McConnell Campaign Finance Report

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Report from the Public Campaign Action Fund linking McConnell's campaign donations and political positions.

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Cashing In On Obstruction

How Mitch McConnell¶V Abuse of the Filibuster and
Other Senate Rules Benefits His Big Money Donors






By Tam Doan and Kurt Walters of Public Campaign Action Fund
January 2013


Page 2 of 28
Executive Summary

Since Republicans lost the majority in 2006 and Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) became minority
leader in 2007, the United States Senate has seen an unprecedented level of filibustering and
obstruction. McConnell has been at the helm of a scorched earth policy of blocking nearly every
bill and nominee that comes before the Senate, imposing an anti-democratic super-majority
requirement to advance any legislation or appointment. This has meant little to no work on a
wide range of lingering problems from anemic job growth to unwarranted giveaways of tax
dollars to oil companies to the highest rates of inequality since the Gilded Age.

1ŚŝƐ ƌĞƉŽƌƚ ůŝŶŬƐ ƚŚĞ ďŝŐ ƚƌĞŶĚƐ ĂŶĚ ĚŽŶŽƌƐ ŝŶ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĞŶƚŚƵƐŝĂƐƚŝĐ ĨƵŶdraising career with
his willingness to foment legislative dysfunction, which serves to increase his power and enrich
his corporate donors while leaving American families to struggle. The eight cases of obstruction
examined in this report span several important policies and highly competent judicial and
administrative nominees. These cases are among the many instances where McConnell placed
the interests of his big money donors ahead of Kentuckians and everyday families.

Highlights

x On the very day debate began on a bill to repeal subsidies to Big Oil, an astonishing
$131,500 in campaign contributions passed from the hands of oil donors in Midland,
1ĞdžĂƐ ŝŶƚŽ MŝƚĐŚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ƌĞ-election war chest. Three days later the bill failed by
filibuster.

x Companies that lobbied against bringing jobs back to America and ending tax breaks for
offshoring have given McConnell one million dollars to win his elections and look out for
their interests. Big McConnell donors such as GE, Microsoft, and Exxon Mobil also have
billions in untaxed profits stashed overseas.

x Despite once supporting transparency, McConnell has led the effort to block the
DISCLOSE Act and keep Americans in the dark about the money flowing into elections.
Wealthy individuals and companies spending millions in secret money have
overwhelmingly helped ĞůĞĐƚ 8ĞƉƵďůŝĐĂŶƐ͕ ĂŶ ĞƐƐĞŶƚŝĂů ƐƚĞƉ ŝŶ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ambition to
become majority leader of the Senate.

x Sen. McConnell took the unusual step of filibustering a district court nominee, former
trial lawyer Jack McConnell, who was vehemently opposed by the insurance industry
and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce after Jack McConnell won a multi-billion dollar case
against lead paint companies. Sen. McConnell has received $1.7 million from insurance
interests, and has taken tens of thousands of dollars from one of the lead paint
companies in the case and its parent company.

Page 3 of 28
Introduction

Since Republicans lost the majority in 2006 and Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) became minority
leader in 2007, the Senate has seen a level of filibustering and obstruction that is literally
ǁŝƚŚŽƵƚ ƉƌĞĐĞĚĞŶƚ ŝŶ ƚŚĞ ŝŶƐƚŝƚƵƚŝŽŶ͛Ɛ ŚŝƐƚŽƌLJ͘

The number of filibusters
1
jumped to an average of 130 for each of the Congresses in which
Republicans have been in the minority (110
th
through 112
th
), exactly double the average of 65
per two-year session from when Democrats were last in the minority. This is a historical
aberration. There were more filibusters in 2012 alone (67) than there were in the 54 years
between 1917 and 1970 (58).

Use of Filibuster Over Time Via Cloture Votes
2




Unfortunately, this has real consequences for the amount of legislation that is passed to benefit
the American people. The 112
th
Congress passed only 212 public bills through December 21,
2012, significantly lower than any two-year period at least as far back as World War II.
3
This is
not just about divided government. When Democrats last held the Senate with a Republican-
controlled house, from 1981-1987, Congress still managed to pass an average of 587 public bills
each session.
4


1
This is measured by the number of cloture motions filed. Successfully invoking cloture takes 60 votes and ends a filibuster.
2
͞SĞŶĂƚĞ AĐƚŝŽŶƐ ŽŶ CůŽƚƵƌĞ MŽƚŝŽŶƐ͕͟ u͘S͘ SĞŶĂƚĞ͘ Accessed December 28, 2012:
http://www.senate.gov/pagelayout/reference/cloture_motions/clotureCounts.htm
3
Mŝŵŝ MĂƌnjŝĂŶŝ Ğƚ Ăů͕͘ ͞CƵƌďŝŶŐ lŝůŝďƵƐƚĞƌ AďƵƐĞ͕͟ Brennan Center for Justice, November 16, 2012.
http://www.brennancenter.org/content/resource/curbing_filibuster_abuse
4
Mŝŵŝ MĂƌnjŝĂŶŝ Ğƚ Ăů͕͘ ͞CƵƌďŝŶŐ lŝůŝďƵƐƚĞƌ AďƵƐĞ͕͟ Brennan Center for Justice, November 16, 2012.
http://www.brennancenter.org/content/resource/curbing_filibuster_abuse
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
6
5

6
7

6
9

7
1

7
3

7
5

7
7

7
9

8
1

8
3

8
5

8
7

8
9

9
1

9
3

9
5

9
7

9
9

1
0
1

1
0
3

1
0
5

1
0
7

1
0
9

1
1
1

Congress (2 Yr Period)
Motions Filed
Votes on Cloture
Cloture Invoked
Page 4 of 28
Behind this dysfunction and gridlock ŚĂƐ ďĞĞŶ SĞŶ͘ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ǁŝůůŝŶŐŶĞƐƐ ƚŽ break with
Senate traditions and the culture of bipartisan compromise. Instead he has increasingly used
Senate rules to block any legislation he disfavors, even if it holds broad popular support and a
majority of votes in the legislature.

Looking through the list of bills and nominees that Republican senators have filibustered in the
past six years, a common theme emerges. Rather than addressing the concerns of everyday
people in Kentucky, Sen. McConnell and his allies have spent their energy abusing Senate rules
to block important policies and appointments opposed by a small number of politically
powerful groups, many of which are large sources of campaign cash to MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ƌĞ-election
campaigns.

As this report will show, special interests such as Big Oil, corporate tax dodgers, insurance
ĐŽŵƉĂŶŝĞƐ͕ ĂŶĚ WĂůů SƚƌĞĞƚ ĐĂŶ ĐŽƵŶƚ ŽŶ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů ƚŽ ďůŽĐŬ ůĞŐŝƐůĂƚŝŽŶ ƚŚĞLJ ĚŽŶ͛ƚ ůŝŬĞ.
McConnell has even threatened to hold hostage middle-class tax cuts and other policies
important to everyday Americans until he gets his way. Kentuckians could rightly wonder whom
Mitch McConnell is standing up for in Congress.

The Senate Rules Fight

Faced with McConnell and his caƵĐƵƐ͛Ɛ ŝŶƐŝƐƚĞŶĐĞ ŽŶ ĂŶ ĂŶƚŝ-democratic super-majority
requirement for even routine pieces of legislation and nominations, even Senate traditionalists,
like Sen. Harry Reid (D-Nev.) who opposed reforming the filibuster as recently as 2010, now
support reforming Senate rules to reduce abuse of the filibuster and other obstructionist
methods.

Reid and his colleagues in the Senate, including Senators Merkley (D-Ore.) and Udall (D-N.M.),
ŶŽǁ ƉůĂŶ ƚŽ ďƌŝŶŐ ĨŽƌƚŚ Ă ƐĞƚ ŽĨ ƌĞĨŽƌŵƐ ƐƵĐŚ ĂƐ ƚŚĞ ͞ƚĂůŬŝŶŐ ĨŝůŝďƵƐƚĞƌ͕͟ requiring senators to
actually take the floor and speak in order to block legislation, and eliminating the ability to
ĨŝůŝďƵƐƚĞƌ ƚŚĞ ƐƚĂƌƚ ŽĨ ĚĞďĂƚĞ͘ PĞ ƉůĂŶƐ ƚŽ ƵƐĞ ƚŚĞ ͞ĐŽŶƐƚŝƚƵƚŝŽŶĂů ŽƉƚŝŽŶ͟ if necessary, allowing
changes to Senate rules through simple majority vote on the first day of a new Congress rather
than the two-thirds super-majority it requires otherwise. McConnell sees this as an affront:

What the majority leader is saying is he will break the rules of the Senate in order to
change the rules of the Senate. It has been the case in the past that it took a super
majority of 67 which of course meant that most rules changes occurred because the two
leaders agreed to them and were proposing them jointly, instead what the majority
leader is saying is that he will propose to change the rules with 51 votes, meaning his
side gets to decide what the rules are.
5


5
͞CŚĂŶŐŝŶŐ SĞŶĂƚĞ 8ƵůĞƐ͕͟ Congressional Record Vol. 158, No. 148, Government Printing Office, November 26, 2012.
http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CREC-2012-11-26/html/CREC-2012-11-26-pt1-PgS6878-3.htm
Page 5 of 28
In fact, McConnell is objecting to the very same technique he supported when Republicans had
ƚŚĞ ŵĂũŽƌŝƚLJ͕ ǁŝƚŚ 1ŚĞ Pŝůů ĐĂůůŝŶŐ Śŝŵ ͞ĂŶ ŽƵƚƐƉŽŬĞn proponent of the nuclear option,͟ another
name for the constitutional option. While in the majority and facing Democratic filibusters of
ŵĂŶLJ ŽĨ ÞƌĞƐŝĚĞŶƚ 8ƵƐŚ͛Ɛ ŶŽŵŝŶĞĞƐ͕ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů ƌĞĐŽŐŶŝnjĞĚ ƚŚĞ ůĞŐŝƚŝŵĂĐLJ ŽĨ ƚŚĞ ĐŽŶƐƚŝƚƵƚŝŽŶĂů
ŽƉƚŝŽŶ͗ ͞uŶĨŽƌƚƵŶĂƚĞůLJ͕ this obstruction necessitates that we restore these norms and
traditions, and that includes through the use of the so-ĐĂůůĞĚ ΖĐŽŶƐƚŝƚƵƚŝŽŶĂůΖ ŽƉƚŝŽŶ͛͘͟
6


nŽǁ͕ ŝƚ ŝƐ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů ƵƉĞŶĚŝŶŐ ƚŚĞ ͞ŶŽƌŵƐ ĂŶĚ ƚƌĂĚŝƚŝŽŶƐ͟ ŽĨ ƚŚĞ SĞŶĂƚĞ ƚŚƌŽƵŐŚ ĞdžĐĞƐƐŝǀĞ ƵƐĞ
of obstructionist tactics and objecting to Senate rules reform. This turnaround reflects a trend
with McConnell, who seems willing to switch his principles to whatever position affords him the
most power. In a political system where money is power, McConnell can gain influence by
abusing Senate rules in ways he once condemned as long as he protects the bottom line of his
large, corporate donors.


