Goldzwig, 1994). His explanation of intelligence gathering efforts that were “painstaking,” lends credence to the complexities inherent to the situation. Therefore, and because of these complexities, a practical and detailed plan was critical to launching the operation to kill Bin Laden. Obama almost seems to be justifying the length of time it took to finally find and kill Bin Laden so as to directly address those whom openly criticize America’s expediency in failing to capture Bin Laden sooner.


 

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Obama revealed the agent and agency elements of the dramatic pentad in the 10th paragraph of his speech on the death of Osama Bin Laden. The agent(s) of his drama are divulged as Obama (2011) reports, “today, at my direction, the United States launched a targeted operation against that compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan. A small team of Americans carried out the operation with extraordinary courage and capability.” Evidenced in this statement, President Obama and a small team of Americans, whom would later be identified as Seal Team 6, constituted the agent element of this drama. Seal team 6 along with the intelligence community also acted as the agency element as they were the driving forces behind the successful execution and completion of the operation. In paragraph 11 Obama (2011) asserts, “The death of Osama Bin Laden marks the most significant achievement to date in our nation’s effort to defeat Al Qaeda.” The main purpose of this drama is detected in this sentence and completes the Burkean pentad of dramatism. Obama was declaring Bin Laden’s death a victory on its own merits and as a microcosm within the larger war against the terrorist faction, Al Qaeda. The effect on the audience cannot be understated here as they were encouraged to take part in this “significant achievement” that further protects America from the modern savages that are Al Qaeda and terrorists alike (Butler, 2002). It can be inferred that Obama (2011) presents the victory in such a manner in order to avoid the “mission accomplished” gaffe during President George W. Bush’s victory speech on the USS Abraham Lincoln in 2003 (West & Carey, 2006). In Bush’s televised address to Americans reporting the end of major combat missions in Iraq, he seemed to have overreached or “spiked the football” on the success of combat operations by declaring that America’s mission had been accomplished. It would take until 2011 for America to exit the Iraq war and many critics would argue that the mission in Iraq was never accomplished. Obama (2011) was wise to


 

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add; “yet his [Bin Laden] death does not mark the end of our effort. There’s no doubt that Al Qaeda will continue to pursue attacks against us. We must – and we will – remain vigilant at home and abroad.” Obama was clearly taking the steps necessary to avoid post hoc accusations of declaring an overall victory against terrorism while continuing to assure the audience that Bin Laden’s death was still a major means to that end. In the next paragraph, religion appears in President Obama’s address. Obama (2011) professes: As we do, we must also reaffirm that the United States is not -- and never will be -- at war with Islam. Our war is not against Islam… Bin Laden was not a Muslim leader; he was a mass murderer of Muslims…So his demise should be welcomed by all who believe in peace and human dignity (Obama, 2011). Once again, Obama applies the savage imagery trope to dehumanize Osama Bin Laden, this time as a modern savage, engaged in evil conduct exemplified by the persecution of his very own people (Butler, 2002). By using the god term “peace” in his rhetoric, Obama was justifying the operation to the audience as a small battle within the larger war against terrorism and tranquility (Ivie, 2003). The god term “peace” espouses the purpose of the drama, further demonstrating to the audience that Bin Laden’s death is another stepping stone on the path to peace and the trouncing of terrorism. Paragraphs 14 through 16 explain Pakistan’s alleged cooperation in locating Bin Laden as well as delve into the costs involved with any nation entrenched in war. Obama utilized the synecdoche trope in the following sentences to position himself as a part of the American social body. He asserts:


 

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After nearly 10 years of service, struggle, and sacrifice, we know well the costs of war. These efforts weigh on me every time I, as Commander-in-Chief, have to sign a letter to a family that has lost a loved one, or look into the eyes of a service member who’s been gravely wounded (Obama, 2011). Obama’s above rhetoric casted him as a “political representation” of American society as a whole (Murphy, 2003). His position as Commander-in-Chief embodied the American condition. The collective pain of the American people was found in him and the burden of their grief was carried on his shoulders. Regarded as America’s representative, Obama legitimized himself as a moral, just, and emotional leader burdened with the troubles of holding high office, yet deserving of America’s trust in his aptness to lead. As Obama’s speech reached its commencement, paragraph 17 proclaimed that America would never tolerate its “security being threatened.” Obama (2011) insisted that “we can say to those families who have lost loved ones to al Qaeda’s terror: Justice has been done.” It can be gleaned that Obama was implementing the force vs. freedom topoi to further portray al Qaeda as having a “stubborn commitment to violence” (Ivie, 1980). The effect of this rhetoric on the audience afforded them an angle of perspective. They were implored to understand that al Qaeda’s insolence and capacity for savagery via violent methods was the motivating factor for the United State’s military engagement in an effort to sustain American freedoms and avenge those innocent souls lost on 9/11. The “us” against “it” construct of this topoi plays into the purpose of this drama (Ivie, 1980). Obama (2011) took the opportunity to thank the “countless intelligence and counterterrorism professional who’ve worked tirelessly to achieve this outcome… and the men and women who carried out this operation” in paragraphs 18 through 21. His deliberative


 

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rhetoric had a sense of foreshowing of future policy initiatives that may have needed citizen support. In paragraph 22 Obama (2011) spoke to American exceptionalism by reminding the audience “America can do whatever we set our mind to.” As Kane (1991) explains, “the superiority of the American experience” is often a “common theme for American political leaders during times of crisis or ritualistic celebration.” The intended effect on the audience is one of inspiration, hope and confidence in the decision-making capabilities of their leaders. Obama (2011) continued by saying “that is the story of our history, whether it’s the pursuit of prosperity for our people, or the struggle for equality for all our citizens; our commitment to stand up for our values abroad, and our sacrifices to make the world a safer place.” Obama was appealing to American ideals by alluding to the “enduring principles or defined ideas” like safety, security and peace that Americans regard as the very fabric of their union (Bostdorff & Goldzwig, 1994). Obama seemingly tried to frame the drama in this paragraph as a moral battle against those who vow to threaten American ideals. As Kane (1991) would suggest, the enthusiasm by Obama to forge this moral battle exemplifies America’s “imperative and special responsibility for world leadership” (p. 4). Lastly, Obama employed the path security metaphor. Obama (2011) heralds America’s “sacrifices to make the world a safer place” and in doing so summons the path schema, which “presupposes that a destination is in view or in mind, and necessitates that it be reached by passing through certain points or stages along a single continuous track without deviation or obstruction (Chilton, p. 199). In other words, the United State’s commitment to making the world a safer place will be peppered with struggle and sacrifice. This path to peace metaphor symbolizes the American quest toward the endpoint of peace and works to confirm the audience’s confidence in the purpose of this drama.


 

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President Obama ended his speech on the death of Osama Bin Laden in almost the same way he began it, by once again unifying the audience. He also injected religion, which he carefully eschewed throughout his address, into the drama by way of the Pledge of Allegiance. He remarked, “let us remember that we can do these things not because of wealth or power, but because of who we are: one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all” (Obama, 2011). Obama’s use of the Pledge of Allegiance to end his speech is concomitant with every element within the dramatistic pentad. He conceptualized “these things” as American victories over terrorism and consequently solidified the purpose of the drama by reassuring the American people that Bin Laden’s demise was a “significant achievement” in America’s effort to defeat terrorism (Obama, 2011). Each element of the drama that Obama created in his speech takes the audience on a journey from the memory of the September 11th tragedy, which was the catalyst for the war on terrorism, to the successful completion of a mission intended to secure America’s safety and defeat terrorism. To this end, President Obama crafted a cogent narrative replete with basic rhetorical devices and more nuanced tropes that afforded him the opportunity to control the perspective of the audience and to conform to the overall purpose of his drama with minimal distraction. Implications and Conclusions: As a coda to this inductive analysis performed on a speech that should be regarded as a turning point in America’s “global war on terror,” a consistent use of rhetorical devices have been demonstrated by President Obama’s discourse throughout his address on the death of Osama Bin Laden. Furthermore, by enumerating and expounding upon Obama’s use of security discourse topoi, I have been able to accurately and realistically answer the critical question posed


 

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at the beginning of this analysis, to wit: “what topoi and rhetorical devices are being used and what kind of affect do they have on the audience?” Using Kenneth Burke’s (1969) dramatistic pentad as a methodology to analyze this text yielded a more coherent answer to this question. By succinctly crafting each element of his drama to meet its purpose, President Obama’s appeal to, and persuasive effect on, the audience was one of epic proportions. Obama provided the audience with all of the elements of the story that were needed, and omitted the ones he deemed arbitrary, to aid them in understanding the purpose of his historic address. The journey that the listener was taken on was no short of an emotional ride with a multitude of twists and turns, climaxing at the perspective that President Obama and his speechwriters had presumably hoped for. The audience was reminded of the 9/11 attacks by use of strong visual imagery, resulting in grief and anger. From anger they were embraced with resolve, resolve morphed into action that encouraged hope and spawned the assuredness that the death of Osama Bin Laden was a monumental victory in America’s effort to defeat terrorism. As Philip Wander suggested (1984), “a full understanding of the rhetoric of American foreign policy must take into account: (1) the ceremonial nature of that rhetoric; (2) its function in domestic politics; and (3) its relation to facts and events beyond the language employed, matters on which the lives of tens of millions, if not the whole of humanity, now depend” (p. 154). Obama’s well-crafted victory speech indeed took into account each of these tenets. The domestic policies that have been subsequently implemented lend credence to this conclusion. On May 1, 2012, almost one year to the date of Obama’s declaration of Osama Bin Laden’s death, he gave another poignant address in Kabul, Afghanistan. His speech announced a timetable for troop withdrawal and a decrease in combat missions in Afghanistan. Obama (2012) explains, “Today, I signed an historic agreement between the United States and Afghanistan that defines a


 

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new kind of relationship between our countries – a future in which Afghans are responsible for the security of their nation, and we build an equal partnership between two sovereign states; a future in which the war ends, and a new chapter begins.” Clearly the practical implications from Obama’s speech, one year prior, have materialized in his administration’s international foreign policy efforts with respect to ending the war in Afghanistan. It’s imperative to note that President Obama’s rhetoric featured in his speech on the Bin Laden is not confined to this sole address. The success and efficacy of employing rhetorical devices to persuade cannot occur in a vacuum. Instead, the process to effect change in audience perspectives is one of consistency and repetition. Whether addressing foreign policy issues or not, Obama has exercised such devices and constructs to effectively reach the purpose of his respective address, whatever the content may be. The rhetorical constructs found in this analysis are ubiquitous and can also be detected in Obama’s addresses on domestic issues such as the economy, gay marriage, the defunct healthcare system and the millions of Americans whom are facing record levels of unemployment as a result of the recession. Most notably, George W. Bush consistently and uniformly applied his “cowboy rhetoric” shortly after the 9/11 crisis and continued to do so until the end of his presidency with unprecedented levels of success (Murphy, 2003). Speech content aside, Obama’s rhetorical strategy and implementation are not a radical shift from the rhetorical strategies of the American presidents who preceded him. As alluded to earlier in the literary review section, Obama’s victory speech on the death of Osama Bin Laden has naturally engendered important questions with regard to America’s future in the 21st century. This inductive rhetorical analysis foregrounds these questions yet does not provide answers to many of them due to the limited scope of this paper. The following questions unfasten areas for future examination by critical scholars. The first question may be


 

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what effect this speech has had on American and Pakistani foreign relations? Considering Bin Laden was residing in Pakistan for what has been reported as a considerable amount of time, suspicion is raised as to whether or not Pakistan’s government knew he was living there or if they in fact were harboring him (Obama, 2012). The second question provoked by this analysis is the degree to which the death of Osama Bin Laden will truly affect the safety and security of the American people in the years and decades that follow. It is important to remember, once again, that Obama does not declare total victory on the eradication of terrorism around the globe. This is evident in paragraph 22 when he states, “The cause of securing our country is not complete” (Obama, 2011). Hence, an additional investigation into terrorist networks via the black list (Hamas, Hezbollah, Lashkar-e-Taiba) is vital to accurately assessing the safety and security of the United States in this new epoch and beyond. This type of examination will no doubt uncover the true impact of Bin Laden’s demise and the unvarnished consequences of America’s effort to bring all terrorists to justice. “The task of criticism in our time is to raise real issues and to assist in the creation of publics able to and, in the interests of human survival, willing to rise above parochial concerns. Criticism confronting technique with purpose, euphemism with reality, and silence—the threatened silence of future generations—with speech will not alter the predicament in which we find ourselves; but it will keep the task clearly before us,” says Philip Wander (1984). Wander’s profound point must not be taken heedlessly. The onus of unmasking the true meaning of rhetoric in political discourse, particularly security discourse, is upon the citizenry. Without meaningful analysis and criticism of the rhetoric used in government affairs, the populace runs the risk of becoming mere pawns in the artfully calculated schemes of their elected officials.


 

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CONFLICT MANAGEMENT (COM 634) Syllabus


 

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Term Paper (COM 634)

An Epidemic of Divorce: The Role of Marital Education Programs in Reducing the Likelihood of Divorce David Raanan University of Nevada, Las Vegas


 

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Abstract America’s most prized voluntary institution, marriage, has widely been perceived as a noble, healthy and important component of a life well lived. This begins to explain why over 90 percent of Americans will enter into marriage at some juncture in their lives. The past few decades have proved to have a pernicious effect on the stability of this institution as the divorce rate has steadily risen. In 2012, nearly 50 percent of marriages ended in divorce. This paper will analyze and discuss this epidemic. Through the use of previous primary research findings on the topic, it will be argued that married couples should be required to enroll in marital education programs to learn how to manage conflict successfully and reduce the likelihood of divorce. The sanctity of marriage is still intact, but more will have to be done to ensure its survival. Keywords: marriage, divorce, marital education programs, distress, conflict


 

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Rationale: There are myriad reasons as to why people get divorced. Financial issues, infidelity, poor communication, failed expectations and lack of commitment are just a few found in the literature that will be used in this paper (Cupach, Canary & Spitzberg, 2010); Wilmot & Hocker, 2011; Burbee, Sparks & Paul, 2011). Spending the rest of your life with one person isn’t an easy decision to make and, of course, there will be challenges and triumphs along the way in all marriages. However, the United States leads the free world in the percentage of the population that gets divorced, approximately 5.2% in 2008. Clearly, there is ample rationale to continue to research why almost half of American marriages end in divorce and such research continues to be conducted as this paper is being written. In spite of that, there is a paucity of research focusing on the methods, practices, and counseling programs that aid in keeping people happily married and away from divorce. These programs have been recognized to alleviate stresses in marriage and assuage rates of divorce among those who participate in them. The literature that follows will provide a more robust understanding about research conducted on how marital educational programs can be successful in decreasing the likelihood of divorce. Literature Review: Researching scholarly journals and databases, each of the sources listed below contains concepts and statistics that will provide the background necessary to make a cogent argument as to why it should be mandatory for couples to seek out marital educational programs before they decide to file for divorce. Since their inception, these programs as a whole have a successful track record of relieving marital stresses and promoting healthy relationships. In the following paragraph, I will provide a relevant list of sources and index brief summaries for each.


 

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“Treatment of Marital Conflict and Prevention of Divorce” (Bray, 1995) provides a thorough review on the efficacy of marital therapy and “evaluates the long-term effectiveness of couples therapy in preventing marital separation and divorce.” “Healthy Marriage Programs: Learning What Works” (Dion, 2005) presents “evidence of public and private interest in programs designed to strengthen the institution of marriage.” “Building Healthy Marriages Through Early and Extended Outreach With Youth” (Silliman, 2003) posits a case for “faith communities to strengthen efforts to build healthy marriages during teen years through an ecological approach using individual, social network, organizational and community strategies.” “Long-Term Prediction of Marital Quality Following a Relationship Education Program: Being Positive in a Constructive Way” (Baucom, Atkins, Hahlweg, Engi & Thurrnaier, 2006) describes the popular Premarital Relationship Enhancement Program (PREP) and how it can improve the relationship between distressed newlyweds. “Strengthening Marriages and Preventing Divorce: New Directions in Prevention Research” (Stanley, Markman, Peters & Leber, 1995) “highlights findings from the first 12 years of a longitudinal study of the prediction and prevention of marital distress and divorce.” “A Solution-Based Approach to Couple Therapy: A Case Example” (Chromy, 2007) examines a case which demonstrates “the application of a solution-based approach to therapy with a married African-American couple entering therapy to resolve their relationship difficulties that lead to the initiation of divorce proceedings.” “Reducing the Risks of Divorce: A Responsibility of Religious Educators” (Maller, 1992) presents an eye-opening look into how people’s dedication to religion reduces divorce. “Can Divorce be Prevented by Enhancing the Coping Skills of Couples?” (Bodenmann, 2008) argues that “preventing divorce may be possible by teaching couples competencies at a relatively early stage in their relationship.” “Integrative Marital Intensive Therapy: A Strategy for Marriages in Severe


 

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Distress” (Burbee, Sparks, Paul & Arnzen, 2011) explains an approach called Integrative Marital Intensive Therapy (IMIT) that targets high marital distress couples and discusses how this strategy is successful in keeping marriages intact. “The Efficacy of Marital and Family Therapy: An Empirical Overview, Conclusions, and Recommendations” (Pinsof & Wynne, 1995) provides the results of empirical research gleaned from studies completed on the efficacy of marital programs on reducing divorce rates, among other criteria. “Making Marriage Work: Marital Success and Failure in the United States” (Celello, 2004) expands on strategies and counseling methods that married couples go through to obviate divorce. “The Prevention and Relationship Enhancement Program (PREP): An Empirically Based Preventive Intervention Program for Couples” (Renick, Blumberg & Markman, 1992) describes this wildly popular program’s shortterm and long-term effectiveness in substantial detail. “The Effectiveness of PREP With LowerIncome Racial/Ethnic Minority Couples” (Owen, Quirk, Bergen, Inch & France, 2012) spotlights the efficacy of PREP within African American and Latino couples. Hypothesis: A thorough review of the literature on this topic reveals the copious amount of resources available to support the argument that marital educational programs can be successful in decreasing the likelihood of divorce. Upon synthesizing the results of the literature presented, I am confident in predicting that various marital educational programs, when employed early and properly, due in fact yield higher marital satisfaction and reduced divorce rates. Methodology: I intend to test my question of whether or not various marital educational programs lead to decreased divorce rates by carefully reviewing the aforementioned literature on the subject. Most of the scholarly sources listed in the literature review provide primary research statistics via


 

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independent studies on the exact question I am posing. Through these peer-reviewed research findings, I am determined to extrapolate the most pertinent evidence to support my claim. Analysis: Even in the 21st century, marriage is still America’s most popular voluntary institution. Americans will marry for myriad reasons including financial, religious, legal, social and most popularly, for love. Silliman’s (2003) extensive review of marriage in the United States has shed considerable light on the positive effects marriage can have on an individual’s well being. Silliman (2003) posits, “Marriage appears to protect against normal declines in happiness during adulthood,” (p. 270). There exists a consensus among experts that marriage is good for the health of its participants, provides a conducive environment to raise children successfully and yields a significantly higher life satisfaction rate (Burbee, Sparks, Paul & Arnzen, 2011, p. 37). The benefits afforded married couples vis-à-vis happiness and overall health lend credence to the fact that marriage will most likely remain an important institution in the United States well into the future. However, research also suggests that married couples in today’s epoch are less happy within their marriages then previous generations. There is a plethora of empirical evidence showing that “the positive and negative outcomes of marriage have significant physical, emotional, social, and economic impact on partners, children, extended families, and communities” (Silliman, 2008, pp. 270-275). According to Renick, Blumberg and Markman (1992), “Marital distress has been linked to higher rates of depression in adults (especially women) and to conduct disorders in children…the negative effects of divorce, marital distress, and destructive conflict on spouses and their children constitute a major social problem and have been estimated as costing billions of dollars per year” (p. 141).


 

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Because more than 90 percent of Americans will get married by the age of 50, and almost half will subsequently get divorced, it should be mandatory for married couples to enroll in a marital education program (MEP) in an effort to manage conflict successfully and reduce the overall likelihood of divorce. The aforementioned review of the literature on the efficacy of marital educational programs in alleviating marital distress and reducing divorce rates will buttress the previously mentioned claim and provide additional statistical justification for it. Quite a few marital educational programs exist today, many of which employ a multiplicity of tactics, strategies and styles to allay marital distress that can often lead to increased probability of divorce. Due to the diversity of MEPs offered, there is no ubiquitous definition for what exactly constitutes these types of programs. In general, a MEP “provides support, information, and education about healthy relationships and marriage” (Dion, 2005). More specifically, MEPs are intensive courses that expose premarital and marital couples to the skills inherent in managing successful relationships, from conflict resolution tactics to healthy communication practices. Exercises in expressing feelings, talking through conflict and solving problems big or small are staples found in the most robust MEPs within the field. Dion (2005) expounds on additional MEP components: Other topics may include intimacy and friendship, family-of-origin issues, empathy, commitment, forgiveness, negotiation and compromise, power and control, expectations, finances, anger and stress management, self-care, identifying destructive behaviors and patterns, self-awareness, emotional literacy, trust, mutual respect and responsibility, and roles, values and beliefs (p. 141). Those outside of the field often refer to MEPs as healthy marriage initiatives. Dion (2005) explains further that these programs are predominantly “led by public or private


 

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organizations or agencies seeking to support marriage in a certain geographic area or target population” (p. 140). While many of these efforts are spearheaded by particular organizations or agencies, some also gain traction by simple grassroots movements. Realizing the epidemic of divorce experienced within American marriages, more states have begun to offer incentives to married couples or would-be married couples to seek preventative marital counseling. As Dion (2005) purports, “a few states offer marriage licenses at reduced rates to couples who participate in brief premarital education courses; others have developed marriage handbooks or similar materials for people applying for a marriage license.” Incentives are an estimable tactic for promoting the use of these programs but as stated earlier and due to the statistics on divorce, it should be mandatory, not voluntary, to take part in such programs. With over 100 MEPs in existence today, there is little doubt that these programs continue to evolve and flourish (Owen, Quirk, Bergen, Inch, & France, 2012). The paragraphs to follow will list the most popular MEPs, provide a brief description of their methods and furnish scientific data that espouses the effectiveness of each program. Finally, an in depth analysis of the Prevention and Relationship Enhancement Program (PREP) will be presented. PREP is an MEP that has garnered considerable attention and use within the past decade. Practical Application of Intimate Relationship Skills (PAIRS) is widely used within marriage counseling for its psychoeducational approach. The focus of this MEP is generally relegated to “communication, conflict, and commitment and on helping individuals experience pleasure, healing, and personal growth within an intimate relationship” (Dion, 2005, p. 143). Among the various formats used in PAIRS, there are short-term, rigorous one-day programs to long-term, one month or more programs. Although research reviewing the potency of the PAIRS curriculum is far from substantial or sustained (no published trials using random sampling),


 

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findings have proved to be quite positive and support the claim that MEPs can aid in curbing divorce. As Dion (2005) explains, “couples who attended the semester-long format showed greater marital satisfaction and less conflict and unhappiness six to eight months following the intervention” (p. 142). Another MEP used in the field is Relationship Enhancement (RE). Created over 40 years ago, this program consists of thirteen to fourteen hours of strategies that emphasize “development of empathy and mutual understanding to enhance intimacy, manage conflict, and deal effectively with the inevitable difficulties that arise from differences in partners’ beliefs feelings, needs, and desires” (Dion, 2005, p. 143). Taught in a group setting, no specific problems are addressed within this method, instead the instructor teaches a set of ten general skills that pertain to a couples’ issue. RE has an extensive history of peer review and has included random-assignment experimental designs. Dion (2005) notes, “several studies on the results of this program demonstrate positive effects on marital adjustment and communication in comparison to other types of marital treatment programs or a control group” (p. 143). Marriage Savers (MS) has also been implemented to assuage marital distress and reduce rates of divorce within the communities that have adopted its use. This program endeavors to diminish divorce rates by building a coalition of community leaders and clergy, working in unison to support and strengthen marriage as a prized institution. One strategy widely used within this approach is “requiring four months of marriage preparation, during which engaged couples complete a premarital “inventory” to identify relationship issues and then discuss these issues with mentor couples” (Dion, 2005, p. 142). By making use of mentor couples who have experienced near divorce moments in their own relationships, MS affords its participants the unique opportunity to learn invaluable coping strategies from couples who have been in similar


 

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negative circumstances and have found a way to make their marriage successful. Experimental results have been promising, showing a two-percentage point decline in divorce rates within communities that have employed MS programs. The last program worthy of mentioning is PREPARE. This MEP was designed specifically for premarital couples and provides a robust prevention technique that has the capacity to promote healthy marriages and ultimately aid in reducing divorce rates. Dion (2005) explains: Each partner privately indicates his or her level of agreement with 125 statements about a range of areas thought to affect relationships, including expectations, personality, communication, conflict resolution, financial management, leisure activity, sexuality, children and parenting, family and friends, gender roles, and religion. The partners’ responses are then compared and a score indicating the couple’s level of agreement is computed (p. 144). After synthesizing the results of comparative responses between each partner, an assessment can be made as to how successful a marriage between the two individuals would be. According to the research findings, “the predictive validity of the inventory has been studied and found to distinguish between couples who got divorced and those who stayed together over a three-year period” (Dion, 2005, p. 143). In other words, the PREPARE program has shown promising signs of success in preventing couples with a high degree of personal differences from entering into a marriage that may exhibit an increased probability of divorce. It can be gleaned that the aforementioned MEPs have proven to be effective in allaying marital distress and reducing divorce rates. Each program employs a distinctive approach and each approach yields a different outcome. However, each outcome adds plausibility to the claim


 

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that, irrespective of their level of significance, MEPs do in fact aid couples in managing conflict successfully and reduce the likelihood of divorce. One of the most prevalent, and highly researched, marital education programs used today is the Prevention and Relationship Enhancement Program (PREP). Baucom, Atkins, Hahlweg, Engi, and Thurrnaier (2006) agree and have opined, “this program (PREP) is the most rigorously researched premarital relationship education program implemented to date” (p. 3). PREP is based on a primary method of prevention meaning that it is a program “designed for populations not currently in need of intervention and focuses on providing resources to prevent problems from developing in the future” (Renick et al., 1992, p. 141). The sole purpose of this MEP is to enhance the conflict coping skills of couples in an effort to reduce future marital distress and likelihood of divorce. Research initially performed by Gottman, Markman, & Notarius, 1977; Markman, 1979, 1981, 1984 established the discrepancy found between the quality of communication practices among distressed and nondistressed couples. Renick et al. (1992) clarifies further by noting “distressed couples were found to engage in negative escalation during discussions while nondistressed couples exited out of the beginning stages of negative interaction cycles” (p. 142). In the same vein, these long-term studies illuminated the fact that communication quality greatly differed before and after marriage. Following a synthesis of their (Gottman, Markman, & Notarius, 1977; Markman, 1979, 1981, 1984) longitudinal research results, the PREP program went into its development phase as a “preventative intervention program designed to teach premarital couples the skills associated with marital success. The foundations of PREP were based on empirical research, with an emphasis on describing the nature of marital distress, evaluating its etiological factors, and


 

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demonstrating the program’s short-term and long-term effectiveness” in reducing divorce (Renick et al., 1992). In an effort to explain the nuances of PREP, it is imperative to look at one scholarly study in which PREP was properly applied. The study of most prominence is a longitudinal one that spans over 10 years. This seminal work, conducted by researchers at the University of Denver’s Center for Marital and Family Studies, focuses on the efficacy of PREP and makes use of comparison and control functions that analyze an amalgamation of variables imbedded within many intimate relationships. At the time of publication in 1992, this experiment was the “longest running, longitudinal investigation of its kind,” and encompassed couples completing eight follow-up sessions (Renick et al., 1992, p. 144). There were 135 people recruited to participate in the above-referenced PREP longitudinal experiment. 33% to 39% would eventually follow through until the end of the program and provide the basis for all of the major research findings. The study also included 24 control couples. Upon completing the program, the couples were then asked to complete a number of questionnaires pertaining to how the PREP program had positively or negatively affected their relationships. The research findings from this study have provided considerable breakthroughs with regard to MEPs and their effects on marriage and divorce. The five major findings from this study were in the following areas: relationship stability, short-term effects, long-term effects, communication skill and overall marital satisfaction. With regard to relationship stability, or the degree to which a couple maintains a healthy commitment to one another, “those who participated in PREP have maintained significantly more stable relationships than have the control couples. Five years after the intervention


 

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program, 8% of the couples who participated in PREP had divorced or separated, while 16% of the control couples had divorced” (Renick et al., 1992, p. 145). When assessing PREP’s short-term efficacy, results showed that “those who had participated in PREP were found to have improved significantly in terms of their levels of communication skills…indicating that they had learned the skills taught in the program” (Renick et al., 1992, p. 145). Long-term effects of this PREP study may provide the most promising findings for the future of this program. Renick et al. (1992) summarizes: By follow-up 1 (1 ½ years after the intervention), the PREP couples were found to have maintained or improved their already high levels of relationship satisfaction and the impact of their communication on one another whereas control couples showed decreases in these areas over time. By follow-up 2 (3 years after PREP), the differences in relationship satisfaction, problem intensity, and incidence of sexual problems between the intervention and control groups were even greater. While both groups showed a decrease in satisfaction over time, such declines were greater for the control couples…the intervention couples actually showed a decrease in problem intensity while the control couples exhibited an increase in this area (p. 145). In terms of the effect on communication skills after the completion of this study, once again the PREP couples came out on top, experiencing less negative communication (i.e. conflict and denial) than did the control group when questioned 3 years after the intervention. Finally, an analysis of the results on marital satisfaction among the couples featured in this study show that “husbands who had participated in the intervention showed greater relationship satisfaction than did husbands in the control group” (Renick et al., 1992, p. 145).


 

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That being said, it is important to note that wives in both groups exhibited fairly identical levels of satisfaction leading to the conclusion that sex plays a critical role within PREP’s long-term effectiveness. Perhaps future research on this topic can better explain the discrepancy. There is little contention with regard to the fact that the world we live in can be a stressful place, chock full of conflicts and many acrimonious circumstances. As Wilmot and Hocker (2011) explain, “conflict is a fact of human life. It occurs naturally… the study of conflict should be viewed as a basic human requirement and practice of constructive conflict as an essential set of interpersonal skills” (p. 2). Following the logical path of Wilmot’s (2011) perspective, marital conflict is bound to arise at some stage in a couple’s relationship. Understanding this reality and working proactively to assuage the negative effects that conflict may produce in marriage, it seems only logical to tap into the plethora of resources available to married couples in order to allow for a mutually beneficial and healthy partnership. The research previously discussed clearly shows that marital education programs like PREP, PREPARE, RE, MS and PAIRS have proven track records in relieving marital distress. The divorce rate in this country is now common public knowledge and naiveté can no longer be used as justification for not providing solutions to this epidemic. It is highly likely that MEPs are not a cure all solution to reducing divorce, but at the very least, they provide useful skills that can aid in combating it. Perhaps future research on alternative solutions to this problem needs to be initiated by scholars in the field. It is also important to note that divorce for some couples may in fact be the most productive option available. The term epidemic with regard to divorce should not be taken lightly. The research presented in this paper confidently suggests, to varying degrees, that MEPs do yield higher marital satisfaction rates, increased effective communication skills and an overall reduction in divorce rates.


 

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References American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American Psychological Association (6th ed.). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Bodenmann, G. (1997). Can divorce be prevented by enhancing the coping skills of couples? Journal of Divorce & Remarriage, 27(3), 177-194. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=flh&AN=FLH1112766380&site=ehost-live Bray, J. H., & Jouriles, E. N. (1995). Treatment of marital conflict and prevention of divorce. Journal of Marital & Family Therapy, 21(4), 461-473. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=flh&AN=9511213506&site=ehost-live Burbee, R. K., Sparks, B. K., Paul, R. S., & Arnzen, C. (2011). Integrative marital intensive therapy: A strategy for marriages in severe distress. Journal of Psychology & Christianity, 30(1), 37-50. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=aph&AN=60839581&site=ehost-live Celello, K. M. (2004). Making marriage work: Marital success and failure in the United States, 1920-1980. Dissertation Abstracts International. Section A: Humanities and Social Sciences, 65(08), 3127-3127. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=flh&AN=MRB-FSD0344803&site=ehost-live


 

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Chromy, S. (2007). A solution-based approach to couple therapy: A case example. Journal of Couple & Relationship Therapy, 6(4), 71-84. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=flh&AN=28628190&site=ehost-live Cupach, W. R., Canary, D. J., & Spitzberg, B. H. (2010). Competence in interpersonal conflict (2nd ed.). Long Grove, Illinois: Waveland Press, Inc. Dion, M. R. (2005). Healthy marriage programs: Learning what works. Future of Children, 15(2), 139-156. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=flh&AN=18863295&site=ehost-live Jo, M., Renick, Blumberg, S. L., & Markman, H. J. (1992). The prevention and relationship enhancement program (PREP): An empirically based preventive intervention program for couples. Family Relations, 41(2), 141-147. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=aph&AN=9207200266&site=ehost-live Maller, A. S. (1992). Reducing the risks of divorce: A responsibility of religious educators. Religious Education, 87(3), 471-478. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=flh&AN=MRB-FSD0186467&site=ehost-live Naatz, L. F. (1996). Treatment of marital conflict and prevention of divorce. American Journal of Family Therapy, 24(1), 94-95. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=aph&AN=9605140858&site=ehost-live


 

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Owen, J., Quirk, K., Bergen, C., Inch, L. J., & France, T. (2012). The effectiveness of PREP with lower-income racial/ethnic minority couples. Journal of Marital & Family Therapy, 38, 296-307. doi: 10.1111/j.1752-0606.2012.00294.x Pinsof, W. M., & Wynne, L. C. (1995). The efficacy of marital and family therapy: An empirical overview, conclusions, and recommendations. Journal of Marital & Family Therapy, 21(4), 585-613. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=aph&AN=9511213510&site=ehost-live Robertson, B. J., & Figley, C. R. (1995). Fighting for your marriage: Preventing divorce and preserving a lasting love. American Journal of Family Therapy, 23(2), 187-187. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=flh&AN=9507194658&site=ehost-live Silliman, B. (2003). Building healthy marriages through early and extended outreach with youth. Journal of Psychology and Theology, 31(3), 270-281. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=flh&AN=MRB-FSD0107171&site=ehost-live Stanley, S. M., Markman, H. J., Peters, M. S., & Leber, B. D. (1995). Strengthening marriages and preventing divorce: New directions in prevention research. Family Relations, 44(4), 392-401. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=flh&AN=9511165357&site=ehost-live


 

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Wilmot, W. W., & Hocker, J. L. (2011). Interpersonal conflict (8th ed.). New York: McGrawHill.


