Indo Pacific

 

Issue Brief # 256  November  2014 

Innovative Research | Independent Analysis | Informed Opinion

The Indo -Pacific & the Indo -US Relations IndoIndoRelations  

Geopo Geopolitic litics s of Cooperation Cooperation  Geopolitics

Shreya Upadhyay  Research Scholar, JNU

It is often argued that the 'Indo-Pacific' region is too vast to be a coherent

and western and Central Pacific Ocean including. inc luding. (Rehma n 2014 2014))

s tr tra a tegic tegitichas system. ystem. How ever r, in the las laas st few years comeHoweve to be associated the region where global fulcrum of power is shifti hifting. ng. The The po p o st-Cold t-C old wa w a r pe riod has ha s been experiencing a shift in wealth and power towards Asia. In 2012, for the first time in modern history, Asian states spent more on their armed forces than Eur urop opea ea n ones one s.

 The  The c onc ept ep t has gai ga ined wide c urr urrenc y among the foreign policy pundits, security analysts and government officials particularly from the Australia, United States, tates, J a pa n and e ven India. India. Interestingly, it is the Australian strategic community that has routinely employed the concept widely to characterise Asia's evolving strategic geography. The Australian Defence White Paper of 2013 officially terms 'Indo-Pacific' as a new region: a strategic arc connecting the Indian and the Pacific Oceans through Southea outhe a st As A sia.

By 2030, eighty-five percent of global energy co nsum nsumpti ption on is expe expec c ted to c ome from the region spanning from the Eastern Coast of Africa through Indian Ocean

Shreya Upadhyay is a Research Scholar at the School of International Studies in Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

 The  The term term Indo Pac ific fic , is not a new creation. This essay seeks to analyse a few questions. How is Indo-Pacific different from the earlier concept of Asia-Pacific? Why does the US need this new geopolitical construct? How should India define its role in the region so that it serves national interest?

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THE INDO-PACIFIC INDO-US RELATIONS INDO-PACIFIC & THE INDO-US

Indo-Pacific as the new Geopolitical Construct

It has been a common phenomenon to adopt terminologies according to geopoli po liti tic c a l develop de velopments ments.. The post p ost-C -Cold old war period witnessed promotion of the 'Asia-Pacific' construct. However, in the current geo-political developments AsiaPacific is considered too narrow as it focus foc uses es on the US, Chi C hina na a nd J a pa n whil while ignoring Southeast Asia and East Asia. In the present scenario there has been rise of Asian powers and Indian Ocean is fast emerging as a huge economic and human resource potential. It is a crucial transport lane between the Middle East and North Africa's vast oil and gas supplies.  T  Thi his s reli elia a nce nc e also also c rea tes a sense ense of vulnerability among the countries in the region. The region faces challenges like climate change and extremist policies. Indo-Pacific is the most militarized area in the world with seven of the world’s ten largest standing armies, the world’s largest and most sophisticated navy and five of the world’s declared nuclear nations na tions (Yos (Yo shihara hiha ra 2013 2013:: 91). 91). Sec urity urity challenges range from the flash points in the South China Sea, Korean Peninsula, border clashes, Taiwan issue, the Somali pirate threats etc that affect a large part of the the Oc ean. ea n.

influence and advantage across the entire Indo Pacific maritime theatre. C hina plans p lans to to d evelop eve lop its its firs first is island chain and green water navy for 20102020 20 20 b y foc us using ing on o n sur surfa fac c e na navy vy s ships hips,, nuclear submarines and fighter aircraft. Between 2020 and 2050 Beijing will finalize its fighter jet program and enhance the enlargement of the blue water navy, which will give the country the capacity to operate in second island chains that c ontain onta ins s J a pa nese-held nese-held Bonin Bonin Island Islands s a nd the US-held Northern Marianas, Guam, Palau Pa lau a nd the C a rolines (Ba (Ba krie krie 2013 2013). ). C hina hina’s ’s energy in ins sec ur urit ity y has been be en leading its attention toward the South China Sea and Indian Ocean, through which the vast majority of the nation’s oil must pass. On the other hand India’s ‘Look East’ policy and blue-water ambitions are drawing it it into the western Pacific. Both the countries view each other's military presence in the region with ambivalence (Yoshihara 2013: 92). 92 ). Beiji Beijing ng views the enti e ntirre 'Ind 'Indo-P o-Pa a c ific ific ' construct as a way to balance against China and has even blamed the US for stoking tensions by encouraging nations lik ike e Vietnam a nd Phil Philippines tto o "enga eng a ge in d a nger nge ro us b eha viour" viour" (R (Reute euterrs M a y 2014).