6
CŚĂƌůĞƐ PƵƌƚ͕ ͞SƵƉƉŽƌƚ ĨĂůƚĞƌƐ ĨŽƌ ƚŚĞ ͚ŶƵĐůĞĂƌ ŽƉƚŝŽŶ͕͛͟ Washington Times, March 23, 2005, A1.
Page 6 of 28
DŝƚĐŚDĐŽŶŶĞůů͛ƐŝŐDŽŶĞLJĂƌĞĞƌ
7


A ƐĐĂŶ ŽĨ SĞŶĂƚŽƌ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĐĂŵƉĂŝŐŶ ŵŽŶĞLJ over his career reveals key trends: McConnell
has become increasingly dependent on donors that can give more, come from outside
Kentucky, and represent corporate interests, putting him farther and farther out of touch with
the needs of Kentucky residents.

Over his last three elections, McConnell has honed his fundraising skills and money has
followed his rise to power. He went from raising about $4 million in itemized contributions in
the six year period leading up to his 1996 election and more than $20 million for his 2008
election.



Over a long career of fundraising, Sen. McConnell has raised a staggering $45 million at least,
looking at just his campaign committee.
8
He has raised an additional $6 million to his leadership
ÞAC ;͞8ůƵĞŐƌĂƐƐ CŽŵŵŝƚƚĞĞ͟Ϳ͕ ǁŚŝĐŚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů ƵƐĞƐ ƚŽ ďŽůƐƚĞƌ ƚŚĞ ĐĂŵƉĂŝŐŶƐ ŽĨ ŽƚŚĞƌ
Republicans and firm up his leadership status.

McConnell was also able to turn his fundraising prowess into influence with his colleagues
when he served as chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee. In the 1998 and
2000 cyclesͶa rare two-term stintͶMcConnell brought in $91 million and then $96 million to
be distributed amongst Republican colleagues and candidates, following just $72 million being
raised in 1996. All the while, McConnell was leading efforts against campaign finance reform
that would place limits on the kind of soft money he depended on at the NRSC.


7
Unless otherwise noted, all information on campaign contributions is based on analysis of data provided by the Center for
Responsive Politics, downloaded in bulk on October 29, 2012 from the Sunlight Foundation
(http://data.influenceexplorer.com). Itemized campaign contribution data (for donors giving more than $200 in a cycle) were
available starting from 1989 to June 30, 2012. Thus, 2012 cycle totals are partial. Unless otherwise noted, totals include
ĐŽŶƚƌŝďƵƚŝŽŶƐ ƚŽ SĞŶ͘ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ůĞĂĚĞƌƐŚŝƉ ÞAC ;͞8ůƵĞŐƌĂƐƐ CŽŵŵŝƚƚĞĞ͟Ϳ͘
8
This career total since 1989 is provided CRP and includes records available starting in 1989 (McConnell was first elected in
1984). This amount does not include money raised by his leadership PAC, Bluegrass Committee. Accessed December 16, 2012:
https://www.opensecrets.org/politicians/summary.php?cycle=Career&type=I&cid=N00003389&newMem=N
$0
$5
$10
$15
$20
$25
1996 2002 2008
C
a
m
p
a
i
g
n

M
o
n
e
y

(
M
i
l
l
i
o
n
s
)

Election
Total Itemized Contributions Over 6 Year Election Cycles
Page 7 of 28
Unlike most other elected officials who view raising money as a necessary evil, McConnell
relishes fundraising. "When he asked for money, his eyes would shine like diamonds," said
former Sen. Alan Simpson (R-Wyo.). "He obviously loved it."
9
Control over the disbursement of
that money also gave McConnell tremendous sway with his colleagues, which he was able to
cash in as votes for majority whip in 2002.

More large donors
Over his career, only about 16 percent of ƚŚĞ ŵŽŶĞLJ ƚŽ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĐĂŵƉĂŝŐŶ ĐŽŵŵŝƚƚĞĞ has
come from small donors, measured by unitemized contributions where donors gave less than
$200 in a cycle. lŶ ƚŚĞ ŵŽƐƚ ƌĞĐĞŶƚ ĐLJĐůĞ͕ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ƐŚĂƌĞ ŽĨ ƐŵĂůů ŵŽŶĞLJ ŚĂƐ ĚƌŽƉƉĞĚ ƚŽ Ă
mere five percent.
10
McConnell is much more reliant on the large, itemized contributions of at
least $200. Among his large donors, the average total contribution per cycle has risen over the
years, particularly among PACs, which gave about $1,500 on average in the 1994 cycle and
nearly $4,000 in the most recent cycle. This increase ĨŽůůŽǁƐ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ƌŝƐĞ ƚŽ ƉŽǁĞƌ ĂƐ
minority leader, peaking in his last election in 2008.

Average Total Contribution Per Cycle for PACs and Individuals






9
!ŽŚŶ CŚĞǀĞƐ͕ ͞ÞƌŝĐĞ 1ĂŐ ÞŽůŝƚŝĐƐ͗ SĞŶĂƚŽƌ͛Ɛ ƉĞƚ ŝƐƐƵĞ͗ ŵŽŶĞLJ ĂŶĚ ƚŚĞ ƉŽǁĞƌ ŝƚ ďƵLJƐ͕͟ Lexington Herald-Leader, October 15,
2006. http://wincoast.com/forum/archive/index.php/t-43005.html
10
͞MŝƚĐŚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͗ CĂŵƉĂŝŐŶ lŝŶĂŶĐĞ SƵŵŵĂƌLJ͕͟ CĞŶƚĞƌ ĨŽƌ 8ĞƐƉŽŶƐŝǀĞ ÞŽůŝƚŝĐƐ͘ AĐĐĞƐƐĞĚ uĞĐĞŵďĞƌ ϮϬ͕ ϮϬϭϮ͗
http://www.opensecrets.org/politicians/summary.php?type=C&cid=N00003389&newMem=N&cycle=2012
$0
$1,000
$2,000
$3,000
$4,000
$5,000
$6,000
1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012
INDs
PACs
Page 8 of 28
More out-of-state donors
As McConnell gained rank within the Senate, the share of individual contributions he took from
Kentucky residents declined, reaching an all time low of 13 percent in the 2012 cycle.
Meanwhile, individual contributions from Texas, the Washington area (D.C., Maryland, and
Virginia), and the New York tri-state area (New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut), have
increased, represeŶƚŝŶŐ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ƌŝƐŝŶŐ ĨĂǀŽƌ ǁŝƚŚ͕ ƌĞƐƉĞĐƚŝǀĞůLJ͕ oil tycoons, lobbyists, and
bankers.
11
In the 2012 cycle, the proportion of money from Texas (20%) and the New York tri-
state area (19%) each surpassed the share of money from inside Kentucky (13%).

Percentage of Itemized Individual Contributions from Kentucky Compared to Other States



More corporate interests
The money McConnell takes from business interests such as banks, hedge fund managers,
health insurers, lobbyists, and oil companies dominates his campaign money profile.

This type
of money peaked in his most recent election in 2008 and is on track to play a large role in his
2014 campaign.

Giving at least $8.7 million in contributions to his campaign committee and leadership PAC over
his career, Wall Street is by far the largest sector of donors to McConnell. Within the finance
sector, his biggest supporters come from the securities and investment industry, followed by
real estate, insurance and commercial bank interests.




11
1ŚĞƐĞ ƐĞĐƚŽƌƐ ĂƌĞ ƌĞƉƌĞƐĞŶƚĞĚ ďĞƐƚ ŝŶ ƚŚĞƐĞ ŐĞŽŐƌĂƉŚŝĐ ĂƌĞĂƐ͕ ďĂƐĞĚ ŽŶ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĐĂŵƉĂŝŐŶ ĨŝŶĂŶĐĞ ƌĞĐŽƌĚƐ͘
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012
KY
DC-MD-VA
NY-CT-NJ
TX
Page 9 of 28

Business-Labor-Ideological-Other Split Over Time






Total Contributions by Sector

Sector Total
Finance, Insurance & Real Estate $8,712,881
Manufacturing, Sales & Services $4,796,563
Health $4,341,193
Lawyers & Lobbyists $3,195,248
Agribusiness $2,968,881
Energy & Natural Resources $2,917,008
Ideological/Single-Issue $2,648,708
Communications/Electronics $2,042,186
Construction $1,936,677
Transportation $1,701,098
Defense $680,699
Other $632,556
Party Cmtes $154,724
Labor $69,750
Joint Candidate Cmtes $11,911

Total Contributions by Industry


Industry Total
1
Securities & Investment $2,463,701
2
Lawyers/Law Firms $2,007,866
3
Health Professionals $1,794,191
4
Real Estate $1,702,792
5
Insurance $1,669,632
6
Oil & Gas $1,336,211
7
Lobbyists $1,187,382
8
Pro-Israel $1,169,435
9
Commercial Banks $1,073,355
10
Hospitals/Nursing Homes $954,850
11
Pharma/Health Products $954,649
12
General Contractors $836,721
13
Misc Manufact. & Distributing $812,662
14
Mining $751,599
15
Misc Finance $747,984
16
TV/Movies/Music $694,075
17
Tobacco $648,969
18
Republican/Conservative $630,040
19
Business Services $625,570
20
Electric Utilities $604,799

$0
$2,000,000
$4,000,000
$6,000,000
$8,000,000
$10,000,000
$12,000,000
1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012
Business
Labor
Ideological
Other
*Note that unaffiliated individuals are not included in
the chart above. Such individuals have either not been
coded or could not be readily categorized into sectors,
including those reported as retired, as homemakers, or
without employer or occupation information.
*Note that unaffiliated individuals are not included in the chart above. Such individuals have either not been
coded or could not be readily categorized into sectors, including those reported as retired, as homemakers, or
without employer or occupation information.
Page 10 of 28
More personal wealth
1ŚĞ ǀĂůƵĞ ŽĨ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ƉĞƌƐŽŶĂů ĂƐƐĞƚƐ͕ ĂƐ ƌĞƉŽƌƚĞĚ ŽŶ ŚŝƐ ĂŶŶƵĂů ƉĞƌƐŽŶĂů ĨŝŶĂŶĐŝĂů
disclosure, has grown dramatically in recent years, exceeding the average wealth of his fellow
Senators starting in 2008. In 2010, he was the tenth wealthiest Senator, having steadily climbed
the ranks since 2004, when he occupied the 41
st
spot. In other words, over the last few years,
while most American families reeled in the aftermath of the financial crisis, McConnell got rich
and led legislative efforts that created more hardship for middle class families.

