Mandell House and Jacob Schiff Etc Synopses

Mandell House and Jacob Schiff Advocates of World Government. Peter Myers,
January 5, 2003; update August 26, 2004. My comments are shown {thus}. http://mailstar.net/house-schiff.html House and Schiff were key players behind the scenes in setting the agenda for the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations. Write to me at contact.html. You are at http://mailstar.net/house-schiff.html. Note the epilogue WHAT CO-PARTNERSHIP CAN DO, by Earl Grey. (1) Colonel House's political novel Philip Dru: Administrator (2) Deconstructing the novel Philip Dru: Administrator (3) The Christian Gloss (4) Jacob Schiff's campaign for Zionism and World Government (5) Deconstructing Schiff's Utopianism (6) H. G. Wells, Lionel Curtis, Henry Wickham Steed & Lord Grey advocate the League of Nations as a World Government (7) Two Conspiracies (8) John Coleman on Mandell Huis (9) Lenin's Opposition to the Treaty of Versailles

(1) Colonel House's political novel Philip Dru: Administrator PHILIP DRU: ADMINISTRATOR A STORY OF TOMORROW 1920 - 1935
"No war of classes, no hostility to existing wealth, no wanton or unjust violation of the rights of property, but a constant disposition to ameliorate the condition of the classes least favored by fortune." - MAZZINI New York R. W. Huebsch 1912 {the author of the 1912 edition is anonymous, but the 1920 edition bears the author's name: Mandell House. Here is a computerised call slip from the National Library of Australia in Canberra, which shows the author's name: house.jpg.}

This book is dedicated to the unhappy many who have live lived and died lacking opportunity, because, in the starting, the world-wide social structure was wrongly begun. {p. 1} IN the year 1920, the student and the statesman saw many indications that the social financial and industrial troubles that had vexed the United States of America for so long a time were about to culminate in civil war. Wealth had grown so strong that the few were about to strangle the many and among the great masses of the people there was sullen and rebellious discontent. The laborer in the cities, the producer on the farm, the merchant, the professional man and all save organized capital and its satellites, saw a gloomy and hopeless future. {p. 2} There was among the young graduating soldiers one who seemed depressed and out of touch with the triumphant blare of militarism ... {p. 3} But this was not all the young man saw, for Philip Dru ... saw many of the civil institutions of his country debased by the power of wealth under the thin guise of the constitutional protection of property. He saw the Army which he had sworn to serve faithfully becoming prostituted by this same power, and used at times for purposes of intimidation and petty conquests where the interests of wealth were at stake. He saw the great city where luxury, dominant and defiant, existed largely by grace of eploitation - exploitation of men, women and children. {p. 5} Gloria looked directly at Philip ... "I am wondering, Mr. Dru, why you came to West Point and why it is you like the thought of being a soldier? " she asked. ... "As far back as I can remember," he said, "I have wanted to be a soldier. ... but ... I would do everything in my power to avert war and the sufFering it entails. ... {p. 6} "Gloria, we are entering a new era. The past is no longer to be a guide to the future. A century and a half ago there arose in France a giant that had slumbered for untold centuries. He knew he had suffered grievous wrongs, but he did not know how to right them. He therefore struck out blindly {p. 7} and cruelly, and the innocent went down with the guilty. He was almost wholly ignorant for in the scheme of society as then constructed, the ruling few felt that he must be kept ignorant, otherwise they could not continue to hold him in bondage. For him

the door of opportunity was closed, and he struggled from the cradle to the grave for the minumum of food and clothing necssary to keep breath within the body. His labor and his very life itself was subject to the greed, the passion and the caprice of his over-lord. "So when he awoke he could only destroy. Unfortunately for him, there was not one of the governing class who was big enough and humane enough to lend a guiding and a friendly hand, so he was led by weak and selfish men who could only incite him to further wanton murder and demolition. "But out of that revelry of blood there dawned upon mankind the hope of a more splendid day. The divinity of kings, the Godgiven right to rule, was shattered for all time. {a reference to the French Revolution. But "for all time" - is this an objective statement? Is it not based on the Marxist idea of a coming utopia, the culmination of history?} The giant at last knew his strength, and with head erect, and the light of freedom in his eyes, he dared to assert the liberty, equality and fraternity of man {a slogan of the French Revolution}. Then throughout the Western world one stratum of society after another demanded and obtained the right to acquire wealth and {p. 8} to share in the government. Here and there one bolder and more forceful than the rest acquired great wealth nnd with it great power. Not satisfied with reasonable gain, they sought to multiply it beyond all bounds of need. They who had sprung from the people a short life span ago were now throttling individual effort and shackling the great movement for equal rights and equal opportunity." {Judaism and Marxism say that an equalist utopia is possible and inevitable, but the Gospels say it isn't - not on earth, anyway} Dru's voice became tense and vibrant, and he talked in quick sharp jerks. "Nowhere in the world is wealth more defiant, and monopoly more insistent than in this mighty republic," he said, " and it is here that the next great battle for human emancipation will be fought and won. And from the blood and travail of an enlightened people, there will be born a spirit of love and brotherhood which will transform the world; and the Star of Bethlehem, seen but darkly for two thousand years, will shine again with a steady and eflulgent glow."

{at first, this seems "christian"; but actally it's a put-down of 2000 years of Christianity. Might it actually be the star of david, that will rise?} {p. 9} LONG before Philip had finished speaking, Gloria saw that he had forgotten her presence. With glistening eyes and face aflame he had talked on and on with such compelling force that she beheld in bim the prophet of a new day. She sat very still for a while, and then she reached ont to touch his sleeve. {p. 10} ... Philip continued - " Your father, I think, is not to blame. It is the system that is at fault. His struggle and his environment from childhood have blinded him to the truth. ... it is labor, labor of the mind and of the body, that creates, and not capital." {p. 11} "The first gleam of hope came with the advent of Christ," he continued. "... the meaning of Christ's teaching failed utterly to reach human comprehension. They accepted him as a religious teacher only {p. 12} far as their selfish desires led them. They were willing to deny other gods and admit one Creator of all things, but they split into fragments regarding the creeds and forms necessary to salvation. In the name of Christ they committed atrocities that would put to blush the most benighted savages. Their very excesses in cruelty finally eaused a revolution in feeling, and there was evolved the Christian religion of to-day, a religion almost wholly selfish and concerned almost entirely in the betterment of life after death." {even so, the Gospels are oriented to "the next life", in Heaven} {p. 30} OFFICERS and friends urged Philip to reconsider his determination of resigning, but once decided, he could not be swerved from his purpose. ... "... The dominion of mind, but faintly seen at that time, but more clearly now, will finally come into full vision. The materialists under the leadership of Darwin, Huxley and Wal{p. 31} lace, went far in the right direction, but in trying to go to the very fountainhead of life, they came to a door which they could not open and which no materialistic key will ever open." "So, Mr Preacher, you're at it again," laughed Gloria. ...

"Well," went on Dru ... "We are just learning our power and dominion over ourselves. When in the future children are trained from infancy that they can measurably conquer their troubles by the force of mind, a new era will have come to man." "There," said Gloria, with an earnestness that Philip had rarely heard in her, "is perhaps the source of the true redemption of the world." {p. 32} "Mental ills will take flight along with bodily ills. We should be trained, too, not to dwell upon anticipated troubles, but to use our minds and bodies in an earnest, honest endeavor to avert threatened disaster. ... in the great realm of the supremacy of mind or spirit the thought of failure should not enter." "Yes, I know, Philip." {p. 44} PHILIP and Mr. Strawn oftentimes discussed the mental and moral upheaval that was now generally in evidence. "What is to be the outcome, Philip?" said Mr. Strawn. "I know that things are not as they should be, but how can there be a more even distribution of wealth without lessening the efficiency of the strong, able and energetic men and without making mendicants of the indolent and improvident? If we had pure socialism, we could never get the slightest endeavor out of anyone, for it would seem not worth while to do more than the average. The race would then go backward instead of lifting itself higher by the insistent desire to excel and to reap the rich reward that comes with success." "In the past, Mr. Strawn, your contention would be unanswerable, but the moral tone and thought of the world is changing. You take it for granted that man must have in sight some material reward ... {p. 45} I believe that mankind is awakening to the fact that material compensation is far less to be desired than spiritual compensation. This feeling will grow, it is growing, and when it comes to full fruition, the world will find but little difficulty in attaining a certain measure of altruism. I agree with you that this much-to-be desired state of society cannot be altogether reached by laws, however drastic. Socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx cannot be entirely brought about by a comprehensive system of state ownership and by the leveling of wealth. If that were done without a spiritual leavening, the result would be largely as you suggest."

{p. 51} ... he rented an inexpensive room over a small hardware store ... {p. 52} The thin, sharp-featured Jew and his fat, homely wife who kept it had lived in that neighborhood for many years, and Philip found them a mine of useful information regarding the things he wished to know. ... He arranged with Mrs. Lewinsky to have his breakfast with them. Soon he learned to like the Jew and his wife. ... Ben Levinsky's forebears had long lived in Warsaw. From father to son, from one generation to another, they had handed down a bookshop ... {p. 58} Their customers were largely among the gentiles and for a long time the anti-semitic waves passed over them, leaving them untouched. They were law-abiding, inoffensive, peaceable citizens, and had been for generations. One bleak December day, at a market place in Warsaw, a young Jew, baited beyond endurance, struck out madly at his aggressors, and in the general rnelec that followed, the son of a high official was killed. ... the Jew had struck the first blow and that was all sufficient for the blood of hate to surge in the eyes of the race-mad mob. They began a blind, unreasoning massacre. {Solzhenitsyn's new book addresses the question of the treatment of Jews in Russia prior to 1917. Solzhenitsyn refutes much of the stereotyped view established in the west by Jewish propagandists: http://www.mn.ru/english/issue.php?2002-51-9} {p. 54} Levinsky epected the mob to pass his place and leave it unmolested. It stopped, hesitated and then rammed in the door. It was all over in a moment. Father, mother and child lay dead and torn almost limb from limb. {p. 61} WHILE Philip was establishing himself in New York, as a social worker and writer, Gloria was spending more and more of her time in settlement work ... {p. 66} It did not take Philip long to discern that in the last analysis it would be necessary for himself and co-workers to reach the results aimed at through politics. Masterful and arrogant wealth, created largely by Government protection of its profits, not content with its domination and influence within a single party, had sought to corrupt them both, and to that end had insinuated itself into the

primaries, in order that no candidates might be nominated whose views were not in accord with theirs. By the use of all the money that could be spent, by a complete and compact organization and by the {p. 67} most infamous sort of deception regarding his read opinions and intentions, plutocracy had succeded in electing its creature to the Presidency ... {sounds like George W. Bush} Up to the advent of Senator Selwyn, the interests had not successfully concealed their hands. {p. 68} But the adroit Selwyn moved differently. His first move was to confer with John Thor, the high priest of finance ... {p. 70} Not only did Selwyn plan to win the Presidency, but he also planned to bring under his control the Senate and the Supreme Court. {p. 74} Rockland was a man of much ability, but he fell far short of measuring up with Selwyn, who was in a class by himself. The Governor ... was willing to forecast his political acts in order to obtain potential support. {the author of this book, "Colonel" Mandell House, now hints at his identity} When he reached the Mandell House, he was at once shown to the Senator's rooms. Selwyn received him cordially enough ... {p. 83} Gloria was a frequent visitor at the Selwyn household both in Washington and Philadelphia, and was a favorite with the Scnator. He often bantered her concerning her "socialislic views," and she in turn would declare that he would some day see the light. {p. 94} And Serlwyn wom and Rockland became the keystone of the arch he had set out to build. ... One of the Supreme Court justices died, two retired because of age, and all were replaced by men suggested by Selwyn. He now had the Senate, the Executive and a majority of Court of last resort.