Indo-Pacific as the US Grand Strategy

 T  Ther here e is a lso a str struggle uggle for power po wer between be tween C hi hina na and a nd India India.. Both the the countr c ountries ies look seaward and are likely to jostle for

The term Indo Pacific, is not a new creation. It has been discussed since the 1920s and 1930s. Today, it is essentially considered to be an  American strategy strategy to build an architecture architecture vis-a-  vis China. The debate remains whether a role in Indo-Pacific Indo-P acific would allow India to act in "strategic autonomy" to build its own conceptions of the security architecture in the region.

For the United States, Indo-Pacific becomes strategic as it provides a more integrated approach to the region that is fast gaining prominence on the global map. Maintaining influence in the IndoPacific forms a central part of the US grand strategy. Ever ve ry c o untry' untry's s grand stra tra tegy teg y is protection of its homeland. However, US g ra nd stra tra tegy teg y include inc ludes s mor mo re . Fi Firrstly, tly, it involves preventing external hegemonic control over critical geopolitical areas of the world and commons. prevent riseThe of other threats to the global second goal is to expand the liberal political order internationally. The third goal is to sustain  2

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an open economic regime (Tellis 2012).  T  The he Futur uture e Dir Direc ti tions ons Inter Internati nationa onall (20 (2011) has defined the grand strategy with regard to the Indo-Pacific. Preventing extremist groups from threatening US interests and those of its allies; employing diplomatic relations network for influencing military and trade relations; ensuring access to natural resources and markets and ensuring the security of Sea Lin ines es of C ommunic ommunic a tion tion (SL (SLO C ) and marriti ma itime me c hec he c kpoints kpo ints.. The US re mains ma ins focused to prevent rise of any power that can control critical geopolitical areas of the worl w orld. d. Until recently Indian Ocean was considered only as a thoroughfare through which warships passed. Today, Washington wants the region to have a multilateral structure erect on the web of understandings, agreements and alliances. It is working on building relati ela tionshi onship p with countri c ountries es in in the region reg ion to give shape to a regional architecture in order to manage the Indo-Pacific (Cronin e t al a l 2013 2013). ). During her visit to Honolulu in October 2010 20 10,, then Se c re tar ta ry of o f Sta State te Hi Hill lla a ry C li lint nton on us used ed the phra phra se “Indo “Indo-Pac -Pac if ific” ic” to to describe a newly emerged and integrated theatre. The region spans two oceans — the Pacific and the Indian — that are increasingly linked by shipping a nd str stra a tegy.” teg y.” (C li linto nton n 2011 2011)) During During his trip to Australia in November 2011, Obama also talked about Indo-Pacific as he mentioned "new opportunities to train with other allies and partners, from the Pacific to the Indian Ocean." Thus, there has be en a n A m e ri c a n acknowledgement about Indian and Pacific Oceans constituting an interlinked geopolitical space, not only because it is important to “global trade and commerce” but also because they impac impa c t on str tra a tegy teg y (Sa (Sa ra n 2012 2012). ). Given the nautical nature of the IndoPacific theatre, the US navy is expected to play a major role in the strategy. The 2010 Quadrenniel Defence Review stated seeking alliances and concentrating

