Mission History of New Mexico

Published on February 2017 | Categories: Documents | Downloads: 30 | Comments: 0 | Views: 345
of 148
Download PDF   Embed   Report

Comments

Content


HISPANIC CHURCHES IN THE PECOS VALLEY: HISTORY,
ARCHITECTURE AND RECOMMENDATIONS
BY
MARIA ELENA YRIGOYEN, B. of Arch.
A THESIS
IN
ARCHITECTURE
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of Texas Tech University in
Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for
the Degree of
MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE
Approved
December, 1988
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am extremely grateful to Professor Will Robinson, who
over one year has generously helped me in the preparatory
tasks for this thesis. During the preparation, he always
stood beside me as a professor and good friend. I am also
grateful to the other members of my committee. Professors
John P. White and Allan Kuethe, for their helpful eritieism
and guidance.
I owe special thanks to Jeannie Robinson who gave me her
friendship and shared her house in Santa Fe, making me feel
like part of her family.
My indebtedness to Father Carl Fell, whose interest in my
project allowed me to enter and take measurements of the
churches. So, too, is my debt to the mayordomos of those
churches, who in one way or another helped me.
Finally, I thank Roberto, my husband, for his
encouragement and support during my graduate program.
1 1
TABLE OF CONTENTS
• (
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii
LIST OF FIGURES vii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS viii
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION 1
The Problem—Definition 1
The Need for the Study 2
Methodology Followed 3
Goals of the Study 4
II. SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 5
Pre-Columbian Period 6
The Pueblos 6
The Nomadic Tribes 8
The Sixteenth Century 8
The Seventeenth Century:
The Franeisean Era 11
Brief History of the Order 11
Missions in New Mexico 12
Functions of the Missions 13
Settlement of the Spaniards 14
General Characteristics of
the Eighteenth Century 15
The Nineteenth Century 16
French Invasion 16
Mexican Era (1821-1848) 16
American Period 17
Civil War Years 18
Late Nineteenth Century 19
The Twentieth Century 20
Notes 21 • •
111
III. URBAN HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 24
Pueblo Architecture 24
The Sixteenth Century:
Foundation of Missions 25
The Seventeenth Century:
Foundation of Spanish Cities 28
The Eighteenth Century: Development 30
The Nineteenth Century:
Hispanic Expansion 31
The Twentieth Century:
Anglo-American Development 33
Notes 35
IV . THE PECOS V ALLEY AREA 37
Geographic Data 37
The Peeos V alley:
History and Evolution 40
The Mission of Peeos 41
Mission of Nuestra Senora de
los Angeles de Poreiuneula 41
The Peeos Mission in the Eighteenth Century. 41
Foundation of New V illages 42
History and Data of Each V illage 45
San Miguel del V ado 45
San Jos6 4 6
San Juan 47
San Isidro South 4 8
San Isidro North 48
V illanueva 4 9
Sena 49
El Pueblo 50
El Cerrito 50
Gonz ales Ranch 51
Notes 53
IV
V . RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE 55
The History of the Franeisean Churches 55
Design of Catholic Churches in Spain 55
Design of Spanish Colonial Churches 58
Design of New Mexico Mission Churches 61
Religious Architecture after the Franeiseans.... 65
Bishop Lamy Period 66
Moradas de Penitentes 67
Nineteenth and Twentieth Century New
Religious Tendencies 68
Notes 71
V I. PECOS V ALLEY HISPANIC CHURCHES 73
San Miguel del V ado at San Miguel 75
San Jos6 del V ado at San Jos6 76
San Juan Bautista at San Juan 7 8
Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe
at San Isidro South 7 9
San Isidro Labrador at San Isidro North 81
Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe at V illanueva 82
Nuestra Senora de Esquipula at Sena 84
San Antonio de Padua at Pueblo 85
Nuestra Senora de los Desamparados
at El Cerrito 8 6
San Isidro at Gonz ales Ranch 87
Notes 89
V II. RECOMMENDATIONS AND PROPOSAL 90
Present Situation 90
The Peeos V alley Hispanic Churches 91
Problems and Recommendations 91
San Miguel del V ado 95
San Jos6 95
San Juan 96
San Isidro South 96
San Isidro North 97
v
villanueva 97
Sena 98
El Pueblo 98
El Cerrito 99
Gonzales Ranch 99
Conclusion 100
REFERENCES 101
APPENDICES
A. REPORT OF BENAVIDES AND BETANCOUR 1630-1680.. 107
B. REPORT OF ATANASIO DOMINGUEZ 1776 Ill
C. SAN MIGUEL DEL VADO LAND GRANT CENSUS 113
V I
LIST OF FIGURES
1. Plan of II Gesu, Rome (1568-1575) 56
2. Plan of church and convent, Huejotzingo, Mexico.. 60
3 . Plan of New Mexico Missions 64
V ll
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1.
Location Map in pocket
2. Historical Map I
Pre-Columbian Era
Sixteenth Century in pocket
3. Historical Map II
Seventeeenth and Eighteenth Century in pocket
4. Historical Map III
Nineteenth and Twentieth Century in pocket
5. Historical Map IV
Peeos Valley Evolution in pocket
6. Survey I: San Miguel del Vado in poeket
7 . Survey II: San Jose in poeket
8 . Survey III: San Juan in poeket
9. Survey IV: San Isidro South in poeket
10 . Survey V: San Isidro North in poeket
11. Survey V I: Villanueva in poeket
12 . Survey VII: Sena in poeket
13. Survey VIII: El Pueblo in poeket
14 . Survey IX: El Cerrito in poeket
15 . Survey X: Gonzales Ranch in poeket
16. Analysis I::San Miguel and Villanueva in poeket
17. Analysis II: San Jose and San Juan in poeket
18. Analysis III:
El Pueblo and Gonzales Ranch in poeket
19. Analysis IV:
San Isidro South and San Isidro North in poeket
20. Analysis V: Sena and El Cerrito in poeket
21. Analysis V I:
Typology and Construction Systems in poeket
22. Analysis VII:
Comparative Study Through the Time in poeket
23. Analysis VIII:
Influence of the Pecos Mission in pocket
24 . Problems and Recommendations in pocket
I • I
V lll
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The Problem—Definition
The issue of preservation has been a complex problem for
a long time. Now, throughout the country, the interest in
saving historic structures is growing. Architects,
historians, and preservation committees, using the
information found through the studies are trying to protect
old buildings. The interest in saving the architectural
heritage of New Mexico now has found roots in the state.
