Jacob Zuma

Jacob Zuma
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His Excellency
Jacob Zuma
GCB

4th President of South Africa (2nd term)
Incumbent
Assumed office
25 May 2014
Deputy Cyril Ramaphosa
Preceded by Re-elected
4th President of South Africa (1st term)
In office
9 May 2009 – 25 May 2014
Deputy Kgalema Motlanthe
Preceded by Kgalema Motlanthe
Succeeded by Re-elected
President of the African National Congress
Incumbent
Assumed office
18 December 2007
Deputy Kgalema Motlanthe
Cyril Ramaphosa
Preceded by Thabo Mbeki
Deputy President of South Africa
In office
14 June 1999 – 14 June 2005
President Thabo Mbeki
Preceded by Thabo Mbeki
Succeeded by Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka
Personal details
Born Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma
12 April 1942 (age 72)
Inkandla, South Africa
Political party African National Congress
Spouse(s) Gertrude Sizakele Khumalo(1973–present)
Kate Zuma (1976–2000)
[1]

Nkosazana Dlamini (1982–1998)
Nompumelelo Ntuli (2008–present)
Thobeka Mabhija (2010–present)
[2]

Gloria Bongekile Ngema (2012–present)
[3]

Children 20 (Estimated)
[4]

Religion Protestantism
Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma, GCB
[5]
(born 12 April 1942) is the President of South
Africa,
[6]
elected by parliament following his party's victory in the 2009 general election. He was
reelected in the 2014 election.
[7]

Zuma is the President of the African National Congress (ANC), the governing political party, and
was Deputy President of South Africafrom 1999 to 2005.
[8]
Zuma is also referred to by his initials
JZ
[9]
and his clan name Msholozi.
[10][11]
Zuma became the President of the ANC on 18 December
2007 after defeating incumbent Thabo Mbeki at the ANC conference in Polokwane. He was re-
elected as ANC leader at the ANC conference in Manguang on 18 December 2012, defeating
challenger Kgalema Motlanthe by a large majority.
[12]
Zuma was also a member of the South
African Communist Party (SACP),
[13]
briefly serving on the party's Politburo until he left the party
in 1990.
[14]
On 20 September 2008, Thabo Mbeki announced his resignation after being recalled
by the African National Congress's National Executive Committee.
[15]
The recall came after South
African High Court Judge Christopher Nicholsonruled that Mbeki had improperly interfered with
the operations of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), including the prosecution of Jacob
Zuma for corruption.
Zuma has faced significant legal challenges. He was charged with rape in 2005, but was
acquitted. In addition, he fought a long legal battle over allegations
of racketeering and corruption, resulting from his financial advisor Schabir Shaik's conviction for
corruption and fraud. On 6 April 2009, the National Prosecuting Authority decided to drop the
charges, citing political interference.
Contents
[hide]
 1 Life and career
o 1.1 Early years
o 1.2 Imprisonment and ban
o 1.3 Return from exile
o 1.4 Rise to national leadership
o 1.5 Election as ANC President
o 1.6 President of South Africa
o 1.7 Political-economic orientation
 2 Corruption charges
o 2.1 Charges declared unlawful
o 2.2 Charges reinstated on appeal
o 2.3 Charges dropped
o 2.4 Later charges
 3 Rape charges
 4 Continued support after corruption charges
 5 Personal life
o 5.1 Wives
o 5.2 Fiancées
o 5.3 Other children
o 5.4 2009 "love-child"
 5.4.1 Government reaction
 5.4.2 Opposition reaction
 6 Zuma and Zimbabwe
 7 Zuma vs the media
 8 Political positions
o 8.1 Remarks on same-sex marriage
o 8.2 Remarks on Western Sahara
o 8.3 Remarks on teenage pregnancy
o 8.4 Remarks on the Second Coming
o 8.5 Remarks on Afrikaners
o 8.6 Remarks about political opponents
 9 Controversy
o 9.1 Shaik's parole
o 9.2 Ngcobo's nomination as Chief Justice
o 9.3 Failure to disclose assets after taking office as President of South Africa
o 9.4 Alleged abuses by bodyguards
o 9.5 "Shoot the Boer" song
o 9.6 Authoritarianism
o 9.7 Understanding of democracy
o 9.8 Nkandla upgrades and development
 10 See also
 11 Filmography
 12 References
 13 Further reading
 14 External links
Life and career[edit]
Early years[edit]
Zuma was born in Inkandla, Natal Province (now part of the province of KwaZulu-Natal).
[16]
His
father was a policeman who died when Zuma was young, and his mother a domestic
worker.
[17]
He received no formal schooling.
[18]
As a child, Zuma constantly moved around Natal
Province and the suburbs of Durban in the area of Umkhumbane (near Chesterville).
[19]
He has
two brothers, Michael and Joseph.
[20]

Imprisonment and ban[edit]
Zuma began engaging in politics at an early age and joined the African National Congress in
1959. He became an active member of Umkhonto we Sizwe in 1962, following the South African
government's banning of the ANC in 1961. Zuma joined the South African Communist
Party (SACP) in 1963.
[13]
That year, he was arrested with a group of 45 recruits near Zeerust in
the western Transvaal, currently part of the North West Province. Convicted of conspiring to
overthrow the Apartheid government, a government led by white minorities, Zuma was
sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment, which he served on Robben Island with Nelson
Mandela and other notable ANC leaders also imprisoned during this time. Whilst imprisoned,
Zuma served as a referee for prisoners' association football games, organised by the prisoners'
own governing body, Makana F.A.
[21]

After his release from prison, Zuma was instrumental in the re-establishment of ANC
underground structures in the Natal province.
[8]

Zuma first left South Africa in 1975 and met Thabo Mbeki in Swaziland, and proceeded
to Mozambique, where he dealt with the arrival of thousands of exiles in the wake of theSoweto
uprising.
Zuma became a member of the ANC National Executive Committee in 1977. He also served as
Deputy Chief Representative of the ANC in Mozambique, a post he occupied until the signing of
the Nkomati Accord between the Mozambican and South African governments in 1984. After
signing the Accord, he was appointed as Chief Representative of the ANC.
He served on the ANC's political and military council when it was formed in the mid-1980s, and
was elected to the politburo of the SACP on April 1989.
[22]