For the United States, Indo-P Indo-Pacific acific becomes strategic as it provides a more integrated approach to the region that is fast gaining prominence on the global map. Maintaining influence in the Indo-Pacific Indo-Pacific forms a central part of the US grand strategy

resources in the Indo-Pacific to serve US' se c urity urity inte interests rests.. The The US is wo rking rking towards strengthening traditional a ll llianc ianc es with with J a pa n and Aus A ustr tra a lia lia a nd is a iming iming new sec urit urity y pa p a rtnerships tnerships with with India. From joint defence production with  J a pa n a nd India, to sec uri uring ba ses a nd increasing rotational presence with Austr Aus tra a lia lia , Si Singa por po re, Indo Indo nesia nesia etc , attempts are being made for an enhanced US presence in the wider IndoPacific. It is proposed that by 2020 about 60 per cent of the American naval forces—including six aircraft carrier battle groups as well as a majority of the navy’s c ruise uise rs, d de e stro tro yers, yers, Littora Littorall Co C o mb mba a t ships ships and submarines—will be stationed in the re g ion (BB (BBC 20 2012 12). ). Along with strengthening defence ties, the United States is also trying to integrate economically with the Asian economies. Washington has been launching multina multi nationa tionall p a rtner tne rships with co c o untries untries in South East Asia and South Asia in areas of agriculture, food security, connectivity, education, energy security, environment etc. Moves like Indo-Pacific Economic c orridor orridor a nd Lower ow er Me Mekong kong ini initia tia tive tive allow US to enhance its presence in areas where historically it had been under represented (Campbell and Andrews 2013: 6). It is also working on the TransPacific Partnership (TPP) that seeks to bring bri ng together toge ther ec ono onomi mies es from from a c ross the Pac ific fic – de devel velope oped d a nd devel de velop opiing al a like – into a single trading community. It aims to move beyond the conventional border -related barriers to free trade, and aspires  3 to promote deeper economic integration

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and secure US market access for agricultural products, manufacturers and se rvic rvic e s (English (English 2012 2012). ). The Therre has ha s b e e n a momentous growth in energy and economic flows between the Indian Ocean littoral and East Asia. Alternative energy options, unconventional gas and

Steps taken by India over the past decade to expand its presence and enhance its influence throughout the region has made such a prospect more alluring to the US policymakers. With opening of economy, India has been connecting with its Indian Ocean

surging energy demand are reshaping the geopolitical energy space. The efforts by the US to be part of these groupings reflects its broader effort to engage with Indo-Pacific.

neighbo ur urs s a nd major mariti maritime me powe po werrs of the world. There has been a new reliance on the sea for energy and mineral resources. India has been engaging with regional actors on bilateral as well as multilateral framework. From Look East policy, there has been a graduation towards engage East policy with growing economic relations with the ASEAN, C hina hina,, J a pa n and Austr Austra a lia lia . India India is a lso lso in the mode of enhancing its maritime presence throughout the Indian Ocean Region. Along with reolutionising its defence procurement by acquisition and

Washington has also reached out to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to build an Indo-Pacific region. However, ASEAN till now has taken conflicting position regarding the construct and is unable to present a united unit ed fr fro o nt in in this rega eg a rd . C hina on its its p a rt has ha s express expressed its its conc co ncerns erns o ver this this new construct, stating it as attempt at containing it. Beijing has notan been able to accept regional architecture building, multi-polarity and multilateralism and has continued to insist on exclusionary strategies based on narrow definitions of its o wn sec urity urity intere interes sts. ts. Be Be ij ijing ing ha s had ha d difficulty in accepting the “Asia-Pacific” label which draws the US into Asia, and now the “Indo-Pacific” which creates a triumvirate of regional powers by including inc luding India Ind ia (Sing (Singh h 201 2013). 3).

India's role in Indo-Pacific

India's inclusion in the Indo-Pacific has largely been promoted by a broader network of Australian and American think tanks. Promoters of the concept talk about how countries in the region ‘should take a leading role in shaping the economic and security architecture of the Indo-Pacific’ and seek to tie India more closely with the US, Australia and  J a pa n (Si (Singh a nd Inderfur nderfurth th 20 2011: 2). 2). The The US has talked about India's desired role as a "net ne t sec sec ur urit ity y pr p ro vider vide r" to p reserve maritime c ommonstransportation in the the Indian Indianroutes O c eaand n global (Sc (Sc ott 2012: 89).