Several associations are trying to protect the historic
heritage and some very good attemps at restoration have been
made. But, the problem begins when a building is not
classified as historic, this occurs especially in small
communities. These communities are often inhabited by poor
people. The mission and local government do not always have
the financial means to afford the cost of repairs so the old
structures are neglected and fall in disrepair.
Through the years, the towns along the Rio Grande Valley
evolved into the nineteenth century in a uniform way. Slow
growth factors kept the towns on a pedestrian scale; few
eonstruetion materials determined uniform construction of
buildings; design reglementation; and slow urban development,
charaeteristie of the old towns, allowed the old
eonstruetions to remain.
All of these factors allowed the towns to maintain a
historic and architectural tradition. This gave a unique
character to the towns, and, at the same time, created in its
population a strong identifieation with their town,
especially with its most important eonstruetion: the church.
1
Numerous problems contributed to the deterioration of
the mission churches. Among these were: the results of
severe droughts; the constant attacks of the hostile Indians,
including those of the Pueblo Revolt; the expulsion of the
Spaniards in 1680; the Independence from Spain in 1821; the
war between Mexico and the United States; the secularization
of the missions in 1834; and the establishment of the
American pioneers.
Yet other problems contributed to disrepair the
churches. In 1834, after the secularization of the churches
was enforced, the Indians were permitted to go free with some
of the mission land grants. The remaining lands were taken
from the padres and given to settlers until civil governments
were established. The results were disastrous. The mission
buildings quickly fell into disrepair and were plundered.
The churches were eeonomieally and structurally in decline.
After secularization, several ehurehes and chapels were built
by the people in honor of saints, and to provide places for
religious devotion. Every village in New Mexico had its own
church built with great effort by the people.
Since secularization, numerous secular churches have
been built in later settlements and in small communities. In
the mountain villages, the settlers have built ehapels that
look like small versions of every other mission church in New
Mexico. The ehapels are not large structures and are not
even called historic buildings. Some of them are churches
without clergy and are in poor condition.
Little about the secular ehurehes has been researched.
This study will foeus upon the secular ehurehes because they
are as aesthetically and historieally important as the
mission ehurehes.
3
The NeeH for 1-he StnHy
The Study focuses on a small geographic, cultural and
political region. The reason for studying any of these
ehurehes is base on the urgency to preserve them. No
architectural plans exist for any of these ehurehes. One of
the main purposes of this study is to get arehiteetural-
historieal information for each church.
In 1986, the Archbishop Robert F. Sanchez of the
Archdiocese of Santa Fe created a committee of members from
the Arehdiocesan College of Consultors to study the situation
of the historic New Mexican churches and to formulate
guidelines which could guide the Archdiocese in determining
the future of such a precious architectural heritage.
Arehiteets from the firm Johnson/Nestor were
commissioned to make an architectural survey/inventory of
historic New Mexico ehurehes. Due to the large number of
ehurehes in the state, the study was done only in the
northern part of New Mexico, especially where the ehurehes
were under the jurisdiction of the Santa Fe Archdiocese.
Their inventory documents pre-1945 churches. But because of
the magnitude of the project and the small amount of time
available for the survey, the information for each church was
in some way superficial. Moreover, the survey did not
include any architectural plans and the ehurehes, especially
those not considered as primordial, were left aside.
The intention of this study was to work with a group of
ehurehes that were considered of secondary or tertiary
importance. This group of ehurehes comprises a good sample
of New Mexican history in the late eighteenth, nineteenth and
twentieth centuries.
The selection of the area was made by studying the
geographic area and its history: original inhabitants, major
Spanish expedition routes, the establishment of missions
during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and the
nineteenth and twentieth century expansion. It is necessary
to recognize the type of region in which the investigation
took place. The type of geographic area, the vegetation, and
the environmert, all contributed to the different designs of
the towns, houses and ehurehes.
The selection was also made after looking for an area
which included all types of buildings: from the time of the
Indian pueblo eonstruetion until the ehurehes of the
seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
The area was chosen after visiting the region and studying
its historical background.
The geographic area selected for the thesis is the
region of the Peeos Valley in Northern New Mexico. This area
is part of the San Miguel Land Grant from the nineteenth
century. The ehurehes belong to the San Miguel del Vado
Mission.
Methodology Followed
The study began with an overview of literature including
books, manuscripts, films and photographs. Then, literature
relating to the general history of the United States, the
Southwest, and especially New Mexico was researched.
Organizing the data from New Mexico, the investigation was
separated into the social and religious history of the state
and the urban history.
After compiling the information about the subject, it
was time to select a speeifie geographic area on which to
foeus the analysis. The upper Peeos Valley was selected and
a study of the zone was made.
A study of the geographic data was performed. Then the
history and evolution of the Peeos Valley, the Mission of
Peeos, and the foundation of new villages were studied.
Later, an inspection view, oral history and interviews with
the priest and mayordomos were held. The investigation
concluded with an analysis of the religious architecture.
This analysis began with the history of the Franeisean
ehurehes and ended with the description and significance of
the ehurehes analyzed in the upper Peeos Valley.