In January 1987, Zuma was forced to leave another country, this time by the government of
Mozambique. He moved to the ANC Head Office in Lusaka, Zambia, where he was appointed
Head of Underground Structures and shortly thereafter Chief of the Intelligence Department.
Return from exile[edit]
Following the end of the ban on the ANC in February 1990, Zuma was one of the first ANC
leaders to return to South Africa to begin the process of negotiations.
[8]

In 1990, he was elected Chairperson of the ANC for the Southern Natal region, and took a
leading role in fighting political violence in the region between members of the ANC and
the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). He was elected the Deputy Secretary General of the ANC the
next year, and in January 1994, he was nominated as the ANC candidate for the Premiership
of KwaZulu Natal.
The IFP, led by Mangosuthu Buthelezi, put particular emphasis on Zulu pride and political power
during this period. In this context, Zuma's Zulu heritage made his role especially important in the
ANC's efforts to end the violence, to emphasise the political (rather than tribal) roots of the
violence, and to win the support of Zulu people in the region.
Rise to national leadership[edit]
Zuma had experience in national leadership, as he started serving in the National Executive
committee of the ANC in 1977 when the party was still a guerrilla movement. By the time he
became its president he had served the ANC for thirty years. After the 1994 general election,
with the ANC becoming a governing party but having lost KwaZulu-Natal province to the IFP, he
was appointed as Member of the Executive Committee (MEC) of Economic Affairs and Tourism
for the KwaZulu-Natal provincial government, after stepping aside to allow Thabo Mbeki to run
unopposed for deputy presidency. In December 1994, he was elected National Chairperson of
the ANC and chairperson of the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal, and was re-elected to the latter position
in 1996. He was elected Deputy President of the ANC at the National Conference held
at Mafikeng in December 1997 and consequently appointed executive Deputy President of South
Africa in June 1999.
During this time, he also worked in Kampala, Uganda, as facilitator of the Burundi peace
process, along with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. Museveni chairs the Great Lakes
Regional Initiative, a grouping of regional presidents overseeing the peace process in Burundi,
where several armed Hutu groups took up arms in 1993 against a government and army
dominated by the Tutsi minority that they claimed had assassinated the first president elected
from the Hutu majority.
[23]

On 14 June 2005, President Thabo Mbeki removed Zuma from his post as Deputy President due
to allegations of corruption and fraud related to the $5-billion weapons acquisition deal by the
South African government in 1999. Zuma's successor as Deputy President of South Africa
was Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, the wife of Bulelani Ngcuka. Mlambo-Ngcuka had been Minister
of Minerals and Energy since 1999. While her appointment was widely welcomed by the
business community, she was booed publicly at many ANC rallies by pitied Zuma supporters
between the time corruption charges had been filed but before rape charges were made with the
first booing taking place in Utrecht.
[24]

Election as ANC President[edit]


President Zuma and one of his wives with Barack Obama and Michelle Obama in New York, 2009
In terms of party tradition, as the deputy president of the ANC, Zuma was already in line to
succeed Mbeki. The party structures held their nominations conferences in October and
November 2007, where Zuma appeared favourite for the post of ANC President, and, by
implication, the President of South Africa in 2009.
[25][26][27]
With then-incumbent ANC- and South
African President Thabo Mbeki as his opposition, Zuma was elected President of the ANC on 18
December 2007 with 2329 votes, beating Mbeki's 1505 votes. Mbeki had sought a third term as
ANC president, though the South African Constitution would not have allowed him a third term as
President of South Africa.
On 28 December 2007, the National Prosecuting Authority served Zuma an indictment to stand
trial in the High Court on various counts ofracketeering, money laundering, corruption
and fraud.
[28]

Zuma was re-elected as ANC leader at the ANC conference in Manguang on 18 December
2012, defeating challenger and then Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe by a large majority.
[29]

President of South Africa[edit]


Argentinean President Cristina Fernández and South African President Zuma in discussion
In September 2008, the breakdown in the relationship between the ruling ANC and its
presidential appointee, Thabo Mbeki, reached a tipping point, with the ANC NEC's decision that
Mbeki was no longer fit to govern South Africa. Mbeki elected not to challenge this decision and
resigned as President of South Africa. The ANC announced that the party's deputy
president, Kgalema Motlanthe, would become president until 2009 general elections, after which
it was intended that Zuma would become president.
[30][31]
Zuma declared that he would prefer to
only serve one term as president.
[32]

The ANC won the national election on 6 May 2009 and Zuma was sworn in as President of South
Africa on 9 May 2009.
Zuma officially announced the death of Nelson Mandela, South Africa's first democratically
elected president, in a press conference on December 5, 2013.
[33][34]

On January 18, 2014 it was reported that Zuma would be the sole candidate for the ANC in the
upcoming national election. It was reported that, in spite of speculation to the contrary, because
of the controversies surrounding him, the ANC was "united behind Zuma" and would not field
another candidate for the presidency in the upcoming national election. ANC Deputy Secretary
General Jesse Duarte stated “The policy is that the president of the ANC is always the candidate
for the election. We don't have another candidate and there will be no other candidate. Let us be
clear.”
[35]

On January 26, 2014 it was reported that at least four of the 11 ANC regional leaders in
KwaZulu-Natal had confirmed the existence of a “resolution” taken to approach Zuma to ask him
not to run for a second term as the country‟s president. The resolution had reportedly gained
momentum in November, 2013 when the ANC was preparing for the national list conference,
however, it "lost traction" after the death of Nelson Mandela.
[36]