 

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SURVEY OF COMMUNICATION STUDIES (COM 710) Syllabus


 

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Term Paper (COM 710)

The Effects of Imagined Interaction Theory on Communication Apprehension David Raanan University of Nevada, Las Vegas


 

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Abstract Extending previous research by Honeycutt, Choi and DeBerry (2009), this paper provides a detailed literature review concluding with a small study on the unique relationship between imagined interactions (IIs) and communication apprehension (CA). CA is associated with the fear of future communicative encounters and can have a pernicious effect on life chances. IIs have been thought to be constructive in allaying this crippling fear by allowing individuals to imagine themselves in successful communicative encounters before and after they materialize. Two hundred and thirty self report surveys were administered in an effort to help gauge and explain the effects of IIs on CA. The findings indicated non-significant, positive correlations between proactivity and rehearsal in accomplishing communication goals. The sex of an individual was not predictive of increased II frequency. The results, and CA as a communication handicap, are discussed within the realm of interpersonal communication. Keywords: imagined interactions; communication apprehension; interpersonal communication


 

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No paucity of research exists when looking at communication apprehension (CA) and the myriad ways this handicap can permeate through the communicative encounters of its sufferers. In 1976, as researchers began to take a more serious look at CA, the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare published a survey estimating that nearly five million young people within public elementary and secondary schools displayed some form of handicap (McCroskey, 1976). McCroskey (1976) purports that this number pales in comparison to the number of young people who continue to suffer in silence due to the crippling effects of CA. Horwitz (2002) concurs and has referred to CA as “the hidden communication disorder” for several years (p. 1). CA was first coined by McCroskey (1976) as a handicap that produces “an anxiety syndrome associated with either real or anticipated communication with another person or persons” (p. 39). As Honeycutt, Choi and DeBerry (2009) explicate, “anticipated” communication with another can be just as frightening as a real encounter, which is where imagined interactions (IIs) come into play (p. 228). According to the literature, IIs “refer to a process of social cognition in which individuals imagine and therefore indirectly experience themselves in anticipated or past communicative encounters with others” (Honeycutt, 2008, p. 77). Situating CA and II adjacent to one another, it becomes evident how IIs can be helpful in predicting, explaining, and ultimately attenuating the anxiety producing affects of CA. This paper provides a robust review of the literature on IIs and CA, as well as examines data collected via the Survey of Imagined Interactions (SII) to answer three key research questions intended to gauge the connection between IIs and CA. Imagined Interactions Honeycutt (2009) is credited with establishing imagined interaction theory, although the term was first used by Rosenblatt and Meyer (1986) who advanced counseling methods by


 

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employing a basic conceptual understanding of IIs (Honeycutt, Zagacki & Edwards, 1990). As mentioned earlier, IIs can simply be thought of as an internal dialogue where individuals imagine themselves having past or future interactions with others (Honeycutt, 2009). IIs are at the crux of intrapersonal communication because of the way that individuals incorporate the use of physiological and psychological constructs in an effort to interpret their environment and make sense of themselves (Honeycutt, 2008). Naturally resulting from these intrapersonal processes, the monumental effects on interpersonal communication cannot be understated and have been helpful in explaining myriad interpersonal phenomena such as intimate relationships and conflict management (Honeycutt, 2008). Honeycutt (2010) and other scholars have gone so far as to suggest that intrapersonal communication, and the use of IIs, is the birthplace for all other communication. Years of sustained and intensive research pertaining to gender differences, personality types and relational quality via IIs have produced eight important characteristics that are essential in elucidating how IIs are distinguished. The first characteristic of IIs is frequency. This directly refers to how habitual or often an individual has an imagined interaction throughout a given day. There is no maximum or minimum number to account for the frequency of IIs. The second characteristic is proactivity. Proactivity is associated with an II that takes place before an actual encounter and has strong ties to Goffman’s (1967) face theory by way of rehearsing messages in advance of an interaction in order to get others to view the individual more positively (Metts & Cupach, 2008). Proactivity is also the only characteristic of IIs that can be directly linked with rehearsal, one of the functions of IIs explained later. In order to find out whether the increased use of IIs yields more effective communication outcomes, the following


 

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research question is posed. RQ1: Will proactivity be positively correlated with accomplishing communication goals? Naturally, retroactivity, the third characteristic of IIs is associated with an II that takes place after a real encounter is experienced. Retroactivity allows the individual to relive the interaction, noting instances of negativity or discomfort that they may want to alter in their encounters moving forward. Variety is the fourth characteristic of IIs and relates to the diversity of topics and people that may populate an individual’s II such as dating partners, family members, friends, coworkers and a multiplicity of other interpersonal relationships. It should be noted that the greater the variety of an II, the greater an individual’s internal locus of control will be. Discrepancy is the fifth characteristic and accounts for the degree to which an individual’s IIs differ from the actual communication encounter that is experienced. It’s not unusual for communicative interactions to be successfully replicated by previous IIs of the interaction. That being said, it is equally likely that one’s rehearsed communicative interaction scenario will be discrepant from the actual encounter. Research conducted by Honeycutt, Zgacki and Edwards (1990) has shown that discrepancy is negatively correlated with being an effective and appropriate communicator. The sixth characteristic of IIs is self-dominance which occurs when an individual imagines that they are dominating an interaction. This occurs when an individual does the majority of the talking within their IIs. The literature states that IIs composed of conflict issues will produce circumstances of greater self-dominance (Honeycutt, 2010). Valence is the seventh characteristic and is connected with the diversity and degree of emotions that are experienced in an individual’s II. It was found in a study conducted by Honeycutt, Edwards and Zagacki (1989-1990) that females reported experiencing more pleasant IIs than that of their male counterparts (Honeycutt, 2010). This finding begs the question as to how often men and women


 

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use IIs. In order to find out whether or not sex plays a role in IIs use, the following research question is posed. RQ2: Will male and female II frequency differ? The last characteristic of IIs is specificity. Specificity is tied to the level of detail contained in an II. Several studies making use of this II characteristic have shed light on the fact that high detail, or specificity, in an individual’s II is positively correlated with “several dimensions of conversational sensitivity including the ability to detect meanings in another’s messages, conversational memory and conversational alternatives” (Honeycutt, 2010, p. 5). Each of the characteristics discussed above serve as important functions within IIs. These six critical functions of IIs will be listed and briefly explained. The first function of IIs is relational maintenance. This involves thoughts of an absent significant other and is often used as a coping strategy to deal with this absenteeism. This function can aid in keeping a relationship intact and lends credence to the fact that a majority of IIs involve significant others and not strangers (Honeycutt, 2010). Rehearsal is the second function and is associated with the internal dialogue an individual experiences to prepare or rehearse for an encounter. The rehearsal function can play a profound role on the smoothness and success of an actual anticipated interaction. Individuals who attempt to proactively plan their encounters take part in sorting through possible options for action. For example, you may have a presentation to give to your class. By rehearsing the innumerable ways in which to relay the information in your presentation, along with trying to predict and prepare responses to audience questions, you increase the likelihood of giving a presentation that is deemed competent and successful by your peers. Further, fastidious preparation can aid in decreasing anxiety and the stresses associated with the presentation as well as afford you confidence in having been well prepared beforehand. With


 

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these considerations in mind, a third research question is asked. RQ3: Will confidence via rehearsal be positively correlated with accomplishing communication goals? The third II function is conflict linkage. This pertains to an individual’s thoughts of a prior argument in order to prepare for an impending interaction that may produce another argument. Research has shown that conflict IIs, in whatever variation, are the most frequently reported IIs (Honeycutt, 2010). Self-understanding is the fourth function of IIs and endeavors to explicate how individuals use IIs to gain a more thoughtful and profound understanding of their own beliefs and attitudes. The self-understanding function of IIs plays a cardinal role in future encounters by allowing an individual to cognitively explore every facet of an issue and determine their beliefs in the event that a future encounter may arise in which they must articulate such beliefs or attitudes competently. The fifth function of IIs is catharsis. Catharsis is associated with one’s effort to allay stress and uncertainty about a future interaction. Honeycutt (2010) describes catharsis as a way of “getting things off their chest” (p. 7). Catharsis with regard to CA levels was studied in greater detail by Honeycutt, Choi and DeBerry (2009) and will be explained in the next section of this paper. The final function of IIs is compensation. The function of compensation refers to the notion that cognitively employing IIs can actually fill a void left by the lack of real interaction. It is imperative to note that these functions are not mutually exclusive. For instance, an individual may have IIs about managing conflict that also function to serve as the construct which allows for proper relational maintenance, etc. Examples abound of how IIs amalgamate to serve the needs of an individual’s unique situation. Communication Apprehension Communication apprehension was coined by McCroskey (1976) as a handicap that produces “an anxiety syndrome associated with either real or anticipated communication with


 

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another person or persons” (p. 39). Many experts purport that most people experience varying degrees of CA at some point or another in the course of their lives simply due to the biological aspects of the human body. “It is a truly rare individual, if one actually exists, that never experiences CA in any communication situation. Such an individual would be seen as evidencing pathological behavior, because fear is a natural human response to a truly threatening situation,” states McCroskey, Richmond and McCroskey (2009, p. 111). There are two important distinctions to be considered when looking at CA from an empirical perspective: trait and state distinctions. Traitlike CA assumes a globality attribution in which the individual has a certain predisposed apprehension that is triggered within infinite realms of their everyday life. A considerable proportion of previous research has been dedicated to studying this type of CA for the simple fact that trait CA is more easily defined and therefore more easily measured (McCroskey et al., 2009). Researchers have primarily employed the Personal Report of Communication Apprehension (PRCA) self report measure to study traitlike CA. This measure encompasses the full range of social situations that permeates an individual’s life. Furthermore, statelike CA “is specific to a given oral communication situation, such as giving a particular speech… or interviewing with an important person for a new job at a given time and place” (Wadleigh, 2009, p. 13). More easily unpacked, trait CA is what you exhibit in a wide range of communication interactions, whereas state CA is only triggered by specific communication encounters. Lederman (1982) asserts that because state CA has a more ambiguous definition, it has been more difficult to conduct research on it although three predominant approaches exist and have been embraced by researchers. Henning’s observer-rater


 

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approach and physiological approach, as well as Gilkensen’s self-report approach, account for the most widely used measures of state CA (Lederman, 1982). A thorough review of CA literature lends much credence to the fact that high CA can have a deleterious effect on an individual’s life chances and personal growth. As McCroskey (1976) establishes, “since many benefits in our society, from good grades or good jobs, depend heavily on one’s ability and willingness to interact with other people, the highly communicationapprehensive person is very likely to fail to share many of the benefits taken for granted by nonapprehensives” (p. 40). Take, for example, the pervasive negative effects high CA has on achievement in school settings, perceived communication competence, maintaining healthy intimate relationships and the myriad other facets of life that high CA can hinder. These only begin to scratch the surface of how profound an impact CA can have. McCroskey’s (1976) groundbreaking research formulated five key propositions that allow future researchers to use as a foundation for more in depth study on CA. These propositions are as follows: 1. People vary in the degree to which they are apprehensive about communication with other people. 2. People with high communication apprehension seek to avoid communication. 3. People with high communication apprehension engage in less verbal communication than do less apprehensive people. 4. When people with high communication apprehension do communicate, their communication behaviors are different from those people who are less apprehensive. 5. As a result of their communication behavior, high apprehensives are perceived less positively by others than are less apprehensive people (McCroskey, 1976, p. 43). The amalgamation of these impediments has been shown to disadvantage high CAs in a society where talking constantly and confidently is celebrated as a desirable trait (Baker & Ayres, 1994;


 

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McCroskey, 1976; Horowitz, 2002). McCroskey (1979) has gone as far as to argue, “communication apprehension may be the single most significant variable in the interpersonal communication behavior of many people” (p. 44). With McCroskey’s (1976) findings in hand, Honeycutt, Choi and DeBerry (2009) conducted a novel study that endeavored to highlight how IIs can be used to explain and treat individuals suffering from CA in interpersonal communication settings. Based upon their synthesization of the literature presented earlier in this paper, Honeycutt et al. (2009) attempts to connect IIs and CA by stating the following hypotheses: H1: As CA levels increase, use of the II catharsis function will decrease. H2: As CA levels increase, use of the II rehearsal function will decrease. H3: As CA increases, II discrepancy will increase (p. 231). A group of 174 undergraduates (49.4% male and 50.6% female) were given a survey packet that included a shorter version of the Survey of Imagined Interactions (SSI) and the Personal Report of Communication Apprehension scale. Each report tested levels of IIs and CA, respectively, in an effort to provide the necessary information needed to support, or reject, the aforementioned hypotheses. Research results garnered partial support for H1. As CA levels increased in an individual, their use of catharsis slightly decreased, although this correlation only appeared within the context of public speaking. This implies that II catharsis was effective at predicting high levels of CA for public speakers. However, no strong correlations were detected in group, meeting or interpersonal contexts, which baffled the researchers. H2 was also not supported in this study. Contrary to previous literature, the rehearsal function did not predict higher levels of CA. Finally, H3 was buttressed by the study and, as predicted, results showed a positive correlation


 

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between CA and discrepancy. Although negative and positive IIs were not measured, this finding suggests that high CA sufferers do, in fact, cognitively think about their future encounters in order to reduce discrepancy. The results of Honeycutt et al. (2009) beget the all-important question of how to effectively treat CA. Three primary treatment methods have gained traction over the past few decades. Systematic desensitization is one such popular physiological method in which the individual is taught specific relaxation skills and then constructs a hierarchy of anxiety producing stimuli (Lederman, 1982). The individual repeats the process of confronting each anxietyproducing stimulus with the proper relaxation technique in order to become desensitized from the fear of communicating. The second method is cognitive modification or cognitive restructuring which encourages the replacement of negative, self-defeating rehearsal thoughts with more positive, self-confident thinking (Horwitz, 2002). The last method used in treating CA is the visualization technique. Strongly tied to the rehearsal function of IIs, visualization instructs individuals to imagine themselves successfully taking part in a communication interaction (Honeycutt et al., 2009). There is no cure for CA, yet the aforementioned methods in tandem with other proven techniques can at the very least provide some sanctuary to high CA sufferers. Method Research Questions In an effort to add to Honeycutt et al. (2009), I have analyzed data collected by Lambertz (2011) to answer three chief research questions with regard to the effect that IIs might have on CA. These questions are as follows: RQ1: Will proactivity be positively correlated with accomplishing communication goals?


 

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RQ2: Will male and female II frequency differ? RQ3: Will confidence via rehearsal be positively correlated with accomplishing communication goals? Lambertz (2011) conducted a study, in partial fulfillment for her masters of communication studies, which endeavored to make intelligible how IIs were used among family members when discussing politics. Her findings demonstrated that IIs were an important part of alleviating the anxiety and friction associated with discussing political matters. Due to Lambertz’ robust data collection for her study, additional collection was unnecessary to answer the research questions posed in this paper. Participants Two hundred and thirty undergraduates at a large southwestern university were sampled. Participants were comprised of 133 women (56%) and 100 men (42%). Five (2%) participants kept their sex confidential. Ethnicities included: Caucasians (n = 106, 44.1%), Asians (n = 45, 20.5%), Hispanics (n = 40, 19.3%), African Americans (n = 18, 8.1%), Pacific Islanders (n = 9, 3.1%), other (n = 13, 4.9%) and four did not respond. Procedure Participants were recruited over the course of separate semesters. During the fall semester, the study was offered as an extra credit opportunity for undergraduate students. In the spring semester, participation was mandatory to earn course credit. Participants were directed to the SONA website in order to complete the online survey. SONA is the Communication Studies department website that allows for participation in, and tracking of, various research studies. Moreover, the website provides researchers with the ability to award research credit and students


 

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with ability to track their own participation in research studies in order to satisfy course requirements. Measures Participants were offered extra credit to complete an online survey that included questions pertaining to II scripts, communication competence and demographic information. It is important to note that the majority of the survey was developed to measure imagined interactions and political talk within family settings. Included in the survey was a 61-item Survey of Imagined Interactions (SII) scale. Questions on the SII instructed participants to answer various questions by choosing a number from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree) on a 5-point likert scale. The SII encompasses measures for all six IIs functions including: relational maintenance (e.g. “I use imagined interactions to think about someone whom I have a close bond”), rehearsal (e.g. “Imagined interaction helps me plan what I am going to say for an anticipated encounter”), conflict linkage (e.g. “My imagined interactions usually involve conflicts or arguments”), self-understanding (e.g. “Imagined interactions often help me to actually talk about feelings or problems with an interaction partner”), catharsis (e.g. “Imagined interactions help me relieve tension and stress”) and compensation( e.g. “Imagining talking to someone substitutes for the absence of real communication). The SII also measures the eight II characteristics including: proactivity (e.g. “I often have imagined interactions before interacting with someone of importance”), retroactivity (e.g. “I often have imagined interactions after interacting with someone of importance”), variety (e.g. “Many of my imagined interactions are with different people”), discrepancy (e.g. “In my real conversations, I am very different than in my imagined ones”), self-dominance (e.g. “I talk a lot in my imagined interactions”), valence (e.g. “I enjoy most of my imagined interactions”) and specificity (e.g. “When I have imagined


 

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interactions, they tend to be detailed and well-developed”). In this study the reliabilities for the SII subscales ranged in acceptability (a = .34-.83). Reliability for SII scale subscales are as follows: conflict linkage (α = .48), relational maintenance (α = .72), self-understanding (α = .68), compensation (α = .53), catharsis (α = .44), rehearsal (α = .72), frequency (α = .83), proactivity (α = .71), retroactivity (α = .74), variety (α = .83), discrepancy (α = .70), valence (α = .63), specificity (α = .48) and self-dominance (α = .74). Also included in the survey was an Interpersonal Communication Competence Scale (ICCS) which had ten questions that ranged from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree) on a 5-point likert scale. The Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient (r) is a parametric statistics test that is most popular in communication research today (Baxter & Babbie, 2004). It is used in this study to determine the linear correlation between proactivity and accomplishing communication goals as well as rehearsal and accomplishing communication goals. An independent-samples ttest was employed to determine the frequency of IIs between two mutually exclusive groups, males and females. Results RQ1. The first research question asked whether or not proactivity would be positively correlated with accomplishing communication goals. There was a positive correlation (r = 0.08) found between these two variables, however, due to the effect size the correlation was not significant (p > .05). RQ2. The second research question asked whether frequency of IIs differed between males and females. The mean score for frequency was higher for males (3.6733) than for females


 

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(3.5902). However, there was not a significant difference in frequency of IIs between males and females (t = -.75), (p > .05), (df = 231). RQ3. The third research question asked whether confidence via rehearsal would be positively correlated with accomplishing communication goals. There was a positive correlation (r = 0.11) found between these two variables. However, due to the effect size the correlation was not significant (p > .05). Discussion The findings of this study, although severely limited, still provide some thoughtprovoking implications and links between IIs and CA that may warrant future research. Previous research on CA and IIs (Honeycutt, Choi & DeBerry, 2009), focused solely on catharsis, rehearsal and discrepancy functions of IIs with regard to variations of CA. First, the data showed there was a positive correlation between proactivity (II that takes place before an actual encounter) and accomplishing communication goals, however, the significance was extremely weak. It is important to note that proactivity is a planning II that is much broader in scope than the rehearsal functions of IIs. Proactivity includes nonverbal activations that result in the completions of goals or actions. For example, an individual may notice that an acquaintance’s birthday is near. Planning for and purchasing a gift would not require any verbal communication to satisfy the goal. Moreover, it can be gleaned from the findings that such proactivity, or planning, need not be predictive of CA for myriad reasons beyond the scope of what was being tested in this study. The data also showed that IIs were used more frequently among men than women. Although there were 33 more women in this study than men, the finding yielded a nonsignificant effect size suggesting that sex has almost nothing to do with the use of IIs in


 

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accomplishing communication goals. One important implication resulting from this finding suggests that the sex of a CA sufferer may have little or nothing to do with the outcome of their communicative encounters. There is a paucity of research on CA with regard to sex and perhaps the findings presented in this study offer legitimate justification that sex provides an inconsequential predictability of CA. Finally, the data also demonstrated that there was a positive correlation between rehearsal and accomplishing communication goals. Once again, due to the small effect size, the findings were not significant. Such findings support the research by Honeycutt, Choi and DeBerry (2009), who reported that II rehearsal did not significantly predict CA. These findings are almost counterintuitive and suggest that someone who has frequent proactive IIs is equally as likely to report having accomplished their communication goals as someone who has no IIs at all about their anticipated encounters. This finding may support the notion that a CA sufferer is more apt to not think about their impending communicative encounter so as to allay any discomfort or distress associated with the interaction. In other words, an individual with high CA may prefer to spontaneously interact with another so as not to trigger any preemptive dissonance that may result in increased apprehension and anxiety while involved in an interaction. Perhaps the absence of rehearsal provides the CA and non-CA sufferer alike the freedom to clear their mind of external stressors, providing ample opportunity to develop their thoughts in the moment of interaction, leading to their increased satisfaction and confidence in having accomplished their communication goals. Limitations The research questions posed in this study are in no way exhaustive of the enumerable possible relationships between CA and IIs. The findings continue to aid in the formulation of


 

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coping strategies and understanding of CA when looking at it through the prism of an individually centered, post-positivist theory like imagined interaction theory. Using Lambertz’ (2009) data set presented important limitations within this study. First, it is difficult to gauge the veracity of the research questions posed because the sample collected was intended to examine an individual’s imagined interactions vis-à-vis political discourse within family relationships. The self-report measures completed by participants failed to test for CA or even communication anxiety, for that matter. Additional sample problems may have existed in conducting a study using a two-year-old data set. Another limitation may have been that the sample size, although large, was not large enough to capture the nuances being tested in this particular study. Directions for Future Research Despite the limitations of this research and the small effect size of the findings, it prompts a new understanding and perspective with regard to CA and IIs. The fact that rehearsal was not significantly positively correlated with accomplishing communication goals is one area where future research could make intelligible the link between CA and IIs. Perhaps a more detailed investigation of RQ3 posed in this study could discover more accurately why individuals who rehearsed their messages reported the same satisfaction in accomplishing their communication goals as individuals who did not engage in any rehearsal whatsoever. Delving deeper into this critical cognitive function could prove to be extremely useful in understanding and treating CA sufferers in the future. Although the frequency of IIs between males and females was about the same, additional and more aggressive research on sex and CA might further aid in understanding how, or if, CA affects men and women differently or at all. Future studies could benefit from


 

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using a larger sample that constitutes high and low CA sufferers and allows them to complete a modified SII and ICCS that could better predict the relationship between CA and IIs. Holding the significance of the findings constant, this study partially buttresses earlier research conducted by Honeycutt et al. (2009), provides a foundation for future research and highlights an arcane area in interpersonal communication that warrants increased scholarship and study. McCroskey (1976) once opined that future research on CA would yield worthwhile discoveries that could “contribute to the advancement of human communication theory” (p. 44). After conducting this study, I find McCroskey’s assessment concomitant with my own and believe that championing future CA research is paramount in finding novel ways to treat sufferers, encouraging healthy communication practices and, finally, in bolstering the positive formulation and maintenance of interpersonal communication in today’s epoch.


 

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References American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American Psychological Association (6th ed.). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Allen, T. H., & Honeycutt, J. M. (1997). Planning, imagined interaction, and the nonverbal display of anxiety. Communication Research, 24(1), 64-81. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=ufh&AN=9703020554&site=ehost-live Baker, A. L., & Ayres, J. (1994). The effect of apprehensive behavior on communication apprehension and interpersonal attraction. Communication Research Reports, 11(1), 4551. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=ufh&AN=18443808&site=ehost-live Baxter, L. A., & Babbie, E. R. (2004). The basics of communication research. Wadsworth/Thomson Learning. Bizzell, P., & Herzberg, B. (2001). In Bizzell P. & Herzberg B. (Eds.), The rhetorical tradition: Readings from classical times to the present (2nd ed.). Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martin's. Bourhis, J., & Berquist, C. (1990). Communication apprehension in the basic course: Learning styles and preferred instructional strategies of high and low apprehensive students. 2, 2746. Cupach, W. R., Canary, D. J., & Spitzberg, B. H. (2010). Competence in interpersonal conflict (2nd ed.). Long Grove, Illinois: Waveland Press, Inc.


 

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Glaser, S. R., Biglan, A., & Dow, M. G. (1983). Conversational skills instruction for communication apprehension and avoidance. Communication Research, 10(4), 582-596. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=ufh&AN=6348104&site=ehost-live Honeycutt, J. M. (2008). Imagined interaction theory. In L. A. Baxter & Braithwaite (Eds.), Engaging theories in interpersonal communication: Multiple perspectives (pp. 77-88). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Honeycutt, J. M. (2010). Imagine that: Studies in imagined interactions. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press. Honeycutt, J. M., Choi, C. W., & DeBerry, J. R. (2009). Communication apprehension and imagined interactions. Communication Research Reports, 26(3), 228-236. doi: 10.1080/08824090903074423 Horwitz, B. (2001). Communication apprehension: Origins and management. Australia; Albany, NY: Singular Thomson Learning. Lambertz, M. M. (2011). Imagined interactions as a link to political talk. (Unpublished M.A.). University of Nevada, Las Vegas, United States -- Nevada. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/873812799?accountid=3611. (873812799) Lederman, L. C. (1982). Suffering in silence: The effects of fear of talking on small group participation. Group & Organization Management, 7(3), 279-294. doi: 10.1177/105960118200700303 McCroskey, J. C. (1976). The effects of communication apprehension on nonverbal behavior. Communication Quarterly, 24(1), 39-44. Retrieved from


 

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http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=ufh&AN=18718968&site=ehost-live McCroskey, J. C., Richmond, V. P., & McCroskey, L. L. (2009). Avoiding communication: Shyness, reticence, and communication apprehension. In J. A. Daly, J. C. McCroskey, J. Ayres, T. Hopf, , D. M. Ayres Sonandré & T. K. Wongprasert (Eds.), Willingness to communicate, communication apprehension, and self-perceived communication competence (3rd ed., pp. 97-128). Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press. Metts, S., & Cupach, W. R. (2008). Face theory. In L. A. Baxter & Braithwaite (Eds.), Engaging theories in interpersonal communication: Multiple perspectives (pp. 203-214). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Metzger, N. J. (1976). The effects of a rhetorical method of instruction on a selected population of reticent students. Communication, 4(2), 92-103. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=ufh&AN=10891014&site=ehost-live Richmond, V. P., Heisel, A. M., Smith Jr., R. S., & McCroskey, J. C. (1998). The impact of communication apprehension and fear of talking with a physician on perceived medical outcomes. Communication Research Reports, 15(4), 344-353. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=ufh&AN=9471048&site=ehost-live Robinson, T. E. (1997). Communication apprehension and the basic public speaking course: A national survey of in-class treatment techniques. Communication Education, 46, 188-193. Rosenblatt, P. C., & Meyer, C. (1986). Imagined interactions and the family. Family Relations, 35(2), 319-324. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/583641


 

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Rubin, R. B., & Rubin, A. M. (1989). Communication apprehension and satisfaction in interpersonal relationships. Communication Research Reports, 6(1), 13-20. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=ufh&AN=18443654&site=ehost-live Wadleigh, P. M. (2009). Avoiding communication: Shyness, reticence, and communication apprehension. In J. A. Daly, J. C. McCroskey, J. Ayres, T. Hopf, D. M. Ayres Sonandré & T. K. Wongprasert (Eds.), Willingness to communicate, communication apprehension, and self-perceived communication competence (3rd ed., pp. 3-22). Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press. Wheeless, L. R., & Parsons, L. A. (1995). What you feel is what you might get: Exploring communication apprehension and sexual communication satisfaction. Communication Research Reports, 12(1), 39-45. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=t rue&db=ufh&AN=18443462&site=ehost-live Wilmot, W. W., & Hocker, J. L. (2011). Interpersonal conflict (8th ed.). New York: McGrawHill.


 

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Term Paper (COM 730)

An Inductive Rhetorical Analysis: George W. Bush’s Address to a Joint Session of Congress David Raanan University of Nevada, Las Vegas


 

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Murphy proclaims there to be an all too familiar theme that runs through the most important political speeches of any epoch. Rhetorical inventions of ancient rhetors and philosophers abound in these addresses. “War rhetoric is a rhetorical hybrid, combining the qualities of what Aristotle termed deliberative discourse, arguments to justify the expediency or practicality of an action, and epideictic rhetoric, appeals that unify the community and amplify its virtues” (Murphy 609). George W. Bush’s address to a Joint Session of Congress exemplifies Murphy’s assertion by encompassing a multiplicity of rhetorical strategies and tropes that justify expediency, unify a country and convince a nation that war is the only effective option. On a somber fall night, Thursday September 20, 2001 to be exact, and only nine days after the egregious terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center, President George W. Bush spoke to a Joint Session of Congress and the world in an attempt to explain how America would respond to the worst terrorist attack on U.S. soil. This methodically crafted speech runs the gamete of critical issues and topics pertaining to what happened on 9/11, how it happened, and finally what America intends to do about it. Bush begins with a brief description of the attack and speaks to the state of our union as being “strong” (1). After thanking various nations for their support and prayers, Bush focuses attention on Al Qaeda, the terrorist organization alleged to have carried out the attack. Next, Bush lists America’s demands on the Taliban and Al Qaeda. He then takes a moment to address people of the Muslim faith around the world. Bush reassures them that the United States does not blame Islam for the attacks, but only the few savages who have used Islam to justify and carry out their murderous and blasphemous agendas. Moving on in the speech, Bush puts forth his best effort to elucidate why terrorists hate Americans so vehemently. The answer is simple as he explains it; our freedoms are what they loathe (3). Naturally, Bush moves directly into how America can, and will, win a war against terror. He is


 

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careful to explicate that this impending war will be “unlike any we have ever seen” (Bush 3). Bush enlists the help of every nation to aid us in this fight for freedom and justice, a fight to eradicate those who murder innocent people in the name of religion. Bush then explains what is expected of American citizens, how we should act, and how to go about our daily lives while upholding the values and ideals that make us Americans. Finally, Bush expresses his hopes for the months and years ahead. He assures the American people of the “victories to come” and concludes this historic speech with a call to action that makes the possibility of war a sure thing. The significance and importance of this address by President Bush is monumental in both a domestic and global sense. This is an address that would fundamentally alter the way in which the United States operates with regard to international relations in the 21st Century. Couched in political politeness throughout, this speech is nothing if not a declaration of war that would prove to affect the world as a whole on a level with which we may never fully comprehend. My inductive rhetorical analysis of President Bush’s address to a Joint Session of Congress will endeavor to answer one paramount question; what topoi and rhetorical devices are being employed in his rhetoric and what kind of affect do they have, or are intended to have, on the audience. I will apply a plethora of resources on rhetorical showmanship gleaned from texts as far back as the classical period to the very recent. Ivie posited, “language determines society. It orders experience because it creates the forms which makes possible the communication of experience” (338). Bush’s effective and appropriate communication of experience through the lens of classical tropes within this rhetorical artifact rivals that of any other historic presidential speech in the history of the United States. This is evident in the fact that he successfully persuaded the American people that war was the solitary option in guaranteeing that terrorism would flourish no longer.


 

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In order to effectively deconstruct this speech and allow for clarity to arise in establishing how language determines society, Kenneth Burke’s method of examining a text will provide the overarching scaffolding mandatory in explaining Bush’s address or drama in the most revealing manner. Burke’s method of “dramatism” employs the dramatistic pentad. This widely popular method of investigating the true meaning and motivation behind a text or oration encompasses five elements compulsory in the effective coaxing of an audience. These elements are act, scene, agent, agency and purpose (Burke 1298). Kelley attempts to make intelligible the Burkean approach as being one that “encourages the critic to examine language to discover what motive a speaker might have had in a certain situation and how that rhetor attempted to redefine the situation or persuade an audience to a perspective” (322). By defining each of the aforementioned elements of the pentad in Bush’s address, the opportunity to perform an inductive rhetorical analysis that is both robust and novel is most achievable. Before examining the text of Bush’s address to a Joint Session of Congress, it will be beneficial to first locate and describe the elements of the dramatistic pentad that originate from this particular speech. First and foremost, the act of this address is simply the war on terror or the United States’ obligation to defend freedom. Each lead to the same end road; waging war. The scene consists of Bush’s florid and exhaustive recounting of the September 11, 2001 attacks or what he refers to as the “act of war” (2). President George W. Bush and America’s FBI personnel, intelligence operatives and military reservists act as the agents of this drama. These are the individuals who will perform the act and strive to achieve the purpose of Bush’s drama. Agency consists of the means or instruments used in carrying out the act. For the purposes of this speech, “dramatic air strikes, covert operations, countless battles, every tool of intelligence, every instrument of law enforcement, every financial influence and every necessary weapon of


 

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war” comprise the agency in Bush’s drama (3). Last but certainly not least is the purpose of the drama. Those with a keen eye and previous knowledge of rhetorical conventions would purport that the purpose of this text is evident from the very first statements in the introduction to the very last sentence in the conclusion. In other words, the purpose of Bush’s drama is a recurring thread that reveals itself time and again throughout his address. We discover the purpose of this drama in one explicit statement at the coda of Bush’s address when he exclaims, “I will not yield; I will not rest; I will not relent in waging this struggle for freedom and security for the American people” (6). Straightforwardly, protecting the freedom and security of the American people is the impetus for why this speech is being delivered, although there are enumerable ulterior motives that answer the “why” question that could serve as the subject of its own prolonged and complex paper. However, the explicit purpose of Bush’s drama vis-à-vis this text is simple. This speech is being given in a concerted effort to convince the American people that engaging in a war on terrorism will yield assured freedom and security for the United States in perpetuity. As a means to this end, Bush begins his speech with a myriad of rhetorical devices and topoi that set the foundation for the entirety of his address (1). He immediately establishes his choice of genre to be strictly epideictic. As Murphy asserts, “the rhetorical president is in the most commanding political and social position to make a world. Epideictic rhetoric is in the most commanding political and social position to amplify in words a world in a televisual age…presidential epideictic rhetoric strongly encourages us to believe in the world the president’s text imagines” (626). Murphy’s point is substantiated in the introductory lines of Bush’s speech:


 

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We have seen it in the courage of passengers, who rushed terrorists to save others on the ground – passengers like an exceptional man named Todd Beamer… We have seen the state of our Union in the endurance of rescuers, working past exhaustion. We’ve seen the unfurling of flags, the lighting of candles, the giving of blood, the saying of prayers – in English, Hebrew, and Arabic. We have seen the decency of a loving and giving people who have made the grief of strangers their own. My fellow citizens, for the last nine days, the entire world has seen for itself the state of our Union – and it is strong (1). As his address progresses, Bush uses his position and rhetorical expertise to create a new world in order to meet the needs of his drama’s purpose. Bush’s emotional and impactful description of American behavior following the attack clearly elicits thoughts of unity and nationalism, presenting a communal understanding that all Americans are mired in this struggle as one entity, a crucial element of epidictic rhetoric. Bush evokes two important devices when he mentions Todd Beamer, the heroic passenger who died on one of the hijacked planes after allegedly accosting the hijackers and averting the plane from crashing into another American building. First, his anecdote employs much pathos as it conjures up feelings of sadness for a fallen hero. Secondly, and a tactic that Bush repetitively will use throughout his discourse, he employs the visual imagery trope to alter the audiences’ feelings (Murphy 619). By replacing the negative images of planes crashing into buildings and people jumping from the World Trade Center with images of heroic tales like that of Todd Beamer, the giving of blood and the dedication of rescue workers, Bush is efficacious in changing his audience’s mood to reflect a more positive perspective, thus incrementally garnering their trust which will ultimately be used to bolster the act of his drama. Burke refers to this common rhetorical practice as “qualitative progression in form---a movement in mood” (Murphy 619).