Recent Growth in DĐŽŶŶĞůů͛ƐWĞƌƐŽŶĂůtĞĂůƚŚ



Source: Center for Responsive Politics, Personal Finance Profile for Senator McConnell


Page 11 of 28
Cases of Obstruction

Minority Leader Mitch McConnell has led a scorched earth policy of filibustering nearly every
bill and nominee that comes before the Senate, imposing an anti-democratic super-majority
requirement to advance any legislation or appointment. This has meant little to no work on a
wide range of lingering problems from low job growth to unwarranted giveaways of tax dollars
to oil companies to the highest rates of inequality since the Gilded Age.

lŶĂĐƚŝŽŶ͕ ĨƌƵƐƚƌĂƚŝŽŶ͕ ĂŶĚ ĞĐŽŶŽŵŝĐ ƐƚĂŐŶĂƚŝŽŶ ĂƌĞ ƉĂƌƚ ŽĨ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ƉŽůŝƚŝĐĂů ƐƚƌĂƚĞŐLJ ĂƐ ŚĞ
hopes the public will place the blame on President Obama for the lack of progress. According to
his own statements, McConnell͛Ɛ ŶƵŵďĞƌ one goal was making Obama a one-term president.
WŚŝůĞ ŚĞ ĚŝĚŶ͛ƚ ƐƵĐĐĞĞĚ ŝŶ ƚŚĂƚ ŵŝƐƐŝŽŶ͕ ŚĞ ĚŝĚ manage to help keep Washington a corporation-
friendly town.

The following eight cases of obstruction span several important policies and highly competent
judicial and administrative nominees. These cases are among the many instances where
McConnell placed the interests of his big money donors ahead of Kentuckians and everyday
families.

Policy Case 1: Repeal Big Oil Subsidies

On March 29, 2012, the Senate voted 51 in favor and 47 opposed to cut off debate and bring a
final vote on a bill to remove $24 billion in tax breaks and giveaways to the five largest oil
companies in America, some of the most profitable companies in the history of the world.

In most legislatures throughout the world, or indeed most Senates in the history of the United
States, this majority support would mean bill passage and over the next 10 years, $24 billion
that would have gone to some of the largest oil companies would instead be split between
reducing the federal debt and extending incentives for clean energy and energy efficiency.
Instead, due to MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ intense focus on obstructionist techniques, this vote merely added
one more bill to the pile of legislation blocked by the filibuster.

McConnell took to the Senate floor that day to talk about high gasoline prices, but his stated
interest in getting things done for Americans was belied both by his record of obstruction and
the enormous contributions he takes from the oil and gas industry. In fact, oil and gas interests
ŚĂǀĞ ŐŝǀĞŶ Ψϭ͘ϯ ŵŝůůŝŽŶ ƚŽ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĐĂŵƉĂŝŐŶ ĐŽŵŵŝƚƚĞĞƐ ĂŶĚ ůĞĂĚĞƌƐŚŝƉ ÞAC ŽǀĞƌ ŚŝƐ
career, a top-10 donor industry for him, despite having almost no presence in Kentucky.

His Big Oil donors are not subtle. On March 26
th
, just three days earlier and the very same day
that Senate debate began on the Repeal Big Oil Subsidies Act, McConnell pulled in an
astonishing $131,500 in contributions from oil-related donors in Midland, Texas, the oil
ŝŶĚƵƐƚƌLJ͛Ɛ ďĂƐĞ ĨŽƌ ĞdžƚƌĂĐƚŝŽŶ ŝŶ ƚŚĞ ÞĞƌŵŝĂŶ 8ĂƐŝŶ͘ It is unclear from expense reports whether
Page 12 of 28
MĐCŽŶŶĞůů ŚŝŵƐĞůĨ ǁĂƐ ĂďůĞ ƚŽ ĂƚƚĞŶĚ͕ ďƵƚ ŝƚ͛Ɛ ĐůĞĂƌ ƚŚĂƚ ƚŚĞ Žŝů ŝŶĚƵƐƚƌLJ ŚĂƐ ŚŝƐ ĞĂƌͶand his
vote.

These donors have influence beyond their money, as well. Among the Texas fundraiser
attendees were former Commerce Secretary Donald Evans, who took a bus tour to promote
ÞƌĞƐŝĚĞŶƚ CĞŽƌŐĞ W͘ 8ƵƐŚ͛Ɛ ĞĐŽŶŽŵŝĐ ƉŽůŝĐŝĞƐ ǁŝƚŚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ǁŝĨĞ͕ ƚhen-Labor Secretary
Elaine Chao;
12
Miles Boldrick, in whose home Mitt Romney would later spend the night;
13
and
Javaid Anwar, who lent Rick Perry the use of his private jet.
14
In fact, George W. Bush himself
contributed the legal maximum to McConnell along with his wife ($10,000 total) just five days
later. They listed their address as Midland, Texas rather than their homes in Crawford or Dallas,
raising the possibility that they were involved in hosting the event.

Of course, late March 2012 was not the first or only time McConnell stood up for his financial
backers in the oil industry. Just months before, in December, 2011, McConnell announced he
would hold hostage the extension of the payroll tax cutͶvital to the middle class during a weak
economyͶunless a completely unrelated provision approving the Keystone XL pipeline was
included.
15
The pipeline was and continues to be a major priority for Big Oil. Incorporating a
broad range of energy-related votes, Cŝů CŚĂŶŐĞ lŶƚĞƌŶĂƚŝŽŶĂů ƌĂƚĞƐ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ǀŽƚĞ ƌĞĐŽƌĚ ĂƐ
favoring fossil fuel interests 94 percent of the time.
16


Policy Case 2: Creating American Jobs and Ending Offshoring

In recent years, as American workers faced record job losses and large companies continued to
move positions abroad, federal policymakers have attempted to incentivize job creation in the
U.S. and close tax loopholes that reward companies for moving their operations overseas.
Among the attempts to eliminate such loopholes was the Creating American Jobs and Ending
Offshoring Act (S.3816), a bill introduced in September 2010 that included ideas Obama
announced support for in May 2009.

The bill would have 1) granted a two-year payroll tax holiday for every job brought back to the
US, 2) put an end to deductions companies can take when moving operations abroad, and 3)
eliminated deferral of taxes on overseas profits for companies moving overseas. Similar
ƉƌŽǀŝƐŝŽŶƐ ǁĞƌĞ ŽƌŝŐŝŶĂůůLJ ŝŶĐůƵĚĞĚ ŝŶ ƚŚĞ ͞ƚĂdž ĞdžƚĞŶĚĞƌƐ͟ ďŝůů ;P͘8͘ ϰϮϭϯͿ, debated at length the
summer of 2010. But these provisions were stripped as this Senate bill failed cloture vote after

12
MĂƌƚŝŶ CƌƵƚƐŝŶŐĞƌ͕ ͞8ƵƐŚ ĞĐŽŶŽŵŝĐ ƚĞĂŵ ŚŝƚƐ ƚŚĞ ƌŽĂĚ ƚŽ ƉƌŽŵŽƚĞ ƚĂdž ĐƵƚƐ͕͟ Kentucky New Era, July 29, 2003.
13
Alex Guillen͕ ͞Mŝƚƚ 8ŽŵŶĞLJ SůĞƉƚ PĞƌĞ͕͟ Politico Morning Energy, August 22, 2012.
http://www.politico.com/morningenergy/0812/morningenergy566.html
14
MĂƚƚŚĞǁ LƌŝĐƐŽŶ Ğƚ Ăů͕͘ ͞WŚŽ͛Ɛ lŝŶĂŶĐŝŶŐ ƚŚĞ ͚SƵƉĞƌ ÞACƐ͕͛ New York Times, May 7, 2012. Accessed December 18, 2012:
http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2012/01/31/us/politics/super-pac-donors.html?smid=tw-nytimespolitics&seid=auto
15
8ĞŶ CĞŵĂŶ͕ ͞SĞŶĂƚĞ CCÞ ĚŝŐƐ ŝŶ ŽŶ kĞLJƐƚŽŶĞ ƉŝƉĞůŝŶĞ ƉƵƐŚ͕͟ The Hill, December 16, 2011. http://thehill.com/blogs/e2-
wire/e2-wire/199979-senate-gop-digs-in-on-keystone-pipeline-push
16
͞MŝƚĐŚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů ʹ vŽƚĞƐ͕͟ Cŝů CŚĂŶŐĞ lŶƚĞƌŶĂƚŝŽŶĂů͘ AĐĐĞƐƐĞĚ uĞĐĞŵďĞƌ ϮϬ͕ ϮϬϭϮ͗
http://www.dirtyenergymoney.com/view.php?searchvalue=mcconnell&com=&can=&zip=&search=1&type=search#view=voter
ecord
Page 13 of 28
cloture vote, only to finally pass with a bare-bones extension of unemployment benefits and
without the measures to bring jobs back from overseas. Provisions similar to the first two were
included in the Bring Jobs Home Act, which also perished by filibuster in July 2012.
After Obama announced his support for these ideas in 2009, McConnell ĂƌƚĨƵůůLJ ƐƚĂƚĞĚ ͞l ĐĂŶŶŽƚ
endorse a plan that gives preferential treatment to foreign companies at the expense of U.S.-
based companies and the 52 million people they employ,"
17
when in reality it is large American
multinationals that receive preferential treatment at the expense of small American businesses
and American workers.

Unfortunately McConnell helped block all these recent efforts to bring jobs back to the U.S.,
looking out repeatedly for his large corporate donors and opponents of these measures,
including the National Association of Manufacturers and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
18

Companies with key stakes in these policies understand how important it is to invest in
MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĨƵŶĚƌĂŝƐŝŶŐ ĐŽŵŵŝƚƚĞĞƐ. Taking the companies that lobbied on S.3816 in 2010 as a
sample, we find that McConnell raised close to $1 million from executives and PACs associated
with 37 of the companies that reported lobbying on the bill in at least two of their filings.
19
The
largest donor in this group is General Electric (giving at least $174,812 to McConnell over the
years), followed by Microsoft Corp ($100,750), Koch Industries ($85,450), and Exxon Mobil
($74,300). (See Appendix for full list.)

These 37 companies have collectively stashed $445 billion in untaxed profits overseas instead of
using those funds to create jobs in America. GE, Microsoft and Exxon Mobil also stand out in
this regard, with offshore profits of $102 billion, $61 billion, and $74 billion respectively. Other
McConnell donors that lobbied on the issue and sit on large overseas stores of cash include
Johnson & Johnson ($42 billion abroad), IBM ($38 billion abroad), and Hewlett-Packard ($29
billion abroad).