{p. 96} It was a strmge happening, the way the lis- elosure was made and the Nation eame to know of the Sclwyn-Thor conspiracy to control the government. {p. 108} IN the meantime Selwyn and Thor had issued an address, defending their course as warranted by both the facts and the law. They said that the Government had been honeycombed by irresponsible demagogues ... They contended that in protecting capital against vicious assaults, they were serving the cause of labor and advancing the welfare of all. {p. 109} Acting under Selwyn's advice, Rockland began to concentrate quietly troops in the large centers of population. He also ordered the fleets into home waters. ... He advised a thorough overlooking of the militia, and the weeding out of those likely to sympathize with the "mob." ... He recalled to them that the French Revolution was {p. 110} caused, and continued, by the weakness and inertia of Louis Fifteenth and his ministers and that the moment the Directorate placed Buonaparte in command of a handful of troops, and gave him power to act, by the use of grape and ball he brought order in a day. {p. 117} And then came the election. Troops were at the polls and a free ballot was denied. It was the last straw. Citizens gathering after nightfall in order to protest were told to disperse immediately, and upon refusal, were fired upon. The next morning showed a death roll in the large centers of population that was appalling. {p. 118} Philip knew differently, and he also knew that civil war had begun. He communicated his plans to no one, but he had the campaign well laid out. It was his intention to concentrate in Wisconsin as large a force as could be gotten from his followers {p. 122} GENERAL DRU brought together an army of fifty thousand men at Madison and about forty thousand near Des Moines, and recruits were coming in rapidly. President Roekland had concentrated twenty thousand regulars and thirty thousand militia at Chicago, and had given command to Major General Newton {p. 124} When Dru found General Newton had evacuated Chicago, he occupied it, and then moved further east ...

{p. 124} Canada was still open as a means of food supply to the East, as were all the ports of the Atlantic seaboard as far south as Charleston. {p. 136} Dru's soldiers saw that victory was theirs, and, maddened by the lust of war, they drove the Government forces back ... {p. 148} GENERAL DRU began at once the reorganization of his army. The Nation knew that the war was over, and it was in a quiver of excitement. They recognized the fact that Dru dominated the situation and that a master mind had at last arisen in the Republic. {p. 149} Dru was now ready to march upon Washington ... {p. 152} Selwyn made a formal surrender to him and was placed under arrest, but it was hardly more than a formality, for Selwyn was placed undcr no further restraint than that he should not leave Washington. ... General Dru now called a conference of his officers and announced his purpose of assuming the powers of a dictator, distasteful as it was to him ... {p. 153} He then issued an address to his army proclaiming himself "administrator of the Republic." {p. 155} Dru presided over the meeting ... addressing the meetinf as follows: "My fellow countrymen ... "We all agreed that a change had to be brought about even though it meant revolution ... {p. 157} ... Dru was able to go forward with his great work,conscious of the support and approval of an overwhelming majority of his fellow countrymen. {P. 167} Dru used Selwyn's unusual talents ... in thoroughly overhauling the actual machinery of both Federal and State {p. 168} Governments. {p. 169} High salaries were to be paid, but the number of judges was to be largely decreased, perhaps by two-thirds. This would be possible, because the simplification of procedure and the curtailment of their powers would enormously lessen the amount of

work to be done. Dru called the Board's attention to the fact that England had about two hundred judges of all kinds, while there were some thirty-six hundred in the United States, and that reversals by the English courts were only about three per cent. of the reversals in the American courts. {p. 172} DRU selected another board of five lawyers, and to them he gave the task of reforming legal procedure and of pruning down the existing laws, both State and Nation, cutting out the obsolete and useless ones a rewriting those recommended to be retained, in plain direct language free from useless legal verbiage and understandable to the ordinary lay citizen. {p. 173} A uniform divorce law was also to be drawn and put into operation {p. 176} THE question of taxation was one of the most complex problems with which the administrator had to deal. {p. 177} At the first sitting of the Committee, Dru told them to consider every existing tax law obliterated, to begin anew ... {p. 178} In other words, if A had one hundred acres with eighty acres of it in cultivation and otherwise improved, and B had one hundred acres beside him of just as good land, but not in cultivation or improved, B's land should be taxed as much as A's. In cities and towns taxation was to be on a similar basis. For instance, where there was a lot, say, one hundred feet by one hundred feet with improvements on it worth three hundred thousand dollars, and there was another lot of the same size and value, the improved lot should be taxed only sixty thousand more than the unimproved lot; that is, both lots should be taxed alike, and the improvements on the one should be assessed at sixty thousand dollars or one-fifth of its actual value. This, Dru pointed out, would deter owners from holding unimproved realty ... In the country it would opcn up land for cultivation now lying idle ... {p. 179} The Administrator further directed the tax board to work out a graduated income tax exempting no income whatsoever. {p. 218} Dru thought the result warranted universal franchise without distinction of race, color or sex. {p. 219} Man could ask woman to mate, but women were denied this priviege, and, even when mated, oftentimes a life of never ending drudgery followed.

Dru believed that if women could ever become {p. 220} economically independent of man, it would, to a large degree, mitigate the social evil. They would then no longer be compelled to marry ... {p. 272} ... Dru negotiated ... that England and America were to join hands {p. 273} in a world wide policy of peace and commercial freedom. According to Dru's plan, disarmaments were to be made to all appreciable degree, custom barriers were to be torn down, zones of influence clearly defined, and an era of friendly commercial rivalry established. ... Germany was to have the freest commercial access to South America, and she was invited to develop those countries both with German colonists and her capital. {p. 276} Japan and China were to have all of Eastern Asia as their sphere of influence, and if it pleased them to drive Russia back into Europe, no one would interfere. That great giant had not yet discarded the ways and habits of medievalism. ... Sometimes in his day dreams, Dru thought of Russia in its vastness, of the ignorance and hopeless outlook of the people, and wondered when her deliverance would come. There was, he knew, great work for someone to do in that despotic land. {p. 280} IN spite of repeated warnings from the United States, Mexico and the Central American Republics obstinately continued their old time habit of revolutions without just cause ... until neither life nor property was safe. {p. 281} ... Dru sent one hundred thousand men to the Rio Grande ... The answer was a coalition of all the opposing factions and the massing of a large army of defense. The Central American Republics also joined Mexico and hurriedly sent troops north. General Dru took personal command of the American forces, crossed the Rio Grande at Laredo, and war was declared. {p. 289} By the time the Americnns reached the earthworks, the Mexicans were in flight ... the rout was completed.

... Dru said, "It is not our purpose to annex {p. 290} your country ... But in the future, our flag is to be your flag, and you are to be directly under the protection of the United States. ... "All custom duties are to be abolished excepting those uniform tariffs that the nations of the world have agreed on for revenue purposes, and which {p. 291} in no way restrict the freedom of trade. ... While Dru did not then indicate it, he had in mind the amalgamation of Mexico and the Central American Reublics into one government, even though separate states were maintained. {p. 292} SEVEN years had passed ... {p. 293} By negotiations, by purchase and by allowing other powers ample coaling stations along the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, the Bahamas, Bermuda and the British, French and Dutch Indies were under American protection, and "old Glory" was the undisputed emblem of authority in the northern half of the Western Hemisphere. {"novel" ends, but there is a conclusion written by Earl Grey, like an epilogue} {p. 300} WHAT CO-PARTNERSHIP CAN DO By Earl Grey (Governor-General of Canada, 1904-11) One of the ablest champions of Co-partnership as a solution of the industrial problem is Earl Grey. Below are some remarkable passages from his presidential address to the Labor Co-Partnership Assocation. The problem before us is how to organize our industry on lines of fairness ... Fairplay is the keynote of our British character ... {p. 301} The great fact with which we are confronted in the industries of to-day is that labor and capital are organized not in one but in opposing camps, with the object not so much of promoting the common well-being of all connected with industry as of securing whatever advantage can be obtained in the prosecution of their common industry for themselves. {p. 302} Then not only have we to consider the limiting effect on the efficiency of industry caused by the fact that capital and labor are ranged not in one but in opposing camps, but we have also to

consider the effect on the attitude of the men towards the management caused by the growing tendency of the small business to be swallowed up by the large combine. ... if by substituting big businesses for small businesses you destroy the old intimate connection which formerly existed between masters and {p. 303} men, it would appear to be necessary, if you wish to maintain the old friendly relations between employer and employed, that you should establish your business on lines which will automatically create a feeling of loyalty on the part of all concerned to the industry with which they are connected. How is that to be done? By co-partnership. Now, what is the ideal of co-partnership? Ideal co-partnership is a System under which worker and consumer shall share with capitalists in the profits of industry. ... {end of quotes}

(2) Deconstructing the novel Philip Dru: Administrator
2.1 It looks as if House sides with the proletariat, against the capitalist class (symbolized by Rockland, leader of the attempted coup d'etat), his aim being to introduce "Socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx" (p. 45). Yet the epilogue is written by Earl Albert Grey, GovernorGeneral of Canada. His contribution shows that Philip Dru: Administrator is a serious political tract in the guise of a novel. Benjamin Disraeli had used the same technique (disraeli.html), and so had H. G. Wells (hgwells.html). Further, Earl Albert Grey was a member of a secret society set up by Cecil Rhodes to further the British Empire (quigley.html); members included Lord Rothschild and his son-in-law Lord Rosebery. Rhodes, like them, was one of the wealthiest men in the world. Yet here is Earl Grey endorsing House's novel, in which he purports to side with the French Revolutionaries of 1789.

Only a few years after this novel, House was heavily involved in plans to establish a World Government via the Peace Conference of Versailles: toolkit3.html. These considerations show that Philip Dru: Administrator must be re-evaluated: that it is part of a hidden agenda, a deception by which to lead politicians and the framers of public opinion in a certain direction. 2.2 Earl Albert Grey should not be confused with Lord (Sir Edward) Grey. He, too, was a member of Rhodes' secret society, and he was involved in the formation of the League of Nations - with House. Carroll Quigley writes of both Greys in his book The AngloAmerican Establishment: From Rhodes to Cliveden (Books In Focus, New York 1981): {p. 11} In this group of Toynbee's was Albert Grey (later Earl Grey 1851-1917), who became an ardent advocate of imperial federation. Later a loyal supporter of Milner's, as we shall see, he remained a member of the Milner Group until his death. ... Milner entered journalism, beginning to write for the Pall Mall Gazette in 1881 ... Stead was assistant editor in 1880-1883, and editor in 1883-1890. ... He introduced Albert Grey to Rhodes and, as a result, Grey became one of the original directors of the British South Africa Company when it was established by royal charter in {p. 12} 1889. Grey became administrator of Rhodesia when Dr. Jameson was forced to resign from that post in 1896 as an aftermath of his famous raid into the Transvaal. He was Governor-General of Canada in 1904-1911 and unveiled the Rhodes Memorial in South Africa in 1912. A Liberal member of the House of Commons from 1880 to 1886, he was defeated as a Unionist in the latter year. In 1894 he entered the House of Lords as the fourth Earl Grey, having inherited the title and 17,600 acres from an uncle. Throughout this period he was close to Milner and later was very useful in providing practical experience for various members of the Milner Group. His son, the future fifth Earl Grey, married the daughter of the second Earl of Selborne, a member of the Milner Group. {p. 34 } In each of his seven wills, Rhodes entrusted his bequest to a group of men to carry out his purpose ... ending up, at Rhodes's death in 1902, with a board of seven trustees: Lord Milner, Lord Rosebery {son-in-law of Lord Rothschild: see p. 45}, Lord {Sir Edward} Grey, Alfred Beit {of Rothschild's faith:

see p. 135}, L. L. Michell, B. F. Hawksley, and Dr. Starr Jameson. This is the board to which the world looked to set up the Rhodes Scholarships. {p. 45} Lord Rosebery. Like his father-in-law, Lord Rothschild, who was an initiate ... {end} quigley.html. 2.3 Sigmund Freud and Wiliam C. Bullitt wrote in their book Thomas Woodrow Wilson: A Psychological Study (Houghton Mifflin Company Boston 1967): {p. 166} As a statesman, Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Secretary, was House's ideal, and Wilson liked to handle the matters of the high{p. 167} est importance through secret communications between House and Grey. A passage in a letter from Sir Edward to the Colonel dated September 22, 1915, gave House an opportunity to move torward action. Grey wrote: "To me, the great object of securing the elimination of militarism and navalism is to get security for the future against aggressive war. How much are the United States prepared to do in this direction? Would the President propose that there should be a League of Nations binding themselves to side against any Power which broke a treaty; which broke certain rules of warfare on land or sea (such rules would, of course, have to be drawn up after this war); or which refused, in case of dispute, to adopt some other method of settlement than that of war?" Thus for the first time, in a secret communication from the British Government to the American Government, appeared the words: League of Nations. {p. 252} ... Admiral Grayson brought in Bernard M. Baruch, whose intimacy with the Wilsons had begun to increase as House's decreased. {end of quotes} 2.4 Lionel Curtis lists both Greys in his book Civitas Dei: The Commonwealth of God (MacMillan and Co., London, 1938): {Index, p. 966} Grey, Earl, 531, 537, 602 - , Sir Edward (later Lord), 626,647,653,913 He writes of Lord Edward Grey:

{p. 626} ... the growth of Dominion nationalism was marked by the fact that Canada and Australia declined to contribute to the cost of British defence, and decided to organise separate fleets of their own. From time to time these questions were discussed at imperial conferences. ... a sixth in 1911. At this last conference the question of foreign affairs thrust themselves into the foreground. For the first time the secretary of state for foreign affairs, Sir Edward Grey, gave the assembled premiers, in secret, a full exposition of the whole foreign position. For the first time also attention was drawn to the fact that the so-called self-governing Dominions had no control of foreign affairs. The question was raised by Sir Joseph Ward, the premier of New Zealand. ... the British prime minister, Mr. Asquith, replied: {p. 627} {quote} It would impair if not altogether destroy the authority of the Government of the United Kingdom in such grave matters as the conduct of foreign policy, the conclusion of treaties, the declaration and maintenance of peace, or the declaration of war ... That authority cannot be shared ... {end quote} {end} 2.5 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th edition (Volume IV, Chicago, 1975) records of Sir Edward Grey (Lord Grey): {p. 736} Grey of Fallodon, Edward Grey, 1st Viscount (b. April 25, 1862, London - d. Sept. 7, 1933, near Embleton, Northumberland), statesman whose 11 years (1905-16) as British foreign secretary, the longest uninterrupted tenure of that office in history, were marked by the start of World War 1, about which he made a comment that became proverbial: "The lamps are going out all over Europe; we shall not see them lit again in our lifetlme." A relative of the 2nd Earl Grey, the prime minister who carried the Reform Bill of 1832, a Edward Grey was reared in a strong WhigLiberal tradition. From 1885 to 1916, when he was created a viscount, he sat in the House of Commons, and in 1923-24, despite increasing blindness, he led the Liberal opposition in the House of Lords. When his party was divided over the South African War (1899-1902), he took the pro-war side of the Liberal imperialists, led by H. H. Asquith. On Dec. 10, 1905, he began his service as foreign secretary, under the new Liberal prime minister, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman During the Morocco crisis (1905-06), Grey continued the policy of his

predecessor, the 5th marquess of Lansdowne, supporting France aainst Germany, but with reserva{p. 737} tions that caused serious diplomatic confusion up to the outbreak of war in 1914. Grey allowed it to be known that, in the event of a German attack, Britain would aid France. He also authorized conferences between the British and French general staffs, but (with the Prime Minister's permission) withheld that decision from the Cabinet to avoid criticism by the more radical ministers. He maintained the British alliance with Japan and, in 1907, concluded an agreement with Russia. When Asquith became prime minister (April 5, 1908), Grey retained his office. In the 1911 Moroccan (Agadir) crisis, he indicated that Britain would defend France against Germany, and in November 1912 he made similar statements in private correspondence with Paul Cambon, French ambassador in London. He made no objection, however, when Asquith told the House of Commons that Great Britain was in no way bound. France and Russia, nonetheless, counted on British armed assistance and dealt with Germany as if Grey had unequivocally promised it. After the assassination of the Austrian archduke Francis Ferdinand at Sarajevo, Bosnia-Hercegovina (June 28, 1914), Grey and the German emperor William II independently proposed that Austria-Hungary, without resorting to war, obtain satisfaction from Serbia by occupying Belgrade, which the Serbian government had abandoned. When all peace moves failed, Grey won over a divided Cabinet to accept the war by tying British intervention to Germany's invasion of neutral Belgium rather than to Britain's dubious alliance with France. He was responsible for the secret Treaty of London (April 26, 1915), by which Italy joined Great Britain and her allies, and tried to solicit U.S. support for the Allied cause. On Dec. 5, 1916, Grey retired from office along with Asquith. In 1919 he was sent on a special mission to the United States in a futile attempt to secure U.S. entry into the League of Nations. His memoirs, Twenty-five Years, appeared in 1925. {end} So here is Lord Edward Grey, who helped get Britain into the Boer War and the First World War, advocating the creation of the League of Nations as a de-facto World Government designed to prevent future wars. 2.6 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th edition (Volume V, Chicago, 1975) records of "Colonel" House: {p. 154} House, Edward M(andell) (b. July 26 1858, Houston, Texas - d. March 28, 1938, New York City), diplomat and confidential adviser to Pres. Woodrow Wilson (1913-21) who played a key role in

helping frame the conditions of peace to end World War I. From his permanent home in Austin Texas young House, who was financially independent, turned from banking and cotton planting to politics. He refused all opportunities to hold public office in his state, however, preferring to serve as an intimate political adviser to successive Democratic governors between 1892 and 1904. Given the honorary title of colonel by Gov. James S. Hogg, he was thereafter popularly known as Colonel House. He early assumed an active role in Democrat Woodrow Wilson's successful electoral campaign of 1912 and immediately won the confidence and affection of the new president. He refused any Cabinet post for himself but came to be regarded as Wilson's silent partner in all administrative and political matters. His personal influence with Cabinet members and congressional leaders served powerfully to promote Wilson's legislative program. Through close contact with U.S. ambassadors abroad and personal intimacy with important European statesmen, House acquired broad influence in foreign affairs and became recognized as Wilson's chief agent in that area - the prototype for personally delegated presidential diplomacy that usually bypasses the State Department and other official channels. Under the President's direction he actively explored every possibility of mediation among European belligerents in World War I, visiting London, Berlin, and Paris in both 1915 and 1916. A joint memorandum by him and British foreign secretary Sir Edward Grey (February 1916) proposing peace negotiations proved abortive, but the conversations led Wilson to sponsor active American cooperation in an organization for the maintenance of world peace. U.S. participation in the war (April 1917) brought about a vast enlargement of House's role. He cooperated closely with the war missions of the Allies to the United States and headed the country's mission to the Inter-Allied conferences in London and Paris (December) that led to coordination of Allied effort in the field of finance, supply, tonnage, and manpower. The President turned to House for advice in drafting his war aims speeches, especially that portion containing the Fourteen Points. In the autumn of 1917 he entrusted House with the organization of an American program for the peace conference. When the Germans requested peace negotiations (October 1918), Wilson chose House as his representative at the Inter-Allied conferences, where the reply was formulated. In this capacity House won a diplomatic victory in persuading the Allied chiefs of state to accept Wilson's Fourteen Points as the basis of the ultimate peace settlement. As the negotiations wore on, House, who was a realist and an apostle of compromise, began to lose the confidence of

Wilson, an idealist who found compromise distasteful. The gap between the two men widened, and after the signing of the Treaty of Versailles (June 28, 1919), they never saw each other again. In 1921 House edited (with Charles Seymour) a series of essays by American delegates to the peace conference, What Really Happened at Paris. A standard biography is A. D. Howden Smith's Mr. House of Texas (1940). {end} Conspicuous is the omission of any mention of House's political "novel" of 1912, Phillip Dru: Administrator, in which he sets out his vision and program for the future. The omission is notable because House was so influential at the Peace Conference of Versailles when the world was being reorganized. Admittedly, the 1912 edition was anonymous; here is a copy of its title page, plus the first page of Grey's epilogue: dru.jpg. Yet the 1920 edition bore House's name as author. Here is a computerized call-slip from the National Library of Australia, in Canberra, attesting House's authorship according to the library catalog: house.jpg. 2.7 Note that Dru sides with the Jews, and against the Russians: {p. 52} The thin, sharp-featured Jew and his fat, homely wife who kept it had lived in that neighborhood for many years, and Philip found them a mine of useful information regarding the things he wished to know. ... He arranged with Mrs. Lewinsky to have his breakfast with them. Soon he learned to like the Jew and his wife. ... {end} {p. 276} Japan and China were to have all of Eastern Asia as their sphere of influence, and if it pleased them to drive Russia back into Europe, no one would interfere. That great giant had not yet discarded the ways and habits of medievalism. ... Sometimes in his day dreams, Dru thought of Russia in its vastness, of the ignorance and hopeless outlook of the people, and wondered when her deliverance would come. There was, he knew, great work for someone to do in that despotic land. {end} 2.8 When Wilson became President, he removed tariffs as House had urged; established a privately-owned central bank (the

Federal Reserve); got the US into World War I (after Russia's Tsar had been overthrown); and attempted to create a World Government. Ray Stannard Baker, Woodrow Wilson: Life and Letters, William Heineman, London 1932. {p. 142} ... House remarked: "I congratulated him upon this for I told him that it was much better to know nothing than to know something wrong." In these reports there is nothing whatever that would have assisted Wilson in his consideration of a specific programme for currency reform, save that House appar- ently favoured a central bank scheme. He said: "It was interesting to hear him [Glass] tell of Bryan and the suggestions made by him. I ran over briefly what I considered might be a satisfactory measure. He replied that it seemed all right but it looked as if I had in mind 'central control.' I told him that no measure could be efficient that did not have a central control. He then said that the platform forbade it. In this, however, I think he is mistaken. "The platform says 'We oppose the so called Aldrich plan for the establishment of a central bank.' This does not mean, I take it, that the central banking idea is opposed but that the Aldrich plan for a central bank is opposed."1 Wilson's replies to House's letters were characteristically brief, cordial, thankful- and noncommittal ... {footnote 1} M. House to Woodrow Wilson, November 28, 1912. ... That House at the time favoured the Aldrich scheme for a central bank appears from a letter which he wrote to W. J. Bryan: "He [Wilson] is also opposed to the Aldrich plan, but I think you are both wrong there. You will have to convert me the next time I see you. I am inclined to think that Aldrich is trying to give the country a more reasonable and stable system." (Carter Glass, An Adventure in Constructive Finance, p. 30.) Colonel House in his letter to Wilson of November 28th misquotes fundamentally the Democratic platform, the correct reading of which is: "We oppose the so called Aldrich bill or the establishment of a central bank." (See Official Proceedings of the Democratic National Convention, p. 370.) It may be that in making his statement he used the Democratic Textbook for 1912, in which the same error, "for" instead of "or," occurs. {end footnote}

{end quote} Alexander L. George and Juliette L. George, Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House, Dover, New York 1964. {p. 131} A clue to the nature and scope of House's ambition is a novel, Philip Dru: Administrator, which he wrote anonymously during the winter of 1911-12, shortly after meeting Wilson. Philip Dru, barred by ill health from the military career for which he has been trained, becomes leader of an insurrection against an incompetent administration, and subsequently dictator of the United States. Dispensing with constitutional government, he institutes a series of sweeping reforms by executive decree and then benevolently relinquishes his dictatorial powers in order to re-establish a democratic government under the terms of a new and improved constitution. The reader will wonder in how far House identified himself with Philip Dru. A letter he wrote in 1915, at a time when he was still trying to conceal his authorship of the book, is revealing: "I am sending you the book of which I spoke," wrote House. "... It was written by a man I know. ... My friend - whose name is not to be mentioned - told me ... that Philip was all that he himself would like to be but was not." Philip Dru was handsome, dashing - and dictator of the United States. It seems reasonable to assume that a man with House's goals, ambitions and self-confidence would necessarily have an ambivalent attitude toward the intermediary through whom he had to operate. For no matter how genuinely grateful he was to the man who gave him an opportunity to exercise power vicariously, it was inevitable that at some level in his mind House shouid have resented the necessity of such an intermediary and the further necessity of deferring to his judgment when differences of opinion arose, lest the favor upon which he was dependent be summarily withdrawn. Such was the very basis of the relationship that House was obliged to attempt to filter his contribution to public life through the tortuous requirements of Wilson's personality. To an extraordinary degree he succeeded. No account of United States foreign policy between the years of 1914 and 1919 could properly omit extensive reference to his role. House was fully aware of the importance of his work and he approached it zestfully. {end quotes}

2.9 Walter Lippman was one of a small group of activists trying to steer the politicians gathered at the Peace Conference of Versailles, towards World Government. Walter Lippman on how Colonel House, liasing with Lord (Sir Edward) Grey, persuaded Wilson to join World War I. These articles by Lippmann show how hard he worked to get the US Congress to accept the World Court and World Army: lippmann.html. H. G. Wells was another inspirer of Wilson and the League of Nations: wells-lenin-league.html.