 

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Bush furthers his efficacy in rhetorical technê by infusing kairos and to prepon tropes when referring to the “courage of passengers” and “the decency of a loving and giving people” (Poulakos 36). These remarks come at an opportune time in his address when he must gain the confidence and trust of the audience, be perceived as a competent and caring leader, and carefully handle a tragic situation by conforming to rules and social norms that are apropos to the situation. Finally, Bush artfully employs the security metaphor known as LINK within this paragraph by explicating Americans’ cohesiveness, unity, and nationalism in response to the attacks. LINK schema is characterized by metaphorical concepts that create “social bonds, ties, or attachments” (Chilton 199). Bush will prove to be no slouch in manufacturing moments of community. The following paragraph transitions from reminiscing about the attack to a call for action. It is in this paragraph [4] that Bush establishes the act of his drama. He declares, “our grief has turned to anger, and anger to resolution. Whether we bring our enemies to justice, or bring justice to our enemies, justice will be done” (Bush 1). Through his eloquent use of associative logic, Bush encourages the audience to connect the dots of his drama by alluding to what future actions must take place and ultimately prodding them to accept the pretense of his act (Murphy 619). Bush’s assertion that America has been “awakened to danger and called to defend freedom” capitalizes on prophetic dualism (Wander 157). By asserting that America must defend its freedoms, Bush is indirectly splitting the world into two halves where conflict isn’t just a possibility anymore, it’s inevitable. The hemispheres constructed by Bush are good and evil. Those who defend freedom and who are inherently moral and decent are categorized as good. Those who profess to threaten freedom and “God’s will” are categorized as evil (Bush 1). As Wander maintains, “conflict between them is resolved only through the total victory of one side


 

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over the other” (157). By creating these two camps, Bush can now work on demonizing the terrorists as the other, allowing him to build further support for his act. Bush also uses the synecdoche trope when he praises Republicans and Democrats on behalf of the American people for coming together and voting on $40 billion dollars of military aid to be used in the rebuilding of communities affected by the attacks (Murphy 613). By speaking for the American people, Bush elevates himself as the voice and political representation of a nation. As such, qualities and perks are afforded. This undoubtedly adds to his credibility and leadership persona in the eyes of the audience and is yet another feather in his cap to be used in assembling support for the act of his drama. As Bush begins to thank the world for their prayers and support, he once again invokes visual imagery by his depiction of the “South Korean children gathering to pray outside our embassy in Seoul” (2). His recounting of those whom America will not forget is a form of the social memory device, which as Noon describes is “supposed to inspire, sustain and instruct a people” (341). Its effects on an audience cannot be understated as it coalesces shared values and idealism via a deep and pervasive ethos. Social memory is critical in building a rapport with the audience. In paragraph five, Bush condemns the 9/11 terrorists as “enemies of freedom” who have “committed an act of war” on the United States (2). His recollection of September 11th in this part of his address is the backdrop for his drama’s scene. Bush invokes the PATH metaphor used in security discourse to take the audience back through 136 years of peace on American soil, except of course for Pearl Harbor in 1941 (Chilton 199). As Chilton remarks, using the PATH metaphor allows the rhetor to introduce “abstract concepts such as purpose and political concepts such as past history and future policy” in an effort to help the audience maneuver through a particular drama’s scene and eventually realize its act and purpose (199). This segment of


 

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Bush’s speech also employs what Murphy describes as dialysis or a “series of disjunctive propositions that lead to a conclusion” (614). That is to say, by Bush linking the old days of a peaceful America with this new era of America on the brink of war, he successfully creates a new present. A new present calls for new tactics, strategies and styles by a nation whose very freedom is under attack. By his use of dialysis, Bush is victorious in demonstrating to the audience that new threats call for new measures, therefore justifying any future policy initiatives regarding the war on terror. Bush also uses amplification within this section of his speech as he castigates and demonizes Al Qaeda. He uses the metaphor, “Al Qaeda is to terror what the mafia is to crime” to demonstrate his point (2). This technique of amplification invented by Isocrates allows “people who blame to exaggerate the poor qualities displayed by their subjects,” in essence compounding efforts to promote prophetic dualism while simultaneously uniting the audience behind a clear and concise premise (Murphy 615). Bush doesn’t stop there; he proceeds by confidently noting that Al Qaeda will not yield until it remakes the world to reflect its own vision. Bush adds that if given the opportunity, Al Qaeda would force the world to live under their “radical beliefs” (2). This type of fear mongering creates what Ivie calls a savage binary in rhetorical discourse (284). By portraying Al Qaeda as the savage other, Bush can systematically dehumanize the group, displaying their actions as that of ruthless barbarians, making it much easier for the audience to comprehend why only war can stop these modern day murderers. Al Qaeda, and terrorists in general according to Bush’s savage binary rhetoric, have no respect for civilized human life and liberty as their acts have demonstrated. By using this trope, Bush is able to lure the audience into believing that waging war is America’s only option in defending its freedom.


 

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Bush continues to use savage rhetoric well into paragraph six of his address. He opines, “the terrorists’ directive commands them to kill Christians and Jews, to kill all Americans, and make no distinctions among military and civilians, including women and children” (2). His assertions may be overly amplified yet his use of fear tactics emboldens the audience to believe that this group of savages whom know no decency or civility could target them, or their loved ones. Bush’s loaded language resonates, rallying his audience to find common ground, bonding together to create the “us against them” mentality that Bush is so determined at developing throughout his oration. His reference to children creates a powerful visual image and supplements his argument. At this paragraph’s conclusion, Bush uses the aggression vs. defense savage binary as he speaks to how terrorists “hide in countries around the world to plot evil and destruction” (2). To put it another way, the aggression of the savage enemy must be equally met with defensive forces in order to obviate future destruction and protect America’s freedoms (Ivie 290). In paragraph nine, Bush begins to verbalize his demands on the Taliban in Afghanistan, explicitly stating what they must do in order to avoid the fate of those who perished on 9/11. Bush’s stern, assertive style lends credence to the role he is playing in his drama; a role that puts him on an invisible pedestal as the leader of the free world. His poise and no-nonsense approach assures the audience that he is competent and consequentially capable of carrying out the act he has set forth. Bush continues his foray into employing ethos in paragraph ten. He takes a moment to direct his words to the Muslim world. Bush carefully reassures, “we respect your faith. Its teachings are good and peaceful, and those who commit evil in the name of Allah blaspheme the name of Allah. The enemy of America is not our many Muslim friends; it is not our many Arab


 

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friends” (3). Bush displays his great character in his caring and compassionate plea to the Muslim world. His good faith effort to try and prevent misplaced prejudice on Muslim and Arab Americans portrays him as a leader who understands the diversity among his citizens and who will protect them at all costs, even against one another. Once again representing the social body of America, Bush begins paragraph 11 by employing another synecdoche as he ponders aloud, “Americans are asking, why do they hate us?” (3). After providing a few reasons, Bush uses imperial savage topoi to make his reasons more impactful, further marginalizing the terrorists as other (Butler 3). “These terrorists kill not merely to end lives, but to disrupt and end a way of life,” exclaims Bush (3). This powerful statement is intended to demonize the terrorists considerably, permitting the audience to draw the relevant conclusion that terrorists are irrational savages not just in culture but in thought as well. This appeal to the audiences’ sense of security is premeditated and paramount to Bush accomplishing the act of his drama. A pattern of dehumanization and desensitization to killing terrorists becomes a recurring theme throughout Bush’s speech, making it much easier for his audience to accept the sort of “kill or be killed” mentality that his rhetoric incites. Although pragmatism is few and far between with respect to this speech, Bush displays it ephemerally when stating that the terrorists “stand against us, because we stand in their way” (3). His choice of words sheds a practical light on at least one of the motivations that terrorists have in carrying out their egregious acts (Murphy 615). When someone or something is blocking your path, you can either take a detour or clear the road. Lacking civility and human decency, Bush characterizes terrorists as inherently choosing the latter. Paragraph 12 begins with a vehement condemnation of the terrorists without the word terrorist explicitly being used. Bush holds:


 

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We are not deceived by their pretenses to piety. We have seen their kind before. They are the heirs of all murderous ideologies of the 20th Century. By sacrificing human life to serve their radical visions – by abandoning every value except the will to power – they follow in the path of fascism, Nazism, and totalitarianism. And they follow that path all the way, to where it ends; in history’s unmarked grave of discarded lies (3). The above excerpt is extremely impactful via the use of a LINK metaphor to make an indispensable point about terrorism in the 21st Century (Chilton 198). Bush ties fascism, Nazism and totalitarianism of the 20th Century to the savage tactics used by modern day terrorists. This connection cannot be understated as it solidifies their place among the base level, value depleted and despised people within humanity. To label the terrorists as “heirs” of the Nazi regime is to establish a blood relation between the two, urging the audience to use historical social memory to arrive at the conclusion that everything must be done to stop the terrorists from carrying on the devil’s work. This statement may in fact provide the strongest effect on audience emotions and is used to espouse the eventual act of Bush’s drama. Toward the end of paragraph 12 and well into 13, Bush reveals the agency element of his drama. In order for his act to come to fruition successfully, Bush is tasked with explaining how a war on terror can be executed efficiently, effectively and with minimal error. To maintain his bill of credibility and positive face in front of his audience, Bush’s explanation of his drama’s agency is fundamental in generating support for the drama’s act. Bush assures the American people: We will direct every resource at our command -- every means of diplomacy, every tool of intelligence, every instrument of law enforcement, every financial influence, and every necessary weapon of war -- to the disruption and defeat of the global terror network…Americans should not expect one battle, but a lengthy campaign, unlike any


 

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other we have ever seen. It may include dramatic air strikes, visible on TV, and covert operations, secret even in success (3). Bush appears effective in his detailed explication of how he will defeat this newly organized global terror network. By asking his audience to prepare for a battle that they have never seen before, Bush once again harkens back to an idea he made previously in his speech with regard to a new present that the world now occupies. In this new present there is no standard manual of acceptable behavior in the defense of freedom. This admission affords him the trust of his audience, a perception as willing to act accordingly in their best interests and the interests of the United States. Since the war he describes is something the citizenry have never quite seen before, they relinquish their expectations, they forego visualizations of what benchmarks for success are, and most importantly they are indirectly forced to espouse the actions of their President as being both necessary and legitimate. “Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists,” says Bush following his explanation of the agency of his drama. His unrelenting use of prophetic dualism once again pits the forces of good against the domination of evil. Bush requires the world to pick a side, framing the choice as being either wrong or right. In this instance Murphy suggests, “Bush’s preference for epideictic rhetoric defined the problem we faced not as one of policy, but rather as one of unity” (617). Murphy foregrounds a valid point, explicitly stating that Bush kept the agency details of his drama purposely vague in order to keep his military options open. By couching the issue as one of unity and not policy, Bush is able to avoid an explanation of specific tactics and rationale for his act by deflecting the issue to focus on patriotic ideals. In paragraphs 16 and 17 Bush finally introduces the audience to the agents of his drama. He comments on the manpower behind the act, “many will be involved in this effort, from FBI


 

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agents to intelligence operatives to the reservists we have called to active duty” (Bush 4). The audience may feel a sense of security here that preparations are being made to meet the exigency of the situation that Bush is crafting as his speech unfurls. Loaded phrases like “America will act” and “Be ready” only calcify the exigencies he presents. As Bush reaches the midpoint of his speech he shifts his focus, discussing the role Americans should play in his drama. He recounts, “Americans are asking: What is expected of us?” (Bush 4). Continuing his use of synecdoche by speaking as the political representation of the nation, Bush begins to provide the answer to his own question, infused with much idealism (Murphy 613). In the face of impending war, Bush asks the American people to live their lives and hug their children (4). Arguably not much of an answer to those losing sleep over the fear that the terrorists might strike again. However, Murphy furnishes an alternate explanation of Bush’s rhetorical intentions. He believes that Bush asks the question in order to create a public and private sphere, ultimately avoiding the need to purvey concrete actions with regard to American foreign policy moving forward. Murphy continues by accusing Bush of purposely pigeonholing the citizenry into the private sphere so as to “uphold the values of America” and not concern himself or herself with the headache of complex war policy deliberation that abounds in the public sphere (616). Bush’s under the radar approach has a profound effect on his audience in two ways. First, his overtures offer peace of mind, albeit unsubstantial, to those who believe he is handling their affairs in the most appropriate manner. Second and most importantly, Bush’s avoidance of including the audience in public policy deliberation, combined with his effort to contain the citizenry within the private sphere, permit him the freedom to construct and implement a strategic blueprint for war without having to present it in the court of public opinion. By this point in his speech Bush has used synecdoche with an almost perfect mastery,


 

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positioning himself as much more than the President of the United States. As this address moves toward its conclusion, Bush presents himself as not just the leader of the free world; he was the voice of reason and strength, burdened with not only leading the free world but also protecting its very existence. As Bush’s rhetorical drama enters its last few paragraphs, he once again stresses a requisite for unity, asking the audience to expect inconveniences in their everyday lives and thanking Congress for acting in accord with his behests. In paragraph 22, Bush briefly addresses those who may doubt America’s moxy and viability moving forward. He affirms: It is natural to wonder if America’s future is one of fear. Some speak of an age of terror. I know there are some struggles ahead, and dangers to face. But this country will define our times, not be defined by them. As long as the United States of America is determined and strong, this will not be an age of terror; this will be an age of liberty, here and across the world (Bush 5). The above excerpt is steeped in loaded language. Bush continues to capitalize on fear rhetoric by using the word “terror” multiple times throughout his address and the above statement is no exception. The word “terror” is a fear-evoking term and it realizes its purpose by putting the audience at attention. Bush juxtaposes an “age of terror” against a promise that America will defeat tyranny and define its times. Bush also reveals his bias and displays America’s imperative for leadership as well as American exceptionalism in this passage (Kane 4). In so many words, Bush’s delicate assertion that as long as America is strong and determined, the world will get to enjoy freedom exemplifies American exceptionalism in its most unadulterated form. Kane describes the concept as a “world ordered by the principles and practices of the liberal capitalist system that governed America was good for America and therefore good for the world” (4).


 

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Using this premise as the foundation for his drama’s act, Bush subtly aggrandizes the superiority of the American experience, instilling confidence and compliance in his audience. Bush takes one last leap into prophetic dualism in paragraph 23 of his speech. “Freedom and fear are at war,” exclaims the President (Bush 5). The forces of good must overcome evil if the world is to survive and continue on. Bush employs the rhetorical device known as anaphora at the end of the paragraph in order to construct a powerful emotional appeal with the audience as he nears the climax of his address (Beer and Hariman 8). In the face of terror Bush maintains, “we will not tire, we will not falter, and we will not fail” (5). This anaphoric statement is extremely mighty in rallying the audience as well as priming them for possible controversial foreign policy decisions to come. This is Bush’s victory cry; this is his mission and moment (Murphy). In the last two paragraphs of Bush’s address, the final element of his drama is disclosed: the purpose. His purpose comes in the aforementioned form of anaphora. Bush avows, “I will not yield; I will not rest: I will not relent in waging this struggle for freedom and security for the American people” (6). It is here, contained in the coda of his speech that the most important of Bush’s unwavering intentions are uncloaked. Bush’s painting of a new present throughout his speech lends itself to this new kind of war that will be waged against those who threaten the freedom and security of America. Protecting America and ensuring its freedoms are the purposes of Bush’s drama. Consequentially, a purpose:act ratio is formed which purports that ensuring the freedom of America will require waging a successful war on terror. These are the two critical elements within Bush’s dramatistic pentad. Further, the audience is now certain that war is imminent, however, Bush provides no further explication of which country or countries will bear the brunt of America’s wrath. He only speaks in obfuscations while labeling the enemy as a


 

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terrorist or murderer, keeping the audience on edge and within their predetermined private sphere. Bush utilizes a rhetorical enthymeme within the conclusion of his address as he opines, “freedom and fear, justice and cruelty, have always been at war, and we know that God is not neutral between them” (6). Bush encourages the audience to fill in the blank and reach the unstated assumption that God is on America’s side, the side of freedom and justice. By using the “God” term Bush is dually effective, pandering to the religious majority that inhabits America. In a sense, Bush assumes that because he believes that God is on America’s side, that God therefore supports the actions that America must take to secure its freedoms. His theory presents a unique justification indeed. Naturally, Bush also returns to the visual imagery trope that he began his speech with. He tells a short anecdote about a police officer who perished at the Word Trade Center while doing his duty, unselfishly trying to save others. Bush promises to carry the fallen hero’s police shield as a constant reminder of the thousands of innocent lives lost on that ominous September morning. This visually and emotionally stimulating appeal gives the audience a glimpse of how compassionate their Commander-in-Chief truly is, bolstering their trust in his decisions and the credibility that he can and will make the tough but appropriate decisions. Murphy claims that Bush’s visual persuasive appeal vis-à-vis the anecdote of the fallen policeman was a ploy to encourage espousal of his foreign policy and act. “If we honored those who died on 9/11, we supported the president. If we understood common decency in moments of grief, we supported the president” says Murphy (620). His notion, though abstract, is quite thought provoking. In Murphy’s assessment, Bush has created an infallible version of himself, through the use of effective rhetorical devices, in order to garner the support of his audience. By positioning his


 

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policy as inspired by, and as an extension of the fallen heroes of 9/11, Bush forges a set of what he believes to be morally correct ideas. Therefore, any opposition to these ideas in turn presents opposition to those brave souls who lost their lives. Supporting Bush and his war on terror policy subsequently became equated with patriotism. This rhetorically abstract construct allowed Bush to sustain the purpose of his drama and carry out his act with minimal opposition. Kairos once again comes into play in the last sentence of Bush’s address (Poulakos 36). There isn’t a more propitious time in his oration to bestow the affirmation of virtue and righteousness upon his audience than in the concluding sentence of his drama. Bush exclaims, “fellow citizens, we’ll meet violence with patient justice – assured of the rightness of our cause, and confident of the victories to come” (6). The audience is left feeling confident that the actions about to be taken have been vetted and carefully deliberated upon by the experts. This is Bush’s final attempt to earn the trust of his country and reassure the citizenry that they should not second-guess what their president deems as necessary retaliation. Only upon close examination of this rhetorical artifact can one unearth President George W. Bush’s textbook strategy with regard to the five common characteristics inherent in wartime presidential rhetoric (Spring & Packer 123). Firstly, Bush took care to reassure his audience that he was not acting “hastily” or seeking vengeance, but instead conducted his due diligence to come up with an appropriate response to the attack. According to Spring and Packer, “such arguments help portray the president as a level-headed commander-in-chief who has carefully considered the situation while steadfastly mindful of the lives that could be lost in the process” (123). Secondly, Bush’s narrative detailed the myriad threats posed by terrorists as dangerous enough to “remake the world” (2). Spring and Packer believe “this narrative helps simplify complex issues in a way that compels action” (123). The third characteristic of presidential


 

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wartime rhetoric is a plea for unity, patriotism and nationalism among the citizenry. Bush is a master at this trade, often times explicitly stating America’s exceptionalism to coalesce common sentiments and buttress community. Fourthly, Bush once again harps on the egregious threat that the enemy poses to solidify the justification for war once and for all. “Omitting this specific information opens up a president to accusations of “warmongering,” which could undermine his call to action,” states Spring and Packer (123). Finally, the fifth characteristic of wartime rhetoric is evident in Bush’s “strategic misrepresentation of the situation” (Spring & Packer 123). This involves rhetorical tactics that obviate or obfuscate the facts involved in the telling of a true story. Ambiguity about policy and strategy along with an amplification of enemy threats to cause fear all add to the misrepresentation of a situation that can lead to lethal consequences. On September 20, 2001 in front of a Joint Session of Congress and the American people, President George W. Bush presented the world with his rhetorical drama. As this inductive rhetorical analysis conveys, Bush employed a multiplicity of rhetorical devices, topoi, and tropes to his advantage in a calculated effort to persuade the American people that a war on terror was the proper recourse in regards to the 9/11 attack. True to historical form, Bush closely followed characteristics used in presidential wartime speeches of the past. By looking at this rhetorical artifact through the prism of Kenneth Burke’s dramatistic pentad, it enables the elucidation of meaning and the affectation behind Bush’s mere spoken word. The deconstructing of this text into the five dramatistic elements affords the rhetorical scholar a more robust understanding of Bush’s oration and the considerable affect his words had on his audience. Fast-forward eleven years and some may argue that the purpose of Bush’s drama was realized. There has not been a major terrorist attack on U.S. soil since 9/11, although a handful were foiled in advance and may be attributed to Bush’s creation of the Department of Homeland


 

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Security. However, many would contend, and the facts would corroborate, that Bush’s act failed miserably, making the world a more dangerous place as a result. Bush’s war on terror began with invading Iraq under the pretense that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction and intended to use them. To this day no weapons of mass destruction have been found in Iraq and it is now widely accepted that no such weapons ever existed. Irrespective of the proximal or distal consequences of Bush’s address there is one absolute truth; rhetoric is a gargantuan weapon that can change the course of the world, for better or for worse. Sophistic philosopher Gorgias argued this point in his “Encomium of Helen” and would certainly vouch for the mighty power of language. He once proclaimed, “the effect of speech upon the condition of the soul is comparable to the power of drugs over the nature of bodies” (Gorgias 46). It may not be dubious to assume that President George W. Bush would be of the same mind.


 

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Works Cited Beer, Francis A., and Robert Hariman. Post-Realism: The Rhetorical Turn in International Relations. Michigan State University Press, 1996. Summon; Summon. 9/28/2012 4:56:26 PM. Bizzell, Patricia, and Bruce Herzberg. The Rhetorical Tradition: Readings from Classical Times to the Present. Ed. Patricia Bizzell and Bruce Herzberg. 2nd ed. Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2001. Bostdorff, Denise, and Steven Goldzwig. "Idealism and Pragmatism in American Foreign Policy Rhetoric: The Case of John F. Kennedy and Vietnam." Presidential Studies Quarterly 24.3 (1994): 515. Burke, Kenneth. "From a Grammar of Motives." The Rhetorical Tradition: Readings from Classical Times to the Present. Ed. Patricia Bizzell and Bruce Herzberg. 2nd ed. Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martin's, n.d. 1295. Bush, George W. "Address to Joint Session of Congress following 9/11 attacks." 20 Sept. 2001. 9 Sept. 2012 <http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/gwbush911jointsessionspeech.htm>. Butler, John R. "Somalia and the Imperial Savage: Continuities in the Rhetoric of War." Western Journal of Communication 66.1 (2002): 1. Summon; Summon. 9/28/2012 4:56:26 PM. Chilton, Paul A. "The Meaning of Security." (1996): 193. Dow, B. J. "The Function of Epideictic and Deliberative Strategies in Presidential Crisis Rhetoric." Western Journal of Speech 53.3 (1989): 294-310. Summon; Summon. 9/28/2012 4:56:26 PM.


 

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Gorgias. "Encomium of Helen." The Rhetorical Tradition: Readings from Classical Times to the Present. Ed. Patricia Bizzell and Bruce Herzberg. 2nd ed. Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2001. 43-46. Hollihan, Thomas A. "The Public Controversy Over the Panama Canal Treaties: An Analysis of American Foreign Policy Rhetoric." Western Journal of Speech Communication 50.4 (1986): 368-87. Summon; Summon. 9/28/2012 4:56:26 PM. Ivie, Robert L. "Images of Savagery in American Justifications for War." Communication Monographs 47.4 (1980): 279-94. Summon; Summon. 9/28/2012 4:56:26 PM. ---. "Presidential Motives for War." Quarterly Journal of Speech 60.3 (1974): 337-45. Summon; Summon. 9/28/2012 4:56:26 PM. Kane, Thomas. "Foreign Policy Suppositions and Commanding Ideas." Argumentation and Advocacy 28.2 (1991): 80. Summon; Summon. 9/28/2012 4:56:26 PM. Kelley, Colleen E. "The Public Rhetoric of Mikhail Gorbachev and the Promise of Peace." Western Journal of Speech Communication 52.4 (1988): 321-34. Summon; Summon. 9/28/2012 4:56:26 PM. Murphy, John M. "Our Mission and Our Moment: George W. Bush and September 11th." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 6.4 (2004): 607-32. Summon; Summon. 9/28/2012 4:56:26 PM. Noon, David Hoogland. "Operation Enduring Analogy: World War II, the War on Terror, and the Use of Historical Memory." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 7.3 (2005): 339-64. Summon; Summon. 9/28/2012 4:56:26 PM. Poulakos, John. "Toward a Sophistic Definition of Rhetoric." Philosophy & Rhetoric 16.1 (1983): 35-48. Summon; Summon. 9/28/2012 4:56:26 PM.


 

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Spring, Sarah E., and Joseph Clayton Packer. "George W. Bush: An Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American People." Voices of Democracy 4 (2009): 120-31. Wander, Philip. "The Rhetoric of American Foreign Policy." Quarterly Journal of Speech 70.4 (1984): 339-61. Summon; Summon. 9/28/2012 4:56:26 PM.


 

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  Term Paper (COM 711)

An Inductive Rhetorical Analysis of President Ronald Reagan’s Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security David Raanan University of Nevada, Las Vegas


 

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  Rhetorical scholar Wayland Parrish (2010) once said, “to recover the great speeches of the past, to reconstruct the circumstances under which they were given, to discover the motives that prompted the orator to speak and the motives that prompted the audience to respond – these may surely be counted among interesting and worthy studies” (p. 36). On March 23, 1983 President Ronald W. Reagan gave one of these “great speeches” when he publicly addressed the nation, and the world, about America’s defense budget and his newly developed policy on defense and national security. Reagan spoke at 8:02 p.m. from the Oval Office within the White House. Shortly after delivering his speech, Reagan met with a consortium of high-ranking administration officials including cabinet members, White House staff, the Joint Chiefs of Staff and various other bureaucrats to discuss the address further. It took 29 minutes and 30 seconds for Reagan to deliver a speech that contained 4,540 words. Heralded as a seminal moment in Reagan’s storied presidency, his address, infamously dubbed “Star Wars,” is often considered by many security discourse scholars to be a fundamental gamechanger in the scientific and military community. Parrish would no doubt espouse the worthiness of its study. This inductive analysis approaches Reagan’s discourse with one goal in mind. The intent is to argue that Reagan makes use of a plethora of rhetorical devices and mechanics to construct his rhetorical drama to successfully persuade his audiences to comply with his proposed policy initiatives. Specific tropes, rhetorical devices, personae, tone and strategies will be identified and discussed in order to highlight and provide justification for the claims that are made. First, I will position Reagan’s address in context by discussing the relevant issues pertinent during the epoch in which it was delivered. Next, I will deconstruct the artifact itself, providing a more in-depth analysis that identifies Reagan’s audiences and frames his speech within the dramatistic pentad


 

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  while offering excerpts from the speech that highlight how his rhetoric was artfully crafted to persuade his audiences to comply with his policy goals. Finally, I will discuss how Reagan ultimately accomplishes the purposes of his speech. Reagan and the Nuclear Drama “From what we want to arrive at, we deduce our ways of getting there, although the conventions of logical exposition usually present things the other way around,” said Kenneth Burke (Ivie, 1984, p. 43). Burke articulated the essence of much presidential rhetoric that often seeks to accomplish policy goals by establishing a narrative platform and building upon it until reaching its predetermined purpose. In order to make President Ronald Reagan’s “Star Wars” address more intelligible, it is important to provide the context within which it was delivered. Beginning with Reagan as a man, I will briefly delve into his early years before politics and then as a politician running for president. It will become clear that Reagan’s “Star Wars” address was influenced by contextual issues such as the economy, the Soviet military build up, audience perceptions towards nuclear defense and the nuclear freeze movement. Moreover, Reagan’s use of savage rhetoric to demonize the Soviet Union in order to justify and legitimate his foreign policy agenda will also be confronted and explained due to the profound impact I will argue it had in influencing the general public. By elucidating these elements and the trajectory of events leading up to Reagan’s seminal speech on March 23, 1983, it will become more transparent how Reagan addresses constraints, meets exigencies and ultimately accomplishes the purposes of his speech. Embodying the true spirit of the American dream, Ronald Reagan began his ascent to the most powerful office in the world by nontraditional means. Born in Illinois and educated at Eureka College, Reagan moved to Los Angeles in the early 1940’s where he began a career as an


 

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  actor. Quickly garnering fame from being cast in many well-known television shows and movies, Reagan used his social capital to begin flirting with his predilection for politics. Originally a member of the Democratic Party, but ultimately turning Republican, Reagan was asked to use his Hollywood influence to campaign for presidential candidate Barry Goldwater in 1964 (Anderson & Anderson, 2009). His stump speech created quite a brouhaha and eventually led to his winning the 1967 California election for governor. After two unsuccessful attempts at earning a presidential nomination in 1968 and 1976, Reagan was finally elected as the 40th President of the United States of America in 1981. Reagan’s unorthodox journey to the Oval Office created low expectations for his presidency among those who described themselves as career politicians, having spent the majority of their professional lives in politics. It is no secret that his persona as a popular Hollywood actor was detrimental to his credibility among political elites. Such unsavory perspectives created a formidable challenge for Reagan. Anderson and Anderson (2009) explain: While a majority of the voters liked him, many feared and distrusted him. Many saw him as a reckless cowboy, an old actor, a fellow who, while pleasant and nice, was not too bright and relied on staff to tell him what do. Some politicians held him in contempt. As noted, Tip O’Neill scoffed at his ability to play in the “big leagues,” while Clark Clifford, secretary of defense for President Carter, dismissed Reagan as an “amiable dunce” (p. 25). Despite these reservations and Reagan’s blemished reputation in the minds of established Washington bureaucrats, his popularity among the American people was strong and unwavering. His ability to forge a sincere connection with the masses proved to be the most vital weapon in fighting for support of his policy initiatives.


 

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  Having the public on his side was a luxury, as Reagan would need all the political capital he could assemble in the early 1980’s to confront a U.S. economy that was in turmoil. The war in Vietnam, which had ended only six years prior, had emptied taxpayers’ wallets, increased taxes and created an inflation problem that many feared had no end in sight (Goodnight, 1986). To make matters worse, rumors of depleted oil reserves began to surface and permeate through the media, only compounding the public’s fear. The America that Reagan had been appointed to lead was at a proverbial crossroads; one path lead towards relinquishing the American superpower title and co-existing with the Soviets while the other path lead to a complete overhaul of American military capabilities and economical practices. Reagan’s “Star Wars” address was an auditory manifestation of the path chosen, a path that lead to drastic overhauls and aggressive foreign policy initiatives. Furthermore, Reagan was cognizant of the fact that a strong economy at home was compulsory in developing and instituting a solid foreign policy abroad. America stood at the threshold of drastic change or certain stagnancy, and Reagan was wise to it. On January 20, 1981 Reagan delivered his first inaugural address and, naturally, in response to the pressing issues aforementioned, laid out his administration’s two top priorities: economic growth and national security and defense (Rowland & Payne, 1987). Glimmers of what would later be Reagan’s “Star Wars” speech abound in his inaugural address. After detailing his plan to reinvigorate the economy in the coda of his inaugural address, Reagan declared: As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will not negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it – now or ever…We will maintain sufficient


 

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  strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do we have the best chance of never having to use that strength (Reagan, 1981, p. 3). Reagan’s concluding sentence alludes not only to the doxastic beliefs about deterrence that were popular during the time, but goes a step beyond by presenting the idea of strength that can exist without offensive action. There are two types of strength: offensive and defensive. Reagan hints at the possibility of defensive strength and this concept is key to points that will be foregrounded and discussed two years later in Reagan’s “Star Wars” speech. Further, his rhetoric marks the beginning of several addresses that would endeavor to lay the foundation for what would become his top priority, protecting America from offensive nuclear threats. Luckily for Reagan, and in the pursuit of accomplishing the purpose of the address, his empirical audience had already been exposed to nuclear defense issues dating back to 1945 (Graham & Kramer, 1986). Reagan’s reincarnated version of a defense dome that would protect citizens from incoming missiles was a futuristic version of defense ideas that had been promulgated in the media for decades prior to his “Star Wars” speech. Popular opinion polls taken during the 1960s with regard to the feasibility of building a comprehensive defense against nuclear weapons revealed “a majority of the population (up to two-thirds) believed that the U.S. or its scientists could develop such a defense” (Graham & Kramer, 1986, p. 125). Further, the polls taken in the 1960s showed an awareness among the American people about the U.S. government’s initiatives to conduct research into nuclear defensive strategies. According to the polls, 70 percent of the public was aware of such research (Graham & Kramer, 1986). However, in the 1960s and 1970s, the public also held false beliefs that the U.S. had already developed the means to protect itself from the threat of nuclear weapons. It was reported “approximately 75 percent of the public holds the (inaccurate) belief that the United States has a fairly effective


 

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  defense against nuclear weapons” (Graham & Kramer, 1986, p. 126). Public attitude toward nuclear defense and the Soviet Union are important to consider when analyzing Reagan’s “Star Wars” speech because they elucidate the exigencies and constraints that Reagan needed to consider in order to accomplish the purpose of his address. As Graham and Kramer explain, “in the 1980’s, a plurality of 34 percent thought the Soviets were ahead of the U.S. in Star Wars technology” (p. 126). Audience perceptions about nuclear defense issues at the time certainly favored Reagan’s national security policy proposal and there is little doubt that audience polls were consulted accordingly during the construction of his address. While much of Reagan’s audience was keen to at least a broad understanding of nuclear defense, author Jonathan Schell would radically shake up public opinion on the controversial issue and throw a monkey wrench into Reagan’s easy sell of his policy endeavors on his strategic defense initiative (SDI). In 1982, one year before Reagan would deliver his “Star Wars” speech, Schell wrote “The Fate of the Earth” which has been heralded by rhetorical scholar Hogan (1994) as “the “bible” of the nuclear freeze movement” (p. 37). Schell’s narration conjured visions of a nuclear holocaust that was inevitable if the U.S. and Soviet Union continued a nuclear arms race. His book created visual representations of the complete annihilation of humanity if a nuclear freeze was not adopted to stop the production of nuclear weapons and, subsequently, reduce their number throughout the world. Schell’s doom rhetoric sparked the nuclear freeze movement and propelled his idea of a nuclear holocaust into the national public debate on nuclear policy. As Hogan (1994) explains, “Schell made it “respectable” – indeed, quite fashionable – to think about the unthinkable” (p. 42). By presenting the catastrophic repercussions of nuclear war in human terms and eschewing the technical jargon, Schell spoke sincerely to the masses about the dangers of continuing to develop nuclear weapons.