Policy Case 3: DISCLOSE

1ŚĞ ulSCLCSL AĐƚ ŝƐ ůĞŐŝƐůĂƚŝŽŶ ĂŝŵĞĚ Ăƚ ƐŚĞĚĚŝŶŐ ůŝŐŚƚ ŽŶ ͞ĚĂƌŬ ŵŽŶĞLJ͕͟ ƉŽůŝƚŝĐĂů ƐƉĞŶĚŝŶŐ ďLJ
groups not required to disclose their donors, a practice allowed by Supreme Court decisions like
Citizens United and the vagaries of U.S. tax law. Once, Mitch McConnell voiced opinions in
support of the goal of disclosure, saying ͞ÞƵďůŝĐ ĚŝƐĐůŽƐƵƌĞ ŽĨ ĐĂŵƉĂŝŐŶ ĐŽŶƚƌŝďƵƚŝŽŶƐ ĂŶĚ
spending should bĞ ĞdžƉĞĚŝƚĞĚ ƐŽ ǀŽƚĞƌƐ ĐĂŶ ũƵĚŐĞ ĨŽƌ ƚŚĞŵƐĞůǀĞƐ ǁŚĂƚ ŝƐ ĂƉƉƌŽƉƌŝĂƚĞ͘͟
20
But
that was in 1997.


17
͞Obama Unveils Plan to Close Tax Loopholes͕͟ lŽdžnĞǁƐ͘ĐŽŵ͕ MĂLJ ϰ͕ ϮϬϬϵ͘
http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2009/05/04/obama-unveils-plan-close-tax-loopholes/
18
͞Obama Unveils Plan to Close Tax Loopholes͕͟ lŽdžnĞǁƐ͘ĐŽŵ͕ MĂLJ ϰ͕ ϮϬϬϵ͘
http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2009/05/04/obama-unveils-plan-close-tax-loopholes/
19
Lobbying information is based on an analysis of data provided by the Center for Responsive Politics.
20
͞LĚŝƚŽƌŝĂů͗ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ŚLJƉŽĐƌŝƐLJ ŽŶ ĐĂŵƉĂŝŐŶ ĚŝƐĐůŽƐƵƌĞ͕͟ Lexington Herald-Leader, August 1, 2010.
http://www.kentucky.com/2010/08/01/1372068/mcconnells-hypocrisy-on-campaign.html
Page 14 of 28
Times have changed and the big money problem has worsened in American politics. Regardless,
McConnell seems less concerned nowadays with voters having information to judge undue
ŝŶĨůƵĞŶĐĞ ĨŽƌ ƚŚĞŵƐĞůǀĞƐ͘ 1ŽĚĂLJ͕ ƚŚŝƐ ǀĞƌLJ ƐĂŵĞ ƉŽůŝƚŝĐŝĂŶ ĚĞĐƌŝĞƐ ƚŚĞ ulSCLCSL AĐƚ ĂƐ ͞ƵŶ-
AŵĞƌŝĐĂŶ͟ ĂŶĚ ͞ĂŶ ĂƚƚĞŵƉƚ ƚŽ ŝĚĞŶƚŝĨLJ ĂŶĚ ƉƵŶŝƐŚ ƉŽůŝƚŝĐĂů ĞŶĞŵŝĞƐ͘͟
21


Accounts from the Senate make it clear that the blockage of this formerly-bipartisan idea by
filibusters ŝŶ ďŽƚŚ ϮϬϭϬ ĂŶĚ ϮϬϭϮ ŝƐ ĂůŵŽƐƚ ƐŽůĞůLJ ďĞĐĂƵƐĞ ŽĨ ƚŚĞ ͞ĞŶŽƌŵŽƵƐ ƉƌĞƐƐƵƌĞ͟
22

McConnell put on senators in his caucus to oppose the legislation, even over considerable
objections in private. The bill fell just one vote short of the 60-vote threshold in 2010 and failed
on another party-line vote in 2012.

What could account for the difference between his previous support for transparency and his
now vehement opposition to the DISCLOSE Act? McConnell would have you believe that he is
simply maintaining consistent support of the First Amendment against attempts to impinge on
the freedom of speech. The facts paint a different picture.

lŝƌƐƚ ŽĨ Ăůů͕ ŝƚ͛Ɛ ĐƌŝƚŝĐĂů ƚŽ ŶŽƚĞ ƚŚĂƚ 8ĞƉƵďůŝĐĂŶƐ ĞŶũŽLJ Ă ŵĂƐƐŝǀĞ ƉĂƌƚŝƐĂŶ ĂĚǀĂŶƚĂŐĞ ŝŶ ƐĞĐƌĞƚ
money spent on their behalf, a 5-to-1 advantage in the 2012 elections. So-called ͞social
welfare͟ ŶŽŶƉƌŽĨŝƚ organizations (or 501(c)4͛s) and trade associations (or 501(c)6͛s) are not
required to register as political committees with the Federal Election Commission or disclose
their donors. These dark money groups spent $245.4 million benefitting Republicans, dwarfing
the $49.6 million similar groups spent to help Democrats.
23


McConnell is the same person who said the top three priorities for building a political party are
͞ŵŽŶĞLJ͕ ŵŽŶĞLJ͕ ŵŽŶĞLJ͟
24
and opportunistically sought to ban contributions by political action
committees (PACs) in 1996, when PACs gave more money to Democrats than Republicans,
without thinking this might violate the First Amendment.
25
Even a top Republican aide said in
ϮϬϬϱ ƚŚĂƚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ŽƉƉŽƐŝƚŝŽŶ ƚŽ ƚŚĞ MĐCĂŝŶ-Feingold campaign finance reform law ŝƐ ͞ŶŽƚ
100 percent prŝŶĐŝƉůĞ͟ ďĞĐĂƵƐĞ ͞΀ď΁ĞŚŝŶĚ ĐůŽƐĞĚ ĚŽŽƌƐ͕ MĐCŽŶŶĞůůΖƐ ĐĂƐĞ ĂŐĂŝŶƐƚ ƚŚĞ ůĂǁ ĂůƐŽ
encompassed the practicalͶthe ĚĂŵĂŐĞ ƚŚĞ ůĂǁ ĚŽĞƐ ƚŽ 8ĞƉƵďůŝĐĂŶ ĨƵŶĚƌĂŝƐŝŶŐ͘͟
26



21
MŝƚĐŚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͕ ͞uŝƐĐůŽƐĞ AĐƚ ŝƐ ƵŶ-AŵĞƌŝĐĂŶ͕͟ USA Today, July 5, 2012.
http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/opinion/editorials/story/2012-07-05/Disclose-Act-Mitch-McConnell/56046300/1
22
uĂŶ lƌŽŽŵŬŝŶ͕ ͞Disclose Act Vote Railroaded By Mitch McConnell, Senate Dems Claim͕͟ Huffington Post, July 18, 2012.
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/07/18/disclose-act_n_1683573.html
23
͞nŽŶ-ĐŽŵŵŝƚƚĞĞ lLC ĨŝůĞƌƐ͕͟ Sunlight Foundation Reporting Group. Accessed December 17, 2012:
http://reporting.sunlightfoundation.com/outside-spending/noncommittees/
24
!ŽŚŶ CŚĞǀĞƐ͕ ͞ÞƌŝĐĞ 1ĂŐ ÞŽůŝƚŝĐƐ͗ SĞŶĂƚŽƌ͛Ɛ ƉĞƚ ŝƐƐƵĞ͗ ŵŽŶĞLJ ĂŶĚ ƚŚĞ ƉŽǁĞƌ ŝƚ ďƵLJƐ͕͟ Lexington Herald-Leader, October 15,
2006. http://wincoast.com/forum/archive/index.php/t-43005.html
25
͞CĂŵƉĂŝŐŶ lŝŶĂŶĐŝŶŐ͗ SŚĂŬŝŶŐ ŝƚ uƉ͕͟ PBS News Hour, June 24, 1996.
26
!ŽŶĂƚŚĂŶ AůůĞŶ͕ ͞McConnell gets ready to step into Frist's shoes: Loyal, understated whip awaits his turn at the summit͕͟ The
Hill, Oct. 25, 2005.
Page 15 of 28
Beyond the partisan advantage dark money grants RepublicansͶŝŶĐƌĞĂƐŝŶŐ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛s
chances of becoming majority leaderͶhe also has personal ties to some of the biggest dark
money groups.

The largest dark money group, Crossroads GPS (Grassroots Policy Strategies), is run by
MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĨŽƌŵĞƌ ƉƌŽƚĠŐĠ͕ SƚĞǀĞŶ LĂǁ͘ LĂǁ ƐĂLJƐ ŵŽƐƚ ŽĨ ǁŚĂƚ ŚĞ ůĞĂƌŶĞĚ ĂďŽƵƚ politics, he
learned from McConnell, and it shows. First as a Senate staffer for McConnell, then on his own
helping the U.S. Chamber of Commerce transition to becoming a big political spender and as
head of Crossroads GPS and American Crossroads͕ LĂǁ͛Ɛ ĐĂreer has involved raising enormous
sums of money for political uses.

CƌŽƐƐƌŽĂĚƐ ǁĂƐ ƚŚŝƐ ƉĂƐƚ LJĞĂƌ͛Ɛ ŚŝŐŚĞƐƚ ƐƉĞŶĚŝŶŐ ĚĂƌŬ ŵŽŶĞLJ ŐƌŽƵƉ͕ ǁŝƚŚ ΨϳϬ͘ϲ ŵŝůůŝŽŶ ŝŶ
disclosed spending, and every penny either attacking Democrats or supporting Republicans.
McConnĞůů ŚĂƐ ƌĞƚƵƌŶĞĚ ƚŚĞ ĨĂǀŽƌ͕ ƐƉĞĂŬŝŶŐ Ăƚ ƚǁŽ ŽĨ ƚŚĞ ŐƌŽƵƉ͛Ɛ ĨƵŶĚƌĂŝƐŝŶŐ ĞǀĞŶƚƐ͕ ĂŶĚ
pressuring members of his caucus who privately support transparency to maintain party-line
opposition to legislation like the DISCLOSE Act that would require Crossroads to disclose its
donors.

With the incredible effort McConnell has put into using every obstruction measure possible to
block the DISCLOSE Act, the failure of Congress to prevent massive amounts of secret money
being spent in the 2012 election can be almost entŝƌĞůLJ ůĂŝĚ Ăƚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĨĞĞƚ͘

Policy Case 4: Employee Free Choice

Though growing inequality is a moral and economic concern in America, Congress has failed to
reinstall policies that could help reverse this trend by strengthening the rights and voices of
workers.
27
Academics and policy-makers have argued that restoring balance to the union
election process through the Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA) would help rebuild the middle
class. Unfortunately, due in part to the powerful influence of large corporate campaign donors,
McConnell and the Senate effectively blocked EFCA in 2007 and 2009 through the use and
threat of the filibuster.