(3) The Christian Gloss
3.1 House puts a "Christian" gloss on his values. He writes: {p. 8} Dru's voice became tense and vibrant, and he talked in quick sharp jerks. "it is here that the next great battle for human emancipation will be fought and won. ... and the Star of Bethlehem, seen but darkly for two thousand years, will shine again with a steady and eflulgent glow." {p. 31} "Well," went on Dru ... "... a new era will have come to man." "There," said Gloria, with an earnestness that Philip had rarely heard in her, "is perhaps the source of the true redemption of the world." 3.2 but on closer inspection castigates Christianity: {p. 12} " ... the Christian religion of to-day, a religion almost wholly selfish and concerned almost entirely in the betterment of life after death." Christianity is condemned not just today, but for all of its 2000 years: {p. 8} seen but darkly for two thousand years Probing beneath the surface, one notes that House also praises the French Revolutionaries, who were seeking an earthy utopia, not following the turn-the-other-cheek or my-kingdom-is-not-ofthis-world of the Gospels. 3.3 Jacob Schiff (below) uses the same approach, where he writes (Cyrus Alder, Jacob H Schiff: His Life and Letters, Volume II):

{p. 185} Twenty centuries ago, Christianity came into the world, with its lofty message of "peace on earth and good will to men," and now, after two thousand years ... it is insisted that the merciless {p. 186} slaughter of man by man we have been witnessing these past months must be permitted to be continued into the infinite" {endquote} 3.4 Karl Marx used the expression "heaven on earth", in describing his goal at the First International: "Someday the worker must seize political power in order to build up the new organization of labor; he must overthrow the old politics which sustain the old institutions, if he is not to lose heaven on earth, like the old Christians who neglected and despised politics" - Qualifying Violent Revolution (speech on September 8, 1872), in Karl Marx Library, McGraw-Hill, 1971, Vol. 1, p.64. Finally Engels explained the socialist heaven thus: "The history of early Christianity has notable points of resemblance with the modern working-class movement. Like the latter, Christianity was originally a movement of oppressed people: it first appeared as the religion of slaves and emancipated slaves, of poor peope deprived of all rights, of peoples subjugated or dispersed by Rome. Both Christianity and the workers' socialism preach forthcoming salvation from bondage and misery; Christianity places this salvation in a life beyond, after death, in heaven; socialism places it in this world, in a transformation of society". On the History of Early Christianity, in Collected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Progress Publishers, Moscow 1975, Volume 27. Marx' expression "lose heaven on earth" is elucidated by Engels a little further on, as follows: 'If, therefore, Professor Anton Menger wonders ... why ... "socialism did not follow the overthrow of the Roman Empire in the West", it is because he cannot see that this "socialism" did in fact, as far as it was possible at the time, exist and even became dominant - in Christianity. Only this Christianity ... did not want to accomplish the social transformation in this world, but beyond it, in heaven ..." Engels' article On the History of Early Christianity is at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894chri/index.htm. 3.5 Rabbi Harry Waton wrote a revealing book:

A Program FOR THE JEWS An Answer TO ALL ANTI-SEMITES A PROGRAM FOR HUMANITY Published by COMMITTEE FOR THE PRESERVATION OF THE JEWS NEW YORK - 1939 in which he explains {p. 113} But the Jews were chosen, not for their own sake, they were chosen to become the means through whom Jehovah will redeem all mankind. Salvation is of the Jews, but the Jews themselves will realize this salvation only through the salvation of the whole human race. ... Judaism is the endeavor to {p. 114} "bring salvation to mankind. ... the Jews must be a model to all other races and peoples, they must be prophets and teachers to mankind. ... {p. 115} ... Judaism declares: man can be justified only by deeds, faith alone is not enough. ... Next, we must bear in mind that Judaism rests upon a covenant, the eternal covenant between Jehovah and the Jews. And any one that wants to embrace Judaism must accept this covenant. A covenant imposes duties and obligations ... {p. 116} "... Since Jehovah ... chose the Jews ... the Jews will not be destroyed; rather their enemies will be destroyed. ... {p. 117} Buddhism negates the material world, it negates the body ... Human existence is an illusion and inherently evil, and there is no hope for living men on earth. Buddhism does not know of progress and destiny for mankind on this earth. ... {p. 118} "... Christianity is akin to Buddhism. ... Like Buddhism, Christianity does not concern itself about the material world, its sole concern is the transcendental world; ... Like Buddhism, Christianity negates this material world and the body. There is not a word in the New Testament about human conduct in this material world. ... {119} Not a word of protest did Jesus utter against oppression, exploitation and slavery, but advised men to submit to them all. Judaism demands that evil be exterminated, but Christianity rather encourages evil. If one strike me at the right cheek, I must let him also strike me at the left cheek ... Death is the chief concern of Christianity ...

{p. 124} ... Professor John Macmurray ... therefore demands the destruction of the existing Christianity, and bring out a true Christianity, but this regenerated and true Christianity must identify itself with Marxism and communism, {p. 125} For the Communist movement started when Marx said: Let us turn from ideas to reality, let us look not at people's theories but at their actions ... {p. 127} Jesus had in mind nothing else than what Marx had in mind, and which was all through a Jewish idea. {p. 129} ... There must be war to the death between real and unreal religion, even if it should cleave organized Christianity in two and destroy all its existing forms. {p. 131} Conrad Noel shows that the Jews understood by the Kingdom of Heaven nothing else than a kingdom of God which will be realized on this earth ... {p. 132} ... The Bible speaks of an immortality right here on earth. ... when a man dies, his soul is gathered to his people ... This was the immortality of the Jewish people, {p. 138} "The communists are against religion, and they seek to destroy religion; yet, when we look deeper into the nature of communism, we see that it is essentially nothing else than a religion ... all new religions had first to destroy the existing religions ... {p. 172} Christianity is only a preparation for Judaism. ... {p. 174} The time will come when all Christians will become mature, they will all embrace Judaism, and they will all justify themselves by deeds. Then the Christians will become Jews. {end} More of Rabbi Waton at religion.html. 3.6 Isaac Deutscher on Christianity Deutscher was a Jewish Trotskyist. Isaac Deutscher, Russia After Stalin With a Postscript on the Beria Affair, Hamish Hamilton, London 1953: {p. 35} ... early Christianity ... came into being as a Judaic 'heresy', as one of the extreme sects in the Synagogue, wholly in character with old Biblical tradition, and bent on converting to its beliefs primarily the Jews. Yet it was not given to Christianity to convert the

people from whose midst its Man-God and its Apostles had come. Instead, Christianity moved into a disintegrating pagan world, whose mind was no longer dominated by the old gods, where Jupiter's thunder no longer made men {p. 36} tremble, and Neptune was no longer able to shake the seas. It was in the temples of the old Graeco-Roman deities that Christianity made its conquests; and it began to breathe the air of their temples, to absorb and assimilate pagan myths, symbols, and beliefs. It came to dominate its new environment while it was adapting itself to it. It ceased to be a Jewish heresy; it ceased to live on the Nazarene memories of the Old Testament and on Jewish oral tradition. It ceased to understand the Jews and it became incomprehensible to the Jews. From the Judaic creed of the oppressed it became the religion of the Roman Caesars. But converting the Caesars, it also became converted to Caesarism, until the Holy See became an Imperial court, and until the hierarchical habits of the Roman Empire became its ecclesiastic canons. {end} beria.html. Arthur Schopenhauer on Christianity as nearer Buddhism than Judaism: schopenhauer.html.

(4) Jacob Schiff's campaign for Zionism and World Government
(4.1) Schiff campaigned for years against the Russian Government over its treatment of Jews. But Norman G. Finkelstein puts East European Judaism in perspective, in his book The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering (Verso, New York, 2000): {p. 35} This reorientation of American Jewry 56 was clearly evident ... {footnote} 56 It seems that the shift as also in part due to the displacement of a cosmopolitan Central European Jewish leadership by arriviste and shtetl{p. 36, footnote continued} chauinist Jews of Eastern European descent like New York City mayor Edward Koch and New York Times executive editor A. M. Rosenthal. In this regard it bears notice that the Jewish historians dissenting from Holoaust dogmatism

have typically come from Central Europe - for example, Hannah Arendt, Henry Friedlander, Raul Hilberg, and Arno Mayer. {end} finkelstein.html. (4.2) Cyrus Alder, Jacob H Schiff: His Life and Letters,

Volume I, Doubleday, Doran and Company, Garden City, New
York 1928. {p. v} FOREWORD To some, who knew my father and his intense dislike of personal publicity, it may seem strange that we should have arranged for the publication of this book. {p. vi} To Dr. Cyrus Adler, a life-long friend of my father's, we entrusted the preparation of the manuscript. ... My father had a favorite saying: - "On the mountain top, all paths unite." This was his philosophy of life, and we of his family believe that with his breadth of understanding, his many-sided sympathies and his {p. vii} love of humanity, he achieved this eminence. It is not for me, his son, to appraise his life, no matter how great my devotion to him and his memory, but if these pages prove of some value in guiding and inspiring others, our purpose in making available this record will have been served. MORTIMER L. SCHIFF {p. ix} PREFACE This book is as nearly as possible an autobiography. More than thirty years of close association with Jacob H. Schiff in many of his numerous activities, with the exception of those of a business nature, had left me with the conviction that here was a man whose life was worthy of record. {p. x} The letters and extracts are almost invariably in Mr. Schiff's exact words. I have permitted myself only so much of editing as would correct the ordinary slips in a typewritten letter. To correspondents in Germany and, not infrequently, to Sir Ernest Cassel he wrote in German; such letters have been faithfully translated.