 

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  Whatever criticisms that may have surfaced about Schell’s rhetoric of doom, and there were many, one fact remained undeniable: the freeze movement created in response to “The Fate of the Earth” presented many challenges for Reagan and his audience as he framed his nuclear defense policy. In order for Reagan to successfully gain support of his policies he needed to adopt a rhetorical strategy that would allow him to refute the claims of freeze activists as well as gain support from his empirical audience. Ivie (1984) believes that Reagan finds such a rhetorical strategy and argues that it can be found in a common thread that runs through his rhetoric whenever he addressed the Soviet Union. From his very first public speech stumping for Goldwater and up until his most famous address on March, 23 1983, Ivie contends that Reagan used savage rhetoric when referring to the Soviet Union. I have chosen to focus on Reagan’s use of savage rhetoric because it provides the most logical and explicit explanation of Reagan’s premeditated strategy to cast the Soviet Union as “the other” in order to marginalize them in the minds of the American people. By doing so, Reagan’s chances of persuading his empirical audience rose exponentially, which is why his use of savage rhetoric is key to understanding how he artfully reached the purposes of his address. Ivie maintains that Reagan strategically employed savage rhetoric “with the intent of making his case against America’s number one enemy sound reasonable so that his policies may ultimately prevail” (p. 40). By casting the Soviet Union as “savages” and “evil,” Reagan could more easily persuade his empirical audience that a nuclear freeze was fruitless and, further, that only an increase in arms and defense spending could effectively mitigate the omnipresent and lurking Soviet threat. Reagan’s “metaphor of Soviet savagery” (Ivie, 41) can be conceptualized as the building block upon which his “Star Wars” speech is founded. Ivie claims that Reagan’s


 

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  savagery rhetoric attempted to address three critical questions: “(1) What is the character of the Soviet threat? (2) What is America’s proper response? (3) Can peace be achieved in a nuclear world?” (p. 41) By analyzing Reagan’s speeches prior to and during his presidency, Ivie suggests that Reagan offered clear and direct answers to the aforementioned questions. With regard to question one, a survey of Reagan’s most important speeches shows that he continually characterized the Soviet Union as a “barbarous enemy” (Ivie, 41) of freedom and everything that the United States stands against. Secondly, Soviet militarization can only be seen as a direct offensive threat to any countries that they may deem as adversarial (Reagan, 1983, para. 31). America’s response to such blatant threats can only be one of positioning itself in a realm of strength by developing a superior amount of nuclear weapons. Thirdly, in response to achieving peace in a nuclear world, Reagan wanted his audience to believe that peace would be within reach if they supported his efforts to increase defense spending and develop a strategic defensive system that could shield them from nuclear missiles while “rendering these nuclear weapons impotent and obsolete” (Reagan, 1983, para. 60). By indirectly posing and repeating these questions about the Soviets throughout his public addresses, Reagan constructed a rhetorical enthymeme where his audience was left to fill in the blank on the threat that the Soviet Union truly posed. This effort aided in the demonization of the Soviets and bolstered Reagan’s attempts at garnering support and validating his policy initiatives. Ivie along with other rhetorical scholars also argue that Reagan’s tactic of painting the Soviet Union as savages began long before he took office. Ivie (1994) strongly asserts that Reagan employed eight different “decivilizing vehicles” to depict the Soviets as dangerous and irrational savages with a growing stockpile of nuclear weapons (p. 42). The eight vehicles are as follows and can be gleaned from Reagan’s rhetoric before he was a presidential candidate


 

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  through his second term as president. Reagan depicted the Soviets as natural menaces, animals, primitives, machines, criminals, mentally disturbed, fanatics and ideologues, and finally as satanic and profane (Ivie, p. 42). According to Ivie, at least one of these eight characterizations of the Soviets were present in most addresses that Reagan made prior to his “Star Wars” speech in 1983. Reagan’s prolonged campaign of Soviet demonization primed his empirical audience to better comply with his policy initiatives in the face of what he portrayed as an inimical Soviet threat to the civilized world. Once again, this marginalization portrayed the Soviets as hostile aggressors to such an extent that Reagan’s audience could be more easily persuaded to take the drastic measures suggested to quell the Soviet danger. President Reagan’s use of savage rhetoric early in his presidency endeavored to make the Soviet threat a simple problem for which the remedy was very straightforward. However, as the broader context of 1970s and 1980s demonstrated, the rhetorical situation that Reagan was faced with could not be any less straightforward and provided no shortage of challenges and constraints in reaching the predetermined goals of his “Star Wars” speech. Resistance to his policy on defense and national security was personified in a popular freeze movement and a fearful American public. The economic doldrums of the 70s and 80s further complicated Reagan’s behests for increased defense spending during such bleak times. Reagan and his administration were tasked with maneuvering myriad issues, exigencies and constraints in order to reach the purposes of their “Star Wars” address. The “Star Wars” Address The easiest way to understand and highlight President Ronald Reagan’s historic address is to analyze it within the frame of dramatism. This is to view Reagan’s rhetoric as a “mode of action” rather than just a way of disseminating information to his audience (Campbell and


 

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  Burkholder, 1997, p. 92). Ironically, viewing Reagan’s speech from a dramatistic perspective seems apropos considering his illustrious career as a Hollywood actor before his days in the political sphere. However, in his role as president, I am more concerned with the symbolic nature of his message. Close attention is paid to the motives that tie together the ultimate purposes of his oration as well as how these motives manifest themselves in the reactions of his empirical audience. Kenneth Burke’s (1969) dramatistic pentad affords a thorough investigation of such phenomena. Foregrounding each element will provide a more clear understanding of Reagan’s “Star Wars” speech and how he met the exigencies of his epoch and audience. The pentad consists of five key elements: act, scene, agent, agency and purpose. Each of these elements will be described briefly within the next few paragraphs and will help to elucidate Reagan’s speech. Every drama has an identifiable act to it. An act is simply no more than what took place (Burke, 1969, p. XV). Embellishing the Soviet Union’s threat to the security of the United States was the act in Reagan’s “Star Wars” speech. Quite straightforward and uncomplicated, Reagan makes many allusions to the Soviet’s “formidable military power” (para. 30). He explains: The final fact is that the Soviet Union is acquiring what can only be considered an offensive military force. They have continued to build far more intercontinental ballistic missiles than they could possibly need simply to deter an attack. Their conventional forces are trained and equipped not so much to defend against an attack as they are to permit sudden, surprise offenses of their own (para. 31). An act is not of a solitary nature and cannot exist on its own. Every act must occur within a particular situation, or setting, or what Burke calls the scene (p. XV). This is not to be confused with the context of the act for that is too broad a scope for the purposes of the pentad. An American economy and denigrated military composed the scene of Reagan’s drama. His rhetoric


 

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  professed that the military budget had been “trimmed to the limits of safety” (para. 5) and reminded his audience that any further cuts in defense would “seriously endanger the security of the Nation” (para. 5). An agent, as Burke describes it, is the person who is credited with carrying out the act (p. XV). Without an agent, an act is merely a thought, a terminal intangible, which cannot be observed unless an agent of any capacity performs it. The Soviet Union was the undisputable agent of Reagan’s drama. Constantly portrayed as the aggressive agents, the Soviets were held responsible and made a scapegoat for the deplorable conditions that the U.S. military found themselves in. Reagan’s drama condemns the Soviets of being capable of striking the U.S. at a moment’s notice. For 20 years the Soviet Union has been accumulating enormous military might. They didn’t stop when their forces exceeded all requirements of a legitimate defensive capability. And they haven’t stopped now. During the past decade and a half, the Soviets have built up a massive arsenal of new strategic nuclear weapons – weapons that can strike directly at the United States (Reagan, 1983, para. 15). The means or vehicle by which an act is performed is known as agency (Burke, 1969, p. XV). These are the tools used by the agent in order to carry out and successfully arrive at the act’s purpose. The agency in Reagan’s drama emerged from the Soviet threat to the U.S. through their rapid military buildup. Reagan explained: Some people may still ask: Would the Soviets ever use their formidable military power? Well, again, can we afford to believe they won’t? There is Afghanistan. And in Poland, the Soviets denied the will of the people and in so doing demonstrated to the world how their military power could also be used to intimidate (para. 30).


 

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  Reagan took great care in repeatedly mentioning the frantic pace at which the Soviets were securing military might in order to establish urgency and justification for the policies he was advocating. Finally, no act is complete without a true purpose for its existence (Burke, 1969, p. XV). In theory, we are asking ourselves why the agent used his agency to carry out the act in the first place? The drama within Reagan’s “Star Wars” address had two main purposes. Reagan wasted little time spelling out the first purpose of his drama. In paragraph two he asserted, “the subject I want to discuss with you, peace and national security, is both timely and important” (para. 2). Throughout his address, Reagan interjected the purpose of his oration again and again. This purpose was not simply unidirectional. There were two main purposes that were presented and supported within this speech as briefly stated above. The first was Reagan’s request that American citizens lend their abiding support to the proposed defense bill that advocated for an increase in the defense budget. Reagan framed the initial purpose of his address with great urgency as he stated “the budget now before Congress is necessary, responsible, and deserving of your support” (para. 6). He defended this purpose further along in the speech when he proclaimed that “every item in our defense program – our ships, our tanks, our planes, our funds for training and spare parts – is intended for one all-important purpose: to keep the peace” (para. 33). Here, Reagan tried to justify his purpose by inventing a causal explanation for his audience. Simply, he equated supporting an increase in defense spending with an increased ability to keep America safe. Reagan added yet another influential message to solidify the first purpose of his drama and it came in paragraph 48. Reagan pronounced, “the solution is well within our grasp. But to reach it, there is simply no alternative but to continue this year, in this budget, to provide the resources we need to preserve the peace and guarantee our freedom” (para. 48).


 

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  The second purpose of Reagan’s “Star Wars” speech was to introduce his audience to what he proclaimed was “a vision of the future which offers hope” (para. 54). What was this vision? Minus the scientific jargon and expert terms that his vision was couched in, Reagan presented an alternative, almost futuristic way of fighting wars and defending America. Having always counted on the United State’s ability to launch an offensive strike on any aggressor, Reagan introduced what he believed could be the future of warfare in the twentieth century and beyond. He envisioned a future that entailed deterrence but also established defensive measures that could offer increased levels of security for the United States. Reagan explained, “what if free people could live secure in the knowledge that their security did not rest upon the threat of instant U.S. retaliation to deter a Soviet attack, that we could intercept and destroy strategic ballistic missiles before they reached our own soil or that of our allies?” (para. 55) Introducing and garnering support for his strategic defense initiative (SDI) was clearly the second purpose of Reagan’s drama. While purpose played a substantial role, a close analysis of the drama that emerges from Reagan’s address reveals his tendency to put a much greater emphasis on the elements of scene and agent. This scene-to-agent ratio highlighted the tension within the address that Reagan wished to create in order to effectively persuade his audiences. By constructing a scene portraying U.S. military inferiority to the Soviets, Reagan conjured up feelings of insecurity and precariousness among the American people. He elaborated: When I took office in January 1981, I was appalled by what I found: American planes that couldn’t fly and American ships that couldn’t sail for lack of spare parts and trained personnel and insufficient fuel and ammunition for essential training. The inevitable result of all this was poor morale in our Armed Forces, difficulty in recruiting the


 

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  brightest young Americans to wear the uniform, and difficult in convincing our most experienced military personnel to stay on (para. 34). As agent, the Soviet Union was castigated and deemed the cause for the plight of America’s military. The prominence of the scene-to-agent ratio within Reagan’s drama was key in priming the American citizenry to heed the policy suggestions put forth by the Reagan administration. By relegating the drama’s act and agency to the periphery, Reagan was able to craft a compelling story of U.S. marginalization by an aggressive and dangerous Soviet Union. Such a powerful story boded well in the quest to reach the purposes of Reagan’s oration. The purpose of any speech, or presidential rhetoric in general, has never and will never exist in a vacuum. It is conceptualized and developed with a purpose and a subsequent desired response from its intended audience. In Reagan’s speech the desired response was one of compliance from the audience. Reagan’s drama was predicated on building support for his defense budget and his strategic defensive initiative (SDI). He tried to instill the belief in his audience that an increase in defense spending and the dedication of resources to the development of America’s defensive capabilities were compulsory in “freeing the world from the threat of nuclear war” (para. 56). Further, Reagan’s rhetoric aimed to elicit fear of the Soviet Union within his audience by listing numerous examples of the Soviets escalating militarization. Reagan said: There was a time when we were able to offset superior Soviet numbers with higher quality [weapons], but today they are building weapons as sophisticated and modern as our own. As the Soviets have increased their military power, they’ve been emboldened to extend that power. They’re spreading their military influence in ways that can directly challenge our vital interests and those of our allies (paras. 21-22).


 

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  These types of comments in tandem with specific anecdotes of Soviet militarization later in Reagan’s address classify the fear tactics discussed earlier that are intended to produce strong pathos within his audience, encouraging them to view the Soviets as posing serious threats to the safety and security of America and its allies. Furthermore, Reagan hoped to implant in his audience the belief that America’s military strength had been seriously neglected and “trimmed to the limits of safety” (para. 5). He painted a vivid picture throughout his address of the previous administrations’ spurn of the military and offered anecdotes as evidence to buttress his claims. “There was a real question then about how well we could meet a crisis. And it was obvious that we had to begin a major modernization program to ensure we could deter aggression and preserve the peace in the years ahead” said Reagan (para. 35). He continued to present what seemed to be dire circumstances for U.S. forces, leading to questions about how American safety could be secured in perpetuity. By painting such bleak conditions, Reagan indirectly and subtly encouraged his audience to support his policies or risk the further denigration of America’s armed forces that could have lead to the demise of the United States. This fear tactic worked well in getting the attention of his audience and directing them to the solutions being offered. In order to convince an audience it’s imperative to know who they are. Reagan’s empirical audience, those deemed as hearers or receivers of the speech, included American citizens who watched the address on TV, listened on the radio or read a transcript some time after. Reagan’s empirical audience also included foreign governments, especially the Soviet Union, U.S. allies and defense experts. At this point it should be crystal clear that Reagan’s target audience encompassed the American public and voters in particular. Several examples from the text foreground the fact that Reagan knew exactly who he needed to cater to directly in


 

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  order to accomplish the purposes of his address. Take for instance when Reagan said, “there’s a very big decision that you must make for yourselves” (para. 2) or “the choice is up to the men and women you’ve elected to the Congress, and that means the choice is up to you” (para. 5). Reagan maintained, “this is why I’m speaking to you tonight – to urge you to tell your senators and Congressmen that you know we must continue to restore our military strength” (para. 47). Each of these quotes contain the operative word “you.” “You” as in the American people, “you” as in the target audience and “you” as in the agents of change capable of obviating or enabling the quick and painless passage of important policy initiatives through votes. Two other audiences can be identified in Reagan’s address as well; these were foreign governments and defense experts. Implicit in building his case as to why America needs to support a defense budget increase were numerous references to the growing strength and capability of the Soviet Union. Reagan was well aware that the Soviets would be paying close attention to each word he uttered and his consideration of this fact gave him the power to paint the Soviets as either aggressors who continue to build their nuclear arsenal or as peacekeepers who may agree to a mutual reduction of weapons (para. 52). In a sense, he had leverage as the storyteller in the situation. Reagan had the ability to choose between two disparate narratives of the Soviet Union and chose the description that afforded him the best chance of reaching the purposes of his speech, i.e. the Soviet’s as dangerous aggressors with a stockpile of nuclear weapons. Reagan was also cognizant of the fact that U.S. allies would be closely following his speech. He explained: As we pursue our goal of defensive technologies, we recognize that our allies rely upon our strategic offensive power to deter attacks against them. Their vital interests and ours are inextricably linked. Their safety and ours are one. And no change in technology can


 

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  or will alter that reality. We must and shall continue to honor our commitments (para. 59). Reagan assured U.S. allies of his firm commitment to their protection, and in doing so he unveiled their existence as a periphery audience of his speech. The third and final audience that Reagan spoke to in his address were defense experts. This group consisted of members of the scientific community that Reagan alluded to in the coda of his speech about bolstering efforts to realize a defensive initiative. “I call upon the scientific community in our country, those who gave us nuclear weapons, to turn their great talents now to the cause of mankind and world peace, to give us the means of rendering nuclear weapons impotent and obsolete (para. 60). Defense experts were an important audience for Reagan because he needed to convince them that his defensive policies were worthy of their research, hard work and dedication. To have their expert approval of new defensive technology would be a priceless endorsement, and instant credibility for any president’s policy initiatives. Addressing the general public, foreign governments and defense experts directly within a solitary speech advances the argument that Reagan was fully aware of his established empirical audience and the strategies requisite in accomplishing the goals of his address. As a result of addressing multiple audiences, Reagan was tasked with creating multiple personae, or roles that the rhetor seeks to play. Reagan was a master at bolstering his ethos via the constant back and forth between his personae. He used two main personas as vehicles to relay his messages to his audience. The first persona Reagan assumed was that of the common man or average citizen. This persona can be identified throughout his speech. The first words spoken upon delivering his address were “my fellow Americans, thank you for sharing your time with me tonight” (Reagan, para. 1). Reagan immediately removed himself from the hypothetical


 

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  presidential pedestal and joined his “fellow” American citizens at the table of common interests, beliefs and hopes. This tactic played into his ethos and reassured the audience that he was of the people and for the people. In paragraphs 14, 34, 37 and 38 Reagan strategically used the plural pronoun “we” to further affirm his persona as the common man. His strategy dovetails rather flawlessly with the personal tone taken within his oration, discussed later. The second persona that Reagan filled is one that is expected as the leader of the free world, commander-in-chief. On numerous occasions throughout his address Reagan made direct, authoritarian statements about why and how America should proceed with respect to defensive policies. In his opening remarks, Reagan switched from his common man persona to that of commander-in-chief when he declared, “I’ve reached a decision which offers a new hope for our children in the 21st century” (para. 2). This statement exemplified Reagan’s considerable authority to make decisions on behalf of hundreds of millions of Americans. In paragraph 61 Reagan returned to his commander-in-chief persona as he discussed his plan for developing defensive technology. He stated, “I’m taking an important first step. I am directing a comprehensive and intensive effort to define a long-term research and development program” (para. 61). Reagan’s role or persona as boss, albeit popularly elected, is affirmed in these instances and is revealed time and again throughout his speech in order to persuade his audience and accomplish the purposes of his address. As commander-in-chief Reagan enjoyed the luxury of de facto credibility from his audience, in his common man persona, he earned their trust. Building on his common man and commander-in-chief personae, Reagan skillfully employed a tone in his rhetoric that seemed worthy enough to meets all ends. According to Campbell and Burkholder (1997), “tone refers to those elements of discourse, primarily language elements, that suggest the rhetor’s attitude toward the audiences and the subject matter” (p. 23).


 

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  Reagan’s speech began with a highly personal tone that seemed to merge effortlessly with his common man persona. He addressed the American people in quite a casual, informal and friendly manner in the speech’s introduction. Additionally, he eschewed using complicated or nuanced language when presenting his case on the defense budget. “Let me say what the defense debate is not about. It is not about spending arithmetic…What seems to be lost in all this debate is the simple truth of how a how defense budget is arrived at,” says Reagan (paras. 7-8). By his simplicity of language, Reagan was effective in delivering his message to the audience with the least amount of psychological barriers or resistance. The use of “we,” “me” and “I” in paragraphs 14, 34, 36, 37 and 38 lends credence to Reagan’s manifestation of a personal tone as well as his attempts to address his audience as knowledgeable and equal peers. Reagan also took a direct tone with his empirical audience at various points throughout his address. Beginning in paragraph six, he offered a robust explanation about what the defense debate was about. “Tonight, I want to explain to you what this defense debate is all about and why I’m convinced that the budget now before the Congress is necessary, responsible, and deserving of your support,” Reagan exclaimed (para. 6). This statement showcased the direct tone that Reagan took on more than one occasion to avoid any future accusations that he might have been obfuscating when speaking about his policy initiatives to the American public. Finally, Reagan engaged a realistic tone to relay and emphasize a message of urgency to his audience. Time and again, Reagan chose his words carefully, opting to be as frank as possible when elucidating the situation with the Soviet Union’s increased armament and perceived threat to the United States. Reagan explained in a realistic manner, “there was a real question then about how well we could meet a crisis. And it was obvious that we had to begin a major modernization program to ensure we could deter aggression and preserve the peace in the years


 

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  ahead” (para. 35). Reagan ensured his audience that he had carefully considered the situation at hand, and was implementing a thoughtful strategy that was both practical and appropriate in minimizing the threat of attack and maximizing conditions for peace. By firmly establishing his persona, tone and his empirical audience, Reagan was better equipped to use certain rhetorical devices and appeals in persuading his audience(s) to support his policy initiatives. The four primary tropes of great importance that arise in Reagan’s address are identification, terministic screens, pathos appeals, and savage rhetoric. Evidence of each of these will be stated and elaborated upon in the next following paragraphs. Reagan identified with his audience when he stated “the most basic duty that any President and any people share, is the duty to protect and strengthen the peace” (para. 2) and “I know that all of you want peace, and so do I” (para. 37). These are the instances in which Reagan forgoes his presidential hat for his citizen one. He knew what the people wanted because he not only identified with them, he was able to cast himself as one of them. Such consubstantial pandering allowed him to forge a coalition of beliefs and goals that fed directly into his policy initiatives and support for SDI. “I want to explain to you what this defense debate is all about” (para. 6) said Reagan. His subsequent explanation addressed issues chosen by him that supported the point he was trying to make. This undoubtedly presented a terministic screen by diverting his audience’s attention to the fact and figures about the defense debate that Reagan deemed important. By directing the audience to focus on particulars of the debate that supported his argument, Reagan was able to circumvent issues that were antithetical to his argument. Further, examples presented by Reagan about Soviet militarization in paragraphs 16, 17 18, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, and 29 provided


 

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  copious amounts of terministic screens that once again directed audience attention to the ways in which the Soviets had armed themselves and maliciously plotted against the U.S. Reagan made an appeal to his audience’s emotions by discussing a “new hope for our children in the 21st century,” (para. 2) “a vision of the future which offers hope” (para. 54) and by asking whether or not “free people could live secure in the knowledge that their security did not rest upon the threat of instant U.S. retaliation to deter a Soviet attack” (para. 55). Collectively, these hope and fear appeals were key in allowing Reagan’s audience to truly connect with his message. Savage rhetoric, as previously discussed in great detail, was of great importance in Reagan’s drama. As a vehicle of marginalization, Reagan used habitual rhetoric of the Soviet Union as “savages” and “the other” to further coax his audience. The final three paragraphs in Reagan’s oration abandoned common practices of summary for a stark call to action. He proclaimed he would be “directing a comprehensive and intensive effort to define a long-term research and development program to begin to achieve our ultimate goal of eliminating the threat posed by strategic nuclear missiles” (para. 61). Reagan’s language remained hopeful and positive until the very end of his speech, endeavoring to reinforce the underlying purpose of his speech. The present analysis of President Reagan’s address argues that he was purposeful and successful in persuading his audiences by using a multiplicity of rhetorical devices, strategies and proofs to present, and justify, the purposes of his speech. The two main purposes were to garner American support for a defense bill that advocated for an increase in the defense budget and to introduce his audience to his strategic defense initiative. Reagan’s success in reaching the purposes of his “Star Wars” address is evident in the prevailing attitude of the American public in the years following his speech. As Rowland and Payne (1987) asserted, if Reagan’s “goal was


 

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  to build support for his defense program in general…then the speech was a great success” (p. 173). Further, Reagan ultimately received his defense budget increase (Graham & Kramer, 1986) as well as productively introduced his defensive plan for the United States in a way that offered hope for the future. Goodnight (1986) elaborates: “Star Wars” was designed to submerge such fear and replace it with hope. By contrasting faith in American achievement and technological ability with traditional suspicions of foreign powers and diplomacy, by questioning the profoundly immoral and unpragmatic act of revenge necessary to make deterrence credible, and by identifying a concrete means to actualize the possibility of defense, Reagan tapped into a reservoir of public support that enabled him to put the nuclear weapons buildup into a favorable perspective (p. 407). Reagan’s rhetorical success has little to do with luck and everything to do with a robust knowledge and delicate handling of his audiences. His calculated use of tropes, rhetorical devices, personae and tone can be considered the machinery that allowed him to drill deep into a “reservoir of public support” in order to effectively reach the objectives of his historic “Star Wars” address.


 

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  References Anderson, M., & Anderson, A. G. (2009). Reagan’s secret war: The untold story of his fight to save the world from nuclear disaster (1st ed.). New York: Crown Publishers. Bjork, R. S. (1988). Reagan and the nuclear freeze: “Star wars” as a rhetorical strategy. Journal of the American Forensic Association, 24, 181-192. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=AA00418&site=ehost-live Burke, K. (1969). A grammar of motives. Berkeley: University of California Press. Burke, K. (1969). A rhetoric of motives. Berkeley: University of California Press. Campbell, K. K., & Burkholder, T. R. (1997). Critiques of contemporary rhetoric (2nd ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Pub. The Reagan inauguration. Films for the Humanities & Sciences, Films Media Group and NBC News (Directors). (2008).[Video/DVD] New York, N.Y.: Films Media Group. Retrieved from http://www.library.unlv.edu/help/remote.html; http://digital.films.com/ PortalPlaylists.aspx?aid=8010&xtid=39067 Goodnight, G. T. (1986). Ronald Reagan’s re-formulation of the rhetoric of war: Analysis of the “zero option,” “evil empire,” and “star wars” addresses. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 72(4), 390. Graham, T. W., & Kramer, B. M. (1986). The polls: ABM and star wars: Attitudes toward nuclear defense, 1945-1985. Public Opinion Quarterly, 50(1), 125-134. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=5414867&site=ehost-live


 

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  Hogan, M. J. (1994). The rhetoric of doom. Nuclear freeze campaign: Rhetoric and foreign policy in the telepolitical age (pp. 37) Michigan State University Press. Ivie, R. L. (1984). Speaking “common sense” about the soviet threat: Reagan’s rhetorical stance. Western Journal of Speech Communication: WJSC, 48(1), 39-50. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=15739074&site=ehost-live Parrish, W. M. (2010). The study of speeches. In Readings in Rhetorical Criticism. In Burgchardt C. R. (Ed.), (4th ed.). State College, Pa.: Strata Pub. Reagan, R. W. (1981). First inaugural address Reagan, R. W. (1983). Address to the nation on defense and national security. Retrieved January 29, 2013, from http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/32383d.htm Rowland, R. C., & Payne, R. A. (1987). The effectiveness of Reagan’s “star wars” address. Political Communication & Persuasion, 4(3), 161-178. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=16347957&site=ehost-live Rushing, J. H. (1986). Ronald Reagan’s “star wars” address: Mythic containment of technical reasoning. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 72(4), 415. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=9938346&site=ehost-live Zagacki, K. S., & King, A. A. (1989). Reagan, romance and technology: A critique of “star wars”. Communication Studies, 40, 1-12. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=CS01017&site=ehost-live


 

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  EMPIRICAL RESEARCH METHODS (COM 712) Syllabus


 

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  Term Paper (COM 712)

Effects of Face Concerns on Communication Satisfaction Within Romantic Relationships David Raanan University of Nevada Las Vegas


 

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  Abstract Attempting to fill a void in any substantive research on the subject, this paper begins with a detailed literature review and concludes with a study to test whether concerns for positive and negative face have any association with communication satisfaction within romantic relationships. A university sample of 49 participants completed online self-report surveys in an effort to help ascertain the effects of face concerns on communication satisfaction. The findings suggested no correlation between positive concern for face and communication satisfaction. Further, there was a non-significant, negative correlation between negative concern for face and communication satisfaction. The implications, strengths, limitations and future directions of the findings and study as a whole are discussed within the realm of interpersonal communication with regard to face concerns and communication satisfaction. Keywords: face theory, communication satisfaction, politeness theory, romantic relationships
 


 
 

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  Protecting our face, or “public self-image” (Brown & Levinson, 1987, p. 61) is


 
 

ubiquitous and something that people deal with on a daily basis no matter their creed, color or culture. If you are a productive member of society who must interact with others, your face is constantly in jeopardy. In today’s highly individual and increasingly social epoch, a person’s face has become more important than ever. The degree to which an individual is concerned with positive and negative face can have myriad implications with regard to one’s social advantages, economical advantages, relationship opportunities and countless other interpersonal communication phenomena. In particular, the perceived regard for face that an individual has before and during a conversation can be presumed to have a meaningful impact on how satisfied that individual is with their communication long after an interaction takes place and can effect said attempts to be socially, romantically and economically efficient and successful. In this respect, concerns for face and communication satisfaction share common ground and can be linked to a multiplicity of interpersonal communication encounters. In the expansive literature and research conducted on face theory, politeness theory and communication satisfaction, almost no attention has been paid to the possible latent relationships each of these pervasive communication concepts might possess. Through an in-depth analysis, this paper will focus on the underpinnings of face theory first conceptualized by Goffman (1967) and later elaborated on within politeness theory by Brown and Levinson (1987). Next, communication satisfaction will be explored and discussed in terms of the evolution with which the construction of the measurement scale has undergone. The goal of this paper is to provide a robust review of the literature on face concerns via politeness theory and face theory and as well as communication satisfaction. More importantly, a short


 

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  study will be conducted in order to answer two key research questions intended to test the correlation, if any, between regard for face and communication satisfaction. Face Theory


 
 

“Every person lives in world of social encounters, involving him either in face-to-face or mediated contact with other participants” (Goffman, 1967, p. 5). Goffman was an inventive scholar who is credited with creating the early conceptions of what we now know to be face theory. The purpose of Goffman’s face theory allows for the understanding of two paramount dimensions: “why and how people construct their public images, and the strategies people use to maintain or restore their own or others’ images if those images are lost or threatened” (Metts & Cupach, 2008, p. 203). In his seminal work entitled “Interaction Ritual,” Goffman presents an analysis of elements that he believes compose social interaction. He deems the most important of these social encounters to be face-work. Goffman expounds: The face may be defined as the positive social value a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume he has taken during a particular contact. Face is an image of self delineation in terms of approved social attributes – albeit an image that others may share, as when a person makes a good showing for his profession or religion by making a good showing for himself (p. 5). In other words, individuals construct their images by the role or “line” they habitually play in social interactions. Those with whom the individual associates or works with can always claim some degree of social capital or acclaim that may be bestowed upon the individual who builds an exemplary reputation. Further, Goffman argues that each person has the ability to assume the wrong face as well as be out of face. Additionally he states that the most ideal situation is to be in face. One may be in the wrong face when he or she is subjected to a situation that threatens 220


 


 
  credibility or instances of stark disagreement with the face that the person has gained a reputation for. It is quite conceivable that being in the wrong face may be the result of an


 
 

unfortunate gaffe or faux pas. Furthermore, one may be considered out of face when entering a social encounter completely unprepared to respond to the social demands of the interaction. This may manifest itself in feelings such as inferiority, shame or general negative feelings about oneself. Consequently, being in face manifests feelings of confidence, poise and assurance with one’s behavior (Sternberg & Hojjat, 1997). Assuming a solid face means that a person can walk into any situation with confidence, their head held high and their eye on the prize (BargielaChiappini and Kádár, 2011). In today’s epoch you often hear the phrase “losing face” which connotes the negative repercussions associated with being in the wrong face or out of face, as previously mentioned. The possibility of losing one’s face is omnipresent and, according to Goffman, a person takes one of two positions with regard to face. A defensive position involves the actions that may save the face of one’s self whereas a protective orientation involves behaviors that protect or save the face of another. These are two tenants of face theory that can be discovered in a multiplicity of interpersonal encounters. In addition to saving one’s face or protecting the face of another, face theory posits that two kinds of face-work exist: the avoidance process and the corrective process (Goffman, 1967). The avoidance process contends that there is no better way to rid oneself of a face-threatening situation except to avoid the situation in the first place. Clearly this is an action easier said than done as encounters often occur spontaneously and without prior notice. The second kind of facework is the corrective process. This process of face-work is recognizable when a person finds themself unable to prevent a face threatening situation, resulting in the loss of face, and then tries 221


 


 


  to re-establish the face that was lost (Goffman, 1967). Both kinds of face-work permeate through the everyday lives of people at work, within close relationships and informally in our daily encounters with strangers. Bargiela-Chiappini and Kádár (2011) expound on Goffman’s original work by presenting a non-exhaustive list of elements they believe to be the fundamental building blocks in the composition of one’s face. The first of these building blocks that contribute to a person’s face is their selfish wants with respect to self-image. Self want is a desire for others to see us the way we want to be seen. The second element that constitutes a person’s face is ascribed characteristics. These are composed mostly of demographic characteristics such as ethnicity, age and occupation that are automatically attributed to a person by another during any given encounter. Personal reputation makes up the third element of one’s face. As Bargiela-Chiappini and Kádár stated, “even people we have never met before have often heard about us, so that frequently we enter into interaction with our own histories having already arrived” (p. 34). Interpersonal history is also part of face. This element takes into account the previous encounters or familiarity that people have had between them. People that have a history of successful interactions will highlight certain dimensions of their face that they have deemed to be successful in past encounters. The next element that constitutes face is the cultural background of an individual. Cultural norms, traditions and ways of behaving play an important role in how we portray ourselves while in public. This is the sixth and final element of face and accounts for the context in which an interaction takes place. Goffman (1967) elaborates: During a contact of a particular type, an interactant…can expect to be sustained in a particular face…Given his attributes and the conventionalized nature of the encounter, he


 
 


 

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  waiting for him (p. 7).


 
  will find a small choice of lines will be open to him and a small choice of faces will be

Essentially, the situation constitutes one’s face yet is also an amalgamation of the other five elements previously mentioned. The sum total of all these elements constructs a face that is both appropriate and effective for the situation it finds itself in. Depending on the elements confronted in a social situation, a person will detect and assume what they deem to be the most effective face in order to minimize threats and leave the situation unscathed. Politeness Theory Out of Goffman’s initial face theory would come a theory on politeness that has added new dimensions to Goffman’s original conception. Twenty years after Goffman presented face theory, Brown and Levinson (1987) would redefine his conceptualization in politeness theory. Brown and Levinson define face as “the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself” (p. 61). They enumerate several features of face that Goffman alluded to but never offered concrete descriptions for. Some of these features include the notion that face is public as well as social. Additionally, face is claimed, lost, saved or maintained during any number of interactions that may unfold on a daily basis (Metts & Cupach, 2008). Finally, face is something that everyone wants which is where Brown and Levinson offer the most compelling new insights into Goffman’s theory (Goldsmith, 2008). If one were to compare Goffman’s conceptualization of face with that of Brown and Levinson’s, they would notice that Goffman is concerned with the encounter of two people whereas Brown and Levinson are concerned with the outward image that an individual portrays. Naturally, this discrepancy has been the basis of much criticism toward Brown and Levinson’s research “for reinterpreting Goffman’s notion in individualistic terms and ignoring its social aspects” (Bargiela-Chiappini & Kádár, 2011, p. 44). However 223


 


 


  controversial their interpretations may be, Brown and Levinson introduce two salient aspects of face into the discussion: positive and negative face. Positive face is defined as “the want of every member that his (sic) wants be desirable to at least some others” (Brown & Levinson, 1987, p. 62). Negative face is then “the want of every ‘competent adult member’ that his actions be unimpeded by others” (Brown & Levinson, 1987, p. 62). In other words, positive face wants are concerned with approval and wanting to be liked by others whereas negative face wants are concerned with being respected while not having others impose their beliefs inappropriately (Goldsmith, 2008). Brown and Levinson’s conceptualization of face concerns, or wants, begs the question of whether or not such concerns have any effect on an individual’s communication satisfaction. Could negative face be associated with a higher degree of communication satisfaction due to the fact that the individual is not concerned with how the interactant views them? Alternately, this begs the question if positive face, or wanting to be liked, can be associated with increased communication satisfaction due to the fact that the individual may be more inclined to appease the interactant in order to yield a more satisfying outcome? In order to find out whether or not concern for face has any correlation with communication satisfaction, the following research questions are posed. RQ1: Will participant’s degree of concern for their positive face during interactions be correlated with communication satisfaction within romantic relationships? RQ2: Will participant’s degree of concern for their negative face during interactions be correlated with communication satisfaction within romantic relationships? The following section will elucidate how communication satisfaction has been conceptualized and has evolved over the years since its inception. 224


 
 


 


 
  Communication Satisfaction As creator of the communication satisfaction scale, Hecht (1984) believes:


 
 

An understanding of communication outcomes such as satisfaction is a prerequisite to an integrative explanation of communication behavior. Not only are such outcomes influential in determining future communication behavior, they also provide a theoretical framework for grouping and assessing the importance of various process elements (p. 378). There are few scholars that would disagree with the assertion that being satisfied with one’s communication yields more fruitful rewards with regard to relational and work satisfaction (Hecht, 1978; Sternberg and Hojjat, 1997). Much research on communication satisfaction has focused on the phenomena within the workplace (Malik, 2013; Madlock, 2012; Cho, J., Ramgolam, D. I., Schaefer, K. M., & Sandlin, A. N., 2011) or relational realm (Baxter, L. A., & Pederson, J. R., 2013; Dunleavy, K. N., Wanzer, M. B., Krezmien, E., & Ruppel, K., 2011; Swedlund, M. P., Schumacher, J. B., Young, H. N., & Cox, E. D., 2012). However, none of this research examines how concerns for face may effect communication satisfaction. While measurement instruments exist and are habitually implemented to gauge the outcome of communicative behavior, communication satisfaction offers a wellspring of measurements that allow for a more representative understanding of the phenomenon. Hecht (1977) argues that extensively researched variables such as communication apprehension, selfdisclosure and relationship development “will not prove theoretically fruitful unless they can be juxtaposed to communication outcomes” (p. 253). In a sense, to truly understand and undergird any interpersonal communication phenomena, it is necessary to also explore the outcomes


 

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  associated with such phenomena in an effort to build or test theory accounting for its pervasiveness and the distal consequences it may produce in society.