Political-economic orientation[edit]
Zuma is an economic leftist, who has described himself as a socialist.
[37]
He has received support
from trade unions and from the South African Communist Party as well as the Women's League
and the Youth League of the ANC.
[37]
According to The Guardian and The New York Times,
Zuma supports redistribution of wealth and has allied himself with socialists and communists that
seek to redistribute wealth.
[37][38]
However, The Guardian (UK) has also reported that Zuma has
tried "to reassure foreign investors their interests will be protected."
Corruption charges[edit]
Main article: South African Arms Deal
Zuma became embroiled in a corruption related controversy, one of many, after his financial
advisor, Schabir Shaik, was charged with corruption and fraud. Bulelani Ngcuka, the national
director of Public Prosecutions at the time, investigated both Zuma and the Chief Whip of the
ANC, Tony Yengeni, after allegations of abuse of power were levelled against them. This
concerned improper influence in the controversial arms deal, and the question of financial benefit
as a result of such influence. While Yengeni was found guilty, the case was dropped against
Zuma, with Ngcuka stating, "...that there was prima facie evidence of corruption, but insufficient
to win the case in court".
[39]
Ngcuka moved to private practice after criticism from the ANC over
this incident.
In 2004, Zuma became a key figure mentioned in the Schabir Shaik trial. Schabir Shaik, a
Durban businessman and his financial advisor, was questioned over bribery in the course of the
purchase of Valour class frigates for the South African Navy, a proposed waterfront development
in Durban, and lavish spending on Zuma's residence in Nkandla. In the trial Shaik was shown to
have solicited a bribe of R500 000 per annum for Zuma in return for Zuma's support for the
defence contractor Thomson CSF, documented in the infamous "encrypted fax".
[40][41]
On 2 June
2005, Shaik was found guilty and sentenced to 15 years in prison.
[42]

Judge Hilary Squires elaborates in detail on the numerous transactions that transpired between
Zuma and Shaik, summarising with "all the accused companies were used at one time or another
to pay sums of money to Jacob Zuma". The media mis-quoted Squires with the phrase "A
generally corrupt relationship" (existed between Zuma and Shaik), whereas these exact words
do not appear in the court transcripts.
[43]
To the defence of the originators of this phrase, the full
transcript
[44][45]
of the judgment against Shaik actually does mention Zuma 471 times, uses word
"corrupt" or "corruption" 54 times, and contains 12 sentences with both the word "corrupt" and
the name "Zuma". Media sources later switched to the phrase "mutually beneficial symbiosis",
from the judgment's paragraph 235: "It would be flying in the face of commonsense and ordinary
human nature to think that he did not realise the advantages to him of continuing to enjoy Zuma's
goodwill to an even greater extent than before 1997; and even if nothing was ever said between
them to establish the mutually beneficial symbiosis that the evidence shows existed, the
circumstances of the commencement and the sustained continuation thereafter of these
payments, can only have generated a sense of obligation in the recipient."
After twelve days of intense media speculation about his future, President Thabo Mbeki relieved
Zuma of his duties as deputy president on 14 June 2005. Mbeki told a joint sitting of parliament
that "in the interest of the honourable Deputy President, the government, our young democratic
system and our country, it would be best to release the honourable Jacob Zuma from his
responsibilities as Deputy President of the republic and member of the cabinet." Zuma then
resigned as a Member of Parliament.
In the aftermath of the Shaik trial, Zuma was formally charged with corruption by the National
Prosecuting Authority. The case was struck from the roll of the Pietermaritzburg High Court after
the prosecution's application for a postponement (petitioned in order to allow the NPA to secure
admissible forms of documentation required as evidence) was dismissed. In dismissing the
application for postponement the Court rendered moot the defence's application for a permanent
stay of proceedings which would prevent Zuma from being criminally prosecuted.
[46]

Zuma's legal team continued to delay proceedings and in spite of Zuma's claim that he desired
the matter to appear in court, succeeded in making critical evidence unavailable to the court
resulting in the prosecution making an application for postponement on the set date. As the
prosecution was not ready the case was struck from the roll after the prosecution's application for
a postponement was dismissed,
[46]
however Zuma's legal team was unsuccessful in its attempts
to have the courts grant a permanent stay of proceedings (which would have rendered Zuma
immune to prosecution on the charges). This left Zuma open to being recharged with corruption
as soon as the NPA completed preparing its case.
On 8 November 2007 the Supreme Court of Appeal ruled in favour of the National Prosecuting
Authority with respect to appeals relating to various search and seizure exercises performed by
the and rejected four appeals made by Zuma's defence team. This ruling pertained to the
National Prosecuting Authority obtaining the personal diary of senior member of a French arms
company, which may have provided information relating to Zuma's possible corrupt practices
during the awarding of an arms deal.
On 28 December 2007, the Scorpions served Zuma an indictment to stand trial in the High Court
on various counts of racketeering, money laundering, corruption and fraud. A conviction and
sentence to a term of imprisonment of more than 1-year would have rendered Zuma ineligible for
election to the South African Parliament and consequently he would not have been eligible to
serve as President of South Africa.
Charges declared unlawful[edit]
Zuma appeared in court on 4 August 2008. On 12 September
2008, Pietermaritzburg Judge Chris Nicholson held that Zuma's corruption charges were
unlawful on procedural grounds in that the National Directorate of Public Prosecutions ("NDPP")
did not give Zuma a chance to make representations before deciding to charge him (this is a
requirement of the South Africa Constitution), and directed the state to pay legal
costs.
[47][48][49]
Nicholson also added, however that he believed political interference played a very
large role in the decision to recharge Zuma, although he did not say this was the reason why he
held that the charges brought against Zuma were unlawful, though it was implied. Nicholson also
stressed that his ruling did not relate to Zuma's guilt or innocence, but was merely on a
procedural point. Various media reports had incorrectly reported that the charges against Zuma
had been dismissed.
[47][50]
This was not the case. It remained competent for the NDPP to
recharge Zuma, however, only once he had been given an opportunity to make representations
to the NDPP in respect of the NDPP's decision to do so. In paragraph 47 of the Judgment, Judge
Nicholson wrote,
The obligation to hear representations forms part of the audi alteram partem principle. What is
required is that a person who may be adversely affected by a decision be given an opportunity to
make representations with a view to procuring a favourable result. The affected person should
usually be informed of the gist or the substance of the case, which he is to answer.
The Court held that the NDPP's failure to follow the procedure outlined in Section 179(5)(d) of
the Constitution rendered the decision by the NDPP to recharge Zuma unlawful. Judge Nicholson
found that there were various inferences to be drawn from the timing of the charges levelled
against Zuma (such as the fact that he was charged soon after he was elected president of
the ANC) which would warrant a conclusion that there had been a degree of political interference
by the Executive arm of government. Judge Nicholson writes in paragraph 210 of his judgement,
The timing of the indictment [of Zuma] by Mr Mpshe on 28 December 2007, after the President
suffered a political defeat at Polokwane was most unfortunate. This factor, together with the
suspension of Mr Pikoli, who was supposed to be independent and immune from executive
interference, persuade me that the most plausible inference is that the baleful political influence
was continuing.
In paragraph 220 of the Judgement Judge Nicholson went on to write,
There is a distressing pattern in the behaviour which I have set out above indicative of political
interference, pressure or influence. It commences with the "political leadership" given by Minister
Maduna to Mr Ngcuka, when he declined to prosecute the applicant, to his communications and
meetings with Thint representatives and the other matters to which I have alluded. Given the
rules of evidence the court is forced to accept the inference which is the least favourable to the
party's cause who had peculiar knowledge of the true facts. It is certainly more egregious than
the "hint or suggestion" of political interference referred to in the Yengeni matter. It is a matter of
grave concern that this process has taken place in the new South Africa given the ravages it
caused under the Apartheid order."
[51]