In March 2007, the House passed EFCA
28
before it died by cloture vote in the Senate that
June.
29
In March 2009, Senator Ted Kennedy introduced the bill again
30
and fellow Senators
spent months trying to amass and maintain 60 votes. In the end, the 60-vote threshold was too
high a barrier to overcome.

27
nŽĂŚ͕ 1ŝŵŽƚŚLJ͕ ͞8ĞǀŝǀĞ LĂďŽƌ͛Ɛ ÞŽǁĞƌ͕͟ New York Times, October 19, 2012.
http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2012/10/18/shrink-inequality-to-grow-the-economy/revive-labors-power
28
Roll Call Vote 118, H.R. 800, May 7, 2007. http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2007/roll118.xml
29
Roll Call Vote 227, H.R. 800, June 26, 2007.
http://www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/roll_call_lists/roll_call_vote_cfm.cfm?congress=110&session=1&vote=00227
30
͞Employee Free Choice Act of 2009͕͟ CŽǀ1ƌĂĐŬ͘ AĐĐĞƐƐĞĚ uĞĐĞŵďĞƌ Ϯϳ͕ ϮϬϭϮ͗
http://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/111/s560
Page 16 of 28
Big corporate interests kept the heat on throughout that time by spending millions on lobbying
and elections. More than 300 companies and trade groups lobbied on the bill in just 2009,
spending upwards of $563 million on lobbying.
31
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, whose vice
ƉƌĞƐŝĚĞŶƚ ĨŽƌ ůĂďŽƌ ƉŽůŝĐLJ ůŝŬĞŶĞĚ ƚŚŝƐ ƉŽůŝĐLJ ďĂƚƚůĞ ƚŽ ͞AƌŵĂŐĞĚĚŽŶ͕͟
32
spent $123 million
lobbying on this issue. The Chamber also spent at least $17 million in the 2008 election, mostly
through outside spending.

These interests had a friend in McConnell, who warned the bill ǁŽƵůĚ ͞fundamentally harm
America͘͟
33
Over his career, McConnell has taken at least $3.4 million in campaign
contributions from 150 of the companies and trade groups that lobbied against the Senate
version of the bill (S.560).
34
MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĚŽŶŽƌƐ ŝŶĐůƵĚĞ ƚŚĞ ÞAC ĂŶĚ ĞdžĞĐƵƚŝǀĞƐ ŽĨ PŽŵĞ uĞƉŽƚ͕
which have given at least $55,000 to his campaign committee and leadership PAC over the
years, while the company lobbied heavily on the bill, spending $935,000 in 2009. In October
2008, during the lead-up to this policy battle, Home Depot co-founder Bernie Marcus, who has
personally donated to McConnell, warned that EFCA would mean "the demise of a civilization."
He went on to say that "[i]f a retailer has not gotten involved with this, if he has not spent
money on this election, if he has not sent money to Norm Coleman and these other guys," then
such retailers "should be shot; should be thrown out of their goddamn jobs."
35


lĞůůŽǁ ƌĞƚĂŝůĞƌƐ ǁŚŽ ǁĞŝŐŚĞĚ ŝŶ ŽŶ ƚŚĞ ŝƐƐƵĞ ŝŶĐůƵĚĞĚ MĐuŽŶĂůĚ͛Ɛ͕ ǁŚŝch has given McConnell
at least $32,650, and Wal-Mart, which has given $53,800 and lobbied heavily on the bill. Both
companies have faced recent worker and community protests for better pay and worker rights.
The Associated Builders and Contractors, which has given McConnell $74,250, sent a letter in
AƉƌŝů ϮϬϬϵ ƚŽ ĞǀĞƌLJ ŵĞŵďĞƌ ŝŶ CŽŶŐƌĞƐƐ ƐƚĂƚŝŶŐ ƚŚĞŝƌ ŽƉƉŽƐŝƚŝŽŶ͕ ƐĂLJŝŶŐ ƚŚĞƌĞ ŝƐ ͞ŶŽ ƌŽŽŵ ĨŽƌ
ĐŽŵƉƌŽŵŝƐĞ͟ ĂŶĚ ͞ŶŽƚŚŝŶŐ ĐĂŶ ďĞ ĚŽŶĞ ƚŽ ŵĂŬĞ ƚŚŝƐ ůĞŐŝƐůĂƚŝŽŶ ŵŽƌĞ ƉĂůĂƚĂďůĞ͘͟
36
McConnell
was sympathetic to these concerns and those of the overwhelming number of his campaign
donors who lobbied on this bill. (See Appendix for full list.)



31
This amount includes lobbying expenditures for other issues and bills, since lobbying expenditure reports do not allow for
disaggregation of expenditures by issue or bill. Organizations that specified the bill in at least two filings in 2009 were included
in this count.
32
Steven CƌĞĞŶŚŽƵƐĞ͕ ͞After Push for Obama, Unions Seek New Rules͕͟ New York Times, November 8, 2008.
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/09/us/politics/09labor.html?pagewanted=all
33
AŵĂŶĚĂ 1ĞƌŬĞů͕ ͞MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͗ LŵƉůŽLJĞĞ lƌĞĞ CŚŽŝĐĞ AĐƚ ǁŝůů ͚ĨƵŶĚĂŵĞŶƚĂůůLJ ŚĂƌŵ AŵĞƌŝĐĂ ĂŶĚ LƵƌŽƉĞĂŶŝnjĞ AŵĞƌŝĐĂ͕͛͘͟
ThinkProgress, January 23, 2009. http://thinkprogress.org/politics/2009/01/23/35208/mcconnell-efca/
34
Organizations that specified the bill in at least two filings in 2009 were included in this count.
35
lƌĂŶŬ 1ŚŽŵĂƐ͕ ͞It's Time to Give Voters the Liberalism They Want,͟ Wall Street Journal, November 19, 2008.
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB122705706314639537.html
36
CĂŶĚĂĐĞ 8ĞĞŬĞ͕ ͞Associated Builders and Contractors battle Employee Free Choice Act͕͟ Houston Business Journal, April 21,
2009. http://blog.mlive.com/westsidestory/2009/04/associated_builders_and_contra.html
Page 17 of 28
Policy Case 5: Helping Families Save Their Homes

In 2009, one in every four homeowners was underwater, owing more on their mortgages than
their homes were worth
37
and more than a million families nationwide had lost their homes the
previous year.
38
In Kentucky, the foreclosure rate remained higher than it had been in
decades.
39


In April 2009, as the foreclosure crisis escalated, the House passed the Helping Families Save
Their Homes Act,
40
which included a key provision to create flexibility for bankruptcy judges to
modify mortgages for homeowners facing foreclosure, the so-called ͞ĐƌĂŵĚŽǁŶ͟ provision. In
the Senate, despite his efforts, Senator Durbin was not able to garner 60 votes to keep the
cramdown provision in their version of the bill,
41
after months of negotiating and working with
banks and Republicans. It was during this process that Durbin noted, with regard to Capitol Hill,
that ďĂŶŬƐ ͞ĨƌĂŶŬly ŽǁŶ ƚŚĞ ƉůĂĐĞ͘͟
42


With Wall Street interests ƚŽƉƉŝŶŐ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĚŽŶŽƌ ůŝƐƚ ǁŝƚŚ at least $8.7 million, it is fair to
ask whether Wall Street owns Senator McConnell in particular. Some of McConnell top donors
from the finance sector fought against uƵƌďŝŶ͛Ɛ provision. The American Bankers Association,
which has given at least $85,000 to McConnell over the years, left the negotiating table Durbin
convened
43
and spent $8.5 million lobbying against the bill in 2009.
44
Other opponents included
the Mortgage Bankers Association ($37,500 in campaign contributions to McConnell) and the
Financial Services Roundtable ($24,000).

1ŚĞ ĐŽƵŶƚƌLJ͛Ɛ ĨŽƵƌ ůĂƌŐĞƐƚ ďĂŶŬƐ ƐƚŽŽĚ ƚŽ ůŽƐĞ ƚŚĞ ŵŽƐƚ ĨƌŽŵ ƚŚĞ ĐƌĂŵĚŽǁŶ ƉƌŽǀŝƐŝŽŶ͕ including
billions in outstanding unsecured debt on underwater homes, loans that could be written off
completely by mortgage adjustments.
45
1ŚĞ ŶĂƚŝŽŶ͛Ɛ ůĂƌŐĞƐƚ ďĂŶŬ͕ !ÞMŽƌŐĂŶ CŚĂƐĞ͕
46
is also
ŽŶĞ ŽĨ MĐCŽŶŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ďŝŐŐĞƐƚ ĚŽŶŽƌƐ͕ ŐŝǀŝŶŐ Ăƚ ůĞĂƐƚ $134,475 over his career.

37
8ƵƚŚ SŝŵŽŶ ĂŶĚ !ĂŵĞƐ PĂŐĞƌƚLJ͕ ͞One in Four Borrowers Is Underwater͕͟ Wall Street Journal, November 24, 2009.
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB125903489722661849.html
38
CŚƌŝƐ ÞĂůŵĞƌŝ͕ ͞Over one Million People Lost their Home in 2008͕͟ Bloomberg BusinessWeek, January 14, 2009.
http://www.businessweek.com/the_thread/hotproperty/archives/2009/01/over_one_millio.html
39
Emily Spurlock, et al. Housing Foreclosures in Kentucky, Kentucky Legislative Research Commission, July 9, 2009, pg. 18.
http://www.lrc.ky.gov/lrcpubs/rr365.pdf
40
Roll Call Vote 104, H.R. 1106, March 5, 2009. http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2009/roll104.xml
41
Roll Call Vote 174, S.Amdt. 2014 to S. 896, April 30, 2009.
http://www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/roll_call_lists/roll_call_vote_cfm.cfm?congress=111&session=1&vote=00174
42
8LJĂŶ Cƌŝŵ͕ ͞Dick DurbiŶ͗ 8ĂŶŬƐ ͚lƌĂŶŬůLJ CǁŶ 1ŚĞ ÞůĂĐĞ͕͛͟ Huffington Post, May 30, 2009.
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/04/29/dick-durbin-banks-frankly_n_193010.html
43
8LJĂŶ Cƌŝŵ͕ ͞Bankruptcy Bill Watered Down, Still Fiercely Opposed By Banks͕͞ Huffington Post, May 28, 2009.
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/04/27/bankruptcy-bill-watered-d_n_191998.html
44
This amount includes lobbying expenditures for other issues and bills, since lobbying expenditure reports do not allow for
disaggregation of expenditures by issue or bill.
45
AůĞdž uůĂŵ͕ ͞Why a Mortgage Cramdown Bill Is Still the Best Bet to Save the Economy͕͟ The Nation, October 20, 2011.
http://www.thenation.com/article/164096/why-mortgage-cramdown-bill-still-best-bet-save-economy#
46
͞1ŽƉ ϱϬ PŽůĚŝŶŐ CŽŵƉĂŶŝĞƐ SƵŵŵĂƌLJ ÞĂŐĞ͕͟ u͘S͘ lĞĚĞƌĂů 8ĞƐĞƌǀĞ nĂƚŝŽŶĂů lŶĨŽƌŵĂƚŝŽŶ CĞŶƚĞƌ͕
http://www.ffiec.gov/nicpubweb/nicweb/Top50Form.aspx
Page 18 of 28
Nominee Case 1: Jack McConnell

Sen. McConnell has blocked or slowed more than just legislation in the interest of his deep-
pocketed donors. He also has taken the filibustering of judicial and administrative nominees to
new heights.