 
 

Among scholars in the field, there exists a consensus about the general understanding of what communication satisfaction is. Most researchers agree that it “is an emotion which is experienced when expectations are successfully fulfilled” (Hecht, 1984, p. 201). In other words, when communication is experienced as successful in having met one’s expectations, then it can be described as communicatively satisfying. As we will soon explore, the question of “how” and “why” expectations are successfully fulfilled varies from approach to approach. Throughout the past few decades, communication satisfaction has been conceptualized in many different ways depending on the researcher and the specific purpose of their scientific inquiry (e.g. Shelly & Adelberg, 1967). The following paragraphs will present and discuss the five most popular conceptualizations of communication satisfaction and introduce the conceptualization that was used to test the research questions posed in this study. Need gratification is the first conceptualization of communication satisfaction that has been widely used in research of the past and present. Researchers taking this approach to measuring satisfaction view it as a mental state that results from the gratification of fulfilling one’s needs. According to Hecht (1978), these needs can be a fusion of things including “achievement, affiliation and dominance, physiology, safety, love, esteem and self-actualization, and inclusion, affection and control” (p. 49). With this approach in mind, satisfaction occurs when communication is successfully employed to satiate the needs of the individual. The need gratification approach suggests that a person’s satisfaction is inextricably correlated with maximizing pleasure and minimizing pain, an almost hedonistic function (Sternberg and Hojjat, 1997). Essentially, we endeavor to satisfy our needs with the ultimate goal of eschewing the 226


 


 


  bleak and painful reality of what Hecht describes as “nonfulfillment.” The most popular example used to explain this concept is Maslow’s hierarchy of needs. Satisfaction results when the lowest need is met and so on. According to Hecht (1978), “dissatisfaction arises when the gratification of active needs is frustrated or the continued gratification of previous needs is threatened or interrupted” (p. 50). The second approach to communication satisfaction is equivocality reduction. This perspective is based on Weick’s (1969) assertion that an individual’s fundamental goal is to organize, create structure, reduce uncertainty, increase knowledge and predict outcomes. Therefore, satisfaction occurs when an individual is successful in anticipating communication outcomes or is able to develop an organized system that eschews spontaneity. Inherent in the equivocality reduction approach lies an expectancy motive. The expectancy motive contends that all people construct certain expectations about their environments and satisfaction results only when their expectations are fulfilled. To be more succinct, this conceptualization simply views the removal of uncertainty as the key determinant to how satisfying one’s communication will be. Expectation fulfillment is a third approach to studying communication satisfaction. In this approach people develop an expectation and compare it against the actual outcome experienced in their environment. There exists two disparate positions vis-à-vis the expectation fulfillment approach. The first position takes a traditional stance and “predicts that satisfaction occurs at the level of expectation and increases linearly as the level of the causal variable increases beyond this point” (Hecht, 1978, p. 50). It is believed that a predictable linear relationship exists between satisfying communication and certain factors in one’s environment. A more curvilinear relationship between satisfying communication and the environment is predicted in the second 227


 
 


 


 
  position whereby satisfaction fluctuates around a predetermined expectation but may not


 
 

necessarily be reached outright. Therefore, satisfying communication can be attenuated the more a causal factor is discrepant from one’s expectation. On face value, the expectation fulfillment approach to studying communication satisfaction seems to propose the same standards as the equivocality reduction approach previously mentioned. However, although similarities abound, the approaches differ from one another with regard to the expectancy motive within equivocality reduction that maintains a “desire for effective behavior” (Hecht, 1978, p. 52) is compulsory in order for satisfaction to occur as well as for producing valid conclusions about such a complex communication phenomenon. The fourth approach that scholars have employed in studying communication satisfaction is constraint-reinforcement. Hecht (1978) expounds: A time distinction is utilized to classify types of affects. At the smallest interval of time, simple positive reinforcement is defined as the momentary feeling of pleasantness or well-being and is equated with pleasure. Simple negative reinforcement is the momentary feeling of unpleasantness and is equated with punishment. Collections of pleasures are called satisfaction or reinforcement; collections of punishments are called dissatisfaction or negative reinforcement. Satisfaction and dissatisfaction are seen as existing along separate continua and overall satisfaction is determined by subtracting the total amount of dissatisfaction from the total amount of satisfaction (p. 52). Clearly, a more involved approach than the ones mentioned so far, constraint-reinforcement differentiates itself from previous approaches to studying communication satisfaction by looking at the resources that reinforce specific behaviors in tandem with other resources that constrain such behavior. Shelly (1976) lists a number of these resources that may operate to reinforce or 228


 


 


  constrain future behavior; the list is composed of material resources (material possessions), personal resources (innate abilities), information processing resources (capacity to think critically) and, finally, psychological resources (psychological agency) (p. 459). By grouping pleasures and punishments together and then subtracting the total amount of punishments (dissatisfaction) from the total amount of pleasures (satisfaction), the researcher is able make assumptions based upon individual behaviors in response to the myriad resources that prompt such behavior. The final approach used to study communication satisfaction is Herzberg’s (1959) TwoFactor Theory. Herzberg’s theory pertains to communication satisfaction issues that permeate through the professional workplace. In short, Herzberg was the first person to break away from previous conceptualizations of communication satisfaction that posited only one continuum existed ranging from satisfaction to dissatisfaction. He maintained that a dichotomy was inherent to delineate between both satisfaction and dissatisfaction. The first factor was labeled as “dissatisfier” and the second as “satisfier” (Herzberg, 1959, p. 162). The former is composed of factors that ultimately compound dissatisfaction or are part of the work environment context and range anywhere from neutral to dissatisfied. The latter is composed of factors that compound satisfaction or are part of the actual work performed and range from neutral to satisfied (Herzberg, 1959). This interplay between content and context forms a foundation upon which satisfaction can be understood in a more transparent manner by examining particular functions that are served by communicative encounters (Hecht, 1978). As evidenced in the aforementioned theoretical approaches, satisfaction within the context of communication can be viewed differently depending on which approach is taken yet, it is always the building block from on which all assumptions are predicated. Each approach 229


 
 


 


 
  takes into account the connections between innate human behavior and the environment.


 
 

However, Hecht (1978) argues that each of these approaches fails to capture the veracity of operationalizing communication satisfaction leading to invalid conclusions that cannot be generalized to a larger population. He describes the approaches as lacking “explanatory power” and “conceptual clarity” (p. 57). In an effort to remedy what Hecht believes to be fundamental shortcomings in the previously mentioned and established approaches, he offers a new approach to operationalizing communication satisfaction that he believes draws upon the strengths of previous approaches and eliminates, as much as possible, their weaknesses. This approach is called discriminative fulfillment. Hecht (1978) explicates: To summarize the discriminative fulfillment approach: communication satisfaction is an internal, secondary reinforcer arising from the generalization of environmental reinforcement of behaviors manifested in response to the presence of a discriminative stimulus. This position maintains that persons develop standards by which to judge their world (discriminations, positive expectations, positive anticipations). Such standards represent learning from one’s past and are equivalent to one’s history of reinforcement with respect to the satisfaction response (p. 59). In order to corroborate his claims, Hecht conducted a study to develop and test his discriminant fulfillment approach to operationalizing communication satisfaction. Armed with copious amounts of prior communication satisfaction research, Hecht’s study composed four stages that endeavored to construct a measure of communication satisfaction with a higher degree of internal and external validity. The first stage of Hecht’s study was relegated to perusing self-report data and prior observational studies to identify and capture all items deemed “discriminative stimuli” that were 230


 


 


  believed to be the strongest predictors of communication satisfaction (Hecht, 1977). In this stage, two questionnaires were also created and randomly distributed to 1,000 undergraduate students at the University of Illinois. Open and close-ended items on each questionnaire asked participants to think about past conversations that took place within any of their social situations. Fourteen face-to-face interviews pertaining to open-ended questions provided in the questionnaires were also conducted using a subsample of the same population. Responses from both the questionnaires and face-to-face interviews were analyzed in an effort to construct a Likert-type scale composed of 253 items (Hecht, 1977). In stage two, the 253 items collected in stage one were reassessed for clarity, appropriateness and redundancy. Any items not meeting these standards were thrown out, leaving the total number of items at 93. With the reduced item list, Hecht surveyed a different subsample of 73 students from the original sample of 1,000. Each participant used a “seven-step agree-disagree scale” (Hecht, 1977, p. 275) to measure the extent to which the items captured their perceptions of satisfying and dissatisfying conversations. Data analysis of this item scale reduced the total number of items to 60. In stage three of constructing the communication satisfaction measure, the remaining 60 items were re-analyzed as well as factor analyzed to gauge the range of dimensions that each item captured. Another different subsample of 124 students from the original sample were chosen to rate the items based on actual and recalled conversations as well as the level of intimacy between the participant and the person to whom they were speaking to. The three categories of intimacy were created and labeled as friends, acquaintances and strangers (Hecht, 1977). With this data in hand, five additional item analyses were performed which included a Pearson product-moment correlation and factor analysis using the Statistical Package for the 231


 
 


 


 
  Social Science subprogram FAC/TOR (Hecht, 1977, p. 260). In order for any items to be


 
 

included in the final measure they were required to meet specific criteria with regard to means, rounded difference and factor analysis statistics. Only after being subject to such demanding inclusion requirements were 19 items ultimately chosen to be included on Hecht’s communication satisfaction inventory. The fourth and final stage of measurement construction sought to establish both the reliability and validity of the scale. A group of 115 remaining students from the original sample were chosen to test the reliability and validity of a 16 and 19 question communication satisfaction inventory. After analyzing validity coefficients it was established that the 19-item scale was superior in terms of validity and reliability. The operationalization of communication satisfaction has clearly gone through many transformations since its original construction decades ago. Naturally, the abstractness of the concept has made it vulnerable to innumerable internal and external validity threats. However, for the purposes of measuring communication satisfaction phenomena within the interpersonal communication realm, there is no scale that affords a researcher more reliability and validity, when measuring actual and recalled conversations in social encounters, than Hecht’s 19-item inventory scale (Hecht, 1977). Using this scale to assess these constructs will allow for more valid conclusions when testing for the effects of face concerns on communication satisfaction. Methods Procedures Undergraduate students enrolled in communication courses at a mid-sized urban, western university were recruited via an online research participation portal. A description of the survey was posted on the Communication Studies Research Participation Website (http://unlv232


 


 


  comm.sona-systems.com/) to alert willing participants. Faculty offering research credit directed their students to the website with in-class announcements as well as listed the information in their syllabi. Students were granted the freedom to check the website at any time and to participate in research studies that they found intriguing. In order to participate in the study, students had to sign up for an “appointment time.” Each appointment time was randomly assigned to one of the two versions of the survey. During each appointment, the researcher sent an email with an introduction and directions on how to complete the survey. Each willing participant was also given a special weblink that was used by the researcher in order to track completion and assign credit. Once participants clicked the link to the survey they would either login or create an account in SurveyTools. The software was used to conduct the study. Once the participants logged in they were immediately presented the informed consent form. Upon reading the informed consent form, participants either selected “YES” or “NO” to its conditions. Those who selected “YES” were taken to a page that gave an overview of the study. Those who selected “NO” were taken to the conclusion of the survey and thanked for their time. Participants who consented were then presented with the survey to complete. At any point during the survey, participants were able to exit the survey and thereby end the study. Upon completion of the survey, participants were thanked for their time and emailed a copy of the informed consent form for their records. It is important to note that the data used in this study has been taken from a larger study in which participants were surveyed about their experience of coping with problems to learn more about what factors are present in an individual’s decision to disclose or avoid talking about stressors in their life with people who are close to them. 233


 
 


 


 
  Participants


 
 

The sample for the current study was 49 college students from a mid-sized southwestern university in the U.S. Four participants who were over the age of 50 were dropped from the sample because the ages they reported were not consistent with the majority of ages in the sample, nor were their responses on other items within the measure congruent with their reported age. The sample consisted of 47.2% males (n = 23) and 52.8% females (n = 26). The mean age for the sample was 25.08 years with a standard deviation of 8.19. Among the sample, 52.9% (n = 27) were Caucasian; 2% (n = 1) were African American; 15.7% (n = 8) were Hispanic American; 29.4% (n = 15) were Asian American and 13.7% (n = 7) were Pacific Islander. Participants were instructed to check as many options as appropriate. With regard to the educational attainment of the sample, 19.6% (n = 10) were freshman; 19.6% (n = 10) were sophomores; 41.2% (n = 19) were juniors and 19.6% (n = 10) were seniors. Measures Communication Satisfaction: Participants’ communication satisfaction with a partner was measured by analyzing responses to 19 questions on Hecht’s (1978) Interpersonal Communication Satisfaction inventory. These 19 questions included responses on a 7-point likert-type scale ranging from 1 = strongly agree, 2 = agree, 3 = slightly agree, 4 = neutral, 5 = slightly disagree, 6 = disagree to 7 = strongly disagree. Nineteen items were averaged to create a single score (n = 49; M = 2.45; SD = 1.11; α = .93). As mentioned earlier in this paper, Hecht’s scale is appropriate in assessing communication satisfaction because, when used properly, it affords the researcher the highest degree of reliability and validity in studying how an individual reports their perceptions of what is and is not satisfying communication as conceptualized by


 

234


 


  Hecht. The scale items assess the constructs directly. For example, item number nine on the scale states, “I was very satisfied with that conversation” (Hecht, 1978). Face concern: Participants’ global degree of concern for own positive face during recalled conversations with romantic partners was measured by analyzing five questions on McManus and Lucas’ (in progress) 7-point likert-type scale. These response options ranged from 1 = very important, 2 = important, 3 = slightly important, 4 = neutral, 5 = slightly unimportant, 6 = unimportant to 7 = very unimportant. This scale is appropriate in measuring the phenomena as it captures the self-image an individual has through their response to direct statements. Although prior research has not established reliability for this scale, it appears to have face validity. For instance, one item on the scale states “I want my friends to like me” (McManus & Lucas, in progress). These five items were averaged to create a single score (n = 49; M = 5.05; SD = 1.13; α = .88). Participants’ global degree of concern for own negative face during recalled conversations with romantic partners was measured by analyzing seven questions on McManus and Lucas’ (in progress) 7-point likert-type scale. These response options ranged from 1 = very important, 2 = important, 3 = slightly important, 4 = neutral, 5 = slightly unimportant, 6 = unimportant to 7 = very unimportant. One item on the scale states “I do not want to be forced into doing things because of my friends” (McManus & Lucas, in progress). These seven items were averaged to create a single score (n = 49; M = 5.18; SD = 0.68; α = .68). The Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient (r) is a parametric statistics test. It was the most appropriate test to use because each research question posed had a single independent variable (IV) that was interval and a single dependent variable (DV) that was also interval. It was used in this study to determine the linear correlation and statistical significance 235


 
 


 


 


  between positive and negative face concerns and communication satisfaction within romantic relationships. Results The first research question asked whether participant’s degree of concern for their positive face during interactions would be correlated with communication satisfaction within romantic relationships. There was no correlation (r = 0.13, p > .05) found between these two variables. The second research question asked whether a participant’s degree of concern for their negative face during interactions would be correlated with communication satisfaction within romantic relationships. There was a negative correlation (r = -.22, p > .05) found between these two variables and the correlation was not significant. Discussion The current research study drew on face theory (Goffman, 1967), politeness theory (Brown & Levinson, 1987) and communication satisfaction as conceptualized by Hecht (1984) to explore the potential ties between concerns for positive and negative face and communication satisfaction. The findings and implications are discussed in detail below along with an extended discussion of the strengths and limitations of the study. Implications The findings of this study, however limited, still provide some thought provoking implications and connections between face concerns and communication satisfaction that lay a strong foundation for what may prove to be fruitful research in the future. As discussed earlier in this paper, the majority of previous research on face concerns and communication satisfaction


 
 


 

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  has studied each phenomenon in isolation of the other. This study endeavored to test for any effects that each phenomenon may have in interaction with one another. First, the data showed there is no correlation between positive face concerns and communication satisfaction. This finding is interesting because it seems to run counterintuitive to popular belief. For example, most people might assume the higher one’s positive regard for face, or the more an individual wants to be liked, the higher his/her communication satisfaction will be or the lower their communication satisfaction will be if they fail to maintain face. This may be a popular assumption because individuals with high regard for positive face would take great effort in any interaction to present themselves as likeable as possible. However, the data suggests that such a link does not exist between wanting to be liked during an interaction and being satisfied with your communication after the interaction. In the context of romantic relationships, this finding makes more sense. For example, couples may have reached a point where they feel comfortable enough with each other that they can let their “face” down and just be themselves. For instance, they are not as concerned with being liked as much as someone who is on a first date or meeting their spouse’s family for the first time. Therefore, their communication satisfaction within the relationship depends much more on other variables than it does on face concerns, as the results suggest. Future research with regard to what these other variables might be could provide some interesting findings. Second, the data also demonstrated there was a negative correlation between negative face concerns and communication satisfaction. Once again this finding may seem to run counterintuitive to most logical conventions. For example, one might assume that having a higher degree of negative face, or not wanting to have your beliefs imposed upon, would yield a higher degree of communication satisfaction if not for the fact that the individual would express 237


 
 


 


 


  this sentiment sincerely and eschew any future impositions made on them therefore yielding higher communication satisfaction moving forward. However, the findings suggest that a “this is how I am” attitude seems to play a negative role in how satisfaction is manifested in communicative encounters in general. In the context of romantic relationships however, the findings are much more intelligible. An individual in a relationship with high regard for negative face, or someone who demands more respect than their partner and does not want to be imposed upon, may in turn experience decreased communication satisfaction because of the unequal balance created by such a relationship. As we know, relationships are “give and take” partnerships and when demands are predominantly one-sided conflict can arise resulting in reduced communication satisfaction. These findings allow for more nuanced ways in understanding and interpreting the tenets of face theory, politeness theory and communication satisfaction. Each theory, and the phenomena itself, would benefit immensely by future research conducted on how innate concerns for face truly inhibit or enhance communication satisfaction within romantic relationships and beyond into interactions and encounters that occur daily in a multiplicity of interpersonal settings. Strengths and Limitations The research questions posed in this study are by no means exhaustive of the relationships that may exist between face concerns and communication satisfaction. The findings aid in a better understanding of an arcane area of interpersonal communication and should be the impetus for future research on the subject. The strengths and limitations provided in the next few paragraphs should be consulted and used to construct such future research with the hopes of increased reliability and validity. 238


 
 


 


 
 


 
  Like any scientific study, the methods employed have certain strengths and weaknesses. I

stand by my original belief that using a self-administered questionnaire survey via an online portal is the most effective way to study the phenomenon of face concerns and communication satisfaction. The truth remains that some variables are just extremely difficult to operationalize any way you look at them. Each of the variables in this study presented these roadblocks. However, I believe web-based survey was effective at studying the phenomenon because it allowed me to ask a plethora of questions via established reliability scales that accurately confronted participant concern for face and satisfaction with their communication in the most sincere ways as possible and available. Some people may find it embarrassing to admit that their goal in communicative encounters is to be liked by the other party. Further, the subject itself is sensitive and uncomfortable, and can place the participant in a vulnerable position. With this in mind, a self-administered web-based survey, while far from perfect, and with its own limitations, was the most logical and effective way to study such abstract phenomena because it allowed participants to answer sensitive and potentially embarrassing questions in more truthful and thoughtful ways while being in the comfort of their own home or elsewhere. Moreover, the close-ended nature of the survey allowed for a more transparent understanding of participant responses to the abstract concepts being measured. By only allowing them to choose from a predetermined set of options, much undue confusion about their perceptions or attitudes toward the phenomena could be more easily avoided. Using a survey interview approach would only have magnified the vulnerability and uncomfortableness of the participants, ultimately leading to invalid conclusions. A paper and pencil questionnaire handed out in class would have faced the same the challenges as a survey interview and introduced many more threats if the researcher stayed in the room while the participants were completing the survey. 239


 


 
  While a survey was the best method to study face concerns and communication


 
 

satisfaction, it is far from perfect and many limitations arise as a result of the method and nature of the phenomena. One limitation that may have existed in this study is that participants may not have accurately remembered past conversations with their romantic partner. This common forgetfulness about past encounters could have led to inaccurate reporting when asked about communication satisfaction post-conversation and may better illuminate the ultimate findings. Further, such memories of past encounters can be highly biased. For example, one item on Hecht’s (1978) scale states, “My _____ expressed a lot of interest in what I said.” Clearly one’s perceptions of interest and actual interest are two disparate things. Most people would like to believe that everything they say is important and interesting but, of course, this is not always the case. A statement such as the item above can highlight biases and certainly present challenges in capturing and assessing the construct of communication satisfaction. Moreover, a participant may have since broken up with the romantic partner he or she is remembering the recalled conversation about. If this is the case, there is always the possibility that the breakup was not an amicable one, causing latent hostility toward the partner that may have manifested in responses pertaining to communication satisfaction. Participant’s cultural biases may have been present as well. For instance, standards of face differ from culture to culture. 29.4% (n = 15) of the sample were Asian Americans and may or may not subscribe to a collective mentality that could have influenced a participant’s willingness to respond to items on the face concerns scale in an honest manner. Perhaps additional questions addressing cultural beliefs and identities can help mitigate cultural biases in future research on the subject. Social desirability bias, or the tendency to respond to questions in a manner that fits with the larger opinions of society, is another limitation present in this study. Since the survey was not 240


 


 


  anonymous, but confidential for purposes of awarding extra credit to students who successfully completed it, responses could be linked to participants, potentially resulting in socially desirable results. Due to the sensitivity and embarrassing subject of face concerns, coupled with the knowledge that responses would be connected back to them, participants may have been less likely to provide a truthful report of their negative and positive face. There may have also been a tendency to over report or under report on each scale due to this bias. In order to address this bias in future research or, for purposes of replication, the researcher must offer a different type of incentive for participants that would allow for a completely anonymous approach to conducting the study. Issues with regard to the sample itself presented myriad limitations and must be discussed in an effort to put the results of this study into proper context. Sample size was an important limitation in this study. With only 49 participants, it makes it difficult to generalize the findings to a larger population. Additionally, the paucity of diversity in the sample, more than half, 52.9% (n = 27) were Caucasian, further impedes any efforts to make substantive generalizable claims. Self-selection bias, or giving the participants the choice to participate or not, was clearly another important limitation to consider when thinking about the findings. It is possible that the survey type and subject attracted certain kinds of people and excluded other kinds. Again, these limitations make it difficult to claim representativeness and generalizability. Recruitment limitations were also present in this study. It can be argued that college students experience communication satisfaction in ways that are entirely different from those in the workforce, etc. For instance, college students are prone to more stressful situations due to school workloads and living outside the comforts of their parent’s house for the first time in their lives. These factors could have affected their responses on the communication satisfaction scale 241


 
 


 


 


  when thinking about past conversations they had with their romantic partner. Perhaps an older cohort may not have had such distractions. The issue of recruitment begets the larger issue that identifies an important internal validity threat within the study. The university-based sample used in this study poses a history threat in which certain events outside the study have an opportunity to affect participants during the period of data collection. Participants had nearly four months within the semester to complete this survey. During this time, they may have experienced certain situations that could have positively or negatively affected their recall or attitude toward certain items on either scale presented. Those who attended would attest that college is a time of great triumphs and tribulations. Most young adults during this time are still trying to figure out who they are, what they want to do with their lives and possibly who they want spend the rest of their lives with. There is much uncertainty and transformation of attitudes. Relationships are quickly formed and perhaps more quickly discarded. Cliques are established which can all too often spurn diversity for the ease of homogeneity. These factors and many more not accounted for here provide an internal validity threat that cannot be overlooked. Future research on the subject may benefit from including more participants from a community-based sample in order to eschew many of the shortcomings of college samples aforementioned. A sample that is limited in terms of its membership background and size naturally presents an external sampling validity threat. Influenced by self-selection bias, this threat affects the extent to which the sample is representative of the population of interest. Certainly face concerns and communication satisfaction among romantic couples outside of college who are dating, engaged or married are not well represented within the sample for this study. Again, a


 
 


 

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  more inclusive and broader community-based sample would help allay this threat for future research and allow findings to be generalized to a larger population of romantic relationships. Finally, an external validity threat faced in most studies as well as in this one is replication. Although much attention has been paid to accurately reporting the procedures and methods involved in this study, due to factors such as the convenience sample taken, the ability to duplicate the findings in a systematic manner always have the possibility of being unproductive. Future Directions Despite the limitations and lack of findings, using a self-administered online questionnaire to investigate whether positive and negative face concerns have any meaningful impact on communication satisfaction within romantic relationships provided the highest probability of studying these phenomena in the most effective ways. While the results of this study suggest that concerns for face may not have significant effects on communication satisfaction within romantic relationships, more research is imperative to replicate these findings given the limitations of this study previously discussed. Furthermore, this initial investigation should serve as an impetus to more definitively discover whether face concerns may effect communication satisfaction of individuals in relationships beyond the romantic type. Such research remains a worthy endeavor for scholarship and could truly uncover novel information about how the effects of face concerns on communication satisfaction can promote successful careers, construct supportive social networks and provide social advantages to those who attend to their faces accordingly.


 
 


 

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  References


 
 

Anderson, T. L. (2000). Predicting communication satisfaction and relationship satisfaction in online romantic relationships. (Ph.D., The University of Oklahoma). ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/304613457?accountid=3611. (304613457). Bargiela-Chiappini, F. (2003). Face and politeness: New (insights) for old (concepts). Journal of Pragmatics, 35(10–11), 1453-1469. doi: 10.1016/S0378-2166(02)00173-X Bargiela-Chiappini, F., & Kádár, D. Z., (2011). Politeness across cultures. Palgrave Macmillan. Baxter, L. A., & Braithwaite, D. O. (2008). Engaging theories in interpersonal communication: Multiple perspectives. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Baxter, L. A., & Pederson, J. R. (2013). Perceived and ideal family communication patterns and family satisfaction for parents and their college-aged children. Journal of Family Communication, 13(2), 132-149. doi:10.1080/15267431.2013.768250 Brown, P., & Levinson, S. C. (1987). Politeness: Some universals in language usage Cambridge University Press. Charters, W. W. (1992). On understanding variables and hypotheses in scientific research. University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403: ERIC Clearinghouse on Educational Management. Cho, J., Ramgolam, D. I., Schaefer, K. M., & Sandlin, A. N. (2011). The rate and delay in overload: An investigation of communication overload and channel synchronicity on identification and job satisfaction. Journal of Applied Communication Research, 39(1), 3854. doi:10.1080/00909882.2010.536847


 

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  Dunleavy, K. N., Wanzer, M. B., Krezmien, E., & Ruppel, K. (2011). Daughters' perceptions of communication with their fathers: The role of skill similarity and co-orientation in relationship satisfaction. Communication Studies, 62(5), 581-596. doi:10.1080/10510974.2011.588983 Goffman, E. (1967). Interaction ritual: Essays on face-to-face behavior (1st ed.). Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books. Goldsmith, D. J. (2008). Politeness theory. In L. A. Baxter & Braithwaite (Eds.), Engaging theories in interpersonal communication: Multiple perspectives (pp. 203-214). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Hecht, M. L. (1977). The conceptualization and measurement of interpersonal communication satisfaction. Human Communication Research, 4(3), 253-264. doi: 10.1111/j.14682958.1978.tb00614.x Hecht, M. L. (1978). Measures of communication satisfaction. Human Communication Research, 4(4), 350-368. doi: 10.1111/j.1468-2958.1978.tb00721.x Hecht, M. L. (1978). Toward a conceptualization of communication satisfaction. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 64(1), 47. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=9458321&site=ehost-live Hecht, M. L. (1984). Persuasive efficacy: A study of the relationships among type and degree of change, message strategies, and satisfying communication. Western Journal of Speech Communication: WJSC, 48(4), 373-389. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=17293206&site=ehost-live 245


 
 


 


 


  Hecht, M. L. (1984). Satisfying communication and relationship labels: Intimacy and length of relationship as perceptual frames of naturalistic conversations. Western Journal of Speech Communication: WJSC, 48(3), 201-216. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=15739397&site=ehost-live Herzberg, F., Mausner, B., & Snyderman, B. B. (1993; 1959). The motivation to work. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers. LIM, T. (1991). Facework: Solidarity, approbation, and tact. Human Communication Research, 17(3), 415-450. doi: 10.1111/j.1468-2958.1991.tb00239.x Locher, M. A., & Watts, R. J. (2005). Politeness theory and relational work. Journal of Politeness Research: Language, Behavior, Culture, 1(1), 9-33. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=16634946&site=ehost-live Madlock, P. E. (2012). The influence of cultural congruency, communication, and work alienation on employee satisfaction and commitment in mexican organizations. Western Journal of Communication, 76(4), 380-396. doi:10.1080/10570314.2011.651251 Malik, T. (2013). Positive effects of opinion-count on job satisfaction of team members in business enterprises. Journal of Communication Management, 17(1), 56-74. doi:10.1108/13632541311300151 Mao, L. R. (1994). Beyond politeness theory: ‘Face’ revisited and renewed. Journal of Pragmatics, 21(5), 451-486. doi: 10.1016/0378-2166(94)90025-6


 
 


 

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  Metts, S., & Cupach, W. R. (2008). Face theory. In L. A. Baxter & Braithwaite (Eds.), Engaging theories in interpersonal communication: Multiple perspectives (pp. 203-214). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Politeness judgments in personal relationships. (1997). Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 16(3), 297-325. doi: 10.1177/0261927X970163003 Shelly, M. W., & Adelberg, T. Z. (1967). Notes on a constraint-reinforcement approach to the observational inference of satisfaction. Psychological Reports, 21(2), 459. Sternberg, R. J., & Hojjat, M. (1997). Satisfaction in close relationships Guilford Press. Swedlund, M. P., Schumacher, J. B., Young, H. N., & Cox, E. D. (2012). Effect of communication style and Physician–Family relationships on satisfaction with pediatric chronic disease care. Health Communication, 27(5), 498-505. doi:10.1080/10410236.2011.616632 Watts, R. J. (2003). Politeness. Cambridge, U.K.; New York: Cambridge University Press. Weick, K. E. (1969). The social psychology of organizing. Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley Pub. Co.


 
 


 

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  SPECIAL READINGS (COM 794) No Syllabus COM 794 Reading List/Annotated Bibliography


 
 

Amato. P. R. (2000). The consequences of divorce on adults and children. Journal of Marriage and Family, 62, 1269-1287. Amato attempted to summarize the consequences of divorce as experienced by both adults and children. The majority of his narrative endeavored to answer five questions: 1. How do people from married and divorced families differ in well-being? 2. Are the differences they experience due to divorce itself or selection issues? 3. Do the differences reflect a temporary crisis or one that exists permanently? 4. What factors make the effects of divorce even worse? 5. What are the protective factors that may help in adjusting to divorce? Amato’s research findings revealed that people who get divorced have lower levels of psychological well-being, lower levels of happiness, increased cognitive distress and much poorer self-respect and confidence than non-divorced people. Further, Amato found that many people reported being unhappy years before deciding to get divorced. However, the distress associated with the split seemed to subside after two-to-three years of having been divorced. Amato also identified certain factors of divorce including low income, lack of social support and misbehavior of children. In contrast, protective factors that guarded against divorce included education, employment and a strong social support system. Baxter, L., & Dindia, K. (1990). Marital partners perceptions of marital maintenance strategies. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 7(2), 187-208. 248


 


 
 


 
  Baxter & Dindia provided an in-depth examination into marital partner perceptions by focusing on the ways in which marital maintenance can be enacted. Moreover, they presented similarities that existed between spouses. Their research findings suggest that husbands and wives sort maintenance strategies in very similar ways. Three important dimensions emerged from the research: 1. Constructive/destructive communication styles. 2. Ambivalent-based vs. satisfaction based communication styles. 3. Proactivity vs. passivity. The authors also listed and explained six clusters gleaned from their data that included last resort strategies, satiation strategies, inward withdrawal strategies, problem avoidance strategies, destructive strategies and constructive strategies with respect to martial maintenance.

Canary, D. J., & Stafford, L., (1992). Relational maintenance strategies and equity in marriage. Communication Monographs, 59 (3), 243 -267. Canary & Stafford examined how relational maintenance strategies are reported and perceived. In particular, they investigated the uses of maintenance strategies by individuals in relationships that over-benefited each member. The results of their research are a testament to the importance of equity in the use and subsequent perception of relational maintenance strategies within marriage. The level of felt equity was associated with people’s use of maintenance strategies in a consistent pattern often found in equity theory in general. Self-reported measures revealed that maintenance strategies could predict control mutuality, liking and commitment. The authors also presented and described five salient maintenance strategies found in the literature: positivity, openness, assurances, networks and sharing tasks. Canary, D., J., & Stafford, L. (Eds.). (1994). Communication and relational maintenance. 249


 


 
  San Diego, CA: Academic Press.


 
 

Canary & Stafford attempted to answer the question “how do people maintain their personal relationships?” in their broad narrative on communication and relational maintenance. Consisting of three detailed parts, their book provided many answers to the question previously posed. In part one, the authors introduced and discussed communication action approaches. They expound upon conceptualizations of maintenance, relational transgressions, maintenance as a shared meaning system, how communication skills affect relationships and provide a thorough review of the literature on relationship maintenance strategies. Part two of their book documented socialpsychological approaches to relational maintenance. The authors explicated the investment model of relationship maintenance, cataloged barriers to dissolution of romantic relationships, described strategies for maintaining relationship satisfaction and love, as well as documented marital inequities that have the potential to create conflict. Part three of their book identified dialectical approaches to studying relationships and sustaining friendships after a relationship has ended. Chuan-Chuan, C. & Tardy, C. (2010). A cross-cultural study of silence in marital conflict. China Media Report Overseas, 6, 95-105. Chuan-Chuan & Tardy investigated the influence of culture on five uses of silence that have been historically associated with marital conflict. These were avoidance, control, protection of self-image, protection of other’s self-image and maintenance of harmony. This study was conducted to gauge how cultural values influence the ways in which spouses manage their marital conflict.


 

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  Findings suggested that people with interdependent self-constructs are more likely to report using silence so as not to embarrass their partner in arguments, etc. Further, silence was also used to protect one’s self-image. Females were more prone to using silence to avoid conflict than were males. Ultimately, the effects of culture play a critical role in using silence as a strategy within marital conflict.

Dion, M. R. (2005) Healthy marriage programs: Learning what works. Future of Children, 15, 139-156. Dion’s article simply surveyed marital education programs in an attempt to answer the question of whether or not such programs can be effective in strengthening marriage and reducing divorce rates. Although many programs have been deemed effective by their rates of success, Dion argued that the sample groups presented an external validity threat with regard to generalization as they consisted of predominantly white, middle class couples. This threat in turn begs the question of whether such programs can also aid other disadvantaged and minority groups dealing with marital distress. Recent efforts by proponents of marital education programs who are trying to update these programs to make them more inclusive and friendly to disadvantaged groups are discussed in detail. The marital education programs discussed were Marriage Savers, Relationship Enhancement, PREPARE and the most popular program, PREP. Marital education experts are in the process of designing new curriculums to better meet the needs of underrepresented groups that are prone to marital conflict. Erbert, L. A. (2000). Conflict and dialectics: Perceptions of dialectical contradictions in marital conflict. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 17, 638-659.


 

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  Erbert delved into the relationship between conflicts in close-knit relationships and discovered the contradictions that arose in that particular discourse. His investigation leads to a discovery of six contradictions that he believed constituted marital conflict. These were autonomy, predictability, openness, TP openness, integration and conventionality. Findings revealed that autonomy-connection and openness-closedness were the most prevalent among the six dialectical contradictions. Twenty percent of conflicts were deemed antagonistic, while sixteen percent were labeled as non-antagonistic and sixtythree percent as non-dialectical in nature.

Fine, M., & Harvey, J. (Eds.) (2005). Handbook of divorce and relationship dissolution. Mahwah, NJ: Sage. Fine & Harvey presented a robust review of the existing empirical literature on divorce and dissolution. Their book had eight well-defined sections. The first section was merely an introduction into the topic. The second section surveyed demographic and historical aspects of relationship dissolution. The third section identified and described the myriad causes of divorce and dissolution. Among the chapters in the third section, many topics were discussed such as predictors of divorce, physical aggression, harmful encounters, gender issues, co-parenting issues and infidelity constraints. Most of the chapters were primarily focused on the negative consequences divorce and dissolution can have on marriage and relationships in general. Section five highlighted coping strategies that individuals might adopt to deal with the end of a romantic relationship. Section six looked at the diversity of divorce and dissolution with regard to certain minority groups like African Americans and Latinos. Section seven detailed divorce issues with regard to 252


 


 
  marital laws, mediation and child interventions. Section eight offered insights into


 
 

broader issues of divorce as well as presented future directions for study in the field of divorce and dissolution research. Ganong, L. H., & Coleman, M. (1995). Family reconfiguring following divorce. In S. Duck & J. T. Wood (Eds.), Confronting relationship challenges (pp. 73-108). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Ganong & Coleman confronted the issues inherent in how a families function after marital dissolution. The emphasis of their discussion focused on the actual processes undertaken to make a family whole once again after being subjected to the challenges that pervade the relationships between divorced couples and their family members. The authors were adamant that cultural ideals played a critical role in predicting how a family would fare post-divorce. Further, the complexities and cultural factors of families makes it difficult to generalize in a sincere way about how families function and reconfigure following divorce because each family is different and adheres to a multiplicity of traditional, culture and economical norms that are not ubiquitous. The authors stated that the ideal family in today’s epoch is characterized by being middle-class, first-time married with a mother and father, and a few children. The authors extended their narrative by discussing topics such as the paucity of social support from community organizations (i.e., schools, religious institutions, health care systems) in helping divorced families maneuver the difficult terrain in rebuilding their lives, the legal ambiguities that exist after formal divorce and the nonexistent guidelines for how to perform family roles in consistent and appropriate ways post-divorce. Specific relationship types were also surveyed. 253


 


 
  Gottman, J. M., & Notarius, C. I. (2002). Marital research in the 20th century and a research agenda for the 2lst century. Family Process, 4l (2), 159-197.