Goals of the Study
The main intention of the study is to compile a written
document which will contain an analysis of the churches, a
study of the problem and proposals, and the research methods.
The study will also include four special chapters about the
social and religious architecture in New Mexico, the urban
history, and a study of the Peeos Valley area which includes
research on religious architecture, evolution, typology and
origins. By compiling information about the ehurehes, the
project will be a model program of research and eould be used
repeatedly in other regions or areas throughout the state.
Another important goal of the study is to draw complete
architectural plans. These drawings will contain graphic
historical maps, survey plans of the ehurehes, and
typological analyses of the buildings.
Finally an overall recommendation about conservation,
preservation and restoration of the ehurehes will be
presented. A speeifie description of the kind of
investigation in each building will also be included.
CHAPTER II
SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO
Pre-Columbian Period
Recorded history begins in New Mexico when Coronado and
the first Spaniards arrived in 1540 and encountered the
native pueblos and their Indian inhabitants. The Spaniards
found an Indian civilization without comparison in the
northern hemisphere of America. Numbering around 7 5,000 the
Indians ranged from the sedentary Pueblo tribes, whose
civilization was second only to that of the Aztecs and Incas
in Mexico and Peru, to the simple nomadic tribes in the
primitive hunting and food-gathering stage.-^
The Pueblos
The Indians with whom the Spaniards came in contact were
grouped together in communities which the Spanish called
pueblos (towns). These natives could have been living in the
same stage of civilization for about 500 years before the
Spaniards came.
New Mexico's first inhabitants came to a land somewhat
different from what it is now. Attracted to a wet and cool
New Mexico covered with grasslands and forests, these early
people were big-game hunters.2 Pueblos existed in the Rio
Grande Valley for only about a 1000 years when the Europeans
arrived. But the ancestors of the Indians, the Anazasi and
Mogollon peoples, had settled in New Mexico around the first
century of the Christian Era.
During the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the Pueblo
civilizations flourished at Mesa Verde, Aztec and Chaco
Canyon. Between 1275-1590 A.D., because of the drought in
6
7
the Four Corners area, they migrated from the Mesa Verde to
Pajarito Plateau, then into the Rio Grande Valley and built
their pueblos.-^
The Spanish found some 20 pueblos when they arrived,
primarily concentrated in the upper Rio Grande Valley. The
only pueblos found far west of this area were the Zuni, Aeoma
and Laguna. Although their habits, customs and traditions
were very similar. New Mexico Indian families actually had
different origins and spoke three different languages:
Zunian, Tanoan and Keresan.
The basis of the Pueblo culture was farming. In the Rio
Grande Valley the Pueblo Indians practiced irrigation,
digging ditches with their wooden tools to carry water to the
crops. The Pueblo Indians grew corn, beans and squash in
their fields. At harvest time the villages enjoyed fresh
vegetables, but they carefully dried most of the crops on
roof tops to sustain them during the rest of the year and in
future times of bad harvests. Irrigation became a community
project. The land was worked communally and individual
ownership was unknown.^
Hunting was not an important activity of Indian pueblos.
It was practiced by the men as an entertaining activity.
They did not hunt to feed themselves because their type of
food was based on agricultural products. In some eases men
hunted deer, antelope, squirrels, rabbits and gophers. Some
eastern tribes even hunted buffalo, returning with hides and
dried meat called jerky.5 Planting, cultivating and even
hunting or making war were dominated by religious rites. The
designs on baskets, pottery and weavings were usually
connected with religious symbols. Religion was so important
in the natives' lives that some historians describe their
societies as theoeratie. Like all primitive people, the
Pueblo tribes worshipped whatever they eould not understand.
8
Socially, the Pueblos were a matriarchy with descent
from the mother. In the matriarchal societies, the women
theoretically owned the houses, fields and foodstores, but
everything was part of the entire community. The basic unit
of the Pueblo was the clan, a group of blood relatives who
traced their blood relationships through the female line.^
The Nomadic Tribes
The Spanish had less contact with the non-Pueblo Indians
who were residing in New Mexico. These included the Comanche
in eastern New Mexico and the Ute Indians in the northern
part of the state. The Apache, first called Ouerechos and
then Apaehes (Zuni word for enemy) include the Navajo of the
southern Athapascan tribe. After the Spanish arrived, the
Apaehes emigrated into New Mexico from the north in search of
food and began to plunder the Pueblos. Nomadie by nature,
they rapidly adopted the horse upon its introduction by the
Spanish."^
New Mexico is the homeland of two Apaehe groups: the
Jiearilla and the Mescalero (northern and southcentral part of
the state respectively). The word Navajo denotes a people
distinct from the Apache, but it was not used until the
eighteenth century. Eventually, before the arrival of the
Spaniards, the Navajo learned to farm and weave and they
acquired some Pueblan religious practices. Some of them
later became farmers and semi-nomads.°
ThP .Sixteenth Centurv
By 1500, Spain, in many respects, represented
the finest ideals of medieval civilization. The
fight against the Moslems had kindled a crusading
spirit which expressed itself in terms of a
fanatical religion and a fervent patriotism. To
spark the campaign against the Moors, the Church
had made it into a Holy Crusade, thus firing the
enthusiasm of the people. To gain further
adherence for the Crusade, the property of the
enemy was parceled out among the land-hungry
Spanish nobles. Since an essential part of any
conquest is the military, the soldier of Spain was
elevated to a commanding social position.9
Spain discovered America: it was the first European
nation to explore and settle there and also was the last to
leave. Upon arrival in the New World, the Spaniards took
places of former native rulers, and Catholic priests, who
joined the Spanish soldiers, seeking to convert Indian souls
to Christianity, replaced the priests of the native
religions. In the eyes of the Catholic Church, the native
inhabitants of America were souls crying out for conversion
to Christianity.^Q
The march to the north of New Spain followed great
successes in the south. In 1518-1521, Hernando Cortes
conquered the Aztec Empire in Mexico, and in 1531-1533,
Francisco Pizarro conquered the Inca Empire of Peru. The
Conquistadores or conquerors, inspired by the fantastic
stories of places north of the borderlands of New Spain and
inspired by the quest for "Glory, God and Gold," began the
exploration to New Mexico in the 1530s.^^
The following is a chronological review of the
exploration and conquest periods in New Mexico:
1530s-"The Seven Cities of Gold" legend at Cibola
originated after the Cabeza de Vaca explorations.