This book has been written amidst other exacting labors, and am conscious of its shortcomings, but shall be content if have succeeded in creating even in outline the picture of a friend - a man of nobility and power. C. A. {Cyrus Adler} {p. 1} JACOB H. SCHIFF HIS LIFE AND LETTERS CHAPTER I IN the Birth Register of the city of Frankfort-on-Main, under the year 1847, there is an entry which reads: {quote} SCHIFF, Moses, Israelitish citizen and merchant of this city, whose wife Clara, nee Niederhofheim, gave birth on Sunday morning, January 10, at 5 o'clock, to a legitimate son JACOB HENRY {end quote} This event occurred in the house now numbered 39, in the Schnurgasse, which at that time bore the number L-80. Into Frankfort there came, about the middle of the thirteenth century - later than into most German cities - a Jewish settlement. By the end of the fifteenth century, Frankfort had become the seat of the leading Jewish community of the Empire, and its Judengasse one of the best known Jewries of Europe. The Jews were restricted in the number of houses that they might occupy, and to increase the space available for the crowded Jewish population, without breaking the law, a house would be built under a single roof, with partitions in{p. 2} side and two entrances, so that a number of families might occupy it. The old Judengasse has been entirely reconstructed, and the street, laid out in modern fashion, is called the Bornestrasse. Of the old hauses, the only one remaining is that which is now numbered 26 (formerly 148), and known as the Rothschild House, having been turned into a private museum. Originally, however, it bore a green shield, and not a red one, as did the house which the Rothschilds inhabited through the seventeenth century, and from which they derived their surname. {Adler admits that their name means "red shield"; it should therefore be proniunced roth-schild, yet in English-speaking countries, Rothschild finance pronounces its name roths-child}

This house of the Green Shield, was occupied, from 1690 on, by the Schiffs, who derived their surname from still another house, that of the "Ship," which they had occupied for something like a century before. {p. 247} While visiting Japan in 1996, Schiff too became convinced that that country would endeavor to colonize Korea and Manchuria, and make every effort to bring China completely under her influence. His concern in Japanese financial affairs included the contemplated extensions of the Manchurian railways (which had gone to Japan by the Treaty of Portsmouth), and his letters after May, 1906, chiefly to Cassel and Takahashi, indicate a sustained interest in that project, to which Harriman turned when his transSiberian project came to naught. By the time the Japanese were ready to proceed with the financing of the Manchurian railways, the panic of 1907 was under way in America, and partial negotiations were carried out in London. But when conditions in America improved, Schiff wrote to Takahashi, on August 31, 1908: {quote} May the moment not have come to again take up the question whether the burden of financing the South Manchurian Railway had not better be lifted from Japan's shoulders? {endquote} At about this time Straight entered into direct relations with Kuhn, Loeb & Co. On December 14, l908, Schiff wrote to Straight, then acting head of the Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs in the Department of State at Washington: {quote} We are informed to-day by London friends that an issue of the Manchurian Loan is imminent there. Can this be correct, and has this anything to do with the matter which we have under discussion with you? They had got to the point that year when Schiff told {p. 248} Straight, on November 2d, that they were prepared to take up thh question of the Manchurian loan on the basis of memorandum submitted by Tang, the Governor of Feng-Tien. The latter was then on his way to America, primarily for the purpose of negotiating a ioan of $200,000,000-$300,000,000, to reconstruct the whole Chinese fiscal system. The memorandum had been repaied in China by Straight and Tang, and was directed primarily toward the project of a Manchurian bank for the promotion of industrial enterprises. When Tang arrived, Kuhn, Loeb & Co. expressed their read ness to consider the loan. The negotiations, however, were suddenly ended by the death of the Empress Dowager and the Emperor and the consequent compromise of Tang's position as a negotiator. On March 19, 1909, Schiff wrote to Straight:

{quote} It will perhaps be well if you will endeavor to keep in direct touch witk Tang, so that he may not forget about our own readiness to del with Manchurian and Chinese maters, but as to the advisability of this you are best able to judge yourself. {endquote} His interest in another large plan which had arisen in the meantime is evinced by a letter to Takahashi, December 24, 1908: {quote} The suggestion has ver recently been made to us by some one who is high in the confidence of our own Governnent, but whose name am at present not at liberty to disclose - nor do know whether his suggestion has been made with the knowledge or at the instance of our Government - that we formulate a proposition, to be submitted to the Chinese Government, under which the latter would be furnished with the funds to enable it to purchase both the Chinese Eastern Railway and the South Man{p. 249} churian Railway, if it would be found pssible by China to arrange with Japan that it already now exercise its right of purchase which, it is stated, will, under the concession, accrue to China in 1932. ... I have thought that possibly in the light of the memoranda recently exchanged between our own and your Govcrnmnt, reiterating their understanding as to the "open door" in China, it would in itself be a desirable thing to accomplish, if American capital could be made the stakeholder of the main line of communication and transportation both in southern and northern Manchuria, and if, at the same tirne, Japan could mobilize so important an asset as it now hs in its shareholding in the South Manchurin Railway. ... {endquote} Four days later he again wrote to Takahashi: {quote} The more think about this, the more feel, as a well-wisher of Japan, that the suggestion of permitting China to acquire the South Manchurian Railway now, provided China can also obtain ownership of the Chinese Eastern Railway, should be given serious consideration by your Government. Entirely independent of the fact ... that thus a large part of the "lock-up" of your Government would be turned into an asset through the disposition of which considerable debt reduction could be accomplished, it would place Japan in a position where, with the passing out of the hands of Russia of the Chinese Eastern Railway, the influence of the latter would become so much {p. 250} further removed from both China's and Japan's borders. The danger of renewed conflict in this direction would thus become so thoroughly eradicated that Japan would very likely be in a

position to reduce a large part of her military strength and equipment, which, while the South Manchurian Railway is in Japan's possession, must continue to be maintained, both because of China and Russia. Moreover, the possibility always will exist that with the South Manchurian Railway exclusively in Japan's hands at some time the Chinese Government might be induced to build a parallel line, which wou!d not only create standing danger and fricton, but would also materially reduce the value of the important investment which Japan has in the South Mlnchurian Railway. {endquote} Early in January, 1909, he learned that the Japanese would not consider selling, and advised that the project be dropped. The Taft Administration took the view that diplomatic approaches to China must, following the European example, be supplemented by financial support. Secretary Knox insisted that the United States must have equal particition with the other great powers as a matter of national policy, and as a result the American group for Chinese financing was formed, as is indicated by Schlff's letter to Takahashi, June 15 1909: {quote} You will no doubt have learned that, encouragcd by {p. 251} our own Government, we have recently formed a financial group here, consisting of Messrs. J. P. Morgan & Co., the National City Bank, the First National Bank, and ourselves, to take part in the financing of Chinese Government ralway loans. {endquote} {p. 254} Early in March he took part in a discussion at a luncheon of the Republican Club in New York, following a remark of Judge Mayer Sulzberger concerning the efforts being made to keep China, a nation comprising one fourth of the population of the earth, in subjection. He was especially disturbed because his remarks were taken to indicate the likelihood of a great war. The speech was commented upon in London, San Francisco, and in Tokio, naturally, at great length, and he took pains to explain himself to several friends, particularly to Takahashi: {quote} March 8, 1910. ... {p. 255} I said that very recently it had become quite evident that Japan and Russia had joined hands in Manshuria. ... I further said, that as a friend of Japan, who had rendered important service in financing her war loans, in order to enable her to defend herself and become victorious over Russia, "the enemy of mankind," I felt deeply mortified to find, after hardly half a decade, that Japan had made common cause with Russia in China, where a mighty struggle was likely to come, unless the American people acted wisely and in the proper spirit. ... {endquote}

{p. 257} Shortly afterward the Chinese began to negotiate a fiscal reform loan of $50,000,000, providing also for Manchurian development, and on January 5, 1911, Schiff wrote to Takahashi, agreeing, so far as he was concerned, to the proposal that Japanese bankers should participate in the international group. {p. 258} He wrote to Takahashi: {quote} The Chinese Loan which has just been brought out in London and on the Continent, appears to have been a great success ... It is very certain that China will need very large sums yet for its immediate and future necessities, the furnishing of which will prove a great drain upon international money {p. 259} markets ... I can well understand that Japan needs to keep in intimate touch with everything that concerns China, and because of this will want to have part in the financing that needs to be done for the Chinese Republic, even if Japan herself cannot supply funds. {endquote} {p. 280} On February 1st, he addressed the Chamber of Commerce once more: {quote} Our merchants who buy goods in China, Japan, South America, and elsewhere must, to our mortification be it {p. 281} said, still settle their transactions in London, Paris, or Germany, just as the very money we loaned to Japan recently had to be remitted to London, even when needed to pay for goods purchased by the Japanese Government in the United States during the conduct of the late war. ... Not that we have too small a volume of currency, as the report of the committee very correctly points out. Just the reverse. ... {endquote} {end} (4.3) Cyrus Alder, Jacob H Schiff: His Life and Letters, Volume II, Doubleday, Doran and Company, Garden City, New York 1928. {p. 120} But Rothschild was again apprehensive after the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese war, and while Schiff was in Frankfort in the spring of that ycar, Rothschild took up the reports which were in circulation that outrages against the Jews were impending at Odessa. To these representations Schiff replied: {quote} Frankfort, April 4-5, 1904. MY DEAR LORD ROTHSCHILD:

Through my nephew, Mr. Otto Schiff, received last Thursday, at your instance, the telegraphic request to ask the American Government to officially inform Russia that a state of affairs existed at Odessa which might likely lead to provoke excesses, during Easter, similar to those which occurred a year ago ... My nephew further stated that you were communicating with Lord Lansdowne in an effort to induce the British Government to make representations to Russia similar to those which you had suggestcd that should seek to induce the American Department of State to make. ... {p. 121} I fear we might "cry wolf" too often ... I am afraid troubled times are still in store for our {p. 122} unfortunate co-religionists in the Czar's dominion, and it can only be hoped for their sake as well as for the good of Russia itself, that the conflict between Russia and Japan will in its consequences lead to such an upheaval in the basic conditions upon which Russia is now governed that the elements in Russia which seek to bring their country under constitutional government shall at last triumph. ... {p. 123} Pardon me, my Lord Rothschild, that have thus written without reserve, but whereof the heart is full it flows over, and believe me, with much respect, Most faithfully yours, JACOB H. SCHIFF. {endquote} {Yet Schiff had loaned money to the Japanese military to help them make war with Russia, in order to bring down the Government.} {p. 131} The claim that among the ranks of those who in Russia are seeking to undermine governmental authority there are a considerable number of Jews may perhaps be true. In fact, it would be rather surprising if some of those so terribly afflicted by persecution and exceptional laws should not at last have turned against their merciless oppressors. {p. 133} At a private eonferenee of the leading bankers of New York, when the question of undertaking a Russian loan was under discussion, Schiff, after listening to the discussion for a short time, arose and said with emotion that so long as Russia treated the Jews as she did, his house would never participate in a Russian loan, and that this statement would hold not only during his lifetime, but that he had bequeathed it as a direction to his successors. {p. 143} At the same time he was writing to Cassel:

{quote} I regret deeply that England has dropped the restraint which she so long and so properly exercised toward Russia, and now, without receiving any concession in favor of our oppressed co-religionists, is helping to support a Government which treats its Jewish subjects with less regard than the worst pariah ... {endquote} {p. 160} The increasing difffieulties in which the Jews found themselves in Russia and other countries, and the great responsibilities which had to be undertaken by a few individuals, brought about serious thought on the part of Schiff and others as to the need of an organization in the United States to meet these requirements. Thus, for instance, at the time of the Kishineff massacre in 1903, it was virtually a personal act on the part of Schiff, Oscar Straus, and Cyrus L. Sulzberger which gathered together and administered a large sum of money. {p. 163} The next year, April 10, 1904, Herzl wrote from Vienna to Schiff, then at Frankfort, proposing an interview ... Herzl's last letter, published in his diary, was addressed to Schiff and thanked him for his reception of Katnelson. {p. 164} Schecher for a time held back from the Zionist Movement, but in 1906 he publicly cast his lot in with the cause. Schiff exchanged views fully with him ...: {quote} August 8, 1907 My Dear Professor Schechter: ... {p. 166} What binds Jew to Jew ... is the conviction ... that as Jews we have something precious, of high value to mankind, in our keeeping, that our mission in the world continues, and with it our responsibility of one for the other. Becluse of this our destiny is among the nations, as part and parcel of the nations. Judaism still remains the mother religion, without which neither Christianity nor Mohammedanism could have come into existence and lived; .. the Divine resolve, ... has dissolved the Jewish state and dispersed its people over the earth as missionlries to bring about and hasten that day "when over whole earth, the Eternal shall be One and His name One." Most faithfully yours, JACOB H. SCHIFF. {endquote} {p. 169} ... while he mofified his attitude toward the Zionist Movement, he did not formally join the organization. {p. 178} LIKE all enlightened men, Schiff deplored war and regularly embraced the opportunity to aid in plans for