WŚĞŶ !ŽŚŶ !͘ ͞!ĂĐŬ͟ McConnell (no relation) was nominated to the District Court of Rhode
Island on March 10, 2010, business and insurance interests mobilized to block the former trial
lawyer from appearing on the bench. Naturally, Mitch McConnell was there to back up his allies
and donors with the very rare step of filibustering a district court nominee, the lowest level
subject to Senate confirmation.

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce in many ways led the charge against Jack McConnell, evidently
because of his history representing plaintiffs against big businesses for lawsuits around
asbestos, tobacco, and lead paint. Rhode Island reporters noted the connection behind the
ŽƉƉŽƐŝƚŝŽŶ ŽĨ ƚŚĞ ĐŽƵŶƚƌLJ͛Ɛ largest business trade group and the delays by Senate Republicans,
despite the nominee͛Ɛ ďŝƉĂƌƚŝƐĂŶ ƐƵƉƉŽƌƚ ĨƌŽŵ ŚŝƐ ŚŽŵĞ ƐƚĂƚĞ͕ ǁƌŝƚŝŶŐ ͞΀Jack MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ΁
nomination has been stalled for more than a year for no apparent reason other than that the
u͘S͘ CŚĂŵďĞƌ ŽĨ CŽŵŵĞƌĐĞ ĚŽĞƐŶ͛ƚ ůŝŬĞ ƚŚĞ ĨĂĐƚ ƚŚĂƚ ŚĞ ŚĂƐ ŵĂĚĞ Ă ůŝǀŝŶŐ ƐƵŝŶŐ
businesses͙ƚŚĂƚ ŚĂƌŵ ƚŚĞ ƉƵďůŝĐ͘͟
47


WŚĞŶ !ĂĐŬ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ŶŽŵŝŶĂƚŝŽŶ ĨŝŶĂůůLJ ĐĂŵĞ ƚŽ ƚŚĞ ĨůŽŽƌ ĨŽƌ Ă ĐůŽƚƵƌĞ ǀŽƚĞ Ă ĨƵůů ϰϮϬ ĚĂLJƐ
ĂĨƚĞƌ ŚĞ ǁĂƐ ŶŽŵŝŶĂƚĞĚ͕ MŝƚĐŚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĨůŽŽƌ ĐŽŵŵĞŶƚƐ ŐĂǀĞ ŶŽ ƌĞĂƐŽŶ ƚŽ doubt the
ƌĞƉŽƌƚĞƌƐ͛ ĂƐƐĞƌƚŝŽŶ͘ 1ŚĞ kĞŶƚƵĐŬLJ 8ĞƉƵďůŝĐĂŶ ƐƉĞĐŝĨŝĐĂůůLJ ŶŽƚĞĚ ƚŚĞ u͘S͘ CŚĂŵďĞƌ͛Ɛ ƉŽƐŝƚŝŽŶ ŽŶ
ƚŚĞ ŶŽŵŝŶĂƚŝŽŶ ǁŚŝůĞ ĐůĂŝŵŝŶŐ ĞǀŝĚĞŶĐĞ ŽĨ Ă ͞ƉĞƌƐŝƐƚĞŶƚ ŚŽƐƚŝůŝƚLJ ƚŽ AŵĞƌŝĐĂŶ ũŽď ĐƌĞĂƚŽƌƐ͟ ŝŶ
ƚŚĞ ŶŽŵŝŶĞĞ͛Ɛ ůĞŐĂů ŚŝƐƚŽƌLJ͘
48


The business lobby was not opposing Jack McConnell simply for ideological reasons. Many of
MŝƚĐŚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĚŽŶŽƌƐ ĂƌĞ ĨƌŽŵ ƚŚĞ ƐĂŵĞ ĐŽŵƉĂŶŝĞƐ ƚŚĂƚ ŚĂǀĞ ŚĂĚ ƚŽ ƉĂLJ ŽƵƚ ŵŝůůŝŽŶƐ ĂĨƚĞƌ
lawsuits argued by Jack McConnell or his firm. Attorney MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ůĂŶĚŵĂƌŬ ůĞĂĚ ƉĂŝŶƚ ĐĂƐĞ͕
in which he represented the state of Rhode Island, resulted in $1.7 to $3.4 billion in costs for
Sherwin-Williams, NL Industries, and Millenium Holdings to clean up 240,000 Rhode Island
homes contaminated by their lead paint. nL lŶĚƵƐƚƌŝĞƐ͛ ÞAC ĂŶĚ ĞŵƉůŽLJĞĞƐ͕ ĂƐ ǁĞůů ĂƐ ƚŚŽƐĞ ŽĨ
its parent company have given $43,755 to McConnell over the years.

Similarly, Georgia-Pacific has been the target of several asbestos lawsuits argued by Motley
8ŝĐĞ͕ !ĂĐŬ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ŽůĚ ůĂǁ Ĩŝƌŵ͘ The billionaire Koch brothers who own Georgia-ÞĂĐŝĨŝĐ͛Ɛ
parent company, Koch Industries, have immense levels of political influence, funding a vast
network of dark money groups like Americans for Prosperity that has collectively been termed

47
SĐŽƚƚ MĂĐkĂLJ͕ ͞lƐŶ͛ƚ ŝƚ ƚŝŵĞ !ĂĐŬ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů ŐĞƚƐ Ă SĞŶĂƚĞ ǀŽƚĞ͍͟ NPR, May 3, 2011.
http://wrnipoliticsblog.wordpress.com/2011/05/03/isnt-it-time-jack-mcconnell-gets-a-senate-vote/
48
MŝƚĐŚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͕ ͞nĞǁƐ 8ĞůĞĂƐĞ͗ !ŽŚŶ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů uŶĨŝƚ ĨŽƌ Ă LŝĨĞƚŝŵĞ lĞĚĞƌĂů !ƵĚŐĞƐŚŝƉ͕͟ MĂLJ ϰ͕ ϮϬϭϭ͘
Page 19 of 28
͞koch World,͟
49
and the PAC and employees of Georgia-Pacific and Koch Industries poured over
ΨϴϬ͕ϬϬϬ ŝŶƚŽ SĞŶ͘ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĐŽĨĨĞƌƐ͘

Another interested party with Sen. MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ůŽLJĂůƚŝĞƐ ŝƐ ƚŚĞ ŝŶƐƵƌĂŶĐĞ ŝŶĚƵƐƚƌLJ͘ 1Śree
different insurance industry trade groups all signed on to a letter by the U.S. Chamber of
Commerce opposing Jack MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ŶŽŵŝŶĂƚŝŽŶ ƚŽ ƚŚĞ ďĞŶĐŚ͘ The insurance industry has
given Mitch McConnell $1.7 million, but this amount still pales in comparison to the sums at
stake for insurers in class action lawsuits like the ones Jack McConnell argued.

On May 4, 2011 JacŬ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ŶŽŵŝŶĂƚŝŽŶ finally moved forward via a cloture vote of 63-33
and then was confirmed on a narrower 50-44 basis, reflecting the reluctance of some rank-and-
file Republicans to carry out MŝƚĐŚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ƐƚƌĂƚĞŐLJ ŽĨ ĨŝůŝďƵƐƚĞƌŝŶŐ ĞǀĞŶ ĚŝƐƚƌŝĐƚ court
nominees. Still, a similar judicial nominee, Louis Butler, was sunk due to analogous business
opposition stemming from his previous rulings on lead paint and medical malpractice cases.
50


Nominee Case 2: CFPB Director

On July 21, 2010, President Obama signed into law the Dodd-Frank Act, the most sweeping
reform of Wall Street since the Great Depression. This came after months of attempts by
Republicans and Wall Street lobbyists to water down the bill and an astounding 10 filibusters on
the bill in the Senate.

Faced with an Act of Congress he could not find the votes to repeal, McConnell and the
Republican minority in the Senate sought to effectively nullify Dodd-Frank through additional
obstruction. A primary tactic was the decision to filibuster any nominee to become director of
the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), regardless of his or her qualifications.
McConnell led 44 Republican senators to write a letter saying that no nominee would get
SĞŶĂƚĞ ĂƉƉƌŽǀĂů ƵŶƚŝů ƚŚĞ ClÞ8 ǁĂƐ ͞ƌĞĨŽƌŵĞĚ͟ ŝŶ ǁĂLJƐ ƚŚĂƚ ǁŽƵůĚ ĚĞƐƚƌŽLJ ŝƚƐ ĞĨĨĞĐƚŝǀĞŶĞƐƐ͘
51


Since the CFPB was designed to protect Americans against the abuses of big banks and
predatory lenders, debilitating the bureau has been and remains a huge priority for the
financial sector and McConnell. Wall Street, incidentally, is the single biggest sector
contributing money to McConnell, who has taken at least $8.7 million from financial interests
over his career.

Even after Obama passed over Elizabeth Warren, a favorite of liberal groups who was strongly
opposed by conservatives, and nominated Ohio Attorney General Richard Cordray to be

49
kĞŶ vŽŐĞů ĂŶĚ 1ĂƌŝŶŝ ÞĂƌƚŝ͕ ͞lŶƐŝĚĞ kŽĐŚ ǁŽƌůĚ͕͟ Politico, June 15, 2012.
http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0612/77453.html
50
͞SĞŶĂƚĞ ĚĞĂů ĐƵƚƐ 8ƵƚůĞƌ ĨƌŽŵ ĨĞĚĞƌĂů ũƵĚŐĞƐŚŝƉ ǀŽƚĞ͕͟ Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, December 20, 2010.
http://www.jsonline.com/news/usandworld/112207769.html
51
͞ϰϰ u͘S͘ SĞŶĂƚŽƌƐ ƚŽ CďĂŵĂ͗ nŽ AĐĐŽƵŶƚĂďŝůŝƚLJ͕ nŽ CŽŶĨŝƌŵĂƚŝŽŶ͕͟ Office of Sen. Richard Shelby, May 5, 2011.
http://shelby.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/2011/5/44-u-s-sens-to-obama-no-accountability-no-confirmation
Page 20 of 28
director of the CFPB in July 2011, Republican obstruction did not let up. Rather than the bureau
beginning in earnest its work of protecting consumers on the scheduled launch date of July 21,
2011, the CFPB sat through months of delays in the Senate waiting for a director, culminating in
a cloture vote for Cordray on December 8, 2011. In the end, the 44 letter signers and one
additional Republican voted against cloture, using the filibuster to block an up-or-down vote on
CŽƌĚƌĂLJ͛Ɛ ŶŽŵŝŶĂƚŝŽŶ͘

McConnell and the rest of his caucus even tried to use a technicality to prevent Obama from
using his recess appointment powers by holding pro forma sessionsͶessentially a few senators
calling the Senate into session without conducting any significant businessͶthroughout the
traditional winter recess. Obama called their bluff by installing Cordray on January 4
th
,
prompting McConnell to claim that CďĂŵĂ ͞arrogantly circumvented the American people by
'recess' appointing Richard Cordray.͟
52


This came from the same man who had spent the past 18 months trying to subvert the will of
the American people, through their elected representatives, by nullifying a legitimate Act of
Congress he lacked the votes to repeal.