1534- Cabeza de Vaca crossed the Llano Estacado, went up to
the Pecos River and crossed the Rio Grande (near the
present site of El Paso).
1536- The Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca expedition arrived at
Culiac^n, New Spain, after eight years of odyssey
across the state of Texas.
1539- Fray Marcos de Niza (Franciscan missionary) reached the
present state of New Mexico and the Arizona border.
10
1540- Don Francisco Vasquez de Coronado crossed the western
side of Arizona, and first stopped at the Pueblo of
Hawikuh. He moved to the province of Tiguex in the
Rio Grande Valley. After the failure of Coronado's
expedition, the Spanish explorers neglected for 40
years the land to the north.^2
1581- The Chamuscado-Rodriguez Expedition went from the
Conchos River upstream as far north as the Taos
region, east beyond the area of the Pecos River, and
then westward as far as Acoma and Zuni.
1583- The Espejo Expedition went up to the Rio Grande and as
far as Prescott, Arizona. It turned eastward and
returned down the Pecos River, and then turned south
to the Rio Grande.
Between 1539 and 1595 a drought was a major factor for
the desertion of several Rio Grande villages. Groups from
these areas settled among their relatives in pueblos located
along the Rio Grande.
The first few expeditions failed, but at last one
succeeded. It was Juan de Onate, who made the first permanent
settlement in New Mexico. •'•-^
1598- The Onate Expedition crossed the Rio Grande at El
Paso, went as far north to the present San Juan Pueblo
(Espanola Valley) and established the first capital of
New Mexico San Juan de los Caballeros.^^
1609- The capital was moved southward and reestablished in
Santa Fe. Priests of the Franciscan Order of Friars
Minor, to whom the religious affairs of New Mexico
were assigned, and civil authorities quarrelled
constantly over which one had superior authority.^5
11
The Seventeen1-h r;enf-nry»
The Franniscan F.ra
The Franciscans accompanied Columbus on his
voyage of discovery in 1492, and were, no doubt, a
greac comfort and help when the sailors
mutinied...16
Brief History of the Order
The founder of the world-known Franciscan Order was Saint
Francis or Francesco Bernardone, born in Umbria, Assis,
Italy, between 1181 and 1182. He died in the same place in
1226. In the beginning, Francis and his followers called
themselves "Friars Minor" because they wished to be
considered as belonging to the lower classes. In 1221, he
founded the Third Order for the lay-people, whose families
did not permit them to enter the First Order of Friars Minors
or the Second Order of Poor Clares (Ladies).1^
Franciscan Spirit: The spirit and personality of Saint
Francis has always been fostered in the Three Orders. The
members of these Orders bind themselves by three vows:
- Poverty: whereby they renounce all worldly possessions
- Chastity: whereby they promise to live a life of celibacy
- Obedience: whereby they oblige themselves to go wherever
sent and to do the respective superior's
bidding.18
From an article by E. Randolph Daniel in his book. The
Franciscan Concept of Mission in the Hiah Aaes. we can better
understand the first missionaries and the ideology they
brought to New Spain:
Saint Francis and the Order maintained that
the example of holy and spiritual life was more
effective incentive to repentance than preaching.
The requirements listed for missionaries
consistently emphasized spiritual maturity and moral
attachment. For missionaries in orders, some
education was necessary, but lay friars could
operate as missionaries if they lived a sufficiently
holy life.19
12
The Franciscan mission theory of the sixteenth century
was based upon the church. This idea was especially followed
by the Minor Order in the Province of the Holy Gospel in
Mexico, which was the point of deparlure for the later
foundations of missions in New Mexico.20
Missions in New Mexico
During the sixteenth century in New Spain, the churches
continued to symbolize, negatively or positively, the
identifying center of European tradition. In Spain, the
church and civil government had been so interrelated as to be
practically inseparable. In New Spain, the Minor Order in
the province of the Holy Gospel (Mexico) continued with the
Spanish tradition.21
After 1525, intensive missionary activity began, during
which times the friars enjoyed great success in converting
Indians. The seventeenth century brought a period of
stagnation which lasted until the foundation of the
Franciscan College of Quer^taro in 1683. The establishment
of the Colleges at Quer^taro, Zacatecas and Mexico City
marked a new phase of Franciscan missionary work and the era
of the missions in North America began.22
When in 1598 Don Juan de Onate came to the new land and
established the first colonies, missionary activity began in
New Mexico. The colonization of New Mexico afforded the
Franciscans a further opportunity for missionary expansion.
In 1609, the Order was granted permission to make that area a
permanent mission field.
In 1630, the Franciscans preferred to remain in the
cities rather than face the rigors of the frontiers. During
this period, the Franciscan Superiors in New Spain were
reluctant to allow further missionary expansion unless large
bands of volunteers for each project could be brought from
Spain.
13
Functions of the Missions
For the civil cononistaHor the central interest was the
Indian, his conversion, civilization and exploitation.
Through the use of the encomienda system, the Indian was
exploited. The encomenderos wf^r^^ secular land-holders in the
early years of conquest. To provide spiritual instruction
and to conduct schools for the natives, the encomenderos were
required to support the necessary friars by whom the
instruction was given. Thus, monasteries were established in
the conquered districts.23
Soon law required that the Indians be congregated in
pueblos and be made to stay there, by force if necessary.