permanent peace or for the prevention of war through treaties of arbitration. In 1896, William E. Dodge, who had acted as chairman of a conference at Washington for the establishment of some permanent form of arbitration between the United States and Great Britain, was proceeding abroad to further the same purpose, and SchifF introduccd him to Cassel ... {p. 180} To William Bayard Hale, then editor of the World's Work, he wrote, September 20, 1911, giving his view of the gradual approach toward a better understanding between nations an the settlement of their differences by peaceful means, and expressing the belief {quote} that the constant and energetic agitation for the settlement of international disputes by arbitration and other peaceful means has gradually built up a public opinion throughout the world, in favor of the malntenance of peace, which is having its strong effect upon the governments of the nations and is destined in the course of time to lead to universal peace. {endquote} {p. 182} On July 40, 1914, he wrote to Zangwill: {quote} For the moment the terrible specter of a general European war occupies my mind so greatly ... {endquote} {Israel Zangwill was a leading Zionist and Fabian; like Schiff, he tried to have the League of Nations formed as a World Government: zangwill.html} {p. 183} By December 15th, writing to Max Warburg, he was expressing his doubt as to the early termination of the war ... {p. 184} His horror at the continuance of the war impelled him, in spite of the misunderstandings he knew would arise, to give out a lngthy interview to the New York Times which was printed on Sunday, November 22, 1914. In it he endeavored to appraise the causes of the war, pointed out what steps he thought might be taken toward peace and expressed the hope that the war might not end in a victory which would insure the dominance of any one of the Great Powers, or in a peace which would re-shape the map of Europe, because he felt that such a peace would be the forerunner of other wars. This interview resulted in a protracted correspondenee with President Eliot, most of whieh was published in the Times for Sunday, December 20th. As the war developed, his earlier attitude underwent material changes. The following extract from his letter to Eliot of December 14, 1914 ... indicates that he was one of the first to differentiate between the belligerent governments and their peoples:

{quote} ... {p. 185} Twenty centuries ago, Christianity came into the world, with its lofty message of "peace on earth and good will to men," and now, after two thousand years ... it is insisted that the merciless {p. 186} slaughter of man by man we have been witnessing these past months must be permitted to be continued into the infinite. Most faithfully yours, JACOB H. SCHIFF. {endquote} {Schiff endorses Jesus' proclamation of Peace, but rejects Christianity, implying that it is Judaism which will bring Peace. Yet the Zionists in 2003 are the ones pushing for war against Iraq, and urging Christian Fundamentalists to support it} {p. 187} On January 28, 19l5, he wrote to Max Warburg: ... My purpose was - and must continue to be - to try bring both sides to realize to what extent their respective positions are false, and how necessary it is for the belligerent peoples, or governments, to learn that a war a outrance would be the most fearful thing that could follow; that in this way a lasting peace can never be achieved; and that both sides must go back to the conditions which existed before the outbreak of the war, and which inevitably brought it about ... {endquote} {p. 193} He was also one of the first to recognize that thinking men must put their minds to work to devise some means to avoid future wars. In spite of his unwillingness to appear publicly in the matter, he was disposed because of his strong convictions, to take an earnest part in the League to Enforce Peace, and, on October 27, 1916, he addressed a letter to President Wilson, referring to a conversation of a month previous, and urging the President to give the principal address at a dinner which was being arranged by the League for November 24. He likewise urged Wilson to join with Lord Bryce and other leaders of world opinion to take active steps for the avoidance of future wars. William Howard Taft, president of the League to Enforce Peace, presided at the dinner referred to ... {p. 194} Schiff delivered a carefully prepared speech: {quote} All eyes are turned to America in the hope that ou country may take the initiative in calling into being a world-wide movement destined to give assurance that ... the world shall not again be

subjected to the terrors and to the brutalities which, in our own time, have unchained passions as never since the dark ages ... ... a League to Enforce Peace has evoked immediate interest not alone in America, but almost everywhere - and perhps nowhere to a greater exteRt than within the nations cngaged in this furious World War. The lines upon which the League to Enforce Peace is to be called into being are as I understand lt, most simple. The proposition is to form a union of nations, large and small, to enter into a firm and lastlng pact for the settlement of differences, of whatever nature, which may arise between any of them hereafter, through the medium of a World Court backed by an adequate force, to compel, if necessary, obedience to the Court's mandates. ... {endquote} {this aversion to war seems ironic given Schiff's deliberate funding of Japan's war of 1904-5} {p. 199} ... a resolution of the board of management of the League was made public, stating that it was not intended to stop the war but rather contemplated a League of Nations or some similar instrument to be established after the war. The entire Northcliffe press had assailed Schiff because of this {p. 200} speech, declaring that he was intriguing for a peace in Germany's interest. {p. 260} On June 18, l9l5, he wrote to Takahashi that he thought the closer relations which had arisen between Japan and China would be useful for both countries ... {p. 261} But the relations between China and Japan were being actively cosidered in America even prior to America's entry the war, and on October 10, 1916, Schiff wrote to Frank Polk, Counselor to the Department of State: {quote} ... it is better for China if Japan be permitted to play the role of Big Brother than if this be opposed, as has been the case, particularly in our own country. Japan .. understands better than perhaps China herself, and certainly better than any other nation, the needs of China and the manner in which it will be possible to organize China into a modern state, and should be rather encouraged than discouraged in this task which Japan has set for herself, and which she has already gone a good ways forward, even she is doing this, no doubt to a great extent, from selfish motives. ... The proper remedy appears to me to t that we get alongside Japan in the reorganization of China ...

{p. 262} What will be needed more than anything else by China is money, and in amounts which Japan cannot possibly furnish, and I believe, because of this, she will welcome our cooperation. ... I verily believe that, with our own and he Japanese Governmcnt working hand in hand in China, the money needed from time to time by China, huge as these sums in the end may be, could to a great extent be found in our money markets. ... {endquote} In June, 1918, Lansing invited members of the firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., among others, to meet in Washington, and again discuss the arrangement of loans to China. ... The American {p. 263} bankers made it a condition that they be permitted to secure the cooperation of foreign bankers and in this way reestablish the International Consortium. {p. 312} {quote} October 26, 19I7. DEAR MR. FRIEDMAN: ... anything ought to be excluded whieh would ask for the Jewish people independent national rights, and which, in the countries of the Diaspora, could be construed as making citizens of the Jewish faith members of a separate nation aside from the nation to which, like, for instance, Jews who are American citizens, they owe their entire political allegiance. May not ask you to give knowledge of the contents of this letter to the gentlemen to whom, as you say, you transmitted a summary of the conversation we had at my residence last Saturday, and also to any others who are to take part in the proposed conference. ... {endquote} The conference took place on November 2d, and it was followed by further conferences and correspondence. Apparently these latter conversations resulted in the nearest approach made by Schiff to afliliation with the Zionist Organization: {quote} December 3, 1917. DEAR JUDGE MACK: Your communication of November 2sth has been reeeived, together with its enclosures, the latter being a message to leading English Zionists, which in its finally adopted form is the result of lengthy consultations and discussions between Justice Louis D. Brandeis, your good self, Mr. Eugene Meyer, Jr., Mr. Elisha Friedman, and myself, and in its present form has my approval. ...

{p. 314} With the revolution in Russia {the Bolshevik Revolution}, which, as one of its happier results, has done away with the so-called Jewish pale, the several millions of Jews so long kept together in the pale of settlement have acquired the right to remove and settle wherever they may choose, and there can be little doubt that with the return of orderly conditions in Russia, her Jewish inhabitants will gradually disperse over the entire enormous dominion Russia covers. Desirable as this will prove in general, it will, at the same time, not unlikely tend to end the development of Jewish culture and Jewish ideals which the pale brought forth, because the pale possessed of necessity the character - even if produced by unjust and oppressive laws - of a Jewish center from which Jewry the world over drew to a very considerablc extent the spiritual nourishment it ever needs for continued existence. {after having condemned Russia for years, Schiff now admits a good side to the Pale, and wants a similar Pale recreated in Palestine} These views having impressed themselves upon me last spring after the outbreak of the Russian revolution, I profited by the first oportunity to give public expression to the belief on my part of the desirability to seek the establishment of a Jewise homeland and, logically, this should {p. 315} be Palestine - where the Jewish people would be again enabled to develop under their own institutions and in their own atmosphere Jewish life and ideals in their purity, and become once more a center from which the Jew throughout the world could draw religious inspiration and Jewish cultural development. Discussions with leaders in the Zionist Movement which followed have gradually and after many confcrences made it possible for me to join in the congratulatory message about to be addressed to Lord Rothschild and other leading English Zionists upon the declaration recently made by the British Government and the similar assurances from other Allied powers. This message, the final wording of which is the result of extensive and careful consideration, in which have been permitted to participate, together with this present communication to you, may be considered the basis and understanding upon which I am prepared to enter the Zionist ranks, thoroughly realizing, however, that in this worldwide movement many greatly differing views and conceptions are represented. If in all of the above I am well understood by you and your associates at the head of the American Zionist Organization, I shall on my part be willing to acccpt your courteous invitation to become a member of the University Zionist Society. Taking this opportunity to thank you and the gentlemen with whom I have, as

with you, been carrying on discussions, for the courtesy and the patience shown me, I am, with sincere regards, Yours faithfully, JACOB H. SCHIFF. {endquote} Again he described the issue to Zangwill, December 12th: {quote} As you had correctly supposed, the Balfour statement on Palestine, of which you wrote me in your last letter, has since become public property and has given widespead satisiaction, as it also has become the subject of con{p. 316} siderable discussion. With the fall of Jerusalem some few days ago and the passing of the Holy City into British hands, there can be no doubt that the cause of Zionism has made very far-reaching progress, and we should pray that Palestine never again pass from under the suzerainty of Great Britain. I have been carrying on, for several months, as I believe have written you already, active conferences and discussions with Justice Brandeis and other Zionist leaders, who are desirous that I formally embrace Zionism and come into the Oganization. We have reached a full understanding, believe, on all vital points except that I want to be permitted to explicitly state that I consider that I do not see any raison d'etre for a Jewish state in Palestine that does not have Judaism as its cornerstone, nor that I can consider anyone a Jew who is not willing to acknowledge the Jewish conception of the Deity. ... {endquote} {p. 317} During the pendency of the Peace Conference, he published in the Nation, April 26 1919 an article entitled "The Need for a Jewish Homeland," which, after indicating the need for some outlet to emigration from Eastern Europe, and the restrictions on immigration to Western lands, expressed the hope that through irrigation and other modern processes Palestine could ... {end of quotes}

(5) Deconstructing Schiff's Utopianism
Who's Who in Jewish History after the period of the Old Testament, by Joan Cornay, revised by Lavinia Cohn-Sherbok (Routledge, London 1995) records of Max Warburg: {p. 373} He was a member of the German delegation to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. {end}

The "utopianism" of Schiff and Zangwill must be evaluated in the light of subsequent develpments in Zionism. Benjamin Netanyahu writes of Zangwill, in his book A Place Among the Nations: Israel and the World (Bantam Books, New York, 1993): {p. 11} The receptivity that the great courts of the day accorded him in no way blinded Herzl to the primacy of winning Jewish adherents to Zionism. After Nordau, his greatest conquest among Jewish {p. 12} intellectuals was the celebrated English writer Israel Zangwill, who used his talents and influence to spread the creed of Zionism in Britain, which at the time was the foremost world power. {end} In LOOK magazine of January 16, 1962, David Ben Gurion envisaged a World Government, with the UN having its Supreme Court of Mankind in Jerusalem: bengur62.jpg (scroll down to see text). Professor Ben-Ami Shillony wrote in his book The Jews and the Japanese: the Successful Outsiders, (Charles E. Tuttle Company, Rutland, Vermont, 1991): {p. 224} The Japanese {p. 225} are now providing the "hardware" of modern civilization ... {p. 64} Whereas ... the Jews sought to revise, redraw, and replace the basic tenets of the West. {p. 64} It is difficult to imagine the world today without the contributions of Karl Marx, Leon Trotsky {tribute to Trotsky is the mark of a Trotskyist: Stalinists never do it}, Sigmund Freud {the Freud-Bolshevik alliance is another mark of Trotskyism: freudbolsheviks.html} ... {p. 68} The strong moral element in Judaism, and the fact that they had long been the victims of persecution and discrimination, made the Jews sensitive to all forms of injustice. {what about the Red Terror, established by Lenin & Trotsky?} The conspicuous role Jews played in socialist and communist movements in many countries was a clear expression of this moral sensitivity. {but the Palestinians and the Arabs have not noticed it} In Germany one finds Moses Hess, Karl Marx, Ferdinand Lassalle, Eduard Bernstein, and Rosa Luxembourg. In the Russian revolution one finds Leon Trotsky {here's a Zionist supporting Trotsky},

Maxim Litvinov, Grigori Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev, Karl Radek, and Lazar Kaganovich. {murderer of 20 million: kaganovich.html} {p. 31} At the end of the seventh century, the Arabs constructed the great mosque, El Aqsa, and the Dome of the Rock on the site where the Jewish temple had stood. ... Judaism was the first religion to make world peace a central element in its eschatology. {borrowed from Zoroastrianism: zoroaster-judaism.html} {p. 32} Yet quite often peace implies domination, and in many languages the word "pacify" also means "conquer". {end} More of Shillony at japan.html.