Prior to the hearing there had been a spate of criticism of the South African Judiciary by Zuma
supporters,
[52]
amongst whom were some prominent legal minds, such as Paul Ngobeni
[53]
In that
context, the irony was that this was the third time the South African Judiciary had found in his
favour, including Zuma's acquittal of the rape charge brought against him. The NDPP soon
announced its intention to appeal the decision.
Charges reinstated on appeal[edit]
Thabo Mbeki filed an affidavit and applied to the Constitutional Court to
appeal Pietermaritzburg High Court Judge Chris Nicholson's ruling:
It was improper for the court to make such far-reaching "vexatious, scandalous and prejudicial"
findings concerning me, to be judged and condemned on the basis of the findings in the Zuma
matter. The interests of justice, in my respectful submission would demand that the matter be
rectified. These adverse findings have led to my being recalled by my political party, the ANC – a
request I have acceded to as a committed and loyal member of the ANC for the past 52 years. I
fear that if not rectified, I might suffer further prejudice.
[54]

Tlali Tlali, National Prosecuting Authority spokesman, stated by phone from Pretoria, on 23
September, "We have received the papers. It's under consideration."
[55]

The judgement for the appeal was handed down on 12 January 2009 at the Supreme Court of
Appeal in Bloemfontein. Deputy Judge President Louis Harms had to rule on two aspects of the
appeal. The first aspect was whether or not Zuma had the right to be invited to make
representations to the NPA before they decided to reinstate charges of bribery and corruption
against him. The second aspect was whether Judge Nicholson was correct in implying political
meddling by the then President Thabo Mbeki with regards to the NPA's decision to charge Zuma.
On the question of the NPA's obligation to invite representations when reviewing decisions
Harms DP found that Nicholson's interpretation of section 179 of the Constitution was incorrect in
that the NPA did not have such an obligation and thus was free to have charged Zuma as it did.
On the question of Nicholson's inferences of political meddling by Mbeki, Harms DP found that
the lower court "overstepped the limits of its authority".
Charges dropped[edit]
On 6 April 2009, the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) dropped all charges against Zuma, as
well as co-accused French arms company Thint, in light of new revelations about serious flaws in
the prosecution.
[56]
The revelations were in the form of intercepted phone calls showing that the
head of the Scorpions, Leonard McCarthy, and the former National Director of Public
Prosecutions, Bulelani Ngcuka, had conspired over the timing of the charges laid against Zuma,
presumably to the political advantage of Zuma's political rival, President Thabo Mbeki. The
announcement of the withdrawal of charges was made by the acting head of the NPA, Mokothedi
Mpshe, who however stressed that the withdrawal was due to abuse which left the legal process
"tainted", and did not amount to an acquittal.
[57]

Just before the NPA's announcement, however, at least two political parties intimated that they
would consider legal action of their own should the charges be dropped.
[58]
The Democratic
Alliance subsequently filed for a judicial review of the NPA's decision, with party leader Helen
Zille stating that Mpshe had "not taken a decision based in law, but [instead had] buckled to
political pressure".
[59]
The case was set to be heard on 9 June 2009.
[60]
Whilst Zuma filed his
responses timeously, Mpshe delayed the hearing of the matter, requesting two extensions to file
the NPA's response. NPA spokesperson Mthunzi Mhaga said he could not file papers because
there were "outstanding matters" to be resolved. Zille, the Democratic Alliance's party head
contended that Zuma's response was fundamentally wrong and "devoid of any constitutional
basis".
[61]
Whilst the legal challenges continued, a survey showed that, as at June 2009, more
than half of South Africans believed President Jacob Zuma was doing a good job. The poll,
conducted by TNS Research Studies in the last half of June 2009, revealed that Zuma's approval
ratings had steadily improved. Around 57% of the people polled said they thought Zuma was a
capable leader – this was up 3% from April 2009 when the president was inaugurated. In
November 2008, just months after former president Thabo Mbeki was recalled and when Zuma
was facing graft charges, only 36% of South Africans were positive about him.
[62]

Later charges[edit]
Zuma has been accused largely by Opposition parties in November 2013 of having used
taxpayer funds to make additions and improvements to his private home in Nkandla. He was
accused of having deceived the South African Parliament about the use of funds for his security
use, instead using them largely for personal expenses. Zuma and his cabinet have protested the
allegations, claiming that the expenditures are for necessary security facilities of the head of
state.
[63][64]

The opposition parties have stressed that if these allegations prove to be truthful, they will
demand an impeachment or that he step down. As of June 2014, investigations have brought no
legal action to fruition.
[63][64]

Rape charges[edit]
Main article: Jacob Zuma rape trial
In December 2005, Zuma was charged with raping a 31-year old woman at his home in Forest
Town, Gauteng. The alleged victim was from a prominent ANC family, the daughter of a
deceased struggle comrade of Zuma, and also an AIDS activist who was known to be HIV
positive. Zuma denied the charges and claimed that the sex was consensual.