Once Cordray and the CFPB began to conduct business, it was clear why McConnell and his
donors in the banking industry were so keen to impede their work. The first enforcement action
the new agency took was a $210 million settlement with Capital OneͶMĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĞŝŐŚƚŚ
largest donor ($121,500)Ͷincluding $150 million in refunds to two million American consumers
on whom Capital One had used deceptive marketing practices. lƚ͛Ɛ probably no coincidence that
over half of the money McConnell received from Capital One, $61,500, came in the year and a
half between the passage of Dodd-Frank and the eventual installment of Richard Cordray.

Similarly, the next action coming out of the CFPB was a $112.5 million settlement with
American Express, which has given $69,950 to McConnell. Just like for Capital One, the return
ŽŶ ŝŶǀĞƐƚŵĞŶƚ ǁŽƵůĚ ŚĂǀĞ ďĞĞŶ ĂƐƚƌŽŶŽŵŝĐĂů ŝĨ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ŽďƐƚƌƵĐƚŝŽŶ ŚĂĚ ƐƵĐĐĞĞĚĞĚ in
saving American Express from paying out millions to customers it had wronged.

After the passage of Dodd-Frank, McConnell was quoted as saying of regulatory agencies that
͞anything we can do to slow down, deter or impede their ability to engage in this oppressive
overregulation, which is freezing up our economy, would be good for our country͘͟
53
Millions of
AŵĞƌŝĐĂŶƐ ǁŚŽ͛ǀĞ ƐĞĞŶ ĐŽŵƉĞŶƐĂƚŝŽŶ for mistreatment by big banks and credit companies
ǁŽƵůĚ ĚŝƐĂŐƌĞĞ͘ 8Ƶƚ ŝƚ͛Ɛ ŚĂƌĚ ƚŽ ĂƌŐƵĞ ƚŚĂƚ ŝƚ ǁŽƵůĚ ŚĂǀĞ ďĞĞŶ ŐŽŽĚ ĨŽƌ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĚŽŶŽƌƐ͘


52
͞AƌƌŽŐĂŶƚůLJ CŝƌĐƵŵǀĞŶƚŝŶŐ ƚŚĞ AŵĞƌŝĐĂŶ ÞĞŽƉůĞ ǁŝƚŚ ĂŶ uŶƉƌĞĐĞĚĞŶƚĞĚ ͚8ĞĐĞƐƐ AƉƉŽŝŶƚŵĞŶƚ͛ ŽĨ ĂŶ uŶĂĐĐŽƵŶƚĂďůĞ CnjĂƌ͕͟
Office of Sen. Mitch McConnell, January 4, 2012.
53
Peter SchroeĚĞƌ͕ ͞McConnell: Cutting funds for Dodd-Frank regulatory agencies good for economy͕͟ The Hill, June 23, 2011.
http://thehill.com/blogs/on-the-money/banking-financial-institutions/168057-mcconnell-cutting-funds-for-dodd-frank-
agencies-good-for-nation
Page 21 of 28
Nominee Case 3: Donald Berwick

In April 2010, President Obama nominated Donald Berwick to head the Centers for Medicare
and Medicaid. A pediatrician who worked to improve the management of health care systems,
8ĞƌǁŝĐŬ ǁĂƐ ƐŽŵĞŽŶĞ ŚŽƐƉŝƚĂů ĞdžĞĐƵƚŝǀĞƐ ĚĞƐĐƌŝďĞĚ ĂƐ Ă ͞ǀŝƐŝŽŶĂƌLJ͕ ŝŶƐƉŝƌŝŶŐ ůĞĂĚĞƌ͘͟
54

Foreseeing a protracted Senate confirmation process and needing an administrator to help
implement the new health care law, Obama installed him through a recess appointment in July
2010, much to the ire of Senate Republicans. Senator McConnell called the appointment
͞ŽƵƚƌĂŐĞŽƵƐ͘͟
55


Since Berwick could only serve the recess appointment through the end of 2011, Obama re-
nominated him in January 2011. Shortly afterward, Senate Republicans united in expressing
ƚŚĞŝƌ ŽƉƉŽƐŝƚŝŽŶ ƚŽ 8ĞƌǁŝĐŬ͛Ɛ ŶŽŵŝŶĂƚŝŽŶ
56
and many vowed to block his confirmation.
57
Seeing
the uphill battle, Berwick resigned at the end of his term, a fate that even opponents of Obama-
ĐĂƌĞ ĨŽƵŶĚ ƵŶĨŽƌƚƵŶĂƚĞ͕ ĐŝƚŝŶŐ ƚŚĞ ŶĞĞĚ ĨŽƌ ŵŽƌĞ ͞ƋƵĂůŝƚLJ ƚŚŝŶŬĞƌƐ͟ ůŝŬĞ 8ĞƌǁŝĐŬ ŝŶ
Washington.
58


Berwick͛Ɛ ŽƉƉŽŶĞŶƚƐ ƉŽŝŶƚĞĚ ƚŽ ĐŽŶƚƌŽǀĞƌƐŝĂů ǀŝĞǁƐ ƐƵĐŚ ĂƐ ƚŚĞ ŽŶĞƐ ĞdžƉƌĞƐƐĞĚ ŝŶ ƚŚĞƐĞ
remarks to the British National Health Service͗ ͞You could have protected the wealthy and the
well, instead of recognizing that sick people tend to be poorer and that poor people tend to be
sicker, and that any health care funding plan that is just, equitable, civilized, and humane
mustͶmustͶredistribute wealth from the richer among us to the poorer and less fortunate.
Excellent healthcare is by definition redistribution.͟
59


As many Americans with private health insurance know from experience, tending to the sick
and the poor is not a priority for health insurance companies, where the drive for profit leads to
lower quality care while executives spend millions on politicians to fight health care reform.
Given his leadership role, Senator Mitch McConnell has been a favorite for this interest group,
taking $2.2 million from insurance and HMO companies over the years, including $158,877
ĨƌŽŵ PƵŵĂŶĂ͛Ɛ ÞAC ĂŶĚ ĞdžĞĐƵƚŝǀĞƐ͕ $115,700 from Blue Cross Blue Shield and Wellpoint, and
$46,900 from UnitedHealth Group.

54
8ŽďĞƌƚ ÞĞĂƌ͕ ͞Obama to Bypass Senate to Name Health Official͕͟ New York Times, July 6, 2010.
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/07/health/policy/07recess.html
55
MŝƚĐŚ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͕ ͞Senator Mitch McConnell: Americans Deserve to Hear How Donald Berwick Would Ration Medicare͕͟ Life
News, July 12, 2010. http://209.157.64.201/focus/f-news/2551328/posts
56
͞Hatch, Enzi Spearhead Letter to President Urging Him to Withdraw Berwick Nomination to Head CMS͕͟ ÞƌĞƐƐ 8ĞůĞĂƐĞ ďLJ
Ranking Member of Senate Committee on Finance (Orrin Hatch), March 3, 2011.
http://www.finance.senate.gov/newsroom/ranking/release/?id=862493f5-d9d7-418e-b47a-17b23142c0b6
57
8ŽďĞƌƚ ÞĞĂƌ͕ ͞CďĂŵĂ͛Ɛ ÞŝĐŬ ƚŽ PĞĂĚ MĞĚŝĐĂƌĞ ĂŶĚ MĞĚŝĐĂŝĚ 8ĞƐŝŐŶƐ ÞŽƐƚ͕͞ New York Times, November 23, 2011.
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/24/health/policy/dr-donald-m-berwick-resigns-as-head-of-medicare-and-medicaid.html
58
uĂǀŝĚ WŚĞůĂŶ͕ ͞Donald Berwick's Resignation And The Triumph Of The Bland͕͟ Forbes, November 23, 2011.
http://www.forbes.com/sites/davidwhelan/2011/11/23/donald-berwicks-resignation-and-the-triumph-of-the-bland/
59
͞Transcript: Dr. Donald Berwick's Speech To The British National Health Service͕͞ kĂŝƐĞƌ PĞĂůƚŚ nĞǁƐ͕ !ƵůLJ ϴ͕ ϮϬϭϬ͘
http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/Stories/2010/July/07/berwick-british-NHS-speech-transcript.aspx
Page 22 of 28
Conclusion

Senator Mitch McConnell has led a campaign of obstruction that has debilitated the Senate and
Congress as a whole. Time and again, he has abused Senate rules to block majority-supported
legislation opposed by his deep-pocketed corporate donorsͶeven when it hurts everyday
Kentuckians and Americans.

If the Senate is to return to its function of actually serving the constituents that elected officials
are charged with representing, Senate rules must be reformed such that a small group of
senators cannot exploit the filibuster, secret holds, and other obstructionist techniques to block
the will of the American people.

In addition, Fair Elections reform is vitally needed so that the voices of everyday people are
heard in Washington over the din of lobbyists and high-priced fundraisers. Campaign finance
reform that enables politicians to run a campaign relying on small contributions from their
actual constituents, amplified with a public match, will once again make legislating about doing
ǁŚĂƚ͛Ɛ ƌŝŐŚƚ ĨŽƌ ŽƌĚŝŶĂry Americans, not just pleasing a tiny sliver of wealthy donors.