(6) H. G. Wells, Lionel Curtis, Henry Wickham Steed & Lord Grey advocate the League of Nations as a World Government - Atlantic Monthly, 1919
After World Wars I & II, there were attempts to form a World Government In 1946, the Baruch Plan: baruch-plan.html. In view of the benevolent motive of the proponents, it is surprising that the public knows nothing of this attempt to save them from themselves. In 1919, the League of Nations. The proponents did not want the League to be a council of Governments, but to override Governments; this, under the label "Universal Peace". Viscount (Lord) Grey, the British Foreign Secretary, joined with H. G. Wells, Lionel Curtis & Henry Wickham Steed, in an article supporting World Government, in the Atlantic Monthly of January & February 1919. Wells cast this as an initiative for Peace; yet he had egged Britain on during the War, coining the phrase "the War to End War" as a motivator. World Peace sounds good - but who are the proponents, and who would be in charge? Lord (Sir, Viscount) Edward Grey is investigated above. Lionel Curtis was the Samuel Huntington of his day: curtis1.html.

Henry Wickham Steed, editor of the London Times, joined with Wells here, but later fell out with the Wells camp, blocking the attempt to make the League a World Government, when he saw that the WellsBaruch-Schiff camp wanted to admit Lenin's USSR to it, this at a time when Bolshevik revolutions were spreading in Western Europe too: toolkit3.html. Visit the Atlantic Monthly links for more on the World Government debate in the 1920s. The Idea of a League of Nations Part One - The Atlantic Monthly, JANUARY 1919; Volume 123, No. 1; pages 106-115. http://www.theatlantic.com/issues/19jan/leag119.htm A small group of qualified Englishmen have long been working toward Universal Peace from an angle of their own. Forming the League of Free Nations Association they have divided the principal problems among experts, for extended study, appraisal and suggestions for solution. These inquiries, eventually to be published in book form, will, in the Atlantic's belief, form a highly important treatise on World Peace; but, in the meantime, the group has united in the compilation of the following article, which may well serve as an introduction to all attempts at a League of Nations. The composite authorship of the paper is especially interesting, the names of the collaborators being,-H. G. WELLS, Chairman H. WICKHAM STEED, VISCOUNT GREY, GILBERT MURRAY, LIONEL CURTIS, J. A. SPENDER, WILLIAM ARCHER, Secretary, A. E. ZIMMERN, VISCOUNT BRYCE I UNIFICATION of human affairs, to the extent at least of a cessation of war and a worldwide rule of international law, is no new idea; it can be traced through many centuries of history. It is found as an acceptable commonplace in a fragment, De Republica, of Cicero. It has, indeed, appeared and passed out of the foreground of thought, and reapeared there, again and again. Hitherto, however, if only on account of the limitations of geographical knowledge, the project has rarely been truly worldwide, though in some instances it has comprehended practically all the known world. Almost always there has been an excluded fringe of barbarians and races esteemed as less than men.

The Roman Empire realized the idea in a limited sphere and in a mechanical, despotic fashion. It was inherent in the propaganda of Islam -- excluding the unbeliever. It may be said that the political unity of Christendom overriding states and nations was the orthodox and typical doctrine of the Middle Ages. The individual states were regarded as being, in the nature of things, members of one great body politic, presided over by the Pope, or the Emperor, or both. It was the idea of the world supremacy of the Empire which inspired Dante's De Monarchia; but, as Lord Bryce has remarked, 'Dante's book was an epilogue instead of a prophecy.' It cannot be claimed that history shows any continuously progressive movement of human affairs from a dispersed to a unified condition. Rather it tells a story of the oscillating action of separatist and unifying forces. And the process of civilization itself, if we use the word in its narrower and older sense of the elaboration of citizenship in a political and social organization, and exclude mechanical and scientific progress from it, has on the whole been rather on the side of fragmentation. ... The Renaissance presents a phase in history in which a large vague unification (Christendom) is seen to be breaking up simultaneously with the appearance of a higher grade of national organization. Machiavelli, with his aspiration toward a united Italy, involving a distintegration of the Empire, opened the phase of the national state in Europe, which reached its fullest development in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. Before the Renaissance Europe was far more of a unity than it was at the close of the reign of Queen Victoria, when it consisted mainly of a group of nations, with their national edges sharpened and hardened almost to a maximum, each aspiring to empire and each acutely suspicious of and hostile to its neighbors. The idea of international organization for peace seemed far more Utopian to the normal European intelligence in 1900 than it would have done eight hundred years before. But while those political and social developments which constitute civilization in the narrower sense of the word were tending to make human societies, as they became more elaborately organized, more heterogeneous and mutually unsympathetic, there were also coming into play throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, for the first time, upon a quite unprecedented scale, another series of forces diametrically opposed to human separations. They worked, however, mutely, because the world of thought was unprepared for them. Unprecedented advances in technical and scientific knowledge were occurring, and human cooperation and the reaction of man upon man, not only in material but also in mental things, was being made enormously more

effective than it had ever been before. But the phrases of international relationship were not altering to correspond. Phrases usually follow after rather than anticipate reality, and so it was that at the outbreak of the Great War in August, 1914, Europe and the world awoke out of a dream of intensified nationality to a new system of realities which were entirely antagonistic to the continuance of national separations. It is necessary to state very plainly the nature of these new forces. Upon them rests the whole case for the League of Nations as it is here presented. It is a new case. It is argued here that these forces give us powers novel in history and bring mankind face to face with dangers such as it has never confronted before. It is maintained that, on the one hand, they render possible such a reasoned coordination of human affairs as has never hitherto been conceivable, and that, on the other, they so enlarge and intensify the scope and evil of war and of international hostility as to give what was formerly a generous aspiration more and more of the aspect of an imperative necessity. Under the lurid illumination of the world war, the idea of world-unification has passed rapidly from the sphere of the literary idealist into that of the methodical, practical man, and the task of an examination of its problems and possibilities, upon the scale which the near probability of an actual experiment demands, is thrust upon the world. All political and social institutions, all matters of human relationship, are dependent upon the means by which mind may react upon mind and life upon life, that is to say upon the intensity, rapidity, and reach of mental and physical communication. In the history of mankind, the great phases seem all to be marked by the appearance of some new invention which facilitates trade or intercourse, and may be regarded as the operating cause of the new phase. The invention of writing, of the wheel and the road, of the ship, of money, of printing, of letters of exchange, of joint-stock undertakings and limited liability, mark distinct steps in the enlargement of human intercourse and cooperation from its original limitation within the verbal and traditional range of the family or tribe. A large part of the expansion of the Roman Empire, apart from its overseas development, may be considered, for example, as a process of road-making and bridge-building. Even its trans-Mediterranean development was a matter of road-making combined with ship-building. The Roman Empire, like the Chinese, expanded on land to an extremity determined by the new method of road-communication; and sought to wall itself in at last at the limits of its range from its centres of strength. The new chapter of the human story again, which began with the entry of America and the Oceanic lands upon the stage of history, was the direct

outcome of that bold sailing out upon the oceans which the mariner's compass, and the supersession of the galley by the development of sails and rigging, rendered possible. The art of printing from movable types released new powers of suggestion, documentation, and criticism, which shattered the old religious organization of Christendom, made the systematic investigations and records of modern science possible, and created the vast newspaper-reading democracies of to-day. The whole of history could, indeed, be written as a drama of human nature reacting to invention. And we live to-day in a time of accelerated inventiveness and innovation, when a decade modifies the material of intercommunication far more extensively than did any century before, in range, swiftness, and intensity alike. Within the present century, since 1900, there have been far more extensive changes in these things than occurred in the ten centuries before Christ. Instead of regarding Around the World in Eighty Days as an amazing feat of hurry, we can now regard a flight about the globe in fifteen or sixteen days as a reasonable and moderate performance. ... III Let us now look a little more closely between the two extremes of possibility we have stated in the preceding section, between a world-unanimity for peace, on the one hand, -- Everyman's World League of Nations, -- and a world-collapse under the overgrowth of war-organization and material, on the other. The affairs of the world are now in a posture which enables us to dismiss the idea of a world hegemony for Germany, or for any other single power, as a fantastic vanity. We have to consider, however, the much greater probability of a group of the more powerful states, including perhaps a chastened Germany, agreeing among themselves to organize and enforce peace in the world for ever. This would give us still a third type of league which we may call the League of the Senior States. It is perhaps the most probable of all the possibilities. And, on the other hand, we have assumed, quite crudely, in the first section that the forces of popular insurrection are altogether destructive of organization, whereas there may be as yet unmeasured constructive and organizing power in the popular mind. There is a middle way between a superstitious belief in unguided democracy and a frantic hatred of it. Concurrently, for example, with the earlier phases of Bolshevik anarchy in Petrograd and Moscow, there seems to have been for a time a considerable development of cooperative production and distribution

throughout European and Asiatic Russia. Mingled with much merely destructive and vindictive insurrectionism, there may be a popular will to order, reaching out to cooperate with all the sound and liberal forces of the old system of things. We can only guess as yet at the possibilities of a collective will in these peasant and labor masses of Europe which now read and write and have new-born ideas of class-action and responsibility. They will be ill-informed, they may be emotional, but they may have vast reserves of common sense. Much may depend upon the unforeseeable accident of great leaders. Nearly every socialist and democratic organization in the world, it is to be noted, now demands the League of Nations in some form, and men may arise who will be able to give that stir quite vague demand force and creative definition. A failure to achieve a world guaranty of peace on the part of the diplomatists at a peace conference may lead, indeed, to a type of insurrection and revolution not merely destructive but preparatory. It is conceivable. The deliberate organization of peace, as distinguished from a mere silly clamor for peace, may break out at almost any social level, and in the form either of a constructive, an adaptive, or a revolutionary project. We have not, therefore, here, a case of a clear cut choice of two ways; there is a multitude of roads which may converge upon the permanent organization of world peace, and an infinitude of thwarting and delaying digressions may occur. Complicating and mitigating circumstances may, and probably will, make this antagonism of war and peace a lengthy and tortuous drama. There may be many halts and setbacks in the inevitable development of war; belligerence may pause and take breath on several occasions before its ultimate death flurry. Such delays, such backwater phases and secondary aspects, must not confuse the issue and hide from us the essential fact of the disappearance of any real limitation upon the overgrowth of war in human life. That unlimited overgrowth is the probability which is driving more and more men to study and advocate this project of a League of Nations, because they are convinced that only through counter-organization of the peace-will in mankind can the world be saved from a great cycle of disasters, disorder, and retrogression. ... IV But at this point it is advisable to take up and dispose of a group of suggestions which contradict our fundamental thesis, which is, that war is by its nature illimitable. War is, we hold here, a cessation of law, and in war therefore, it is impossible to prevent permanently the use of every possible device for injury, killing, and compulsion which human ingenuity can devise or science produce. Our main argument for a League of Nations rests on that. ...