A crowd of supporters and the curious outside the Johannesburg High Court.
Even before charges were filed, as rumours about rape accusations surfaced later in November,
Zuma's political prospects began to appear to take a turn for the worse. Most of his higher-level
political supporters could not respond to these new charges the way they had the corruption
charges. In a hearing prior to the rape trial, a group of thousands of his supporters gathered near
the courthouse, as a smaller gathering of anti-rape groups demonstrated on behalf of the alleged
rape victim.
[65]
As he did throughout the trial, Zuma sangLethu Mshini Wami (Bring me
my machine gun) with the crowd, and ANC Youth League and Communist Party Youth League
spokesmen spoke in support of Zuma.
[66]

As the rape trial proceeded, reports surfaced that the South African Communist Party was
severely divided over how to address the issue of Zuma and the SACP's relationship to him.
Many members of the party's youth wing supported Zuma while others in the SACP were
sceptical about the value of rallying behind a particular person as opposed to emphasising
principles of governance.
[67][68]

Despite the defection of some former supporters, many Zuma supporters continued to rally
outside the courthouse, arousing criticism by anti-rape groups for regular attacks on the integrity
and moral standing of Zuma's accuser, insults yelled at a close friend of the accuser, and even
stones thrown at a woman that members of the crowd mistook for the accuser.
[69]
Zuma's
defence team introduced evidence relating to the woman's sexual past, and asserted that the sex
that took place was consensual. The prosecution asserted that her lack of resistance was due to
a state of shock, and that the relationship between the two was like that of a 'father-daughter'
pair.
[70][71]

The trial also generated political controversy when Zuma, who at the time headed the National
AIDS Council, admitted that he had not used a condom when having sex with the woman who
now accuses him of rape, despite knowing that she was HIV-positive. He stated in court that he
took a shower afterwards to "cut the risk of contracting HIV". This statement was condemned by
the judge, health experts, and AIDS activists. The popular South African comic strip, Madam &
Eve, and well known political cartoonist, Zapiro, repeatedly lampooned the matter. HIV educators
emphasised that this would do nothing to prevent HIV transmission.
[72]

On 8 May 2006, the court found Zuma not guilty of rape, agreeing with Zuma that the sexual act
in question was consensual. Judge van der Merwe lambasted the accuser for lying to the court,
but also censured Zuma for his recklessness.
As his rape trial ended, many South Africans wondered how their political system would recover
from the rifts that Zuma's trials have exposed. A Mail and Guardian analysis saw these events as
especially troubling:
The political damage is incalculable, with the ruling African National Congress now an
openly divided and faltering movement. This has had a domino effect on the South
African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions, which have
floundered and fractured in the face of damaging charges against a man they ardently
backed as the country's next president.
The trial has been fought against the backdrop of a bitter succession war between Mbeki
and Zuma... Mbeki's support in the ANC has crumbled, with the party faithful refusing to
accept that he will anoint a leader... But even Zuma's most diehard supporters privately
acknowledge that he cannot now be president, regardless of the trial outcome.
[73]

Nonetheless, Business Day's Karima Brown told The Guardian after the rape trial's
verdict was handed down, "Jacob Zuma is back. This poses a serious dilemma for the
ANC leadership. Now Zuma is marching back into Luthuli House [the ANC party HQ]. He
will demand to be reinstated as deputy president and the others will find it difficult to
block him ... This is a major victory for Zuma's political career."
[74]

The prospect of Zuma's return as a contender for the presidency caused concern for
international investors. An Independent analyst suggested, "The fear of seeing Zuma
and his crowd marching to the Union Buildings wielding machine guns is unnerving
mostly to the middle class and businessmen, according to recent surveys."
[75]

Continued support after corruption charges[edit]
While serving as deputy president, Zuma enjoyed considerable support in parts of
the left wing of the ANC, including many in the ANC Youth League, the South African
Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU)
[citation
needed]
. While Zuma faced corruption charges, these organisations remained supportive of
him. The influence of the semi-autonomous structures within the party helped Zuma
retain support even as he was removed from the deputy presidency of the country.
[citation
needed]

Zuma's dismissal was interpreted in two ways. Many international observers hailed it as
a clear sign that the South African government was dedicated to rooting out corruption
within its own ranks. On the other hand, some within South Africa focused on the fact
that Zuma and Mbeki represent different constituencies within the African National
Congress. Some left-wing supporters claimed that Mbeki and his more market-oriented
wing of the party had conspired to oust Zuma to entrench their dominance in the ANC.
[76]

Zuma's cause rallied large crowds of supporters at each of his corruption-related court
appearances in 2005. At one court date, Zuma supporters burned t-shirts with Mbeki's
picture on them, which earned the condemnation of the ANC; Zuma and his allies urged
a return to party discipline for subsequent gatherings. At the next court date in
November, Zuma supporters numbering in the thousands gathered to support him; he
addressed the Durban crowd in Zulu, urging party unity and singing the apartheid-era
struggle songLethu Mshini Wami with lyrics that translate literally as "bring me my
machine" but understood to refer to a machine gun. At an October tour for the ANC
Youth League elsewhere in the country, Zuma also earned the cheers of large crowds.
While his political strength is at least partly based on his relationships within intra-party
politics, one analyst argued that his supporters' loyalty could be explained as rooted in a
Zulu approach to loyalty and mutual aid.
[77]