construction of aircraft carriers, nuclear submarine and fleet tankers, New Delhi is also developing naval ties with countries like Singapore, Oman etc in the Indian Ocean region. Such agreements allow India's presence from the Persian Gulf to the Straits of Malacca. In the last few years there have been annual naval exercises with France (Varuna, since 2002), the United States (Malabar, first in 1992 19 92 a nd a ga in reg regularl ularly y s sinc ince e 2002 2002), ), Russ Rus sia (Indr (Ind ra , sinc since e 200 2003) 3) and the United Kingdom (Konkan, since 2004). India and US nava na vall exercis exerc ise e s p ro g re sse d fro from m sma small ll scale basic passing manoeuvres among naval vessels and replenishment-at-sea d rills ills to larger large r sc sc a le a nti-s nti-sub ubma marrine e xe rc ise ise s in 2 200 003. 3. The mutual mutua l dep de p loyment loyme nt o f air a irc c ra ft c ca a rriers fro fro m b bo o th side sides s in 200 2005 5 served as a visible demonstration of mutual combined power projection potentiality. The Malabar-2 exercises in Septembe ep temberr 2007 als also o involved involved J a pa n, Singapore and Australia pointing towards an 'Indo-Pacific' orientation, much to C hina's hina 's c hag ha g rin (Sc (Sc o tt 2012 2012:: 98). 98). Since inc e then, the exercises have remained b il ila a teral but b ut Ma M a laba lab a r Ex Exercis erc ise e 20 2014 14 seeks ee ks to reg regis ister ter J a pa nese nese pr p resence esenc e on o n India India''s invitation. This has raised questions regarding the larger geopolitics around  4

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suc uch h a naval na val ex e xercise ercise in the the region.  T  The he proponent propo nents s of the the c onc ept ep t a moong the Indian policy makers defend India's role in 'Indo-Pacific' by stating that it preserves the 'strategic autonomy'. Strategic autonomy is a step ahead from the Non Alignment idea as it talks about giving "maximum options (to India) in its relations with the outside world". It is believed that the Indo-Pacific construct seeks to establish a plural, inclusive and open security architecture. This allows India to create a web of cooperative relations with all the stakeholders based on mutual interest and benefit (Geraghty 2012). For India, non-traditional security challenges comprise an important part of the 'Indo-Pacific' policy formulation. Problems of regional instability from nontraditional sources, such as weak state capacity in key parts of the Indo-Pacific, pose a significant challenge. This requires that India steps up its role in securing and safeguarding the trade routes crossing the Indian Ocean and Western Pacific.  T  The he foc us rema remaiins on sec uri uring sea -l -la a nes and maritime governance through regional initiatives such as the Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia Asia (ReC AA P). India Indian n navy na vy is is cooperating with navies of the region to tac ta c kl kle e dis d isa a sters, ters, narcotic narc otic smuggli mugg ling, ng, gun g un running etc. The Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) is an initiative in this direction. India also contributes to the African Union Mission in Somalia and has begun bilateral and trilateral naval c oo rdinati dina tion on and a nd pa p a troll trolliing with with Chi C hina na,,  J a pa n a nd Kenya, Ma da ga sc a r and the the Se ychelles yc helles in A fr fric ica a . There have ha ve a ls lso o been efforts to strengthen organisations like Rim-Association for Regional C oo per pe ra ti tion on (I (IO O R-ARC), -ARC ), an in ins stitu tituti tiona ona l set up for enhancing cooperation among 36 littoral and 11 hinterland states of the region. Alongside, India is working with Bangladesh, Myanmar, Sri Lanka,  T  Thail haila a nd a nd Nepa Nep a l for c los oser er trad trad e