The pueblos were modeled upon the Spanish towns, and were
designed not only as means of control, but as schools in
self-control as well. The Franciscan missionary came with
another idea, to convert Indian souls into Christians and to
treat them as Christian persons not as slaves. According to
a memorial by an Indian Toribio Motolinia, who wrote about
the Franciscans :
Because they are poor and barefoot as we are,
and they eat our food; they sit on the ground with
us, they converse humbly with us; they love us as
their own children. Therefore, we love them as our
fathers.24
The missions were supported by the state by three
different means: The Royal Treasury, Aynda de costa or
initial grant, the .synodos (annual stipends of the
missionaries) and the presidios created as military outposts
for the protection of the missions and the Spanish villages
against the Indians and foreigners. Worked as a frontier
diffusor, each mission was provided with two or more soldiers
from the nearest presidio.25
14
Settlement of th^^ SpaniarHc;
The last years of the seventeenth century were not as
peaceful as the first colonial years. Between 1609 and 1680
the Spanish control could be described as essentially a
holding measure. Responsibility for administration of the
Province passed into the hands of the Crown, and its main
reason for remaining along the Rio Grande was to protect the
converted Indians. It is possible that the interest in
supporting the mission stations was to retain a claim to the
vast unknown areas of New Spain.
In 1680, the Pueblo Revolt, commanded by Pope (San Juan
Indian living at Taos, Naranjo), drove the Spanish from New
Mexico and denied them re-entrance for more then a decade.
The settlement of the Spaniards began with the Reconquest in
1691 under the command of Captain General Diego de Vargas
Zapata Luj^n Ponce de Le6n, who succeeded Cruzate as governor
of New Mexico. In 1692, he marched up the Rio Grande
accepting the submission of the pueblos along the way and
took in possession the city of Santa Fe. After one year of
battle against the Indian leaders, the Spaniards recaptured
Santa Fe. In 1695 Diego de Vargas made the first recorded
settlement grant for the new Villa of Santa Cruz de la
Canada.26
Upon the Reconquest, the friars returned to the missions
and the spiritual administration of both Pueblo Indians and
Spaniards was in their hands. They reestablished the
abandoned pueblos, repaired the churches which had fallen
into ruins, and supervised the construction of new ones. But
the old quarrel of Church-State was renewed. The last years
of the seventeenth century were times of declining influence
of the Franciscans but they continued their missionary and
exploration activities among the non-Christianized tribes.27
15
General Characteristics of
the Eighteenth Century
In the middle 1700s a new ethnic strain: The Geniz.aro
appeared. They were displaced Indians who had lost tribal
identity through capture, usually as children by other
tribes. They were given settlement grants at Abiquiu, Bel^n,
Tom6 and, later, San Miguel.28 Accepting Christianity, they
lived in a Europeanized status and often intermarried with
the Spaniards.
During the second half of the eighteenth century in New
Mexico, the Governor continued to be responsible to the
Viceroyalty until the drastic change of alcaldes mayores
(chief officials in jurisdictions) who administered the eight
local alcaldias (jurisdiction). The municipal government,
except that of the Villa of Santa Fe, was left largely to the
cabildo (ecclesiastical council). Later the village town
councils were known as ayuntamientos (town councils).29
In 177 6, the Spanish Crown separated the northern
provinces of New Spain (including New Mexico) from the
control of the Viceroy and organized them into the Provincias
Internas (interior provinces) under a comandante general
(commandant general). The headquarters of the Provincias
Internas were located at Arispe in Sonera and Chiguagua.
During the eighteenth century the friars continued to
work faithfully, although there were signs of internal
dissents on account of the strong feeling of the Mexicans
against the gachupines. or padres, coming directly from Spain
of pure Spanish descent. Unfortunately, many of these
troubles were brought before the civil authorities instead of
the lawful religious superiors, another reason for forbidding
the friars to come to Santa Fe without permission.30
16
The Ninetf^^r^tli roni-nr-y
By the beginning of the nineteenth century, Spain was
facing the loss of her hold on New Mexico as well as her
other possessions in the United States and Centra^ and South
America.
French Invasion
Alarming the Spanish settlements in New Mexico more than
the hostile Indians was the persistent fear of a French
invasion during the eighteenth century. During the 1720s,
France made an effort to reach New Mexico. The French turned
their eyes toward the Spanish colonies, especially to the
Spanish gold and silver mines. The French at this time were
traders and they wanted a commerce between French outposts
and Santa Fe.31
All of the old Louisiana Territory west of the
Mississippi ceded by France to Spain in 1762-1763 and
returned to France in 1800, was finally ceded to the United
States in 1803. Once Louisiana was ceded to Spain, the
French threat to New Mexico ended. The Louisiana Purchase
prompted a land survey and eventual settlement by the
expanding United States. Almost all of the old remaining
settlements of New Spain in the northern hemisphere were to
be surrounded and cut off from the heartland of Mexico. 32
Mexican Era (1821-1848)
A series of revolutions in the early part of the
nineteenth century moved Spain from the American continents.
In 1810, people from various parts of Spanish America began a
fight to overthrow the Spanish rule.33
As a province of New Spain, New Mexico was affected by
the struggle for independence, and on September 21st, 1821,
Mexico, formerly New Spain, became an independent republic.
The new republic inherited Spanish possessions up to the
17
border of the United States, fixed by the Treaty of 1819.
The new nation (Mexico), unorganized and lacking financial
resources, experienced a rapid succession of presidents and a
preoccupation with civil, military and religious disorders.34
Church relations with the state were almost always poor
because of the increasing authority and power of the Catholic
Church in the missionary fields and in the settled villages.