Because of his support among elements of the party, Zuma remained a powerful political
figure, retaining a high position in the ANC even after his dismissal as the country's
deputy president. A panel of political analysts convened in November 2005 agreed that if
he was to be found innocent of the corruption charges brought against him, it would be
hard for any other potential ANC candidate to beat Zuma in the race for the country's
presidency in 2009. However, these analysts also questioned whether Zuma was indeed
a left-wing candidate of the sort that many of his supporters seem to seek, and noted
that the global and national economic constraints that have shaped Mbeki's presidency
would be no different in the next presidential term.
[78]

Personal life[edit]
Wives[edit]
Jacob Zuma is a polygamist who has been married six times
[79][80]
and in 2012 the Daily
Telegraph estimated Zuma to have 20 children.
[4]
In June 2012, activists, including some
from the ANC itself, complained about the amount the state paid to support Zuma's
wives, especially in the context of the country's widespread poverty.
[4][81]
In 2009/10
Zuma received a budget of £1.2m for "spousal support", almost twice the amount paid
during the terms in office of Thabo Mbeki and Kgalema Motlanthe, leading for
suggestions that only Zuma's first wife should receive state support.
[4]

1. Gertrude Sizakele Khumalo, whom he met in 1959 and married shortly after his
release from prison in 1973.
[82]
She lives at his home at Nkandla, KwaZulu-
Natal. They have no children.
2. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, a cabinet minister since 1999, with whom he has four
children. They divorced in June 1998.
[83]

3. Kate Mantsho, from Mozambique, with whom he had five children. She
committed suicide on 8 December 2000.
[81][83]

4. Nompumelelo Ntuli (MaNtuli), married on 8 January 2008. Ntuli, born 1975, is a
resident of KwaMaphumulo near Stanger and has three children.
[83]

5. Thobeka Stacie Madiba (born Mabhija, her mother's name), married 4 January
2010 with whom he has one child.
[84]
Zuma paid lobola to her clan in 2007. Their
child was born in October 2007. She has another of Zuma's out-of-wedlock
children living with her.
[84]
Mabhija grew up in Umlazi, where she matriculated at
Umlazi Commercial High School. She has worked at Standard Bank, Ithala, Cell
C and SA Homeloans in La Lucia.
[85][86][87]
She owns a house in Durban North.
[88]

6. Gloria Bongekile Ngema, married on 20 April 2012. The wedding took place
in Nkandla and was attended by Zuma's three other wives. Following a
traditional ceremony known as umgcagco, the bridal party participated in a
traditional Zulu competitive celebratory dance. Ngema has one son with Zuma.
[3]

Fiancées[edit]
Zuma paid 10 cattle as lobola for Swazi Princess Sebentile Dlamini in 2003.
[89]

Other children[edit]
 He has another son, Edward, with Minah Shongwe, sister of Judge Jeremiah
Shongwe, who asked to be recused from Zuma's rape trial because of the liaison.
[90]

 He has two daughters, born 18 January 1998 and 19 September 2002, with
Pietermaritzburg businesswoman Priscilla Nonkwaleko Mhlongo.
[91]

 There are reports of four other children – three from a woman
from Johannesburg and one from a woman from Richard's Bay.
[84]

2009 "love-child"[edit]
In January 2010, The Sunday Times reported that Sonono Khoza, the daughter of Irvin
Khoza, gave birth to Zuma's 20th child on 8 October 2009, a daughter called Thandekile
Matina Zuma.
[92][93]

On 3 February, Zuma responded, confirming that the child was his, and that he had
paid inhlawulo, acknowledging paternity. He protested the publishing of the child's name,
saying it was illegal exploitation of the child. He denied that the incident had relevance to
the government's AIDS programme, and appealed for privacy.
[94]
On 6 February, Zuma
said he "deeply regretted the pain that he caused to his family, the ANC, the alliance and
South Africans in general."
[95]
The office of the presidency's comment was that it was a
private matter.
[96]

The mother of the child said: "What baby are you talking about? I have two children.
They are in school. These are people's lives. Let me be," she told the Sowetan.
[97]

Government reaction[edit]
The ANC defended Zuma, saying it saw no links between its policies on HIV/AIDS and
Mr Zuma's personal life.
[98]
Former ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema, said "We
are Africans and sitting here all of us, Zuma is our father so we are not qualified to talk
about that". Malema said the ANCYL would emphasise its HIV programme and "one
boyfriend, one girlfriend" stance in an awareness campaign across the country.
[99]
ANC
Women's League deputy president Nosipho Dorothy Ntwanambi said: "it is not right to
have an extramarital affair if you have committed to yourself to a marriage. But under the
Customary Marriages Act, if the first wife agrees, and if all these issues are discussed
with her, we can't do anything."
[100]
On 5 February, the ANC acknowledged the
widespread disapproval by saying that the experience had "taught us many valuable
lessons", and they had listened to the people.
[101]

COSATU, an ANC alliance partner, passed no judgment but hoped that it will be "a
matter on Zuma's conscience"
[101]
Vavi reiterated Zuma's appeal then that he be
accorded his "right to privacy" and the child protected from undue publicity.
Opposition reaction[edit]
Helen Zille of the Democratic Alliance said Zuma contradicted his public message of
safe sex to South Africans, among the worst sufferers of AIDS.
[102]
She said it was wrong
to say it was purely a private matter, and elected public officials had to embody the
principles and values for which they stand.
[103]

The African Christian Democratic Party said Zuma was undermining the government's
drive to persuade people to practise safe sex to combat HIV and AIDS.
[102]

The Congress of the People (COPE) said Zuma could no longer use African cultural
practices to justify his "promiscuity".
[102]

Independent Democrats leader Patricia de Lille, said Zuma was asking people "to do as I
say and not as I do".
[104]