 
 

Gottman & Notarius described the timeline and evolution of marital research beginning in the early 1900’s up until the end of the 20th Century. The authors articulated the inventions and advances that allowed for a more robust understanding of marriage as society evolved, becoming more complex in technology, and more importantly, social interaction. They documented the move from self-reported, personality-based measures of marriage to more interaction-centered models culminating in more nuanced, multimethod approaches. Beginning in the 1980’s, researchers began to investigate how the role of women, violence and incest affected the family unit. Further, more research was conducted on the positive and negative factors found in marriage and the effect these factors had on dissolution or separation. In the coda of their article, the authors offered an agenda for research that must be done in the future to validate the viability of marital research in the 21st Century. Items discussed on this agenda were a focus on observation in natural settings, a focus on patterns unique to interactions, the importance of positive affect on the relationship, the need to study personality and the powerful role stress can play in marriages. Gottman, J. M. (1994). What predicts divorce? Mahwah. NJ: Erlbaum. Gottman leaves no stone unturned in his comprehensive study of marital practices and outcomes. Seventeen chapters examine these processes and outcomes in nuanced ways. The beginning of his book reviewed general facts about divorce in an effort to set the foundation for the deluge of research studies on marital relationships that followed. Among the many topics that Gottman dedicated a chapter to were what makes marriages 254


 


 
 


 
  magical and miserable, conflict avoidance, predictors of marital dissolution, factors that contribute to stable marriages and two different types of people who engage in conflict. One chapter that was quite educational was chapter twelve which presented Gottman’s ideas on male withdrawal from marital conflict. Within this chapter he elaborated on his famous notion of the “four horsemen of the apocalypse,” which he argued are the most likely predictors of divorce. The four horsemen are criticism, defensiveness, contempt and withdrawal.

Larson, R. & Richards, M. H. (1994). Divergent realities: The emotional lives of mothers, fathers, and adolescents. New York: Basic Books. Larson & Richards tackled the emergent realities of mothers, fathers and adolescents while discussing the relationship dynamics between them in their book. The book is divided into three distinct parts, each with several chapters that explore topics the authors deem as important and missing in the field. Part one of their book covered individuals specifically. This section contained a work and leisure narrative of fathers, work and relationship issues of mothers and the emotional rollercoaster that defines adolescence. Part two of the book covered relationships. This section contained discussions about marriage between mothers and fathers, love and conflict between mothers and their children and, finally, a fun and avoidance narrative between fathers and their children. Part three of the book discussed families as a whole. Troubled families and healthy family units were identified and deliberated. Madhyastha, T. M., Hamaker, E.L., & Gottman, J. M. (2011). Investigating spousal influence using moment-to-moment affect data from marital conflict. Journal of Family Psychology, 25(2), 292-300 255


 


 
  Madhyastha, Hamaker, & Gottman used a systems model to investigate influence


 
 

functions that could be effective in describing moment-to-moment influences which took place in marital conflict. This was a very complex study that implemented mathematical equations and models to compute influences. Research findings suggested that there is no universal influence function that can be drawn upon to describe all couples in a general sense. Further, any spousal influence was deemed to either be all-or-nothing. There was no gradual influence discovered in the research study. The researchers also discovered that the initial state and emotional makeup of couples was a better predictor of conflict discussion outcomes as opposed to analyzing the moment-to-moment affect of their spouse. The overall findings of this study challenge most of the previous research in marital conflict that argues moment-tomoment affect is a greater predictor of conflict discussion outcomes and influence. Noller, P., & Feeney, J. (Eds.) (2006). Close relationships: Functions, forms and processes. Hove, England: Psychology Press. Noller & Feeney provided an extensive survey of the relatively recent (2006) scholarship on close relationships. Their evaluation and discussion of their research is organized within three main sections of their book. Section one touched upon topics including needs, benefits and pitfalls of close relationships with useful chapters on how the social contexts of many relationships are in constantly in flux. The end of section one discussed how research is conducted on relationships with regard to the specific methods of measurement (i.e., self-report, peer report, observations, experimental methods, etc.). Section two presented a plethora of different types of relationships studied often studied in the discipline. These included marital, parent-child, parent-adolescent, siblings, adult 256


 


 
 


 
  friendships and interethnic relationships. Each relationship type is expounded upon in great detail. Section three, the final section, was primarily about the processes inherent in relationships. Topics of inclusion and discussion were attachment, intimacy, mate selection, sexuality, maintaining a close relationship and dissolution of relationships.

Renick, M. J., Blumberg, S. L., & Markman, H. J. (1992). The prevention and relationship enhancement therapy program (PREP): An empirically based preventative intervention program for couples. Family Relations, 41 (2), 141-147. The authors of this article go into great detail on the Prevention and Relationship Enhancement Program (PREP), one of the most popular empirically based preventative intervention programs available to distressed couples. A 10-year longitudinal study was reported and explained. Findings via self-report and communication measures showed that those who participated in PREP had more stable relationships, improved communication skills and higher degrees of relationship satisfaction. PREP participants also engaged in lower levels of negative communication. Fewer instances of abuse and violence were also associated with individuals who took part in the PREP longitudinal study. Roloff, M. E. & Soule, K. P. (2002). Interpersonal conflict: A review. In M. L. Knapp & J. A. Daly (Eds.), Handbook of interpersonal communication (pp.475-528). Thousand Oaks. CA: Sage. Roloff & Soule produced a comprehensive review of the literature on interpersonal conflict with an emphasis on informal relationships and empirical studies that implemented both survey and experimental designs. Their review concentrates on the six


 

257


 
  area. The first area discussed was the different types of incompatibility discovered in interpersonal conflict. These involved realistic/nonrealistic, principled/communal, personal/superindividual, unexpressed/expressed, behavioral/attributional,


 
  most popular areas of conflict as measured by the amount of research conducted in each

transgression/nontransgression and antagonistic/dialectical conflict issues. The second area discussed was relational contexts. These included intimacy and dependence contexts. Social networks were the third area reviewed and consisted of the causes of dyadic conflict and the shapes of conflict. The fourth area discussed were perceptions of conflict. These included certain structures of knowledge that impacted conflict such as conflict frames, conflict metaphors, conflict scripts, relational beliefs and the conceptualization of conflict problems. The fifth area of conflict research presented by the authors was management styles. These included responses to dissatisfactions, conflict resolution, conflict tactics and avoidance-distributive-integrative strategies of managing conflict. Finally, the sixth area discussed was argumentation patterns. Defining features, argument sequences, argument escalation, serial arguing and relational effects were all mentioned as patterns of argumentation gleaned from the literature on interpersonal conflict. Shapiro, A.F., Gottman, J. M., & Carrere, S. (2000). The baby and the marriage: Identifying factors that buffer against decline in marital satisfaction after the first baby arrives. Journal of Family Psychology, 14(1), 59-70. As discussed in Dr. Sommer’s conflict management course, the Shapiro & Gottman performed a study in order to test their hypothesis that the way couples describe their past predicts stability versus decline in marital satisfaction once couples have their first child 258


 


 
  and become full-time parents. The authors attempted to study how couples


 
 

conceptualized their relationship in its nascent stages in an effort to test whether these conceptualizations would yield strengths or vulnerabilities later on in the relationship once they became parents. Findings suggested that declines in marital satisfaction of mothers were due to the husband’s negativity toward his spouse, disappointment in the relationship and perceptions that the couple was living a chaotic life. Marital satisfaction for mothers was predicted by spousal expression of fondness and awareness. Stafford, L., & Canary, D. J. (2006). Equity and interdependence and predictors of relational maintenance strategies. Journal of Family Communication, 6(4), 227-254. Stafford & Canary had two purposes with their investigation into relational maintenance strategies. First, they wanted to take a sincere look at equity and interdependence and how these orientations may work in conjunction with self-reported relational maintenance strategies. Secondly, they wanted to survey past criticisms of work in the field and respond to such criticisms in a productive manner in order to offer a more transparent understanding of the phenomenon. Their findings suggested that satisfaction is highest when spouses see their relationships as being fair and equitable. This satisfaction was followed by over-benefited partners and then under-benefited partners. It was also noted that the combination of equity and satisfaction was a much more powerful predictor of relational maintenance behaviors when used in tandem than when used in isolation. Stanley, S. M., Ragan, E. P., Rhoades, G. K., & Markman, H. J. (2012). Examining changes in


 

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  26, 165-170.


 
  relationship adjustment and life satisfaction in marriage. Journal of Family Psychology,

Stanley, Regan, Rhoades & Markman examined the possible connections between relationship adjustment and life satisfaction before marriage as well as six years into it. They hypothesized that higher premarital life satisfaction would predict higher relationship adjustment. Findings suggested that premarital relationship adjustment and premarital life satisfaction were both predictive of relationship adjustment six years into marriage. Premarital life satisfaction was also found to successfully predict life satisfaction six years into marriage. Couples who were able to adjust their relationships had a higher probability of being satisfied with their lives and relationships as time progressed. The conclusions of this research support the general idea that helping people improve their relationships can effectively increase overall life satisfaction. Further, beginning a marriage with higher life satisfaction may increase chances for a happier marriage and staying together.


 

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  Reading List Extended Review (COM 794) In today’s epoch, marriage continues to be one of the most popular and sacred


 
 

institutions. However, not all marriages have fairytale endings and about half of all marriages still end in divorce (Fine & Harvey, 2005). The following narrative will review and synthesize the main ideas of my special readings list which spans the vast literature on divorce, its predictors, its effects, the relational maintenance strategies inherent in marital conflicts and the programs that are currently being employed to help individuals allay their marital distress or cope with life after divorce. Gottman (1994) uses the cascade model in his book as a method to test his hypotheses about factors that predict divorce. What he discovered was that there are four salient factors that emerge time and again when studying distressed couples. He called these factors the “four horsemen of the apocalypse,” (Gottman, 111) and maintains that if any of these factors reveal themselves in a marriage the possibility of dissolution or divorce is bound to increase. The first factor Gottman presents is criticism. This entails constant negative feedback to your partner about their actions and behaviors. The second factor is defensiveness. Defensiveness occurs when partners attempt to defend themselves from what they perceive to be a personal attack and immediately provide a counter-argument to fend off such an attack. Contempt is the third factor in predicting divorce and takes place when a partner makes a statement or behaves in way that attempts to put them on higher ground than their significant other. Contempt manifests itself in mockery and sarcastic communication. The final factor in predicting divorce, according to Gottman, is stonewalling or withdrawal. Stonewalling occurs when a partner disengages or withdraws from a conversation. This entails the individual mentally shutting out their partner and essentially avoiding or giving up on trying to solve the conflict problem (Gottman, 1994). 261


 


 
 


 
  Fine and Harvey (2005) expand on Gottman’s (1994) work and present their own list of

predictors believed to precipitate marital dissolution and divorce. They begin with the issues of gender, race and culture. The authors report that husbands and wives experience dissolution differently and identify different causes for their divorce. Race is also discussed as a predictor of divorce as African American couples are more susceptible to divorce during their first 14 years of marriage than other races. Further, different societies and cultures present higher and lower probabilities of divorce simply based upon the traditions and practices embedded in their respective cultures. For instance, in the U.S. there is a marked difference in the rate of divorce in the east than in the west, as well as in the north than in the south. This lends credence to the fact that different geographic locations have different norms and mores that are subscribed to which ultimately affect the rates of marital dissolution for better or for worse. Fine and Harvey also list employment, premarital cohabitation, premarital or marital birth, age at marriage, education, length of marriage, remarriage, parental divorce and religiousness among the salient factors that have the power to predict marital conflict and dissolution. They report on individual factors such as personality, cognitive disorders and degree of self-monitoring as important predictors of divorce. In their book, Canary and Stafford (1994) attempt to pick up where Fine and Harvey (2005) left off by investigating factors that predict separation and divorce over an eight year period. Using research from Gottman’s (1994) original study, the authors elaborate on many prescriptions that predict marital dissolution and offer advice to help mitigate there detrimental effects. For instance, the multiplicity of ways in which men and women state complaints and respond to complaints can have serious consequences on the outcome of their relationship. Canary and Stafford state “the greater tendency of men to withdraw is related to feeling flooded 262


 


 


  by their wives’ negative affect, and that men are flooded by less intense negativity than women” (p. 224). In order to combat divorce it becomes crucial to understand the gender differences inherent in marital conflict experiences. The authors also discuss the importance of men becoming better listeners who are actively engaged in the conversation if there is to be any hope of salvaging the marriage. Further, the authors detail allocation of family work as a potential predictor of marital dissolution. When wives feel overworked in the home with tasks such as cooking, cleaning and childcare, conflict arises which can yield separation and increase the likelihood of divorce. Shapiro, Gottman and Carrère (2000) conducted a study in order to test their hypothesis that the way couples describe their past predicts stability or decline in marital satisfaction once couples had their first child and became full-time parents. The authors attempted to study how couples conceptualized their relationship in its nascent stages in an effort to gauge whether these conceptualizations would yield strengths or vulnerabilities later on in the relationship once the couple became parents. Via their use of the Oral History Interview (OHI), Shapiro et al. were successful in pinpointing certain variables that predicted stability or dissolution in participant marriages. These variables were husband fondness towards wives, wife fondness towards husbands, husband and wife negativity and finally husband and wife disappointment with their marriage. Stanley, Ragan, Rhoades and Markman (2012) add an additional perspective on the complex issues that married couples are faced with in today’s day and age. The authors examine any possible connections between relationship adjustment and life satisfaction before marriage as well as six years into it. They hypothesized that higher premarital life satisfaction would predict higher relationship adjustment, in turn decreasing the likelihood of divorce. What is more, 263


 
 


 


 
  couples with higher life satisfaction could predict lower rates of marital dissolution while couples with significantly lower life satisfaction would subsequently predict much higher


 
 

divorce rates. Stanley et al.’s research provides a fascinating and novel lens to view changes in relationship adjustment and life satisfaction which can aid in predicting marital dissolution and divorce. Divorce has the potential to be life altering and can be a devastating reality not just for the spouses involved but countless others who are connected to the couple in some shape or form. Amato (2000) looked at the consequences of divorce for adults and children in an effort to highlight the deleterious effects it can have on families. “The increase in marital dissolution has had major implications for the settings in which children are nurtured and socialized. Slightly more than half of all divorces involve children under the age of 18. More than one million children experience parental divorce every year” (Amato, p. 1269). Clearly the effects of divorce are felt far beyond the couple themselves. Children who are the product of divorce face a greater risk of economic hardship as they grow older. Many decide to forego college and therefore risk the opportunities that education can afford them, at the same time relinquishing wages that would allow them to live a more comfortable life in the future. This choice presents increased challenges for such children. Moreover, Amato explicated myriad maladjustments among children from broken homes. “Other offspring who were exposed to poor parental models of interpersonal behavior might have difficulty forming stable, satisfying, intimate relationships as young adults” (Amato, 2000, p. 1269). Amato’s research highlights the ways in which marital dissolution can have long-lasting and pervasive effects on children that can result in a cyclical pattern of negative consequences.


 

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  The effects of divorce, while substantial for children, can also take quite a toll on the

partners involved. Amato (2000) referenced important studies that have found negative effects similar to those experienced by children on partners of divorce themselves. For such couples, divorce can seriously inhibit psychological well being, causing a downward spiral that may produce deep depression and severely limited happiness. Individual self-esteem and confidence can be impacted as well. Amato reported that divorced individuals face greater health risks and are more prone to higher instances of mortality. Social isolation and less satisfaction with their sex life only compounds the issues that some divorced individuals may face as they leave their relationship and try to move forward with their lives. Much of the same economical pitfalls previously mentioned that affect children of divorced parents also affect parents themselves. As Amato asserts, “divorced individuals also have a lower standard of living, possess less wealth, and experience greater economic hardship than married individuals” (p. 1274). Ganong and Coleman (1995) extend the literature on life after divorce as they attempt to explain how families rebuild their relationships and overcome challenges. One theme that emerged from their narrative on family reconfiguring was the paucity of social support from society for divorced couples and families. While married individuals have innumerable, well established support systems in place to call upon in times of struggle, the authors contend that because present society still adheres to strict ideologies and dogma with respect to the institution of marriage, divorced families continue to face a crippling stigma and little support from their community in coping with the dissolution of their nuclear family. Ganong and Coleman expound: “Social organizations such as schools, youth groups, religious groups, and health care systems are based on policies and procedures designed primarily for nuclear families. 265


 


 
  these formal institutions, and they often encounter barriers (p. 76).


 
  When families are reconfiguring following divorce, they find minimum support from

In a sense, society seems to be washing its hands clean of divorced families because they are deemed to be “broken” (Ganong & Coleman, p. 78). Further, once divorce materializes, many legal protections put in place primarily to protect nuclear families crumble and divorced families become exposed to legal decisions that are not founded in law but in custom. What is more, judges often make final judgments regarding the welfare of children based upon their own subjective experience with the issue over time. In this way, the authors argue that the legal system itself stigmatizes and further marginalizes divorced families. Ganong and Coleman also discussed the nonexistence of concrete rules and guidelines for how families should perform roles and carry on with their lives in a post-marital world. The ideograph of marriage, which has become ingrained in popular culture, praises the nuclear family and clearly explicates the roles of father, mother and child. The authors claim that society’s hegemonic conception of marriage as a nuclear family structure clouds any useful conceptions of how nonnuclear families should be structured, or how such families should perform roles once divorce becomes a reality. As a consequence, fathers may stop paying child support because they believe they no longer have an obligation to their children now that they do not reside in the same household, etc. Responsibilities and roles following a divorce are ambiguous and with no a priori set of guidelines, the structure and practices of a divorced family will inevitably conform to the cultural and subjective interpretation of the family members themselves. This absence of guidelines to assist families, the authors profess, is yet another stringent challenge that families must face as they begin to reconfigure following divorce.


 

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  Gottman and Notarius (2002) realize the need to conduct more thorough studies on

marriages and perhaps their research agenda for twenty-first century may better address the voids that Ganong and Coleman (1995) present as well as provide a catalyst for a systemic institutional overhaul that proves to be more inclusive rather than exclusive. Gottman and Notarius present their suggestions for how marital research should be conducted in the twenty-first century and begin with their assertion that marital research needs to be conducted in more naturalistic settings with an increased emphasis on observation. In other words, in order to warrant sweeping generalizations about marital issues, more research must be performed outside of the lab and in more natural settings to increase the probability of valid conclusions about the phenomena being investigated. Secondly, the authors believe that future research should attend to specific patterns that emerge from observing interactions in their natural settings. This is a more thematic approach in qualitative research that attempts to discover themes and patterns that consistently emerge out of interactions and observations. Thirdly, recognition of positive affect (i.e. intimacy, etc.) in marital relationships is deemed to be an important principle of future research according to the authors and should have greater attention paid to it. Fourthly, Gottman and Notarius contend that personality must be revisited and accounted for when observing and making claims about marital relationships. Finally, the need to study how individuals manage their stress is seen as being crucial to the viability of marital research as well as the opportunity to produce novel findings within the discipline in the twenty-first century and beyond. As discussed briefly in this paper, divorce can have myriad predictors and some serious debilitating proximal and distal consequences. This fact implicitly argues for the importance of sound and positive relational maintenance strategies. A Stafford and Canary (2006) study that investigated equity and satisfaction in marriage is an exemplar of such research on relational 267


 


 


  maintenance that can lead to a more transparent understanding of how couples can combat conflict and overcome obstacles in their own relationships. The authors found that satisfaction is highest when spouses see their relationships as being fair and equitable. When tasks and responsibilities were perceived as being equitable and not unfairly distributed, both husband and wife experienced high levels of satisfaction within their relationship. This satisfaction was followed by over-benefited partners and then by under-benefited partners. The authors discuss the combination of equity and satisfaction as being a much more powerful predictor of relational maintenance behaviors when used in tandem than when used in isolation as a lens to interpret and study maintenance strategies in marriage. Further, Canary and Stafford’s (1992) previous work on which their 1994 study is predicated probes the role of equity in the use of relational maintenance strategies. For instance, the authors found that couples were more apt to use positivity and assurances when wives perceived their marriage as being equitable and fair as opposed to when wives perceived their role in the marriage to be under or over-benefited. As a result, husbands consistently reported their inclinations to be more open with their wives and their social networks when they perceived a happy balance within their marriage. Therefore, Canary and Stafford’s research continues to suggest that equity in relationships is key to forming solid bonds between partners, providing a helpful buffer against marital conflict that can pervade even the most satisfying and healthy relationships. Much like Canary and Stafford’s (1992) investigation of relational maintenance strategies and gender differences, Baxter and Dindia (1990) provide a look at marital maintenance strategies as perceived by the partners themselves. The authors conceptualized relationship maintenance in the following manner: 268


 
 


 


 
  relationship in the face of many possible types of dialectical tension – too much


 
  A complex process in which partners strive to sustain a dynamic equilibrium in their

autonomy and separation from one another and the relationship; too little autonomy with the partner(s) and the relationship ‘smothering’ the individual ‘selves’; too little openness and information sharing; too much openness with inadequate tact and discretion; too little predictability and certainty in the relationship; and the boredom which results from excessive predictability (Baxter & Dindia, 1990, p. 203). Besides their research findings, which reveal that husbands and wives categorize maintenance strategies in very much the same ways, the authors discussed three dimensions of perceived strategies that emerged from their study. The first dimension was labeled constructive versus destructive communication styles and was characterized by destructive communication that was negative and damaging, along with constructive communication that consisted of sharing feelings, talking freely and being a good listener. The second dimension labeled by the authors was ambivalence-based versus satiation-based conditional use which was characterized by surprises, celebrations and gifts that only occur once in a while within any given relationship. The third and final dimension of maintenance strategies was labeled proactive versus passive and consisted of assertive or aggressive communication that focused on the planning of activities and events. What was most important with respect to the research findings of their study was that males and females did not vary in any substantial way when looking at their perceptions of the three relational maintenance dimensions aforementioned. Maintaining a happy, satisfying and prosperous marriage is not simple or easy and takes a great deal of effort by each member in the relationship. Partners that refuse to acknowledge this simple fact rarely partake in the satisfaction of their first year anniversary. Many of the articles in 269


 


 


  my reading list offered useful insights into how to make a marriage work. For instance, Larson and Richards (1994) dedicated an entire chapter on healthy families and how they operate in the sphere of life. The authors contended that healthy families were able to find equilibrium between their public and private lives. For fathers, this was manifested in not burning themselves out at work and spending more time with their children. For mothers, this balance was more of an emotional one between their home life and extracurricular activities with friends. Families that were considered healthy were also able to contain their emotions and anger without letting it affect their children. Parents would go for a run or take solitary time to collect themselves and their thoughts so as not to create a negative environment for their children. Overall, healthy family relationships were characterized by more understanding, communication and unconditional love. Further, these families set aside quality time as a unit in order to bond. The authors presented three important characteristics of families that engage in moments of quality time. First, families were much more positive and less negative when they spent time together. Second, families who spent time together in leisure activities were less distressed and anxious. Finally, as a result of shared time, members of healthy families reported feeling part of a more egalitarian family unit where their ideas, needs and concerns were being properly attended to and respected. Larson and Richard’s (1994) research foregrounds the importance of family and the relationships that encompass it. In a sense, the quality of people’s relationships dictate the happiness they will experience or not experience. Dion (2005) attended to these relationships in her research when she surveyed myriad marital education programs (MEP) to ascertain whether or not such programs could be effective in strengthening marriage and reducing divorce rates. MEPs are programs that provide support, helpful information and a robust education with respect 270


 
 


 


 
  to maintaining healthy relationships and navigating the highs and lows of marriage. Dion


 
 

believed that these programs could truly help mitigate divorce rates although she also articulated her concern that such programs disproportionately attend to the needs of a predominantly white, middle-to upper-class demographic. Further, she listed four MEP’s and explained their effectiveness. Marriage Savers was the first MEP discussed and is a community-based program that has ties to religious organizations and requires a certain period of training before marriage to pinpoint areas of conflict that a couple may experience in the future. Communities that implemented Marriage Savers reported a 2% greater decline in divorces rates. Practical Application of Intimate Relationship Skills (PAIRS) was the second MEP detailed and is considered a more psychoeducational program that deals with self-support as a foundation to maintaining strong, satisfying relationships. This semester long program has been reported to decrease marital stress and conflict within eight months. The third MEP presented was called Relationship Enhancement (RE). RE is a program that focuses on developing empathy and understanding within relationships while teaching couples important problem solving skills. This short program, about 14 hours, has been deemed successful when compared to other programs that endeavor to tackle the same types of issues. The final MEP that Dion investigated was called PREPARE. Also implemented through religious institutions, this premarital program works to uncover the strengths and weaknesses of couples before marriage in an effort to appropriately prepare them for the common struggles they will likely face in their own intimate partnership. Studies involving the efficacy of this program have yet to be completed so caution must be practiced in generalizing its effectiveness on a larger scale. Dion (2005) also listed the Prevention and Relationship Enhancement Program (PREP) as a powerful MEP used in promoting healthy marriages. However, Renick, Blumberg and 271


 


 


  Markman (1992) provide a much more detailed explanation of PREP along with its short-term and long-term effectiveness. PREP is one of the most prevalent, and highly researched, marital education programs used today and is based on a primary method of prevention meaning that it is a program “designed for populations not currently in need of intervention and focuses on providing resources to prevent problems from developing in the future” (Renick et al., 1992, p. 141). In an effort to explain the nuances of PREP, the authors document one scholarly study in which PREP was properly applied. The study of most prominence is a longitudinal one that spans over 10 years. This seminal work, conducted by researchers at the University of Denver’s Center for Marital and Family Studies, focuses on the efficacy of PREP and makes use of comparison and control functions that analyze an amalgamation of variables imbedded within many intimate relationships. At the time of publication in 1992, this experiment was the “longest running, longitudinal investigation of its kind,” and encompassed couples completing eight follow-up sessions (Renick et al., 1992, p. 144). The research findings from this study have provided considerable breakthroughs with regard to MEP’s and their effects on marriage and divorce. The five major findings from this study were in the following areas: relationship stability, short-term effects, long-term effects, communication skill and overall marital satisfaction. With regard to relationship stability, or the degree to which a couple maintains a healthy commitment to one another, “those who participated in PREP have maintained significantly more stable relationships than have the control couples. Five years after the intervention program, 8% of the couples who participated in PREP had divorced or separated, while 16% of the control couples had divorced” (Renick et al., 1992, p. 145).


 
 


 

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  When assessing PREP’s short-term efficacy, results showed that “those who had


 
 

participated in PREP were found to have improved significantly in terms of their levels of communication skills…indicating that they had learned the skills taught in the program” (Renick et al., 1992, p. 145). Long-term effects of this PREP may provide the most promising findings for the future of the program. Renick et al. (1992) summarizes: By follow-up 1 (1 ½ years after the intervention), the PREP couples were found to have maintained or improved their already high levels of relationship satisfaction and the impact of their communication on one another whereas control couples showed decreases in these areas over time. By follow-up 2 (3 years after PREP), the differences in relationship satisfaction, problem intensity, and incidence of sexual problems between the intervention and control groups were even greater. While both groups showed a decrease in satisfaction over time, such declines were greater for the control couples…the intervention couples actually showed a decrease in problem intensity while the control couples exhibited an increase in this area (p. 145). In terms of the effect on communication skills after the completion of this study, once again the PREP couples came out on top, experiencing less negative communication (i.e. conflict and denial) than did the control group when questioned three years after the intervention. Due to the gamete of topics and issues covered within my reading list, I have been afforded the opportunity to learn more about one of our country’s longest traditions, namely marriage, and the myriad issues and dimensions that constitute it. I have already begun to implement strategies I have learned from the extant literature on relational maintenance into my


 

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  own relationships and feel more adequately equipped to handle conflict situations that I know will inevitably arise in all relationships whether they are formal or informal, intimate or casual.


 
 


 

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  ADVANCED TOPICS IN RELATIONAL COMMUNICATION (COM 610) Syllabus


 
 


 

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  Term Paper (COM 610)


 
 

Using Equity Theory to Alleviate Destructive Conflict Behaviors in Marriage David Raanan University of Nevada, Las Vegas


 

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  Abstract


 
 

Marriage, at least in the United States, is something that 90% of the population will voluntarily enter into before they are 50 years of age (Amato, 2000). Unfortunately, married couples in today’s epoch have about a 50/50 chance of maintaining their union. The purpose of this paper is multipronged. First, I will draw on the extant literature on marital conflict to identify conflict behaviors within marriages that have been deemed predictors of dissolution and divorce. Second, I will present and explain equity theory as a vehicle for exposing and illuminating conflict behaviors in marriage. Third, a program will be proposed in an effort to help mitigate marital conflict, promote more constructive conflict behaviors and ultimately aid in more healthy maintenance of marital relationships that may assist in abating the alarming rate of divorce that the United States currently experiences. Finally, practical and theoretical implications as well as strengths and risks with regard to the proposed program will be discussed. Keywords: marital conflict, divorce, equity theory, romantic relationships, marriage


 

286


 
  in which 90% of the population will voluntarily enter into before they are 50 years of age


 
  People currently live in an epoch where marriage, at least in the United States, is a union

(Amato, 2000). Naturally, with most of the population entering into marriage at some point in their life, there are bound to be a handful of matches that were just not made in heaven. Unfortunately, that number has risen exponentially in the past few decades, accounting for divorces between 40%-50% of people who say, I do. Statistically, married couples today have about a 50/50 chance of maintaining their union and although the divorce rate has declined in the past few years, a 40%-50% chance of separating from your spouse should be considered a macro social and relational problem (Kitson, 2005). The purpose of this paper is multipronged. First, I will draw on the extant literature on marital conflict to identify and explicate conflict behaviors within marriages that have been deemed predictors of dissolution and divorce. Second, I will present and explain equity theory as a vehicle for illuminating conflict behaviors in marriage. Third, a program will be proposed in an effort to help mitigate marital conflict, promote more constructive conflict behaviors and ultimately aid in more healthy maintenance of marital relationships that may assist in abating the alarming rate of divorce that the United States currently experiences. Finally, practical and theoretical implications as well as strengths and risks with regard to the proposed program will be discussed. Problem Identification & Justification Only by looking beyond the statistics of divorce and reviewing the extensive qualitative research on marriage can the culprit and, perhaps, one of the many causes of marital dissolution and divorce be located. According to relationship scholars, one salient perpetrator of divorce is destructive conflict behaviors (Birditt, 2010; Gottman, 1994; Rodrigues et al., 2006). The way in which conflict situations are managed, or lack thereof, is often an indictor of marital satisfaction 287


 


 


  and outcomes. Many experts agree that in most normal circumstances, divorce is a socially undesirable event (Amato, 2000; Larson & Richards, 1994; Ganong & Coleman, 1995). Examining the conflict behaviors that arise among married, heterosexual couples can help us begin to understand why marriages deteriorate and how we might go about proscribing such deterioration in the future. To state there is a plethora of empirically based studies on marital conflict and communication in the extant literature would be an understatement. As one of America’s most venerable institutions, scholars have studied marriage, maintenance and conflict indefatigably for the past few decades. Raush et al. (1974) defined conflict within relationships as “the existence of any overt or covert psychological antagonism” (p. 30). Raush et al.’s definition suggests that regardless of how close and loving a couple are, conflict over some aspect of life is inevitable at some point in a relationship’s trajectory. This suggestion begets the question of whether spouses are engaging in what Raush et al. characterizes as functional or dysfunctional conflict. In many conceptualizations, functional conflict is a choice (Gottman, 1994). If a couple endeavors to engage conflict in a functional way, they will choose to find healthy and positive avenues to solve the problem at hand or, perhaps, reach some sort of compromise. Functional conflict is manifested in behaviors such as cooperation, showing respect, refraining from coercion and vowing to not interrupt someone when they are articulating their grievance in an argument. In juxtaposition, dysfunctional conflict is characterized by a disproportionate amount of arguing and disagreement within a relationship about what most reasonable people would deem to be relatively trivial matters. In dysfunctional conflict these trivial matters are often exacerbated resulting in serious emotionally charged situations (Raush et al.,1974). Dysfunctional conflict can manifest in behaviors like yelling or screaming, making stark accusations or mocking and 288


 
 


 


 


  ignoring a romantic partner altogether. Dysfunctional conflict is the foundation upon which destructive conflict behavior stands and it can have deleterious effects on communication and satisfaction within a relationship that may culminate in dissolution or divorce (Canary & Stafford, 1994). Gottman (1994) went as far as to delineate between three phases of conflict he believed to exist in marriages. Agenda-building is the first phase of conflict where a spouse ponders an issue or problem and decides how he or she intends to make light of it. The second phase is called the arguing phase in which an issue or problem is presented in an effort to find common ground or argue one’s case. The negotiation phase is the last phase of marital conflict, according to Gottman, and involves coming to an agreement about how the outstanding problem or issue might be resolved in a way that appeases both spouses. While informational, this conceptualization of marital conflict may be oversimplified by assuming that the couple in question is already traveling a more functional conflict path. Given the aforementioned nuances of marital conflict in general, many scholars began conducting research for the purposes of identifying conflict behaviors that could be deemed as predictors of divorce (Amato, 2000; Birditt et al., 2010; Chuan-Chuan & Tardy, 2010; Raush et al., 1974; Rodrigues et al., 2006). Most notably, Gottman (1994) presented what he believed to be the most pernicious conflict behaviors that lead to divorce and notoriously labeled them the “four horsemen of the apocalypse” (p. 110). The first destructive conflict behavior that Gottman presents is criticism. This behavior entails a constant barrage of negative feedback toward one’s spouse about their actions and behaviors. The second behavior is defensiveness. Defensiveness occurs when spouses attempt to defend themselves from what they perceive to be a personal attack for which they must immediately provide a counter-argument to fend off the perceived attack. Contempt is the third destructive conflict behavior and reveals itself when a spouse makes 289


 
 


 


 


  a statement or behaves in a way that attempts to put themselves on higher ground than their significant other. Contempt is often demonstrated in verbal forms of mockery and sarcasm. The final conflict behavior that Gottman argues to be a predictor of dissolution and divorce is stonewalling. Also referred to as withdrawal, stonewalling occurs when a spouse disengages or withdraws from a conversation. Stonewalling may involve the individual physically leaving the area or mentally shutting out their partner. In short, the spouse exhibiting this behavior has essentially given up on trying to resolve the issue or problem. Through his research, Gottman was thoroughly convinced that once any of these behaviors emerged in a marriage that the relationship was on the precipice of serious trouble. Guerrero, Anderson and Afifi (2014) state, “personal relationships are central to being human” (p. 1) Perhaps our innate motivation to expand ourselves articulated in self-expansion theory (Aron, Steele, Kashdan & Perez, 2006) espouses the claim that replacing destructive conflict behaviors with more positive behaviors may provide the most promising solutions to bolstering marital satisfaction and ultimately reducing dissolution and divorce among spouses in heterosexual relationships. Due to the nature of marriage that presupposes most of our time will be spent with our significant other, the communication process and interplay of competing messages that emerges becomes extremely intimate, exclusively relational and as Guerrero et al. contends, innately human. Scholarly consensus maintains that relational communication fits neatly under the umbrella of interpersonal communication and is fundamentally concerned with the production of messages between individuals in close relationships (Guerrero et al., 2014). Baxter and Braithwaite (2008) define interpersonal communication as “the production and processing of verbal and nonverbal messages between two or a few persons” (p. 6). Therefore, asking 290


 
 


 


 
  questions, observing and generating an analysis of conflict behaviors between spouses in


 
 

marriage is compulsory in discovering clues as to what type of relational communication is inimical to a relationship and how it can provoke divorce. This endeavor can capture interpersonal communication in its most organic and raw form. Using relational communication as a lens to study behaviors in marital conflict that may predict divorce has the power to illuminate the nuances and exigencies of why divorce is such a salient relational and interpersonal problem in twenty-first century America. Relational communication and the theories that constitute it are most germane to solving the pervasive problems of marital conflict, dissolution and divorce that prevailing research suggests still plagues society in this post-modern epoch. Theory Overview One theory that can begin to solve the problem of destructive conflict behaviors and provide a blueprint for positive relational maintenance strategies for marital couples is Equity Theory. First conceptualized by Walster, Walster and Berscheid (1978), Equity Theory principles have gained popularity in the past few decades, especially via their application to try and highlight pathologies in romantic relationships (DeMaris, 2010). Five pivotal principles of the theory are fundamental in comprehending and determining its use in the case of marital conflict behaviors. The first principle of equity theory states that individuals will always try to minimize their costs and maximize their rewards. Second, individuals will consciously create certain rules to promote a more fair distribution of resources. Third, individuals who treat others equitably will be rewarded while those who do not will be punished. Fourth, when individuals discover that they are participating in an inequitable relationship they will become distressed. The amount of distress experienced will be directly related to how inequitable the relationship is. 291