By the late 1700s, the churches in New Mexico had been turned
over to the local parishes, and, by the beginning of the
Mexican Period, only a few Franciscans were still present in
New Mexico. Up to the 1830s, no high ranking church official
had visited New Mexico's churches for more than 70 years. In
1833, the Bishop of Durango arrived and after his visit. New
Mexico's churches officially came under the direction of the
church hierarchy and the Franciscan priests were gone
forever.35
The changes created by the Bishop's visit did not work
out as planned. With the removal of the last Franciscans,
New Mexico was supposed to receive priests from Durango for
the village churches. But the few priests who came were
helpless to stop the dissolution of New Mexico's churches.
Meanwhile, the missions became property of the Pueblo Indians
and were neglected. Village churches were not much better,
partly because the parish priests who moved into the villages
had to depend upon the people of the parish to support the
church financially. The priests left the towns and later
their churches fell into disrepair.
American Period
In 1837, the Mexican government imposed the direct
collection of taxes on the subsistence economy of New Mexico.
People of New Mexico were dissatisfied with the
ineffectiveness of the Mexican rule and their resentment of
the direct collection of taxes prompted revolt. The governor
18
of the department of New Mexico, Colonel Albino Perez, sent
his army against the revolutionaries of Santa Fe because it
was occupied by the rebellious force. Jos6 Gonzales was
elected governor in 1837, but he was not confirmed by the
Mexican government. Governors came and went during the next
eight years. Finally, in 184 6, the United States entered in
New Mexico territory and ended the Mexican rule.36
By the summer of 1847, United States officials restored
control over New Mexico. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo
(1848) confirmed the official end of the war. Mexico
recognized New Mexico and Texas as part of the United States
and the Rio Grande was designated as the southern boundary of
Texas.
The United States gained from Mexico the northern lands
occupied by its forces, including Arizona, California, South
Texas and New Mexico. Later, with the Gadsden Purchase in
1853, the United States acquired the southern tip of New
Mexico and Arizona.37 The Americans brought new concepts to
New Mexico in government, religion, education and culture,
but especially in economics.
Civil War Years
The territory was the center of the Civil War in the
west. New Mexico joined the Union cause after an invasion by
Confederate Texas in New Mexico. There was a war and some
major battles fought in the territory. The aim of the
Confederates was to capture the United States Army forts in
New Mexico territory.
In 1861, Texas' General H. Sibley was sent to occupy the
territory and he moved up the Rio Grande from El Paso. The
Texans captured Albuquerque and occupied the Palace of
Governors in Santa Fe. Fort Union (near Las Vegas) remained
the one important Union stronghold. In 1862, a force from
Fort Union moved out into Santa Fe, and the Battle of
19
Glorieta Pass (in the Pecos Valley) was the beginning of the
end of the Confederacy in New Mexico.38
Late Nineteenth Century
When the Civil War ended, the army was maintained in the
west during the 1850-1890 period to guard trails and
settlements, as well as to protect the Indians. The Post-
Civil War period brought desperadoes to New Mexico. Water
and land disputes, and hostile Indians were common. Land
rights created controversies particularly because newcomers
ignored the legacy of the Spanish and Mexican land grants.
The issue of land ownership had long been a complex problem.
For a while, the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo had
confirmed existing land titles. During the Spanish and
Mexican periods, grants of land had been awarded not only to
private parties, but to whole communities. The U.S. Congress
set up the Office of Surveyor General in 1824, but it failed
to settle the matter concerning ownership of Spanish and
Mexican land grants.39 in 1891, a court of private land
claims was established to administer old Spanish-Mexican land
grants.^^
The railroads' arrival in New Mexico was the result of
an era of railroad building that occurred everywhere in the
United States after the Civil War. Railroads in New Mexico
flourished after late 1878.-^1 When the railroad arrived with
newcomers, land values in New Mexico rose and attracted
investment capital. As the railroads were laid across the
New Mexico territory, new towns sprung up, old towns
underwent changes and trade became possible on a much broader
scale. The railroads opened up new mining, ranching, and
farming opportunities and brought new residents to New
Mexico.^2
20
The Twentieth r.Pni-nr-y
The New Mexico of the twentieth century emerged in the
years between the admission of statehood and about 1950.
After World War II, New Mexico left its dependable
agricultural condition and developed a varied economy.
Until well into the twentieth century, the economic
history of the state had been based upon raising of sheep and
cattle, and some farming. Early mining in the state, after
the Civil War and until about 1900, involved gold and silver,
but on a minor scale.
New Mexico was admitted as a state in August 1911 by the
Congress and on February 1912 President Taft signed the
proclamation that made New Mexico the forty-seventh state.'^3
The traditional agricultural way of life gave way to a
varied modern economy, reinforced by space and defense
programs, U.S. government activities, tourism and mining. ^"^
Thus, New Mexico is, in the twentieth century, a mix of three
cultures: the Indian, the Spanish, and the American.
21
Notes
Charles F. Coan. History of New M^vinp (Chicago:
American Historical Society, 1925) p. 16.
ry
Calvin A. and Susan A. Roberts. New Mexico.
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,1988)
p. 4.
3 Coan, History of New Mf^v-irn^ p. 17.
4 Ibid., p.31.
5 Warren A. Beck. New Mexico: A History of Four
Centuriftf?. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
1962) p.25-26.
6 Roberts, New Mexico, p.24.
"^ Beck, New Mexico, p.28.
Ibid., p.34.
8
9 Bailey W. Diffie. Latin American Civilization.
(Harrisburg, Pa., 1945) p.256.
10 Edwin E. Sylvest. Franciscan Mission Theory in the
16th Century in New Spain. (Washington: Academy of
American Franciscan History, 1975) p.76.
11 James T. Forrest. New Mexico: A Student's Guide to
Localized History. (New York: Teachers College Press,
1971) p.8.
12 Beck, New Mexico, p.43.
13 Ibid., p.49.
1"^ Ibid., p.54.