Zuma and Zimbabwe[edit]
The African National Congress, of which Zuma is now president, historically has
considered the ZANU-PF party a natural ally, born out of mutual struggle against white
oppression. Former South African president Thabo Mbeki has never publicly criticised
Mugabe's policies – preferring "quiet diplomacy" rather than "megaphone diplomacy", his
term for the harsh Western condemnations of Mugabe's leadership.
[105][106]
However, the
left of the party and extra-party organisations such as the ANC Youth League, the South
African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU)
have advocated for a tougher stance on Zimbabwe.
[107][108]
It is from these organisations
that Zuma derives his support.
Zuma's stance on Zimbabwe has been mixed. In a 2006 interview with the German
magazine Der Spiegel, he expressed more sympathetic sentiments towards Mugabe,
saying that "Europeans often ignore the fact that Mugabe is very popular among
Africans. In their eyes, he has given blacks their country back after centuries of
colonialism." He continued: "The people love him, so how can we condemn him? Many
in Africa believe that there is a racist aspect to European and American criticism of
Mugabe. Millions of blacks died in Angola, the Republic of Congo and Rwanda. A few
whites lost their lives in Zimbabwe, unfortunately, and already the West is bent out of
shape."
[109]

However, by December 2007, he was more forthright in criticising Zimbabwe's
leadership, increasingly defining his own policy in contrast to that of Mbeki:
It is even more tragic that other world leaders who witness repression pretend it
is not happening, or is exaggerated. When history eventually deals with the
dictators, those who stood by and watched should also bear the consequences.
A shameful quality of the modern world is to turn away from injustice and ignore
the hardships of others.
[110]

Zuma criticised Mbeki, accusing him of being lenient on dictators.
[111]

Following the disputed elections in Zimbabwe on 29 March 2008, he became critical of
the election process in Zimbabwe
[112]
referring to delays in the outcome as
"suspicious".
[113]
In a press conference on 24 June, he asserted: "We cannot agree with
ZANU-PF. We cannot agree with them on values. We fought for the right of people to
vote, we fought for democracy."
[114]
At an ANC dinner in July, he rebuked Mugabe for
refusing to step down.
[115]

Zuma vs the media[edit]
As a backlash to the frenzied media following of his rape trial, Zuma filed a series of
defamation lawsuits on 30 June 2006 against various South African media outlets for
publishing content that allegedly besmirched his public profile, in the form of cartoons,
commentary, photos and parody pieces. The media outlets that came under fire
were The Star for R 20 million, Rapport for R 10 million, Highveld Stereo for
R 6 million, The Citizen for R 5 million, Sunday Sun for R 5 million, Sunday
Independent for R 5 million, andSunday World for R 5 million.
Zuma appointed Former Conservative Party MP advocate Jurg Prinsloo, as well as
Wycliffe Mothuloe to tackle his so-called "crucifixion by the media". Zuma said:
[116]

For a period of five years my person has been subjected to all types of
allegations and innuendo, paraded through the media and other corridors of
influence without these allegations having being [sic] tested. I have thereby been
denied my constitutional right to reply and defend myself.
The response from the challenged media was highly critical, and written protests to
various media outlets accused Zuma of challenging their freedom of speech.
Zuma was parodied further in an advertisement for Pronto Condoms, using his famous
shower statement.
[117]

In 2012, Zuma featured in a satirical painting by Cape Town-based artist Brett Murray,
who depicted him in his painting The Spear, in a pose similar to Lenin, but with his
genitals exposed. The ANC responded by threatening court action against the gallery
showing the painting, and further demanding that the image should be removed from
online sources. The subsequent aggressive sharing of the image through social
networks can be considered a form of the Streisand Effect.
[118][119]
On 22 May 2012, the
painting was vandalised while it was hanging in an art gallery in Johannesburg. The face
and genitals of Zuma were painted over.
[120]

In December, 2013, it was reported that Zuma was booed by the crowd at the memorial
service for Nelson Mandela. Al Jazeera reported that “for many South Africans, Zuma
represents some of the nation‟s least appealing qualities. They consider their deeply
flawed president and faltering government and mutter dark thoughts about a failing state
and a banana republic.”
[121]

Political positions[edit]
Remarks on same-sex marriage[edit]
Zuma was criticised by gay and lesbian groups after he criticised same-sex marriage at
a Heritage Day celebration on 24 September 2006 in Stanger, saying that same-sex
marriage was "a disgrace to the nation and to God": "When I was growing up,
an ungqingili (a homosexual) would not have stood in front of me. I would knock him
out."
[122]

The Joint Working Group (an LGBT advocacy coalition) questioned Zuma's leadership
skills and stated that a "true leader leads with intellect and wisdom – not popularity or
favour. How can a narrow-minded person like this be expected to lead our
nation?"
[123]
Zuma subsequently apologised to those who were offended by the
statement,
[124]
stating, "I also respect, acknowledge and applaud the sterling contribution
of many gay and lesbian compatriots in the struggle that brought about our freedom, and
the role they continue to play in the building of a successful non-racial, non-
discriminatory South Africa."
Remarks on Western Sahara[edit]
Habib Defouad, Morocco's ambassador to South Africa, criticised Zuma's support for the
independence of Western Sahara in June 2007.
[125]
The ANC has since the 1970s
supported the Sahrawi independence movement Front Polisario, under both Mandela
and Mbeki. In 2004 South Africa recognised the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, or
SADR, as a legitimate government-in-exile.
Remarks on teenage pregnancy[edit]
Zuma's solution to pregnancy in South African teenagers is to confiscate their babies
and have the mothers taken to colleges and "forced" to obtain degrees
[126][127]
and also to
make sure that the condoms are available in diverse institutions.
Remarks on the Second Coming[edit]
Zuma also drew censure from religious and secular groups alike when he declared that
the ANC would rule South Africa until the return of Jesus Christ, and that its continued
governance was just what God wanted:
God expects us to rule this country because we are the only organisation which
was blessed by pastors when it was formed. It is even blessed in Heaven. That
is why we will rule until Jesus comes back. We should not allow anyone to
govern our city when we are ruling the country.
[128][129]

Zuma later defended his remarks by describing them as a "political expression": "Talking
about Jesus is not abusing his name; it's actually saying historically, 'This is what the
ANC is all about.' It's just a political expression that we are strong and will be strong for a
long time. I want to apologise if this reality sits uncomfortably with others."
[130]
He added
that he had been baptised and knew Jesus: "I fear God [.... I]t's not because I'm
despising God, not at all."
[130]