through the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi Sectoral Technical and Economic C oope oo pe ra tion tion (B (BIMS IMST TEC ). The The Me kongong Ganga initiative, launched in 2000 involving India, Thailand, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam has recently expanded its ambit to include trade, investment, energy, food, health a nd highwa y co nnec tivi tivity ty (C (Cha hako ko 20 2012). India has also associated itself with triangular strategic partnership between India-Russia-China and in the areas of trade, technology transfer and resource sharing. The dynamism of the Asian market has led to emergence of such multilateral and bilateral inititatives which are more likely to remain fluid rather than struc truc tured. tured . It is is thus in in India Ind ia's 's interest interest to take a more active role in these forums in a wa y that tha t max ma ximis imises iits ts own ow n pr p rior iorit ities ies and needs. However, territorial and maritime disputes in the region pose a major challenge to this thi s phenomeno phe nomenon. n. Chi C hina na fa c tor loo ms large in India India's 's stra tra tegic teg ic c a lculus. lculus. C China's hina's so called string of pearls has granted it several footholds in the Indian ocean. India would want to see those reduced but cannot do much to undo it. Even though C hina hina's 's tra tra de routes and dependence on energy bring it to Indian Ocean, it has so far shown ambivalence in joining any cooperative framework and has preferred to stand apart. Albeit late, New Delhi is trying to renew its ties with countries in the Indian Ocean region. C hief hief of Na Nava vall Staff Ad mir mira l Ver Ve rma stated, "It is important to realise that if one nation does not meet a need, there will always be another ready to fill the vacuum. Such cooperation drives the strategic balance between friendly and other influences in the region.” (Verma 2010) Thus, India aims at denying further op por po rtunit tunities ies to C hina hina to ex e xpa nd its footprint in the Indian Ocean region. New Delhi is also trying to gain a foothold in the Pacific. It is conducting naval partnership with Hanoi and pursuing oil exploration with Vietnam. New Delhi is also providing strong support for the  5 peaceful resolution of the territorial

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d is isp p utes in in the So uth China C hina Sea , c riticis iticising ing C hi hina na's 's ni nine-d ne-da a sh lin line e p oli olic c y and emphasising on the freedom of navi na viga ga ti tion on in the Wester Western n Pac Pa c if ific. ic.  Yet, India does do es not want wa nt to be c los osely ely aligned with the US and its allies in the region. The India-Australia-US trilateral dialogue was already dead on arrival as many considered this as an American-led approach implicitly targeting China (Geraghty 2012: 9) However, the India J a pa n-US n-US tr triilateral dialogue for ''pea pe a c e and economic prosperity" around the globe has been on an upswing. The dialogue has already moved to concrete projects including connectivity projects in South East Asia and disaster management projects. Defence and intelligence-sharing will also be taken up at this trilateral dialogue in near future, with wit h an eye e ye on C hi hina. na. Despite that, India Despite India a nd C hi hina na a re a ls lso o working on raising the level of mutual political trust and promote the in-depth development of bilateral co-operation.  T  The he ttwo wo si sides de s a re c oope oo perra ting ting not only on ec ono onomi mic c a rea s of interes interest, t, but als a lso o in the the areas of politics, boundary negotiation and non-traditional security. On the regional level both the countries actively participate in multilateral co-operation processes such as the free trade schemes in the South-East Asia.

India does not want to be closely aligned with the US and its allies in the region. The India-   Australia-US trilateral dialogue was was already dead on arrival as many considered this as an  American-led approach implicitly targeting targeting China

Moreover, both countries recognise that non-tr no n-tra a d itio itio nal na l s se e c uri urity ty iis ssues ue s in the re g ion, suc such h a as s terro terro rism, ism, tr tra a nsna nsnationa tiona l crime, piracy, natural disasters and other challenges, can only be tackled through  joint  joint efforts efforts a nd regi eg ional ona l c o-op o-oper era a tion. tion. One example is the sub-regional cooperation between China, India, Burma and Bangladesh, which focuses on economic co-operation, as well as nontraditional security issues, such as narcotics.

Conclusion

Indo -Pa c ific Indo-Pa ific is still till find finding ing its fee fe e t in in the practice of world politics. For the American policymakers, Indo-Pacific seems to be an attempt to integrate India in an Asian architecture that seeks to serve US interests.  The  The Indian side, de , however, how ever, has wel we lc omed the concept because it provides space for India to follow its strategic autonomy. India can continue to engage with c ountries ountries all a ll ac ro ss iin n flexib flexib le interac tions tions and not form alliances. Indo-Pacific concept allows India to be a direct stakeholder rather than being an alliance p a rtner of the US. US.  Thus  Thus,, India c a n take foreign foreign pol po licy decisions that sit in consonance with its national interests. On one hand India has opted for a common thread with the United States on the issue of ‘unhindered freedom of navigation in international waters’ and has joined in defence dialogues with Washingon and Tokyo. Alongside it has called for ‘real concert of Asia Asi a n powe po werrs’ that inc inc lude ludes s bo th C hina hina and the United States to ensure maritime security in the Indian Ocean and the need to create a more balanced security a rc hitec hitectur ture e in tthe he reg egion. ion.

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