If we look into the history of warfare, we find that it has completed a cycle and is now returning to its starting-point. A nomadic horde of the barbarous ages was 'a nation in arms' in the full sense of the word. Having no fixed place of abode, it had no civil -- as distinct from military -- population. The whole people -- old men, women, and children included -- took part in the toils and perils of war. There were no places of security in which the weak and the defenseless could take refuge. Everyone's life was forfeit in case of disaster; therefore everyone took part in the common defense. Modern warfare, with its air fleets, its submarines, and its 'big Berthas,' is more and more restricting the area of immunity from military peril and reverting to these primitive conditions. ... {end of Part One} Part Two The Atlantic Monthly; February, 1919; The Idea of a League of Nations; Volume 123, No. 2; pages 77-82. http://www.theatlantic.com/issues/19feb/leag219.htm A small group of qualified Englishmen have long been working toward Universal Peace from an angle of their own. Forming the League of Free Nations Association, they have divided the principal problems among experts, for extended study, appraisal, and suggestions for solution. These inquiries, eventually to be published in book form, will, in the Atlantic's belief, form a highly important treatise on World Peace; but in the meantime, the group has united in the compilation of the following article, which may well serve as an introducion to all attempts at a League of Nations. The composite authorship of the paper is especially interesting, the names of the collaborators being, -H.G. Wells, Chairman Viscount Grey, H. Wickham Steed, Gilbert Murray, Lionel Curtis, J. A. Spender, William Archer, Secretary, A. E. Zimmern, Viscount Bryce, consultant ... II Criticisms of thc project of a League of Nations have consisted hitherto largely of the statement of difficulties and impediments, rather than of reasons for rejection of the project. ... Upon this point we cannot be too clear: it is not nationality that is threatened by the League of Nations, it is this 'power' obsession, which used national feeling in an entirely Machiavellian spirit. ... V

Another considerable body of criticism hostile to the League of Nations proposal is grouped about certain moral facts. Before concluding these introductory remarks, it is advisable to discuss this, not merely in order to answer so much of it as amounts to an argument against the world-league project, but also because it opens out before us the real scope of the League of Nations proposal. There seems to be a disposition in certain quarters to underestimate the scale upon which a League of Nations project can be planned. It is dealt with as if it were a little legal scheme detached from the main body of human life. It seems to be assumed that some little group of 'jurists,' sitting together in a permanent conference at The Hague or in New York, will be able to divert the whole process of humanity into new channels, to overcome the massive, multitudinous, and tremendous forces that make for armed conflict and warfare among men, and to inaugurate a new era of peace throughout the world. ... Permanent world-peace must necessarily be a great process and state of affairs, greater, indeed, than any warprocess, because it must anticipate, comprehend, and prevent any warprocess, and demand the understanding, the willing and conscious participation of the great majority of human beings. We, who look to it as a possible thing, are bound not to blind ourselves to, or conceal from others, the gigantic and laborious system of labors, the immense tangle of cooperations, which its establishment involves. If political institutions or social methods stand in the way of this great good for mankind it is fatuous to dream of compromises with them. A world peace organization cannot evade universal relationships. It is clear that, if a world-league is to be living and enduring, the idea of it and the need and righteousness of its service must be taught by every educational system in the world. It must either be served by, or be in conflict with, every religious organization; it must come into the life of everyone, not to release men and women from loyalty, but to demand it for itself. The answer to this criticism that the world-peace will release men from service, is therefore, that the world-peace is itself a service. It calls, not as war does, for the deaths, but for that greater gift, the lives, of men. The League of Nations cannot be a little thing; it is either to be a great thing in the world, an overriding idea of a greater state, or nothing. Every state aims ultimately at the production of a sort of man, and it is an idle and a wasteful diplomacy, a pandering to timidities and shams, to pretend that the World-League of Nations is not ultimately a state aiming at that ennobled individual whose city is the world. {end}

(7) Two Conspiracies
Woodrow Wilson was not a conspirator; but he was handled by people who were. The problem with World Government is that, despite its benefits, it would very likely be run by the same sorts of people who are running the world at present; their power would be entrenched, and there would be nowhere for dissidents to escape to. Not all people who advocate World Government are conspirators, but there were two conspiracies working through such schemes: an Anglo/Tory one (quigley.html), and a Socialist/Zionist one (opensoc.html); some people were members of both. The Anglo one wanted "one world" dominated by Britain (later, the US); the Socialist/Zionist one wanted Britain/the US subject to a World Court and World Army. High-profile activists in the Socialist/Zionist camp included H. G. Wells, Mandell House, Walter Lippmann, Israel Zangwill, Jacob Schiff and Bernard Baruch - of these, Wells and House were the only nonJews: wells-lenin-league.html. House, liasing with Lord (Sir Edward) Grey, persuaded Wilson to join World War I. During World War I, Lord (Sir Edward) Grey represented the Anglo/Tory faction. It wanted to get the U.S. into the war as soon as possible: the Anglo/Tory faction needed military superiority on its side. "One World", to the Anglo/Torys, meant world empire: world domination by the British Empire, with the United States sharing control. Suppose that the U.S. had entered the war earlier, and mobilized its troops and sent them to the front. Then Britain would not made the Balfour Declaration, as "a contract with World Jewry", whereby Zionists got Palestine in return for getting the U.S. into the war because the U.S. would already have titled the balance: lgeorge.html. It was in the Zionist interest to keep the protagionists as evenly balanced as possible, i.e. keep the US out of the war, until the fall of the Tsar, their hated enemy. Then it was in their interest to auction their support to the protagonists. This is what happened: balfour.html; Israel similarly auctioned itself during the Cold War. Before the Balfour Declaration, the two conspiracies were working against each other. The catch was this: the Zionist one

knew about the Anglo one, because Cecil Rhodes had invited Lord Rothschild to join it; but the Anglos did not know about the Zionist one. The Balfour Declaration of 1917 marked a turning point, whereby the Anglo/Tory faction was co-opted to Zionism. Arnold Toynbee, opposed to the Balfour Declaration, was relegated to obscurity by the Zionist media. Lord Northcliffe, a Tory opposed to Zionism, was forced to cede control of the Times of London: toolkit3.html. Through the Balfour Declaration, the Anglo/Tory faction has become the Tory/Zionist faction. George W. Bush now represents the Tory-Zionist faction, while Bill Clinton represents the Socialist one. Clinton's cabinet was largely Jewish, but Internationalist (Western Marxist, i.e. Trotskyist) rather than Zionist (beria.html). The Socialist/Zionist camp, whilst opposing the Anglo/Tory camp, was divided into those who wanted Israel at the centre of world values, and those more Internationalist. Since the creation of Israel in 1948, the Zionists have moved to the Tory/Zionist faction. For the Zionists, One World (World Government) means the fulfilment of Judaism's self-appointed mission to "unify" the world with Judaism having a prominent place at the table, of course: zioncom.html. The Balfour Declaration amounted to a take-over of the Anglo one by the Zionist one. The proof is that, for the sake of Eretz Israel, Britain and the U.S. are forfeiting the goodwill of the whole Arab & Moslem world: shahak1.html.

(8) John Coleman on Mandell Huis
Dr. John Coleman's book THE CONSPIRATORS' HIERARCHY: THE STORY OF THE COMMITTEE OF 300 (America West Publishers, P.O. Box 3300, Bozeman, MT 59772, 1992) contains valuable material, but his hectoring style and lack of supporting evidence let it down. Anyone who has read much of Lyndon Larouche's material will note great similarity in this 1992 book by Coleman. Both say that the One-World Conspiracy is British, centred on the Monarchy. They "write out" any specifically Jewish involvement, although a number of Jewish bodies get a mention, e.g. the ADL.

Yet the Jewish Defense Organization calls Larouche a Nazi: "Lyndon LaRouche hired Jewish flunkies like Steinberg and Goldstien to do his dirtywork. The name of the game is Yockeyism, crypto-Nazism ... " http://jdo.org/gibson.htm. So, is there a hidden Jewish theme within Coleman's work? When one considers the shocking press that the British Royals get (compared to, say, the Japanese or Danish Royals) with the media prying into their troubles, exacerbating them and putting them on the front pages; when one considers that Rupert Murdoch's media, and the Economist, promote the abolition of the British Monarchy; then another force is suspected behind the scenes. Here's a clue: Coleman writes, "... Robert Cecil of the Jewish Cecil family that had controlled the British monarchy since a Cecil became the private secretary and lover of Queen Elizabeth I ..." (Conspirators' Hierarchy, p. 201). Coleman writes in his article King Makers, King Breakers: The Cecils (1985, © Dr John Coleman, W.I.R., 2533 N. Carson St., Suite J-118 Carson City, NV 89706): {p. 25} The records at Hatfield House show that the Unity of Science Conferences was the brain child of Robert Cecil, as confirmed by the Dutch Jew, Mandell Huis alias Colonel House, who was the controller of Woodrow Wilson and Wilson's personal representative at the Paris peace Conference; and the special representative of the United States Government at the Inter-Allied Conference of Premiers and Foreign Ministers in 1917; U. S. representative at the Armistice in 1918 and a member of the Commission on Mandates in 1919. Mandell Huis, like the Cecils, professed to be a Christian, but was a Jew by birth and conviction. He was a firm friend of the Cecil clan, and it was Huis who forced Wilson to agree to the July, 1915 arrangement made by Arthur Balfour which gave Palestine to the zionists and brouqht America into the first world war. Americans should be taught these things in schools and universities, but so great is the power of the Black Nobility, the RIIA, the CFR and the Eastern Liberal Establishment gang of traitors, that the majority {p. 26} of Americans will probably never hear the name of the Cecil family, as one of the names which shaped the destiny of our once free great republican America. Before leaving tlle subject of "Colonel House" (Huis is the Dutch word for house), let me say that in spite of the many important tasks he was given to carry out, "Colonel House" was never a member of the United States government, nor was he elected to hold any of these important offices by the

sovereign people of the United States. Therefore I say to you; "Of what use is our present system? We call ourselves a republic and a democracy, yet, no matter who we elect to the White House, the secret government of America continues to enact its policies, without the slightest regard for our wishes. Of what use then, is our electoral system?" ... {end} So here is the Jewish theme lurking with the British theme. More at british-conspiracy.html.

(9) Lenin's Opposition to the Treaty of Versailles
Lenin sent the Red Army to invade Poland in 1920. This is comparable to Hitler's invasion of Poland. For Hitler, Poland was only a stepping-stone to the East; but for Lenin, Poland was only a stepping-stone to Germany. Lenin candidly wrote about Poland, as follows: Richard Pipes, ed., The Unknown Lenin: From the Secret Archive (Yale University Press, New Haven, 1996): {p. 100} ... somewhere in the proximity of Warsaw lies the center of the entire system of international imperialism ... Poland, as a buffer between Russia and Germany, Poland, as the last state, will remain entirely in the hands of international imperialism against Russia. She is the {p. 101} linchpin of the whole Treaty of Versailles. The modern imperialist world rests on the Treaty of Versailles. Having defeated Germany and settled the question of which of the two powerful international groups - the English or the German - will determine the fate of the world in the coming years, imperialism ended up with the Versailles peace. They have no other means of solidifying international relations, political as well as economic, than the Versailles peace. Poland is such a powerful element in this Versailles Peace that by extracting this element we break up the entire Versailes peace. We had tasked ourselves with occupying Warsaw; the task changed and it turned out that what was being decided was not the fate of Warsaw but the fate of the Treaty of Versailles. {endquote} More at wells-lenin-league.html. How could Wells be a member of Cecil Rhodes' "One World" movement (opensoc.html), while at the same time supporting Lenin, a man trying to destroy it?

Write to me at contact.html. HOME