 


 


  Finally, individuals who believe that they are in an equitable relationship will be rewarded by increased relationship satisfaction characterized by more healthy conflict behaviors among other things (Guerrero et al., 2014; Walster et al., 1978). Guerrero et al. (2014) defines an equitable relationship as “one in which the ratios of benefits to contributions is the same for both partners” (p. 247). Benefits are considered to be the rewards we receive from the relationship whereas contributions are the costs that each individual incurs by their participation in it. In this respect, the construct of ratio becomes the focal point of equity within the relationship. Essentially, the actual amount of love or financial resources contributed by one partner need not be exactly matched by the other partner as long as the ratio between their inputs and outputs is perceived to be relatively equal. However, when the ratio of benefits to contributions is perceived to be unequal, individuals become either overbenefited or underbenefited in the relationship (Stafford, 2008). Adams (1965) is credited with inventing the assumption of distributive justice within relationships, which posits that rewards should be distributed based upon the effort the individual expends. Therefore, a spouse is seen as being overbenefited when he or she contributes less to the relationship, yet receives a greater amount of benefits from it. Logically, the underbenefited spouse contributes more to the relationship but receives far fewer benefits from it. Irrespective of whether a spouse perceives himself or herself to be overbenefited or underbenefited, one thing is certain, both spouses will experience at least some level of distress (DeMaris, 2010). For example, overbenefited partners might begin to have feelings of guilt or believe they are exploiting their spouse while underbenefited partners might experience anger and resentment that may become the impetus for destructive conflict behaviors. A sizable amount of interpersonal research has been conducted using equity theory as a prism into viewing and analyzing myriad romantic relationships and marriages in particular. 292


 
 


 


 


  Stafford and Canary (2006) investigated equity strategies in marriage and reported that husbands found the most satisfaction in equitable relationships while wives received satisfaction from both equitable and overbenefited relationships. Above all, satisfaction in marriage was found to be positively correlated with the level of perceived equity between spouses, followed by overbenefited satisfaction and then underbenefited satisfaction. Canary and Stafford (1992) also conducted a study in which they used equity theory to analyze how maintenance strategies were perceived and reported by spouses. Their findings were consistent with established equity theory principles and suggested that self-reported relational maintenance behaviors that were constructive in nature, as opposed to destructive, predicted marriages that were characterized by increased levels of liking and commitment. DeMaris (2010) conducted a twenty-year longitudinal study to better answer the question of whether equity truly mattered in marriages or if it was just a theoretical myth. The results of her complex investigation show how pervasive and important equity is in maintaining long-term relationships. DeMaris’ most impactful finding challenged previous research that claimed an awareness of inequity in the relationship was not an important factor in the longevity of marriages. The results of her study revealed that spouses are inherently keen to levels of equity in their relationships and consider the principles of equity more often than previously thought. It was also reported that women often felt more underbenefited in their marriages than men did which reinforces existing research. Further, and in response to those who claim that being underbenefited in a relationship has a more deleterious effect on women than men, DeMaris found that both spouses experience the same level of distress when they perceived themselves to be the underbenefited partner in the relationship. The extant research and copious findings that emerge when studying romantic relationships from an Equity Theory perspective fortifies the claim that equity is indeed a salient 293


 
 


 


 


  feature in marriages and has the capacity to promote more healthy maintenance strategies that can provide assistance in dealing with destructive marital behaviors that often blaze a trail to dissolution and divorce. Intervention Proposal A robust survey of the marital conflict literature elucidates how the processes and principles that constitute Equity Theory can directly address problems in marital conflict by seeking out the underlying inequities between spouses that may be acting as the catalyst for the destructive conflict behavior being employed. By pinpointing issues of contention within the marriage and ascertaining whether or not spouses feel they are receiving an adequate return on their investment, the possibility of offering acute assistance in repairing the issue before divorce becomes an option can significantly increase. As stated in the theory overview section, there are five overarching pillars of Equity Theory. In an effort to promote a more lucid understanding, the next few paragraphs will identify and explicate how these principles can be applied to the problem of destructive conflict behavior in marriages. Equity Theory’s first principle simply states that individuals are motivated to maximize their benefits and minimize their costs. A researcher might study the dyadic relationship in a marriage to look for patterns of behavior that blatantly show how one spouse is gaining more from the relationship while the other is overextending himself or herself. By taking this thematic approach to viewing conflict behavior in particular, the researcher may be able to predict areas and issues within the relationship that seem to be susceptible to, and responsible for, creating certain destructive conflict behaviors. For example, observing spouse 1 and 2 over several months in a counseling sense may expose where their conflict behavior of contempt may be 294


 
 


 


 


  coming from. Consider for a moment that spouse 1 constantly relies on spouse 2 to pick up the kids from school each day. One day, spouse 2 has plans with a friend and asks spouse 1 to grab the kids after school on this day. Spouse 1 has no plans but is hesitant in saying yes because he or she does not see picking up the kids as their job because it has never been a part of their normal routine. In this instance, it is evident that spouse 1 is rewarded with, and benefits more, than spouse 2 from the freedom granted by not being responsible for picking up the kids after school each day. Principle two of Equity Theory states that individuals create certain rules for distributing resources in a fair and balanced manner. When studying destructive conflict behaviors it may be beneficial to clarify whether or not a couple has predetermined rules for certain aspects of their relationship or if they have fallen by the wayside due to the longevity of the marriage or other factors. Essentially, ascertaining the rules that are important to each spouse and articulating them with more clarity may help to address the destructive conflict behaviors that the couple may be experiencing. Principle three of Equity Theory is critical to a complete understanding of conflict behavior. This principle states that individuals bestow rewards upon those who threat them equitably and punish those who fail to do so. By identifying instances of underbenefitting and overbenefitting among spouses, counselors and the like can be more effective in diagnosing inequitable situations that appear to lead to punishment vis-à-vis certain conflict behaviors such as defensiveness or criticism. Equity Theory’s fourth principle asserts that the greater inequity experienced in a relationship, the greater the distress experienced. This, in turn, increases the motivation to restore equity in order to decrease distress. Using this principle to study marital conflict behavior can 295


 
 


 


 
  provide insight into the more general causes of contention within the relationship that are


 
 

producing the destructive behaviors. This approach may also be beneficial in constructing a plan for reaching an optimum level of equity that will reduce the same type of issue from resurfacing in the future. This presents yet another opportunity to think about conflict behavior causes, their escalation and how to avoid similar issues that are inescapable in all relationships. Finally, Equity Theory’s fifth principle states that when a relationship is equitable the individuals within the relationship will experience more satisfaction and, most importantly, begin using more prosocial or constructive conflict behaviors. Once again, by detecting inequities within relationships and repairing them accordingly, couples can learn to replace their destructive conflicts behaviors with constructive behaviors that can lead to more relational satisfaction and, hopefully, a decline in overall dissolution and divorce. The opportunities afforded by applying Equity Theory to better understand and offer solutions in instances of marital conflict behaviors are sweeping. The limits of the theory in examining this phenomenon exist only in the application itself. The intervention offered in the next few paragraphs might prove to be helpful in obviating the advent of conflict behaviors before they escalate, directly alleviating their pernicious effects on marital dissolution and divorce. The Prevention and Relationship Enhancement Program (PREP) is a preventative marital education program that was created in order to train couples on effective communication skills before entering into marriage. Subsequent longitudinal studies on PREP’s effectiveness have reported that couples who have participated in the program have more advanced communication skills, greater relationship satisfaction, exhibit lower negative communication and engage in less physical violence with their spouses (Renick et al., 1992). While I strongly believe that all 296


 


 


  couples that are planning on getting married should enroll in this twelve-step program, reality dictates that the majority of people will not. However, this does not mean that a program similar to PREP, albeit a more reactive than preventative approach, for spouses already in a marriage, cannot produce the same favorable results. Therefore, I propose a 5-step program for couples that are currently in a marriage and experiencing conflict. Step one of the program would consist of an overview and introduction to what the couple can expect to tackle during the length of the one-day course. Each couple would be assigned a counselor for the duration of the day. The counselor would explain the dyad-focused nature of the program and provide all the relevant research findings about marital conflict and equity that will undergird the purpose of completing the program. Gender, cultural considerations and the five principles of Equity Theory would be presented and explained to set a solid foundation for the remainder of the program. Step two is where the real work would begin. The counselor becomes a pseudo mediator in this step and instructs the couple to sit directly across from each other and begin to recall conflict episodes. Once a single conflict episode can be agreed upon, the couple is instructed to work backwards in order to locate what they believe to be the specific cause of the particular conflict episode. The key to this step is having the couple use the principles of Equity Theory covered in step one to try and identify the cause of conflict in the context of who may have been overbenefited and underbenefited during the episode as well as considering the reward to cost ratio of the particular conflict episode. The counselor may interject, when appropriate, to keep the couple focused on using the principles of Equity Theory to discover valid causes. Step three would consist of an in-depth and genuine discussion about the cause of the particular conflict episode discussed in step two. The counselor would then instruct the couple to 297


 
 


 


 


  work forward and describe the destructive conflict behaviors that each spouse has exhibited in response to the cause of the conflict in the past. The purpose of this step is to admit to and expose the destructive behaviors. Step four involves taking any established destructive conflict behaviors (criticism, defensiveness, contempt and withdrawal, etc.) admitted in step three and learning to replace them with constructive conflict behaviors (encouragement, calm discussion, openness, routine talk and assurances) (Guerrero et al., 2014). The purpose of this step is to learn prosocial and constructive conflict behavior and partake in counselor directed scenarios where newly gleaned constructive behaviors and strategies could be practiced. The fifth and final step would be intended for reviewing what has transpired in the program with a focus on encouraging the couple to begin verbalizing perceived inequities in their marriage so as to minimize the amount of conflict episodes moving forward. Further, this step would review the constructive conflict behaviors discussed in step four. Finally, the purpose of this step would be to field any remaining questions or concerns the couple may have, ultimately leaving them with a renewed sense of hope and inspiration that they can make their relationship more satisfying and happier by altering the way they create and manage conflict episodes. Methods Participants The marital conflict assistance program proposed in the previous section would be most appropriate for individuals who are currently experiencing any level of distress from marital conflict. There is little argument to be made for seeking help once a couple has already reached a Rubicon in their relationship. Qualified participants will be married, exhibit a shared willingness to work on their marriage and be open to learning the skills compulsory in building a stronger 298


 
 


 


 


  relationship for the future. Although most of the research on marital conflict that would be used in the program has involved heterosexual samples, same-sex couples would not be excluded from participating in the program but would be briefed on the paucity of research in the area. Participants would not be recruited for the program in the traditional sense. Instead, qualified participants would be referred or recommended to partake in the program by their therapist, doctor, family member, friend, colleague, etc. The one-on-one, intimate nature of the program would always consist of three people total: the couple and the counselor. Risks & Benefits Every program presents certain risks and benefits with an unfeigned hope that the benefits of participating in the program greatly outweigh the risks involved. The risks of participating in a marital conflict program such as the one presented here would be the possibility that the program simply does not solve the problem that a given couple might be suffering from. The old adage that you can lead a horse to the water but cannot make it drink is apropos in this situation. Only the skills to engage in more constructive conflict behavior can be taught, the onus is on the couple whether or not they chose to enact them. Moreover, it is feasible that if both partners are not dually committed to participating in the program, or one partner is pressuring the other to do so, this might have an adverse effect and result in further distress and dissolution within the relationship. Furthermore, there is an inherent emotional risk of taking part in a program of this nature. Feelings of shame, embarrassment, blame, responsibility and vulnerability can be foregrounded when exposing and dissecting destructive conflict situations and behaviors. However, if a couple is truly motivated to stay together and work on their marriage, these risks may be mere drops in the expansive sea of future benefits and opportunities. 299


 
 


 


 
 


 
  The benefits of participating in this proposed marital conflict program could include

increased equity in relationships, which Canary and Stafford (1992) have previously found to promote elevated levels of liking and commitment in relationships. Increasing equity in the relationship can also increase the satisfaction and happiness that a couple experiences, which can lead to a more fulfilling and enjoyable life (Stafford & Canary, 2006). Participants may also benefit from greater positive communication skills with less escalation and intensity of conflict within their marriage (DeMaris, 2010). Depending on the couple, alleviating marital conflict problems may have benefits beyond the marriage and manifest itself into more productive work habits and healthier relationships with friends and family (Kitson, 2006). Only the barriers that couples themselves erect limit the potential benefits afforded by solving problems associated with destructive conflict behavior. Program Limitation It is important to note that the program proposed in this paper assumes that there is some level of inequity in the marriage that is responsible for creating conflict episodes in which the distressed couple employs their destructive behaviors. It is conceivable that the cause of a conflict episode could be something other than a form of inequity. However, the program would still prove useful in assisting the couple in utilizing more constructive behaviors in their conflict episodes. Projected Implications If the success of PREP and countless other marital education programs (Dion, 2005) is any indication, there is ample reason to believe that a marital conflict assistance program like the one proposed in this paper can be equally as effective if structured properly and tweaked accordingly. By using Equity Theory to scrupulously analyze the dynamics of marital 300


 


 


  relationships and the conflict behavior that arises within them, two important and invaluable lessons may be learned. First, in a theoretical vein, matching the five principles of Equity Theory with actual conflict behavior in marriages has the power to further test the veracity of these principles in a more postmodern environment that couples now live in. Further, discovering the causes of conflict behavior may provide an opportunity for equity scholars to glean new insights and principles about how inequity can yield malignant effects on marital satisfaction and durable unions. The second and most important practical implication is that instituting a marital conflict assistance program has the potential to solve the problem of destructive conflict behaviors in marriage that many prominent scholars believe to be the most salient predictors of dissolution and divorce (Birditt, 2010; Gottman, 1994; Rodrigues et al., 2006). A program like the one proposed can fundamentally change the way couples view their conflict and, subsequently, alter the ways in which they manage conflict episodes moving forward. Further, completing the program might afford the tools necessary for couples to consciously identify and address instances of inequity in their marriage and begin to work towards bridging that gap. By working with couples to discover the causes of their conflict issues, and then teaching them how to react with more constructive behaviors, a program like the one suggested has the potential to save marriages that may be on a downward spiral towards divorce. As previously mentioned, the benefits of such a program are limitless and exponentially offset any assumed potential risks that may be present. The practical implications of a well-structured and successful program can extend far beyond the potential benefits listed here. As the institution of marriage begins its evolution into its new twenty-first century framework, the onus is on relationship scholars, and the like, to continue to build on the 301


 
 


 


 


  successes of marital education programs like PREP. The implementation of such programs will help assuage marital distress and buttress healthy relational communication practices that may offer the greatest hope in curtailing the high rates of dissolution and divorce in America.


 
 


 

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Messman, S. J., Canary, D. J., & Hause, K. S. (2000). Motives to remain platonic, equity, and the use of maintenance strategies in opposite-sex friendships. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 17, 67-94. doi: 10.1177/0265407500171004 Oswald, D. L., Clark, E. M., & Kelly, C. M. (2004). Friendship maintenance: An analysis of individual and dyad behaviors. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 23, 413 – 441. doi: 10.1521/jscp.23.3.413.35460 Raush, H. L., Barry, W. A., Hertel, R. K., & Swain, M. A. (1974). Communication, conflict, and marriage (1st ed.). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Renick, M. J., Blumberg, S. L., & Markman, H. J. (1992). The prevention and relationship enhancement therapy program (PREP): An empirically based preventative intervention program for couples. Family Relations, 41 (2), 141-147. Rodrigues, A. E., Hall, J. H., Fincham, F. D. (2006) What predicts divorce and relationship dissolution? In Fine, M., & Harvey, J. (Eds.) (2005). Handbook of divorce and relationship dissolution. Mahwah, NJ: Sage. Stafford, L. (2008). Social exchange theories. In L. A. Baxter & Braithwaite (Eds.), Engaging theories in interpersonal communication: Multiple perspectives (pp. 377-389). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Stafford, L., & Canary, D. J. (2006). Equity and interdependence and predictors of relational maintenance strategies. Journal of Family Communication, 6(4), 227-254. Walster, E., Walster, G. W., 1941, & Berscheid, E., 1936. (1978). Equity: theory and research. Allyn and Bacon. 305


 


 


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  Term Paper (COM 794)


 
 

Public Figures and Their Right to Privacy David Raanan University of Nevada, Las Vegas


 

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  Abstract The world is becoming a more connected community, transcending time, space and language. One salient consequence of such ubiquitous integration manifests in a decline of privacy for private citizens and, more seriously, for public figures and celebrities. Scholars contend that while celebrities in the twenty-first century reap exponential profits from their stardom, they are also subjected to the most severe loss of privacy amongst any group (Alach, 2008; Byrd, 2013; Callinan, 2007; Gorman, 2004; Nordhaus, 1999; McDonald, 2006; Seiter, 2010; Welkowitz & Ochoa, 2010). Throughout the past few decades there have been myriad cases with regard to rights of privacy and publicity for celebrities, however, a majority of these court rulings have favored everyone except the celebrities themselves. Some scholars argue that the first amendment right of free speech and press has superseded a celebrity’s right to privacy (Byrd, 2013; McDonald, 2006). With this argument in mind, this paper will draw upon the extant literature to investigate the scope of current privacy laws for celebrities and whether such provisions are effective or have become obsolete. Section one will provide a historical context and background on the origin and evolution of privacy law. Section two will explicate the difference between a celebrity’s right to privacy and his or her right to publicity. Section three will investigate the important role that paparazzi and media play in the world of celebrities and their privacy rights. Finally, section four will attempt to provide suggestions as to how privacy laws for celebrities can be strengthened while, at the same time, protecting the first amendment rights of all citizens. Keywords: privacy, public figures, celebrity, first amendment, paparazzi
 


 
 

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  One can argue that no other epoch in the history of humanity has been as technologically advanced and connected as the era we currently occupy. Cell phones, tablets, social media, the Internet and a twenty-four hour news cycle feed a world that is always on and in constant consumption. Naturally, these advances in technology have resulted in more interconnected communities transcending time, space and language. One salient consequence of such ubiquitous connectedness manifests in the decline of privacy for private citizens and, more severely, public figures or celebrities. Countless scholars contend that while celebrities in the twenty-first century reap exponential profits from their stardom, they are also subjected to the most severe loss of privacy amongst any group (Alach, 2008; Byrd, 2013; Callinan, 2007; Gorman, 2004; Nordhaus, 1999; McDonald, 2006; Seiter, 2010; Welkowitz & Ochoa, 2010). Throughout the past few decades there have been myriad cases with regard to rights of privacy and publicity for celebrities. To their dismay, the majority of court case results have favored everyone except the celebrities themselves. Some scholars argue that the first amendment right of free speech and press has superseded a celebrity’s right to privacy (Byrd, 2013; McDonald, 2006). This paper will draw upon the extant literature to investigate the scope of current privacy laws for celebrities and whether such provisions are effective or functionally obsolete. Section one will provide a historical context and background on the origin and evolution of privacy law. Section two will explicate the difference between a celebrity’s right to privacy and their right to publicity. Section three will investigate the important role that paparazzi and media play in the world of celebrity privacy. Finally, section four will attempt to make suggestions about how privacy laws for celebrities can be strengthened while at the same time protecting the first amendment rights of all citizens.


 
 


 

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  The History of Privacy
 


 
 

Byrd (1988) contends that the earliest articulation of privacy law can be discovered in an 1890 article written by Samuel Warren and Louis Brandeis for the Harvard Law Review. Within the article, the authors emphasized what they believed to be an imbalance between privacy and the press, subsequently coining the now famous phrase that the right to privacy is nothing more than “the right to be let alone” (as cited in Nordhaus, 1999, p. 287). While Warren and Brandeis make explicit mention of the concept of privacy in their article, the United States Constitution does not explicitly introduce a right to privacy for citizens. However, privacy rights were created by an amalgamation of the Third Amendment (no quartering soldiers without consent), Fourth Amendment (no unreasonable searches and seizures), Fifth Amendment (protection against selfincrimination) and the Ninth Amendment (creating a space for rights not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution) (Callinan, 2007). Perhaps the most important amendment that operates to protect privacy rights is the First Amendment. To whit: protect[ing] citizens from being forced to declare or express an abhorrent belief–whether by being required to salute the nation’s flag or to display a state’s motto on one’s license plate…. [T]he sanctity of one’s innermost thoughts remains beyond government compulsion. The First Amendment also implies a freedom of association… [which] permits us to withhold from government not only how we vote, but also to what organizations we belong and contribute (as cited in Alach, 2008, p. 208). While the First Amendment provides some protection of privacy to individuals, case law involving a dispute between the right to privacy and the and individual’s First Amendment rights usually fall on the side of the First Amendment, according to Alach (2008).


 

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  Building upon the First Amendment’s protection of privacy and the indefatigable effort by Warren and Brandeis to establish some semblance of privacy law, the right of privacy has drastically evolved since the 1890s in protecting citizens and celebrities from four predominant incursions. The first right of privacy protects against “intrusion into solitude” (Byrd, 1988, p. 97). Essentially, an intrusion occurs when a person’s private affairs are disturbed unwillingly. Eavesdropping is often cited as an example of an intrusion into an individual’s private affairs. The second privacy protection is “public disclosure of private facts” (Byrd, p. 97). In essence, this protection affords the individual the right to keep certain aspects of their life secret when such details are not considered to be of interest to the general public. “Depiction in a false light” (Byrd, p. 98) is the third privacy protection and aims to prevent claims that an individual endorses something when, in fact, they hold no such conviction. The fourth and most common privacy protection is called appropriation. This entails the exploitation of an individual’s likeness or name without their consent, often benefitting the appropriating party in some way. In theory, the aforementioned rights of privacy are to be applied to both private and public figures, however, and as Nordhaus (1999) opines, the reality exists that public figures have an exponentially more difficult time successfully proving invasions of privacy than that of a private citizen. Consensus among constitutional scholars as to what this predicament can be explicated by three rationales. First is the notion that public figures have sought the limelight and, therefore, willingly traded in their private lives for fame and the possibility of financial reward associated with celebrity. Second, once the limelight is sought, all affairs become public business. Lastly, it is the constitutional right of the press to inform citizens about matters of public interest. While public figures would disagree with the rationales presented forthwith, these principles have become justifications as to why public figures do not receive the same privacy protections


 
 


 

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  afforded to private citizens. What constitutes public interest you may ask? In Ali v. Playgirl (Seiter, 2010), a New York court ruled that newsworthiness is to be the standard of public interest. Subsequently, the 1975 case of Virgil v. Time, Inc. set the standard for newsworthiness: In determining what is a matter of legitimate public interest, account must be taken of customs and conventions of the community; and in the last analysis what is proper becomes a matter of community mores. The line is to be drawn when the publicity ceases to be the giving of information to which the public is entitled, and becomes a morbid and sensational prying into private lives for its own sake, with which a reasonable member of the public, with decent standards, would say that he had no concern (as cited in Byrd, 1988, p. 99). By the broad and ambiguous standards set for public interest and newsworthiness, it may become evident as to the steep challenges public figures have faced and continue to encounter in successfully arguing an invasion of privacy matter in the court of law. What is more, there are three dominant defenses that a defendant may employ to protect oneself from incurring any liability resulting from invading a public figure’s privacy (Spiegel, 1953). The first defense is, of course, the First Amendment. Any matters regarded as informational, educational, newsworthy and of the public interest will always be protected by the First Amendment’s freedom of speech and press clause. As stated above, this can make disproving newsworthiness a tall order for a public figure. The second defense that a violator may invoke is that of truth. The defendant can claim that the public figure has given them the right to use their work and therefore warrants the defendant to broadcast an association between the public figure and their work. Finally, a defense of incidental use may be invoked to avoid being prosecuted for invasion of privacy infractions. Two defenses exist within incidental use: de minimis use and the use of likeness


 
 


 

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  (Byrd, 1988). A defense of de minimis is invoked when the use of a public figure’s name,
 


 
 

likeness or image is argued to be of little importance. For example, in the 1983 case of Delan v. CBS, Inc., the court ruled that “a four second appearance of the plaintiff, a mental patient, and the use of the plaintiff’s first name in a sixty minute television documentary about the deinstitutionalization of mental patients was too fleeting and incidental to be actionable” (Byrd, 1988, p. 114). In juxtaposition, the likeness defense of incidental use can be invoked when a public figure’s name, likeness and image are used in the advertisement of specific content that had been previously protected by the First Amendment. In other words, the defendant may claim that the use is incidental because other media had already promulgated the information. Byrd (1988) cites Namath v. Sports Illustrated to exemplify such a defense. In Namath v. Sports Illustrated, national football star Joe Namath brought an action against Sports Illustrated after the magazine used an image of Namath to boost sales of their magazine subscriptions. However, the image in question had been used in a prior issue of Sports Illustrated covering the athlete’s newsworthy accomplishments on the field. Ultimately, the court ruled that no privacy invasion had occurred and that a public figure’s name and image can be used in an effort to establish “news content and quality” (Byrd, 1988, p. 115). Privacy law is in constant flux due to how innovation in technology has created new and complex issues that have an enormous effect on public figures and their privacy. It is also important to note that privacy laws can vary significantly from State to State. What a Tennessee State Court may hold as not being an invasion of privacy, a California or New York State Court may rule as an infraction punishable by law. In this respect, privacy law’s future is destined to be as convoluted as its past.


 

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  The Right to Publicity
 


 
 

According to Gorman (2004), “official recognition of the common law right of publicity emerged in 1953 when the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit held that famous persons have the right to protection against unauthorized use of their name and likeness existing independently from the right of privacy” (p. 1259). This recognition was established in Haelan Laboratories, Inc. v. Topps Chewing Gum, Inc. In this landmark case, a chewing gum company entered into a contract with a famous baseball player in order to obtain the rights to use the player’s image to aid in the advertisement of their gum. A competing manufacturer was discovered to have utilized the same image while promoting their own brand and claimed that the original contract between the baseball player and the manufacturer only precluded the player from suing the manufacturer for a breach of contract and not a separate third party. In a majority opinion, the Court ruled that the baseball player had “a right in the publicity value of his photograph, i.e., the right to grant exclusive privilege of publishing his picture” (Gorman, 2004, p.1259). The Court’s ruling in Haelan Laboratories, Inc. v. Topps Chewing Gum, Inc. set the foundation upon which today’s right to publicity laws are erected. These explicit statutes now exist in twenty-eight states (Gorman, 2004) with countless other states recognizing the right to publicity within their own common law statutes. Protections vis-à-vis publicity now blanket a multiplicity of personal distinctions such as voice, phrases, likeness and names. The right to publicity has even expanded to include “electronic look-alikes” (Gorman, p. 1260) used in video games, casino slot machines, etc.


 

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  Clearly, the Courts have begun to view public figures as commodities that require protection from exploitation, just as any other commodity currently bought or sold might be shielded from unlawful suitors. The historical evolution leading up to the right to privacy and publicity that public figures have today has become increasingly obfuscated by the role that such unlawful suitors [paparazzi] play in the high risk, high reward world of capturing celebrity content for public entertainment and consumption. Paparazzi, Public Figures and Privacy The advent of celebrity blogs, magazines and entire newscasts such as TMZ, Access Hollywood and Entertainment Tonight have fueled public interest in celebrity culture to a level unlike any experienced before. The paparazzi themselves will argue that they are merely journalists, while critics contend that they are nothing more than content vultures. Further, Sattler (2010) opines that the paparazzi and their “hazardous” and “invasive” practices put both celebrities and the general public at severe risks (p. 403). Perhaps to the surprise of newly minted individuals of fame, the paparazzi were once a respected and welcomed group of photographers who captured celebrities while adhering to strict rules of professionalism and politeness (Warnken, 1986). Gone today are such rules and all that remains are the gargantuan payouts received for capturing a photo of a celebrity in a less than flattering situation, or what a paparazzo may call, the “money shot” (Seiter, 2010, p. 17). Alach (2008) likens aggressive paparazzi to deadly hunters looking to shoot big game on an African safari excursion. Perhaps the author’s analogy is not as far removed from reality as first conceived when surveying the enumerable case law that has resulted from the clash between celebrities and the paparazzi. The steadily rising number of altercations between the two groups
 


 
 


 

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  further espouses the claim that paparazzi will do whatever it takes to get their shot. In 2002, for example, a paparazzo captured photos of Jennifer Aniston bathing topless in her backyard. The photographer admitted to climbing an eight-foot wall in order to snap the pictures. Further, former Governor of California Arnold Schwarzenegger’s car was boxed in by the paparazzi as he waited to pick up his child from school. Celebrities and the general public would agree that these types of aggressive tactics by the paparazzi could put everyone at risk for harm. Perhaps one of the most infamous paparazzi incidents to date is the death of Princess Diana in 1997. It took the death of a global icon to foment a drastic change in how privacy laws operated in Europe. “The public outcry prompted England’s Prime Minister, Tony Blair, to pass enabling legislation…to expand privacy law to combat the intrusive techniques of the paparazzi” (Alach, 2008, p. 219). While Diana’s death was mourned around the world, paparazzi continued to chase celebrities such as Lindsay Lohan, intentionally crashing their car into hers in order to capture her photo (Alach). What is more, starlit Scarlett Johansson was pursued by a fleet of paparazzi at Disneyland, which resulted in her crashing into another car while trying to evade them, nearly missing a crowd of tourists. With respect to the public nuisance charge that paparazzi have become subjugated for, Sattler (2010) references the traffic headaches caused by paparazzi accidents as well as how the photographers consistently block entrances to many important places like hospitals and courts, creating a hazardous environment for everyone. Additionally, Sattler reports that many storeowners have had to file restraining orders due to the high rate of paparazzi entering their stores to photograph a celebrity shopping. Further, and perhaps due to the paucity of protection offered to them, celebrities have begun to take matters into their own hands. Recently, rapper Kanye West grabbed a paparazzo’s camera and smashed it into the ground after repeatedly asking the photographer to stop taking pictures of him as he entered a


 
 


 

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  Los Angeles airport. Actor Sean Penn reportedly kicked a paparazzo that was taking his picture while he was taking a walk in his California neighborhood. Musical artist Lady Gaga has gone as far as to reference the chilling tactics of modern day paparazzi in her song entitled “Paparazzi” (Sattler, p. 406). Perhaps the lesson that can be gleaned from these recent altercations is that more must be done to protect not only the celebrities, but also the general public and the paparazzi themselves from practices that have the potential to produce dangerous outcomes. One important step in the right direction was taken by the State of California in 1998 in response to the death of Princess Diana. California passed Civil Code section 1708.8 also known as the Anti-Paparazzi statute (Alach, 2008, p. 210). The statute delineated between two types of privacy invasions: physical and constructive invasions. Physical invasions of privacy constitute trespassing on an individual’s private property intending to capture photographs of a celebrity partaking in personal activities. What is particularly important about the physical invasion clause in the statute is how the law invokes the violation by analyzing the subject and context of the photo itself. This creates a far more robust privacy bubble for celebrities. The second type of privacy invasion explicated in the Anti-Paparazzi statute is constructive invasion of privacy and aims to compound liabilities for potential violators. Essentially, a constructive invasion of privacy provides that an individual does not have to physically trespass on another’s property to be found guilty of invasion. Instead, the law asserts that attempting to capture photos, video and/or audio of another person who is engaging in private matters and who has a “reasonable expectation of privacy” (Alach, p. 211) meets the threshold for prosecution. While California’s anti-paparazzi legislation raised the bar in terms of protecting the privacy of public figures on paper, it did little to obviate the paparazzi from partaking in their unlawful behaviors. In response to the its lack of effectiveness, California amended the Anti-


 
 


 

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  Paparazzi statute in 2010, and began holding the media accountable for purchasing any
 


 
 

photographs from the paparazzi that may have been obtained in violation of the privacy statute. The purpose of the amendment was to extend accountability to the establishments who pay top dollar to paparazzi for their photographs. These companies directly enable paparazzi to break the law and then reward them with a handsome payoff when they do. By holding the media liable, the amendment aimed to curb illegal practices starting from the top down. What is more, the California legislature added a second amendment to the Anti-Paparazzi statute at the end of 2010 that expanded the scope of behaviors that violate the original statute. Most notably, and in response to reports about the dangerous traffic practices by the paparazzi, the second amendment added a California Vehicle Code provision that expressly stated a code of conduct on the roads that if violated would result in monetary fines and imprisonment (Sattler, 2010, p. 414). It seems that state legislators, particularly in California and New York where a large number of pubic figures reside, have begun to take a more preemptive and steely approach to circumscribing dangerous paparazzi behavior while buttressing the privacy of public figures. Much progress has been made, however, some scholars maintain that more must be done in an effort to truly protect public figures, and therefore all citizens, from privacy infringements (Alach, 2008; Nordhaus, 1999; Sattler, 2010). Privacy Law Future Directions Innovations and advanced technological breakthroughs are constantly reshaping the landscape of the world by the minute which begets the question, shouldn’t privacy law be evolving to keep up with technology and the times? It seems scholars would reply with a resounding yes, arguing that with the advent of powerful sniper cameras, new laws must be created to prevent their abuse. 324


 


 
  legislation that would be most effective in combating what she refers to as the “paparazzi plague” (p. 403). The author contends that States who deal with paparazzi related issues should create paparazzi-free zones or “celebrity buffer zones” (Sattler, p. 415). The overarching purpose of such zones would be to create a divide between aggressive photographers and their celebrity targets. Sattler expounds: The paparazzi-free zone is a content neutral proposition that aims to place appropriate restrictions on the taking of commercial photography around certain sensitive locations. Due to the unscrupulous attire of the paparazzi, this is precisely the type of legislation California should add to bolster its current common and statutory scheme as it seeks to eliminate the paparazzi problem (p. 415). The author adds to her proposal by referencing a motion passed in a Los Angeles court in 2008 that advocated for a “personal safety zone” (p. 415) for public figures. In other words, paparazzi would be required by law to not invade the personal space, a certain number of feet around a celebrity, when photographing them. Assuming opprobrium from critics about the constitutionality of a paparazzi-free zone, Sattler (2010) attempts to articulate why such proposed zones would not infringe upon the first amendment rights of citizens. The author lists three reasons that she believes would survive constitutional muster. Accordingly to Sattler (2010), the first argument why a paparazzi-free zone is constitutional is because it is a content neutral law. Essentially, such a zone would be respected equally by all press and would have nothing to do with the content that a paparazzo is trying to capture. Further, “as long as the government does not seek to regulate or control the content of speech because the government disagrees with the message relayed, a restriction on speech is
  Sattler (2010) has studied and understands the dynamic privacy issue and proposes


 
 


 

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  content natural,” states Sattler (2010, p. 417). Second, the creation of a paparazzi-free zone is specifically constructed to adhere to an important government interest. Sattler argues the claim that public safety and uninhibited access to hospitals and emergency care facilities, among other things, constitute an important government interest and therefore espouse the constitutionality of the legislation. Additionally, the author claims that modern cameras and video recorders are able to capture objects at farther distances than ever before, silencing any detractors that may argue such legislation will pose limitations to successfully performing their job. The author insists that a few feet of distance between the celebrity and photographer will have no deleterious effects on how paparazzi operate and function. Finally, Sattler contends that paparazzi-free zones would be constitutional because they satisfy the requirement “that a law leave open ample alternative channels of communication” (p. 420). For example, paparazzi would still be able to heckle, protest, shout and ask celebrities questions, all the while respecting their personal space from a few feet away. Sattler’s (2010) proposal of a paparazzi-free zone is only one of many that have emerged in response to altercations between public figures and the paparazzi in the past decade. Alach (2008) offers a few suggestions to existing privacy statutes that can aid in the further protection of public figures and the general public. First and foremost, the author asserts that the current definition of newsworthiness used to convict or exonerate individuals needs to be narrowed to “exclude the daily lives of celebrities” (Alach, p. 227). In doing so, defendants would not be able to hide behind a defense that allows them to invade the privacy of public figures without any reproach. Further, Alach affirms the arguments of other scholars who maintain that enforcing stricter rules on companies and media who purchase the content illegally obtained from paparazzi would allay the problem by targeting the source directly and forcefully.