15 Coan, New Mexico, p.47.
16 Theodosius Meyer. 5;aint Franois and the Franciscans in
New Mexico. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico
Press, 1926) p. 33.
17 Ibid., p.39.
18
22
Ibid., p.45.
19 Daniel E. Randolph. The Franciscan Concept of Mission
in the High Middle Ages. (Lexington: University Press
of Kentucky, 1975) p. 27.
20 Herbert E. Bolton. The Mission as a Frontier
Institution in the Spanish-American Colonies. (El
Paso: Texas Western College Press, 1960) p. 84.
21 Thomas F. McGovern. The Role of the Franciscans in the
Expansion of the Northern Frontiers of New Spain, 1525-
1760. (Thesis M.A., Texas Tech University, 1969)
p. 35.
22 Ibid., p.42.
23 Bolton, The Mission as Frontier.... p. 75.
24 McGovern, The Role of the Franciscans..., p. 39.
25 Bolton, The Mission as a Frontier..., p. 81.
26 Coan, Hicitory nf N P W Mexico, p. 222.
27 Charles F. Lummis. Thf^ Land of Poco TiemoQ.
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1952)
p. 121.
28 John L. Kessell. ^-i^/a, Cross and Crown. (Washington,
D.C.: National Park Service, 1979)
29 Beck, N P W Mexico, p.92
Coan, HH-^l-orv of rjc^w Mexico, p. 281.
30 Beck, N P W Mexico, p. 93.
31 Forrest, N P W Mexico, p. 23.
32 Ibid., p. 18.
33 Beck, Nf^w Mexico, p. 118.
34 Forrest, Y\^^ Mexico, p. 19.
23
35 Paul Horgan. Lamy of Santa Fe. (New York: Farrar,
Straus & Giroux, 1975) p. 66-68.
36 Coan, History of New Mexico, p. 333.
37 Roberts, New Mexico, p. 114.
Beck, New Mexico, p. 148-155.
Roberts, New Mexico, p. 143-147.
40 Kessell, Kiva, Cross and Crown, p. 468.
41 Beck, New Mexico, p. 270
42 Roberts, New Mexico, p. 154
43 Ibid., p. 163.
44 Forrest, New Mexico, p. 47-49.
38
39
CHAPTER III
URBAN HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO
Pueblo Architecture^
The Indian villages were founded by the Spanish
explorers when they arrived in the Southwest during the
sixteenth century. The Indians lived in almost 80 pueblos
from the Piro villages of the middle of the Rio Grande
northward to Taos and westward to Acoma, Zuni and the Hopi
villages (Illustration 2 in pocket). Several types of
dwellings were used by the Indians prior to the building of
pueblos:
The simplest form of habitation found in the
pre-european towns is the excavated cave which was
a natural opening in a cliff hollowed out in such
manner as to leave a thin wall. From this
developed the cave dwelling with a masonry facade
which took the place of the thin natural type. The
third type of room was built on the talus slope in
front of the cave. It may be that the cliff-pueblo
forms the link between the cave and the pueblo.
The cliff pueblos were built on ledges which were
protected by the overhanging rock. The floor space
was bounded on three sides by the irregular curve
of the three sides of the ledge. Terracing
possibily originated in the sheltered cliff
places.1
The pueblos found by the Spaniards were basically as
they are in the present day. The buildings created by the
Pueblo Indians represent an adaptation of their need for
protection and defense of the climatic conditions, the
resources of the land and their special social organization.
The centers of all the Indian pueblos were undoubtedly the
kivas (ceremonial chambers), always located in the principal
area of the town. The round subterranean ceremonial kiva may
24
25
have developed its form and position from economy in floor
shape. Some of the Valley pueblos have three sides in an
irregular curve with a rectilinear fourth side. They were
terraced from a central court to the outer walls.2
The plan that is common to the largest number of pueblos
consists of four rectangular buildings in the form of a
hollow square. These structures are four rooms in width on
the ground floor, two on the third and one on the fourth.
The buildings were built in terraces from the court to the
outer wall. The rooms were usually eight by 10 feet wide.
The pueblos themselves were around 200 to 400 feet square.
The absence of outlets on the ground floor caused the rooms
to be in semi-darkness. There were no cellars, but the
ground floor rooms answered the purpose by providing storage
space.3
Because of the precautions for defense, there were no
entrances into the ground floor rooms. The first floor
spaces were usually used as store houses. The access to the
building was made possible with ladders. In case of an
attack they could be pulled up, leaving the intruders without
access.
Ladders were used to gain access to the second
story while stone and adobe steps and also ladders
were both used for entrance to the stories above.
The simplest form of the ladder was a single
pronged pole with notches cut in it for steps, the
forked end being placed against the wall. The two
pole ladders were made by cutting notches in the
poles and lashing the rungs to them with raw hide.
Later, when iron came into use, holes were burned
through the poles and the rungs inserted.4
The Sixteenth Centurv:
Foundation of Missions
New Mexico was the first state in the United States in
which the Spaniards established their missions, especially
along the Rio Grande Valley (crossing the state from North to
26
South) and also along the perpendicular trail (crossing from
East to West). These missions were the principal means
employed to Christianize the sedentary tribes. They were the
most important vehicle by which Spain held its oversea
possessions.
The center of all the missions was the church. The
churches were built in pueblos already established by Indians
and were greatly influenced by centuries of Indian building
experience.
The first mission work in the pueblos of New Mexico was
done under the direction of friar Juan de Padilla, who came
with Juan de Onate bringing colonists and padres to the north
with the expedition to Quivira.5 in 1596, the Spaniards
named the first colony San Juan de los Caballeros or San Juan
of the Gentlemen, and within two weeks the foundation of a
church was made.6
Within the next 15 years after the erection of the first
church, 11 churches had been built. Later, in 1630, 25
missions were reported by the Father Benavides report and 10
years later, 40 missions were counted at the peak of the
Mission program.7
The missions were under the direction of the Superior of
the College of Saint Francis located in the City of Mexico.