Remarks on Afrikaners[edit]
Not long before the NPA dropped its corruption case against him, Zuma met with
controversy once again. Speaking at the Hilton Hotel in Sandton, Johannesburg,
whose Afrikaans community he was addressing (not, he claimed, for electioneering
purposes), Zuma said,
Of all the white groups that are in South Africa, it is only the Afrikaners that are
truly South Africans in the true sense of the word.
Up to this day, they don't carry two passports; they carry one. They are here to
stay.
[130]

Addressing the matter of apartheid, Zuma employed wry humour in praising ironically the
"innovative" Afrikaner approach to protests, which couched its crimes in terms like
"separate development". He also confronted the matter of police corruption, declaring
that "you cannot put the trust of the country to a person who is actually a criminal."
[130]

Remarks about political opponents[edit]
In January, 2014, it was reported that Zuma had accused Democratic Alliance
leader Helen Zille of having “that old mentality that black people are not intelligent, if they
succeed it must be probed.” Zuma‟s remarks came after Zille had questioned matric
pass improvements in various provinces. Zille had said that the surge in the number of
successful candidates in Mpumalanga and the North West was questionable and
unrealistic, and had called for an independent audit of the results. Zuma, reportedly, said
in response: “They‟ve always said that a black person cannot pass, we‟re passing now...I
heard this white person saying let there be an investigation, they can‟t pass like this, and
I said to myself, this person still has that old mentality that black people are not
intelligent, if they succeed it must be probed.”
[131]

Controversy[edit]
Shaik's parole[edit]
In March 2009, Schabir Shaik was released from prison just 28 months into his fifteen-
year sentence. He had been granted medical parole, a leniency meant only for the
terminally ill, despite the opinion of his doctors that he was fighting fit and free for
hospital discharge.
Media speculation had it that Zuma may have played a role in this eventuality, but the
ANC President's spokesman firmly denied it. Only days before, however, he had publicly
stated that, as President of South Africa, he would personally ensure Shaik's
release.
[132]
Retrieved 22 April 2009
Ngcobo's nomination as Chief Justice[edit]
On 6 August 2009, Zuma nominated Sandile Ngcobo as Chief Justice of South
Africa,
[133]
drawing criticism from four opposition groups.
[134]
On 1 October 2009, the
appointment was confirmed. The Democratic Alliance, the Congress of the People, the
Inkatha Freedom Party and the Independent Democrats accused Zuma of failing to
consult properly ahead of his nomination of Ngcobo. The opposition urged Zuma to
restart the process from scratch saying they would prefer current Deputy Chief
Justice Dikgang Moseneke for the post.
[135]

Failure to disclose assets after taking office as President of South
Africa[edit]
Zuma, as President of South Africa, was required to declare his financial interests within
60 days of taking office. But, as of March 2010, he had failed to do so, nine months after
taking office. This led to calls for him to do so by opposition parties, and ANC alliance
partner COSATU.
[136]
ANC spokesman, Brian Sokutu, stated that Zuma constituted a
"special case", because of his "large family" making it difficult to declare his assets. The
ANC later distanced itself from this statement.
[137]
Zuma disclosed his interests shortly
after.
[138]

Alleged abuses by bodyguards[edit]
In 2010, Zuma's bodyguards were implicated in multiple incidents involving members of
the public and journalists. In February, a Cape Town student, Chumani Maxwele was
detained by police after allegedly showing Zuma's motorcade a "rude gesture". Maxwele,
an active ANC member,
[139]
was released after 24 hours, having provided a written
apology to police, which he later claimed was coerced. He also claimed that his home
had been raided by plain clothes policemen, and that he had been forced into the vehicle
at gunpoint. Maxwele later instituted legal action against the police,
[140]
and a complaint
was filed on his behalf to the Human Rights Commission.
[141]
The incident led to a
heated dispute when it was discussed in Parliament.
[142]

In March, journalist Tshepo Lesole was forced to delete pictures of Zuma's convoy from
his camera by police, and two photographers were detained by police when
photographing Zuma's Johannesburg home.
[143][citation needed]
Sky News reporter Emma
Hurd claimed she had been pushed, manhandled and "groped" by Zuma's bodyguards in
2009.
[144]

"Shoot the Boer" song[edit]
In January 2012, Zuma gave a speech at the ANC Centennial 2012 celebrations in
Bloemfontein, South Africa and afterwards sang the song "Dubul' ibhunu" ("Shoot
theBoer").
[145][146]

Authoritarianism[edit]
It has been argued that "Zuma has enhanced the coercive capacity of the state"
[147]
and
that he has focused on "building a state based on fear".
[148]

Understanding of democracy[edit]
On Thursday 13 September 2012, Jacob Zuma caused controversy when he told the
South African National Assembly that minority groups have fewer rights than the
majority.
[149]
He stated that "You have more rights because you're a majority; you have
less rights because you're a minority. That's how democracy works," provoking an outcry
from opposition benches.
[150]

Nkandla upgrades and development[edit]
Main article: Nkandla (homestead)
In October 2012, the public prosecutor announced separate investigations into the
financial circumstances of upgrades to Zuma's residence at Nkandla, as well as the
development of a nearby town, dubbed "Zumaville", estimated to be a R2 billion
investment,
[151]
and road upgrades from dirt to tar. In November 2012 Zuma answered in
parliament that he was unaware of the scale of the work, but agreed to two
investigations, one to probe its rising costs, and another to determine any breaches of
parliamentary spending rules.
[81]
State-owned media have been banned from calling it
"Nkandlagate", and journalists were warned not to reveal the details of „top secret‟
documents.
[81]

See also[edit]

South Africa portal

Biography portal
 Schabir Shaik trial
 The Spear (painting)


Filmography[edit]
 The Passion of Jacob Zuma, French documentary by Jean-Baptiste
Dusséaux and Matthieu Niango (France Ô, 2009)
 Motherland (film), 2009 Documentary
[152]
directed by Owen Alik Shahadah
References[edit]
1. Jump up^