 
 


 

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  law can be amended to better protect public figures and the general public alike. In 1973, Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis successfully brought a suit against Ron Galella claiming that the photographer had invaded her privacy by taking photos and video of her family while not in public locations. Eventually, the Court ruled that Galella stay at a distance of 30 feet from Onassis and members of her family. Much like the anti-paparazzi zone legislation championed by Sattler (2010), Nordhaus believes the Galella v. Onassis to be the most potent solution to protecting the interests of public figures in the twenty-first century. Nordhaus explicates three parts of the case that should form the foundation for prosecuting invasions of privacy in today’s epoch. First, the author implores that Courts should take into account the level of public interest in the content that many paparazzi seek to capture. In essence, the question must be posed of whether or not a photo of Lady Gaga embracing her boyfriend in the backyard of their private residence is something that is compulsory in the well being of the general public? Second, Nordhaus proclaims that courts must sincerely contemplate an individual’s right to be left alone. In terms of Galella v. Onassis, “Galella had become a cumbersome intrusion into the life of Ms. Onassis and her children. His constant presence and aggressive techniques interfered with the family’s daily activities and at times even endangered them,” reports Nordhaus (p. 310). Third, the author contends that courts should take into consideration what future action may occur in response to their inaction to protect the public figure. For instance, Galella was forthright about his intentions to pursue Onassis barring the injunction that was eventually ordered against him. While the various ideas of legislation that Nordhaus (1999) and others suggest do not obviate the paparazzi from taking pictures, their proposed solutions do aid in allowing public figures to have a miniscule experience of a private life.
  Nordhaus (1999) uses the notorious Galella v. Onassis ruling to argue how future privacy


 
 


 

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  Conclusion
 


 
 

In a world where celebrities are heralded as kings who live an unworldly life that the masses can only dream of, it can become increasingly difficult to understand or even care about extending their rights to anything else, let alone privacy. However, America has become a superpower in the world not because of its wealth or military might, but because of its democratic ideals. It is these ideals, bound together in the constitution, that allow for the wealth and power that Americans luxuriate in today. Therefore, every citizen, no matter their color, creed, wealth or fame deserves their privacy as afforded by the myriad laws currently in place. To deny anyone their common rights as an American citizen, public or private figures aside, is to stand in opposition to the fairness and equality that America has come to symbolize around the world. In coda, privacy laws must continually be reappraised for their efficacy, because when all is said and done, protecting the privacy rights of public figures is essential to protecting the privacy rights of all Americans.


 

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  References Alach, P. J. (2008). Paparazzi and privacy. Loyola of Los Angeles Entertainment Law Review, 28(3), 205. Brian Lowry. (2013). Taking a shot at paparazzi. Variety, 320(17), 21. Byrd, L. L. (1988). Privacy rights of entertainers and celebrities: A need for change. Entertainment & Sports Law Journal, 5(1-2), 95. Callinan, I. D. F. (2007). Privacy, confidence, celebrity and spectacle. Oxford University Commonwealth Law Journal, 7(1), 1. Gorman, C. E. (2004). Publicity and privacy rights: Evening out the playing field for celebrities and private citizens in the modern game of mass media. DePaul Law Review, 53(3), 1247. Kemp, R. & Moore, A. D. (2007). Privacy. Library Hi Tech, 25(1), 58-78. doi:10.1108/07378830710735867 Nordhaus, J. E. (1999). Celebrities' rights to privacy: How far should the paparazzi be allowed to go? The Review of Litigation, 18(2), 285. McDonald, B. (2006). Privacy, princesses, and paparazzi (international and comparative perspectives on defamation, free speech, and privacy). New York Law School Law Review, 50(1), 205. Money shot: Should there be stricter laws to police paparazzi? (2009). Current Events, a Weekly Reader Publication, 108(20), 7. Roiphe, R. (1999). Anti-paparazzi legislation (personal privacy protection act). Harvard Journal on Legislation, 36(1), 250. Sattler, T. (2010). Plagued by the paparazzi: How California should sharpen the focus on its notso-picture perfect paparazzi laws. Southwestern Law Review, 40(2), 403.
 


 
 


 

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  Seiter, W. J. (2010). A celebrity’s map to rights of privacy, publicity, and trademark in the United States. IP Litigator, 16(6), 14. Spiegel, I. O. (1956). Public celebrity v. scandal magazine - the celebrity's right to privacy. Southern California Law Review, 30, 280. Tratos, M. G., & Weizenecker, S. (2007). Dead celebrity wars. The Entertainment and Sports Lawyer, 25(2), 1. Ware, H. E. (1997). Celebrity privacy rights and free speech: Recalibrating tort remedies for "outed" celebrities. Harvard Civil Rights - Civil Liberties Law Review, 32(2), 449. Warnken, K. (1986). Celebrities fight back. ABA Journal, 72, 142. Welkowitz, D. S., & Ochoa, T. T. (2010). Celebrity rights: Rights of publicity and related rights in the United States and abroad. Carolina Academic Press.


 
 


 

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  COMMUNICATION BETWEEN THE SEXES (COM 607) Syllabus
 


 
 


 

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  Term Paper (COM 607)
 


 
 

Gender Inequality in the Feminized Field of Public Relations David Raanan University of Nevada, Las Vegas


 

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  Abstract Initially a male driven field, the public relations profession has become dominated by female practitioners since its inception as a legitimate occupation in the 1940s. Aldoory and Toth (2002) report that woman constitute nearly 70% of public relations professionals. However, many scholars caution against assuming that high inclusion of women begets egalitarianism in the broader public relations field. In fact, a survey of the extant literature suggests quite the opposite. The purpose of this paper is multipronged. First, I will draw upon the available scholarship on gender and public relations to explicate the salient issues being faced in the profession as well as review a few of the most predominant inequities being experienced by female practitioners. Second, I will discuss areas of the research in which additional depth and investigation may prove beneficial for a more lucid understanding of the gender inequity problem in public relations. Finally, I will propose a method of study as a springboard for future research with regard to promoting egalitarianism in the public relations profession. Keywords: gender, public relations, inequality
 


 
 


 

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  In the current epoch, the artful practice of public relations can be discovered in almost every organization that wishes to maintain an amicable relationship and rosy reputation in the hearts and minds of the general public. For example, you will see the work of public relations practitioners in diverse fields such as the military, educational institutions, government offices, corporations and a multiplicity of nonprofit organizations (Horsley, 2009). Although public relations has become a mainstream and popular profession, the practice itself is still relatively young in comparison to other occupations. Horsley (2009) explains that the public relations profession began sometime in the early 1940s, growing and maturing exponentially up until the 1970s which was marked by the establishment of the Public Relations Society of America. Initially a male driven field, public relations became dominated by female practitioners in the 1940s when it finally recognized as a legitimate occupation. Aldoory and Toth (2002) report that woman constitute nearly 70% of public relations professionals. However, many scholars caution against assuming that high inclusion of women begets egalitarianism in the broader public relations field. In fact, a survey of the extant literature suggests quite the opposite. Countless studies investigating gender differences in public relations have discovered that while women compose the majority of the work force, they are disproportionally prone to a higher percentage of gender discrimination and sexism within the profession (Aldoory & Toth, 2002; Aldoory, Reber, Berger & Toth, 2008; Algren & Eichhorn, 2007; Choi & Hon, 2002; Fröhlich & Peters, 2007; Lauzen, 1992; O’Neil, 2003; Place, 2012; Serini, Toth, Wright & Emig, 1998; Sha & Toth, 2005; Tam, Dozier, Lauzen & Real, 1995). This paper will sample the existing scholarship on gender and public relations to address the issue of gender inequities among public relations practitioners. Inequities within the occupation should be considered a macro problem for the profession as a whole because such problems can lead to an attenuation of public


 
 

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  relations’ viability, importance and esteem as a service within the twenty-first century and beyond. A more transparent understanding of gender disparities in the field will allow for a more sincere dialogue with regard to the steps that must be taken in order to bridge the gender divide that continues to exist within the profession. The purpose of this paper is multifaceted. First, I will draw upon the available scholarship on gender and public relations to explicate the salient issues being faced in the profession as well as review a few of the most predominant inequities being experienced by female practitioners. Second, I will discuss areas within the research in which additional depth and investigation may prove beneficial for a more lucid understanding of the gender inequity problem. Finally, I will propose a method of study as a springboard for future research with regard to promoting egalitarianism in the public relations profession. Literature Review Institutionalized Gender Inequality In order to truly comprehend the issue of gender inequality within the public relations profession it may be useful to begin with scholarship that has investigated the paucity of women’s contributions to the field in many public relations textbooks and educational curriculum. Perhaps the dearth of historical knowledge taught in school about how women have shaped the public relations profession can be partially blamed for the inequities that have manifested and pervaded today’s public relations culture. Creedon (1989) attempted to address the issue of women’s recorded contributions to public relations in education by investigating the coverage that women received in ten widely used public relations textbooks. First, the author perused textbook indexes for “women” and “history” keywords. Second, whenever a name in the index could be verified to represent a


 
 

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  woman or could not be concluded to be a man’s name, the name would be recorded and kept on file. Lastly, the table of contents was inspected so as to discover all instances in which the stories of women were being covered in the evolution of the public relations profession. Creedon found that nine out of ten books that were examined listed at least one woman by name somewhere in the book chapter or section. While this seems to be a promising finding upon first glance, the author contends that although the texts mention at least one woman in the history of public relations, the narration of these women’s stories are often inconsequential, lacking substance and do little to convince readers that women had any significant impact in the field. Creedon goes as far as to accuse the textbook authors of simply “inserting their [women] names at the end of a paragraph from an earlier edition of a book” (p. 27) as a popular and easy way to include women in an historical account. Over twenty-five years after Creedon (1989) foregrounded the realization that women’s contributions were not accurately represented in historical textbooks, Brunner (2006) replicated the research by analyzing the content of six textbooks used in introductory public relations courses at the time. Brunner expands upon Creedon’s assertion that studying how women’s stories are told, or untold, in textbooks is at the crux of understanding why they might be subjected to increased prejudice in the occupation and further doubt their own agency in becoming productive public relations practitioners. Brunner explains: Textbook’s greatest power might be in the way they frame or screen knowledge and shape reality. They serve as a sort of guide to what is and what is not relevant by the images, languages and information that are both present and absent. In short, textbooks legitimize cultural values and norms with what items are given dominant treatment and with what items are ignored (p. 44).


 
 

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  In essence, excluding the contribution of women in the public relations arena can have a
 


 
 

pernicious effect on how students value women in the profession and, subsequently, how women are treated in the workplace years later. Brunner’s method of analysis involved using a 16question coding sheet to gauge how well women’s stories were incorporated into six introductory public relations textbooks. The coding sheet was developed in order to scrutinize everything from images of women in the text to explicit mention of their contribution within sections and chapters. Two researchers coded the textbooks independently and an intercoder reliability of 87% was reported. Results of the study lend credence to the argument that women have been disproportionately underrepresented in historical accounts of the public relations profession. For example, Brunner found that only two of the 17 authors of the textbooks were women. Of the 187 photographs contained in the textbooks, 47% of the images were of men, 25% were of both men and women and 28% were of women. Further, when the profiles of men and women were analyzed, the author found that 58% of profiles were focused on men while only 36% captured the role of the woman. What is more, in every other category that the researcher coded for, men were always the majority despite their minority status in the public relations occupation as a whole. Brunner’s results shed light on the gender inequity institutionalized by the educational system even before women began their careers as public relations practitioners. The diluted accounts of women’s contributions in popular educational textbooks seems to suggest that a male perspective and experience in public relations is the only one of importance when being groomed to be a competent and successful practitioner. This glorification of men and marginalization of women creates a gender disparity that can have deleterious effects on the prestige of the occupation as a whole, as well as the value of the women who overpopulate it.

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  Gender Inequality in the Workplace As evidenced in the educational research previously mentioned, gender bias and inequality in the education of public relations practitioners can be argued as playing an enormous role on how men and women are valued and treated once they enter the professional workforce. Unfortunately for women, the inequities they will encounter in their careers are far greater than those experienced in the classroom. Perhaps some of the most telling research that has been conducted regarding gender discrepancies among public relations professionals in the workplace are the findings of Aldoory and Toth (2002). The authors investigate perceptions of hiring, salaries and promotion practices within companies that continue to sideline the very women who have become the backbone of the occupation. The authors surveyed 4,000 Public Relations Society of America members to measure their perceptions of gender discrepancies. Survey results with regard to hiring practices revealed that both men and women agreed that lower-level technical positions were most likely to be filled by women. Both men and women also disagreed that women were hired more often than men for top management positions. In terms of income, the average salary for all survey participants was $60, 935. When comparing the genders, the average salary for men was approximately $73,700 while women earned substantially less at an average of $56,000 approximately. What is more, the medium salary of male participants was $65,000 in contrast to the $48,000 that females in the study earned. It is important to note that even when the number of years of experience, education, age and number of job interruptions were held constant, gender still had a significant impact on overall earning potential and always favored the men. Additionally, it seems that perceptions of salary discrepancies among public relations professionals are skewed, indirectly espousing the status quo of unequal pay among men and
 


 
 

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  women. For example, Aldoory and Toth found that both men and women participants in their study disagreed that women received lower salaries for doing the same work as men within the institutions they were currently employed at. With regard to promotions among public relations professionals, most respondents disagreed that men were promoted at a faster pace than women within their current companies. However, they were in agreement that men were promoted more quickly within the public relations profession, in general. Aldoory and Toth (2002) also convened a focus group within their study to qualitatively glean how men and women attempted to explain the obvious gender gaps that exist in hiring, salaries and promotion practices within the public relations field. When asked about hiring practices, both male and females agreed that getting hired based upon their qualifications was not much of a concern. Nevertheless, some participants opined that male applicants were being sought after to try and balance the disproportionate number of women who constitute the majority of the field. One interesting finding within the focus group about hiring practices was the handful of respondents that worked at public relations agencies who maintained that their clients preferred male representatives over women, therefore suggesting that a dearth of men may be hurting business in public relations. When asked about salary discrepancies, focus group participants shared myriad personal stories that affirmed such discrimination in pay and enumerated a few reasons as to why they believed a gender gap in salary existed. One factor that focus group participants believed was attributable to lower wages for women was their perception that women lacked the proper negotiation skills compulsory when demanding higher wages. Some focus group members blamed the way in which women are socialized as the main cause of low wages. For example, participants expressed their belief that women are less likely to be assertive and demanding when


 
 

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  negotiating their salaries and such passiveness manifests in lower salaries for women throughout the public relations profession. Several focus group members blamed low salaries of women solely on explicit gender discrimination and sexism, arguing that the only reason why women were being paid less than men was because of the simple fact that they are women. Some focus group members accredited lower salaries for female public relations practitioners to the popular assumption that many women will temporarily leave the workforce, or work only part-time, at some point in their lives to have children which can impact a woman’s future earning potential in serious ways. When asked about issues of promotion and advancement within the public relations occupation, the majority of focus group participants, both men and women, agreed that promotions were much harder to attain for women than for men. Agreement was explained by the belief that men are socialized to expect being promoted and therefore demand promotions more frequently than women. Some focus group participants argued that a clandestine “good ol’ boys network” (Aldoory & Toth, 2002, p. 120) still pervaded the top ranks of public relations companies and intentionally discriminates against promoting women so as to maintain their hegemony. Other reasons given by focus group members to explain subpar rates of promotion of women in public relations included biological determinism, skill sets and the type of organization that a woman was employed by. Aldoory and Toth’s (2002) study affords a notable perspective about how men and women perceive gender inequality in the public relations arena, as well as adds significant support to the claim that despite women’s majority role in the profession, they continue to be unfairly treated, disempowered and marginalized. Beyond the challenges of receiving equality in hiring, salary and promotions, women also face a disproportionate amount of sexual harassment in the public relations field as they often


 
 

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  work in subordinate roles with male managers (Serini, Toth, Wright & Emig, 1998). Serini, Toth, Wright and Emig (1998) investigated perceptions of sexual harassment among 1,500 members of the Public Relations Society of America. The researchers used a multi-method approach that employed both a questionnaire and six focus groups to explore the effects of sexual harassment towards women within the context of public relations. Results indicated that 37% of men and 39% of women believed that sexual harassment was a problem in the public relations profession. When asked about whether or not people would lose their jobs after reporting sexual harassment, 39% of men disagreed and 38% were uncertain, whereas 36% of women agreed and 34% reported being uncertain. 27% of women agreed that sexual harassment limits their career opportunities in public relations while 33% disagreed and 38% were uncertain. Serini et al. (1998) also formed a total of six focus groups in Chicago, Seattle and Washington D.C. which have come to be known as major public relations hubs. In each city, two focus groups were conducted, one composed of all men and the other of all women. The authors found three dominant perspectives emerge with regard to how women viewed sexual harassment in the workplace. These perspectives included playing the game of networking, reacting to how others perceived their behavior at work and managing the actual harassment. Many women in the focus group foregrounded concerns over the ambiguous nature of sexual harassment and what exactly was included in its definitional scope. Some women opined that sexual harassment was becoming more “insidious” and “subtle” (p. 208) because men had become more aware of the repercussions of getting caught. Other women told stories about how they were chosen to work on an account because the client thought they were attractive. This often led to extracurricular obligations involving dinners and lunches that became a source of distress for the women. When focus group women were asked about how they dealt with sexual harassment, many women 350
 
 
 


 
 
  maintained that they were more apt to cope with it instead of report it because they feared the social and financial consequences of accusing their harassers. For instance, focus group women discussed that they might be “blacklisted” (p. 208) after filing a complaint or singled out as a “sourpuss” who is unable to “take a joke” (p. 208). What is more, women reported that even if they were to take their harasser to court and win, the financial rewards would not be significant and the label of “troublemaker” (p. 208) would accompany them for the duration of their professional careers. In contrast to how women viewed sexual harassment in the public relations profession, focus group men agreed that the issue of harassment in the workplace had ballooned due to the deluge of female practitioners who dominated the field. The men reported a “strong awareness” (p. 211) about the issue of harassment and the consequences of being caught in such an act. Men also believed that women tried to deal with sexual harassment issues themselves instead of reporting situations to management in fear they might be indirectly punished. Some men discussed their experience with women who reported sexual harassment situations inappropriately, perhaps to get their male coworker fired, etc. The most popular response and concern among the male focus group was the instance of sexual harassment that women faced from an agency’s male clientele. The men were aware of the harassment in this arena, however, they felt that curbing the abuse was out of their control. Perhaps the silver lining in Serini et al.’s comprehensive study on sexual harassment within public relations is the agreement among both men and women that more needs to be done to create a harassment free, egalitarian work environment that is conducive to the success of both men and women. Half the battle is recognizing the problem; the other half is taking the calculated actions requisite in obviating it.


 
 

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  A robust survey of gender research in public relations also reveals that women encounter professional encroachment at higher rates than do their male counterparts who assume the same positions. Encroachment is defined as “the assignment of non-public relations professionals to manage the public relations function” (Lauzen, 1992, p. 173). In other words, instead of internally promoting a public relations practitioner into a management position, management may promote an employee from another department to fill the role who may not necessarily be fully competent in the public relations role. Lauzen (1992) sampled 166 public relations professionals to test whether encroachment was correlated with the gender of employees. Lauzen disseminated 390 surveys to various public relations managers throughout the United States, ultimately receiving 166 completed surveys that were used in her analysis. The author’s findings confirmed her hypothesis that women face greater instances of encroachment as they climb the management ladder than do their male counterparts. However, the author lists a few reasons and explanations beyond explicit gender discrimination that may be accounting for the phenomenon. By referencing statistics from the U.S. Department of Labor, Lauzen argues that the influx of women into the public relations profession has produced a majority among lower level positions yet has not affected the male dominance within higher level management positions. Therefore, a majority of the women employed in public relations have fewer years of experience in management roles which, in turn, makes them more susceptible to encroachment when they finally receive a promotion into more senior level management positions. Lauzen explains this phenomenon: Being female leads to fewer years of experience. The possession of years of experience leads to possession of manager competencies, which in turn leads to enactment of the


 
 

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  manager role. Finally, hierarchical regression analysis reveals that manager role enactment lowers the chances that encroachment will occur (p. 179). Perhaps the most important finding in Lauzen’s study is that while women still confront the harsh reality of an increased probability of encroachment as opposed to men, as women begin to move into management positions, and gain more valuable experience, the chances of encroachment significantly decrease. While this gender discrimination is unfortunate, the fact that so many women are committed to their career, despite widespread inequality, is a testament to their character and willpower in restructuring a public relations culture fraught with patriarchal ideals. Evidenced by the extant scholarship aforementioned in this essay, gender inequality in public relations can be understood from a myriad of case studies and first hand experiences. Tam, Dozier, Lauzen and Real (1995) expand upon gender discrepancies in the public relations profession with their in-depth investigation of how various mentoring relationships can affect opportunities for career development and advancement as well as combat the encroachment practices first studied by Lauzen (1992). The authors’ initial sample consisted of 500 male and female professionals from the Public Relations Society of America and International Association of Business Communicators. Once questionnaires were returned, the sample size decreased to 190 participants consisting of 125 women and 65 men. After analyzing the responses, Tam et al. concluded that female superiors in public relations were more effective at mentoring their subordinates, male or female, by playing an active role in the mentorship. Further, the most effective cases of mentoring occurred when female supervisors mentored female subordinates. However, although superior female to subordinate female mentoring afforded the most promising learning experiences for women, the authors found that these pairings produced fewer
 


 
 

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  instances of career advancement opportunities for the subordinate women. Additionally, while males were reportedly more passive in their mentoring relationships, their subordinates saw the most occurrences of career advancement opportunities than the mentoring relationships of superior females. Three other important findings emerged from the study as well. First, same-sex mentoring relationships were found to not be as effective in career advancement opportunities as mixed-sex relationships. Second, the only same-sex mentoring relationship that yielded the most promising possibilities for career advancement were male same-sex relationships. Finally, the authors found that gender disparity in the public relations occupation could be attributed to institutionalized patterns of gender discrimination. Tam et al.’s (1995) results paint a grim picture of the roadblocks that women must continue to overcome in the public relations arena and buttresses the argument that gender inequality in a field dominated by women is not some infinitesimal issue unworthy of investigation. Instead it is a problem that pervades the occupation as a whole and threatens its viability and repute. In summation, there are few occupations in present day American society that are as feminized as the public relations profession and even fewer that yield the same egregious gender disparities and inequities. As nearly 70% of the workforce (Aldoory & Toth, 2002), women continue to be disadvantaged with regard to earning potential, hiring practices, power and status, career advancement, sexual harassment, encroachment, management positions and as overall influence wielders as public relations practitioners (Aldoory, Reber, Berger & Toth, 2008; Algren & Eichhorn, 2007; Choi & Hon, 2002; Fröhlich & Peters, 2007; Lauzen, 1992; O’Neil, 2003; Place, 2012; Serini, Toth, Wright & Emig, 1998; Sha & Toth, 2005; Tam, Dozier, Lauzen & Real, 1995). Realization of these disparities must provide the fuel for scholars to further


 
 

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  investigate issues of gender inequality in public relations so as to aid in the attenuation of
 


 
 

ideologies, prejudices and practices that continue to plague a profession with untapped potential for promise. The following sections will attempt to set the groundwork for such future research. Future Research While there has been a considerable amount of research conducted on a multiplicity of gender issues and roles in public relations, scholarship on the topic may be benefitted by future research on the following issues that seem to have been overlooked by scholars in the current research on gender and public relations. One direction that future research on the topic could take is a more female focused investigation of the women in public relations who have beaten the odds and ascended the managerial ladder successfully. A more robust and intelligible understanding about how these women overcame barriers, and their perceptions of gender inequality in the public relations profession, would be an invaluable tool in beginning the work of promoting a more egalitarian workplace. Findings could possibly aid in providing practical solutions and a blueprint for women who have reached the proverbial “glass ceiling” or relinquished their aspirations due to the constancy of gender discrimination. Another direction that future research can take is an interpretive examination of the discourse between both men and women in managerial public relations roles. Existing research has focused solely on superior and subordinate relationships and eschewed the relationships and dialogue that exist between more senior level professionals. Studying these relationships may provide a more thorough understanding about whether women in managerial positions are still faced with the same prejudices and discrimination that have become commonplace among women in more technical and subordinate roles. 355
 
 
 


 
 
  A third direction for future research that seems to be missing from the current research on the topic would be an analysis of how public relations practitioners, both male and female, use coworker support to navigate and cope with their experiences of gender inequality and discrimination within their profession. Results may assist in the creation of programs within organizations that provide support to practitioners and promote healthier and more satisfying work environments. Finally, and in direct response to previous research conducted by Creedon (1989) and Brunner (2006) with regard to how women are portrayed in educational public relations textbooks, future research should expand these author’s studies and investigate the perceptions that teachers and professors in academia have about the sparseness of literature explaining the contributions that women have offered to the growth of public relations. Perhaps their indictment of this reality, or lack thereof, will garner the attention of those in positions of policy and curriculum development who can address the issue sincerely and alter the curriculum accordingly. A topic so complex and expansive as gender and public relations can never reach saturation in research. As gender relations constantly evolve as social norms change, gender issues and studies must be revisited and replicated in order to measure the level of actual change to the phenomenon. The following section proposes one method of studying gender and public relations in a novel way in an effort to expose, understand and change instances of gender inequality within the public relations occupation. Proposed Method After surveying the current research on gender and public relations, I am of the opinion that more qualitative and experimental studies must be conducted in order to truly discover the


 
 

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  nuances of the issue as well as set the foundation upon which solutions to inequality and discrimination can be foregrounded, debated and implemented. One example of such an experimental study that can be conducted to further investigate how gender prejudices can manifest into gender discrimination in the public relations workplace would be executing a mock hiring experiment. The purpose of this experiment would be to further test existing research on gender inequality within companies and measure how pervasive gender inequality still is in the twenty-first century. The experiment would test the degree to which male and female public relations officers in managerial positions hire qualified applicants regardless of their gender. The variables would be the applicant’s résumés and whether or not the managers would be willing to offer applicants a job while considering nothing else but their work experience. By having the managers base their hiring criteria solely on an applicant’s résumé, this can help in alleviating biases that may arise if the applicant interviewed for the position in person first. For example, in one trial, female résumés with superior experience would be chosen by the researcher to that of male résumés and given to the managers in order to test whether gender plays a role in hiring practices even when one applicant is clearly more qualified than another. Experimental participants would include four male managers and four female managers. The method of recruitment for this experiment would consist of emailing an invite to the current membership of the Public Relations Society of America to participate. Participation in the study would require that any interested participants be employed in a public relations management position for a minimum of one year. Potential participants would be debriefed on the purpose of the experiment after completion so as not to create any internal validity threats that may yield invalid conclusions.
 


 
 

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  If the public relations profession is to have any hope of substituting hegemonic ideals with egalitarian practices, scholarship in the field must begin to take a more critical approach to exposing instances of gender inequality that continue to permeate through the ranks of its practitioners. Only can a constant barrage of research on the issue produce any meaningful social change. There must be research that attempts to expose practices within organizations that are explicitly discriminatory and unfair, not just to women, but to all who take pride in the work that they do. Only an unwavering dedication to unearthing gender injustices will allow for the realization of Doris Fleischman’s optimism for female public relations practitioners to come to pass. As the wife of Edward Bernays, who has come to be known as the father of public relations, Fleischman proclaimed: The profession of counsel on public relations is so new that all who are engaged in it, men as well as women, are pioneers. No traditions have grown against women’s participation in it, and women will share the responsibility of developing and shape this new profession (Horsley, 2009, p.100). It seems that the opposite of Fleischman’s statement has become the reality of the public relations profession in the twenty-first century. Traditions have slowly grown against women in the profession and more must be done to champion gender equality if public relations, as a profession, is to be valued and respected in perpetuity.


 
 

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  References Aldoory, L., Reber, B. H., Berger, B. K., & Toth, E. L. (2008). Provocations in public relations: A study of gendered ideologies of power-influence in practice. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 85(4), 735-750. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=37359773&site=ehost-live Aldoory, L., & Toth, E. (2002). Gender discrepancies in a gendered profession: A developing theory for public relations. Journal of Public Relations Research, 14(2), 103-126. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=6264009&site=ehost-live Aldoory, L., & Toth, E. (2004). Leadership and gender in public relations: Perceived effectiveness of transformational and transactional leadership styles. Journal of Public Relations Research, 16(2), 157-183. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=13126312&site=ehost-live Algren, M., & Eichhorn, K. C. (2007). Cognitive communication competence within public relations practitioners: Examining gender differences between technicians and managers. Public Relations Review, 33(1), 77-83. doi:10.1016/j.pubrev.2006.11.010 Brunner, B. (2006). Where are the women? A content analysis of introductory public relations textbooks. Public Relations Quarterly, 51(3), 43-47. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=24992572&site=ehost-live
 


 
 

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  Choi, Y., & Hon, L. C. (2002). The influence of gender composition in powerful positions on public relations practitioners' gender-related perceptions. Journal of Public Relations Research, 14(3), 229-263. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=6988966&site=ehost-live Creedon, P. J. (1989). Public relations history misses 'her story'. Journalism Educator, 44(3), 2630. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=14525703&site=ehost-live Frohlich, R., & Peters, S. B. (2007). PR bunnies caught in the agency ghetto? gender stereotypes, organizational factors, and women's careers in PR agencies. Journal of Public Relations Research, 19(3), 229-254. doi:10.1080/10627260701331754 Hon, L. C. (1995). Toward a feminist theory of public relations. Journal of Public Relations Research, 7(1), 27-88. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=6433429&site=ehost-live Horsley, J. S. (2009). Women’s contributions to American public relations, 1940-1970. Journal of Communication Management, 13(2), 100-115. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=42009025&site=ehost-live Lauzen, M. (1992). Effects of gender on professional encroachment in public relations. Journalism Quarterly, 69(1), 173-180. Retrieved from


 
 

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  &db=ufh&AN=9208176098&site=ehost-live O'Neil, J. (2003). An analysis of the relationships among structure, influence, and gender: Helping to build a feminist theory of public relations. Journal of Public Relations Research, 15(2), 151-179. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=9353428&site=ehost-live Place, K. R. (2012). Power-control or empowerment? how women public relations practitioners make meaning of power. Journal of Public Relations Research, 24(5), 435-450. doi:10.1080/1062726X.2012.723278 Serini, S. A., Toth, E. L., Wright, D. K., & Emig, A. (1998). Power, gender, and public relations: Sexual harassment as a threat to the practice. Journal of Public Relations Research, 10(3), 193-218. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=6433401&site=ehost-live Shaa, B., & Toth, E. L. (2005). Future professionals' perceptions of work, life, and gender issues in public relations. Public Relations Review, 31(1), 93-99. doi:10. 1016/j.pubrev.2004.09.004 Shuk, Y. T., Dozier, D. M., Lauzen, M. M., & Real, M. R. (1995). The impact of superiorsubordinate gender on the career advancement of public relations practitioners. Journal of Public Relations Research, 7(4), 259-272. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=6433428&site=ehost-live
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  Theus, K. T. (1985). Gender shifts in journalism and public relations. Public Relations Review, 11(1), 42. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.library.unlv.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=ufh&AN=5525731&site=ehost-live


 
 

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  CURRICULUM VITAE
DAVID RAANAN____________________________________________________________________________________
2156 Marywood Park Court, Henderson NV, 89044 | C: 561.313.5050 [email protected] | www.LinkedIn.com/in/DavidRaanan PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE RAANAN REPRESENTATION | Publicist/Talent Representative | Worldwide • Day-to-day press/branding for Richard Jackson, choreographer/visual director/tv personality • Day-to-day press/branding/booking for Judy Kang, violinist virtuoso • Red carpet press for Nayer, international recording artist January 2010-Present


 
 
 

LADY GAGA’S MONSTER BALL TOUR/LADY GAGA | VIP Relations Coordinator | Worldwide • Coordinated post-concert meet & greets and managed credentialing for celebrity guests January 2011-June 2011 • Assisted road manager and aided in logistics and timely movement of entourage • Provided overall support for management ATLANTIC RECORDS, WARNER MUSIC GROUP | Music Marketing & Soundtracks Intern | Burbank, CA • Assisted with pitching music ideas for various films, television shows and video games May 2009-August 2009 • Created album white labels and maintained pitch packages for executive meetings which allowed for streamlined pitching • Developed and maintained site database for the Vice President of Marketing resulting in increased awareness of artists/competitors • Provided high-level administrative support and entrusted with assuming managers’ responsibilities when absent from the office E! ENTERTAINMENT, COMCAST ENTERTAINMENT GROUP | Music Intern | Los Angeles, CA • Pitched music and sound effects for E!, Style and G4 channels by utilizing Msoft software May 2009-August 2009 • Attended music meetings and artist showcases, yielding strong interpersonal relationships with management • Catalogued and digitalized incoming music, resulting in more efficient search methods for pitching • Conducted extensive research pertaining to music licensing and contracts, successfully created materials which solved licensing issues MTV NETWORKS | Music and Talent Relations Intern | New York, NY • Played integral role in encoding music videos that premiered on MTV and MTV.com May 2008-August 2008 • Conducted weekly research of top 100 artists and streams, researched notable blog traffic for content analysis • Assisted at artist photo shoots, interviews and music meetings, • Provided production support and created trivia questions for the television show entitled “Hoodfab” POWERHOUSE USA INC. | Promotions/Talent Relations/Publicity Assistant | Orlando, FL and Atlanta, GA • Overall production support of concerts, music videos, television shows and commercials October 2006-April 2008 as well as radio spots, newspaper advertisements and various types of print campaigns • Responsible for drafting press releases for clientele 98.9 WMMO COX RADIO | Promotions Assistant | Orlando, FL • Traveled to locations throughout Orlando to execute remotes for radio station advertisers March 2006-April 2008 • Provided overall support in planning and executing the quarterly 98.9 WMMO Downtown Concert Series with over 17,000 attendees • Responsible for concert set-up and events related to talent relations and V.I.P services CBS, THE EARLY SHOW | PA Volunteer Coordinator | Orlando, FL and Savannah, GA • Recruited qualified students, coordinated meetings and relayed critical information about the production July 2007 of the Early Show to fellow volunteers • Assisted Early Show producer with audience placement for live premieres, creation of CBS banners and distribution of promotional items for musical performer Katharine McPhee

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S.O.R. ENTERTAINMENT/RHYTHM DESIGN PRODUCTIONS INC. | Promotions Intern | Palm Beach,FL • Overall production support of concerts and special events April 2003-December 2005 • Designated as the promoter of events and responsible for transporting collateral material to event areas throughout Palm Beach County TALENT ASSISTANT AT THE FOLLOWING AWARD SHOWS | Full List Furnished Upon Request • MTV VIDEO MUSIC AWARDS, Brooklyn, NY: Lil’ Kim August 2013 • 53rd GRAMMY AWARDS, Los Angeles, CA: Lady Gaga February 2011 • 52ND GRAMMY AWARDS, Los Angeles, CA: Lady Gaga January 2010 • BET AWARDS, Los Angeles, CA: Jay-Z June 2009 EDUCATION UNIVERSITY OF NEVADA, LAS VEGAS | Las Vegas, NV Master of Arts: Communication Studies UNIVERSITY OF CENTRAL FLORIDA | Orlando, FL Bachelor of Arts: Advertising/Public Relations, Sociology Minor G.P.A: 3.7, Major: 3.87 January 2012-December 2013 May 2006-May 2010


 
 

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  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
 


 
 

“It is very easy to overestimate the importance of our own achievements in comparison with what we owe others.” -Dietrich Bonhoeffer I must express my sincerest gratitude to my father, brother, sister, grandmother, aunt and uncle for their unwavering support throughout my graduate school education. At times, I doubted my abilities; they trusted them. I often felt overwhelmed by the academic rigor; they calmed and encouraged me. Their confidence in me was the impetus for my own and, for this, I will forever be grateful and humbled. A final aside as I leave traditional academia is that there must be a distinction made between earning a master’s degree and being a master. The former is attained with much study, diligence and determination. However, the latter seems to presume a break in learning or an assumption that one has reached knowledge saturation in their particular field. In my assessment, true mastery in any field or aspect of life is unattainable and productively so. Therefore, in the acquisition of such a degree one does not become a master, instead, is endowed with the capabilities and mind to chase that forever-elusive phantom that brandishes both the degree and the title.

David Raanan, MA December 17, 2013 Greenspun College of Urban Affairs University of Nevada, Las Vegas 365
 
 
 


 
 
 


 
 


 
 
 
 
 

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