Page 23 of 28
Methodology

This report was prepared using publicly available data from government, nonprofit, and media
ĞŶƚŝƚŝĞƐ ƚŽ ĐŽŵƉĂƌĞ SĞŶ͘ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ƌĞĐŽƌĚ ŽĨ ŽďƐƚƌƵĐƚŝŽŶ ǁŝƚŚ ƚŚĞ ĐĂŵƉĂŝŐŶ ĐŽŶƚƌibutions he
has received. Contribution information is based on our analysis of data reported to the Federal
Election Commission, coded by the Center for Responsive Politics, and ultimately accessed
through bulk downloads provided by the Sunlight Foundation. The available information
ŝŶĐůƵĚĞƐ ĐŽŶƚƌŝďƵƚŝŽŶƐ ƚŽ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ĐĂŵƉĂŝŐŶ ĐŽŵŵŝƚƚĞĞƐ ƐŝŶĐĞ ϭϵϴϵ ĂŶĚ ĐŽŶƚƌŝďƵƚŝŽŶƐ ƚŽ ŚŝƐ
leadership PAC, Bluegrass Committee. The totals reflect a partial 2012 cycle, as bulk data were
available through June 30, 2012 at the ƚŝŵĞ ŽĨ ƚŚŝƐ ƌĞƉŽƌƚ͛Ɛ ĐŽŵƉŽƐŝƚŝŽŶ͘ CĂŵƉĂŝŐŶ ĐŽŶƚƌŝďƵƚŝŽŶ
data may also be revised over time.

Records of filibusters were prepared through a combination of data from the U.S. Senate on
attempts to end filibusters through motions and votes to invoke cloture, as well as publicly
ƌĞĐŽƌĚĞĚ ƐƚĂƚĞŵĞŶƚƐ ďLJ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů ĂŶĚ ŽƚŚĞƌ ƉůĂLJĞƌƐ͘ MĐCŽŶŶĞůů͛Ɛ ƐƚĂƚƵƐ ĂƐ ůĞĂĚĞƌ ŽĨ ƚŚĞ
Republican caucus and his public statements indicate he has played an enormous role in the
uptick in obstruction, even if detailed information on the role specific senators play in filibusters
is not publicly available.

Information on lobbying and lobbying expenditures by various organizations is based on
analysis of data provided by the Center for Responsive Politics, covering quarterly disclosure
filings of lobbying entities with the Senate Office of Public Records.





About Public Campaign Action Fund

Public Campaign Action Fund is a national nonpartisan organization dedicated to passing
ĐŽŵƉƌĞŚĞŶƐŝǀĞ ĐŚĂŶŐĞ ŝŶ AŵĞƌŝĐĂ͛Ɛ ĐĂŵƉĂŝŐŶ ĨŝŶĂŶĐĞ ůĂws. The organization works to hold
elected official accountable for opposing reform and for the special favors they do for
contributors. Learn more at www.campaignmoney.org.

For more information, contact Kurt Walters ([email protected]).

Page 24 of 28
APPENDIX 1 Ͷ Total Contributions to McConnell from Organizations that Lobbied on S.3816
60


Client
Total to McConnell
Since 1989
Unrepatriated Offshore
Profits, 2011 (millions)
Lobbying Reports on
Issue/Bill
General Electric $174,812 $102,000 4
Microsoft Corp $100,750 $60,800 4
Koch Industries $85,450 N/A 2
Exxon Mobil $74,300 $47,000 4
American Express $69,950 $7,700 4
International Paper $54,500 $4,500 2
National Mining Assn $40,000 N/A 5
AstraZeneca Pharmaceuticals $33,700 N/A 2
PhRMA $32,200 N/A 2
Boston Scientific Corp $30,900 $10,346 2
Managed Funds Assn $30,000 N/A 2
Hewlett-Packard $24,750 $29,100 3
Arch Coal $23,000 N/A 2
Google Inc $19,000 $24,800 2
Johnson & Johnson $17,750 $41,600 2
Anadarko Petroleum $17,300 N/A 3
Bristol-Myers Squibb $17,250 $18,500 2
Medtronic Inc $17,000 $17,977 4
Deere & Co $13,000 $2,597 2
DuPont Co $12,500 $13,350 5
Barclays $12,000 N/A 2
American Petroleum Institute $10,800 N/A 4
3M Co $10,750 $7,100 2
US Chamber of Commerce $10,548 N/A 2
National Assn of Manufacturers $10,100 N/A 2
PPG Industries $8,500 $2,920 2
Retail Industry Leaders Assn $7,500 N/A 2
Shell Oil $7,100 N/A 2
Emerson $3,500 N/A 2
IBM Corp $2,450 $37,900 5
NCR Corp $2,000 $1,200 4
Texas Instruments $2,000 $4,120 3
Advanced Micro Devices $1,000 $414 2
Ameriprise Financial $1,000 $89 2
CA Inc $1,000 $1,999 3
Convergys Corp $1,000 N/A 2
Technology Assn of America $1,000 N/A 2
TOTAL $980,360 $445,014


60
Organizations that reported lobbying on S.3816 in at least 2 lobbying reports in 2010 were included.
Page 25 of 28

APPENDIX 2 Ͷ Total Contributions to McConnell from Organizations that Lobbied on S.560
61


Client Total to McConnell Since 1989
Lobbying Reports on Issue/Bill
Kindred Healthcare $202,450
4
General Electric $174,812
7
Ashland Inc $144,576
9
United Parcel Service $104,321
2
Peabody Energy $99,900
6
Associated Builders & Contractors $74,250
7
National Restaurant Assn $72,218
9
National Assn of Home Builders $70,500
5
Verizon Communications $65,250
8
Verizon Communications $65,250
5
Marathon Oil $64,600
4
National Auto Dealers Assn $62,000
4
Wine & Spirits Wholesalers of Amer. $57,000
4
Home Depot $55,500
16
Wal-Mart Stores $53,800
17
Duke Energy $52,850
5
American Trucking Assns $50,000
4
American Hospital Assn $46,000
17
Comcast Corp $45,500
10
YUM! Brands $44,450
7
Honeywell International $43,500
4
Food Marketing Institute $43,464
5
Federation of American Hospitals $41,500
8
Blackstone Group $41,300
2
National Multi Housing Council $41,250
4
National Mining Assn $40,000
6
Devon Energy $39,700
2
MetLife Inc $39,500
3
International Dairy Foods Assn $37,500
3
Natl Assn REITs $37,000
3
Darden Restaurants $36,000
3
Intl. Council of Shopping Cntrs $35,000
10
Associated General Contractors $35,000
4
Lockheed Martin $33,250
7
McDonald's Corp $32,650
5
Boston Scientific Corp $30,900
4
American Health Care Assn $30,250
9

61
Organizations that reported lobbying on S.560 in at least 2 lobbying reports in 2009 were included.
Page 26 of 28
NFIB $29,040
3
FedEx Corp $28,800
5
American Commercial Lines $27,000
4
American Meat Institute $26,000
4
Hewlett-Packard $24,750
4
Occidental Petroleum $24,500
6
Real Estate Roundtable $23,500
4
International Franchise Assn $23,100
8
Arch Coal $23,000
10
Ingram Industries $23,000
4
American Bakers Assn $20,875
7
Limited Brands $20,600
4
Nat. Assn of Wholesaler-Distributors $20,375
5
Carlyle Group $19,950
4
American Beverage Assn $19,500
4
Tyson Foods $19,400
6
CR Bard Inc $18,795
2
Intel Corp $18,300
2
American Hotel & Lodging Assn $17,000
6
Target Corp $16,500
9
Marriott International $15,500
8
Dean Foods $15,500
8
CVS/Caremark Corp $15,500
6
National Stone, Sand & Gravel Assn $15,500
4
Mutual of Omaha $15,000
2
Republican Jewish Coalition $14,600
2
National Ready Mixed Concrete Assn $14,500
4
American Gaming Assn $14,400
2
Assn of KFC Franchisees $14,000
4
American Rental Assn $13,501
8
Property Casualty Insurers Assn $13,500
11
Williams Companies $13,500
7
Harris Corp $13,500
4
Caterpillar Inc $13,500
2
Deere & Co $13,000
9
Amway/Alticor Inc $12,700
4
National Roofing Contractors Assn $12,500
7
DuPont Co $12,500
5
Intl Foodservice Distributors Assn $12,500
4
Monsanto Co $12,250
11
Livingston Group $12,250
5
Halliburton Co $12,000
9
Goodrich Corp $12,000
4
Allstate Insurance $11,750
3
Page 27 of 28
3M Co $10,750
4
US Chamber of Commerce $10,548
13
ConAgra Foods $10,500
4
National Assn of Manufacturers $10,100
4
Petroleum Marketers Assn $10,000
4
Associated Equipment Distributors $10,000
3
St Jude Medical $10,000
2
Walgreen Co $9,750
3
HealthSouth Corp $9,500
4
Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians $9,000
4
Illinois Tool Works $9,000
4
Brinker International $9,000
4
Assisted Living Fed. of America $9,000
2
Procter & Gamble $8,500
6
PPG Industries $8,500
4
Business Roundtable $8,500
4
American Frozen Food Institute $8,000
9
National Chicken Council $8,000
8
National Retail Federation $8,000
6
Retail Industry Leaders Assn $7,500
7
National Assn of Chain Drug Stores $7,000
4
MeadWestvaco Corp $7,000
4
Dairy Farmers of America $7,000
4
Cummins Inc $7,000
4
Lowe's Companies $6,500
3
Best Buy $6,000
9
Rockwell International $6,000
5
Tenet Healthcare $6,000
4
JC Penney $5,250
4
Manufactured Housing Institute $5,200
5
National Utility Contractors Assn $5,000
6
Tyco Electronics $5,000
5
National Council of Farmer Co-Ops $5,000
5
Servicemaster Co $5,000
4
Babcock & Wilcox $5,000
4
CMS Energy $5,000
2
Society of American Florists $4,000
4
Building Owners & Managers Assn $4,000
4
Altec Industries $4,000
4
Emerson $3,500
4
Charter Communications $3,500
4
Assn for Manufacturing Technology $3,500
4
National Funeral Directors Assn $3,500
3
Dunkin' Brands $3,000
7
Page 28 of 28
American Apparel & Footwear Assn $3,000
6
Nat. Electrical Manufacturers Assn $3,000
5
American Nursery & Landscape Assn $3,000
4
Brick Industry Assn $2,500
5
Providence Health & Services $2,500
2
Texas Instruments $2,000
4
United Services Automobile Assn
Group $2,000 4
Cox Enterprises $2,000
4
Rockwell Collins Inc $1,000
5
National Grocers Assn $1,000
4
National School Transportation Assn $1,000
4
Snack Food Assn $1,000
4
United Fresh Produce Assn $1,000
4
Canal Barge Co $1,000
4
Ball Corp $1,000
4
Alcoa Inc $1,000
4
Intl Assn Amusement Parks &
Attractions $1,000 2
Convergys Corp $1,000
2
Carpet & Rug Institute $1,000
2
Toyota Motor Corp $750
12
Meredith Corp $500
4
Ingersoll-Rand $500
4
Ashley Furniture $500
3
Berkshire Hathaway $500
3
GenCorp Inc $500
3
TOTAL $3,352,775


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