They were under the care of Fray Francisco de Benavides,
First Custodio. A Memorial by Father Benavides and Father
Betancour was presented to the king of Spain by Fray Juan
Santander in 1626 (Appendix A and Illustration 3 in pocket).^
The memorial contains the description of 36 Pueblos with
26 missions and 12 vi.^^itas (churches without permanent
priest's residence) in total. Father Benavides visited the
area in 1630 and 50 years later, right after the Pueblo
Revolt, friar Betancour returned to New Mexico and recorded
the names of pueblos, as well as the names of the martyred
friars of 1680.
27
In 1680, the Indians began the Pueblo Revolt, the
greatest unification of Indians of the Southwest. Rebelling
against the Spaniards, their political and religious ideas,
the Indians massacred missionaries in their pueblo residences
and destroyed church records and everything else that was
Spanish. The Revolt established a point of separation for
the architectural history. Different styles of religious
buildings were evident between the first Era of Spanish
settlement and after the Pueblo Revolt and Reconquest Period.
The first churches were probably impermanent shelters or
converted dwelling spaces, as at San Gabriel, or San Juan
before the founding of Santa Fe in 1610. The religious
buildings erected during the last years of the sixteenth
century and through the seventeenth, were all destroyed by
the Indians in the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. Those buildings
were huge constructions such as Abo, Quaray, Gran Quivira,
Pecos and Jemez.
The seventeenth century adaptation of adobe to
baroque form, and vice versa, constituted a
stylistic end term. The later history of
architecture in colonial New Mexico is comparable
to that of the tissue, divorce from its host, goes
on proliferating, always identical with itself,
until the disfavorable conditions in which it
thrives are suppressed.9
The building of the church and priest's house was always
undertaken by the single friars assigned to a district. The
custom was for the women and children to build the walls. A
building project was to be executed by the entire population.
The buildings made after the Rebellion of 1680 still had the
same pattern of design as the former ones, but never again
were as large.1^ A specific description of the architectural
features is given in Chapter V.
28
The Seventeenth Century:
Foundation of Spanish Cities
The Spanish colonization in New Mexico during the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (in the Onate and De
Vargas periods) was under the General Laws or Qrdenanzas
brought directly from Spain. Each new town or city in the
New World, including North America, Central America and South
America, was established according to Spanish ordinances.H
All the Laws from the Spanish Reign were recopilated in the
Qrdenanzas of Don Felipe II, king of Spain, remaining
currently in the Archive de Indias in the city of Sevilla,
Spain.
In 1573, King Felipe II, promulgated the Qrdenanzas de
Nneva Poblaci6n or Ordinances for the New Populations. They
included general recommendations for the foundation of
cities. Also, some general conditions were specified for the
regional settlements or missions. Once the site was chosen,
conditions were given for layout. Subsequently, the lands
marked the political and administrative characteristics from
the different urban centers. Also, the types of
functionaries, their privileges and obligations were
indicated.
Continuing with the Qrdenanzas. there were some norms in
which the law maker dictated the minimum conditions to be
fulfilled. The urban structure of the Colonial city was not
a direct transplant from European models, but the development
was obtained according to a changing process. This process
was the incorporation of former European experience, results
and contact with the conditions of the New World.12
These Qrdenanzas were also followed in New Mexico,
exemplified by the cities of Albuquerque and Santa Fe.
hh^'}r ^^^ Plaza:
...The main plaza of an inland city or villa was
located the center of the settlement. In form it
was rectangular, being at least one and a half
times as long as it was wide. On this account it
29
was better suited for fiestas where horses were
used and other purposes. In size it was
proportionate to the number of residents...being
never less than 200 feet in width and 300 in
length, not larger than 800 feet length and 532
feet width.
About the streetsr
...From the plaza proceeded four principal streets,
one from each side and in addition to these two for
each corner. The four corners faced the four
principal winds...travelers were not exposed to the
four winds, that could be exceedingly
inconvenient...
About the names:
...In the discovery part of the Indies there should
be sites or districts sufficiently good for the
founding of settlements and any person shall make
application to locate and settle upon them, in
order that they may do so with a greater freedom
and benefit. The viceroys and presidents may give
them in our name lands, lots and waters, in
conformity with the character of the land,
providing it not to be an injury for a third person
13
The fundamental reasons of the Spanish Crown for
colonization were:
a) The determination of the Crown to found new cities.
b) The establishment of colonial bases as centers of
agricultural exploitation for a territory.
c) Religious reasons to Christianize the natives.
d) Military objectives of defense, serving as a bridge to
further penetrations in new lands.
e) Judicial and political administration of vast
territories.
f) Exploitation of mineral resources.
g) Commercial basis and connections for communications with
the metropolis.
h) The need for intermediate stations between commercial
routes for the transportation supply.14
30
The Eighteenth Century;D^vfilopment
After the Pueblo Revolt came the Period of Reconquest,
years of development with sporadic rebellions of the Indians
with total Spanish control. It lasted for more than a
century.15
The few Spanish settlers were grouped in villages, with
some families living in haciendas (large landowners
frequently referred to themselves as hacendados and to their
land as haciendas) which were constant points of attacks from
the Indians.16 During these periods, the Spanish searched
for new lands and expeditions to the mountain were made. The
eighteenth century was a wealthy period of Spanish
settlement. During these years, religious organization was
growing and Pueblos became part of the Franciscan missions.
In 177 6, Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, Franciscan
friar from Mexico was sent to the northern territory to
report about the conditions of the missions (Appendix B and
Illustration 3 in pocket).17
In 177 6, Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez set down a
detailed description of the missions in the custody of the
Conversion of St. Paul of New Mexico. The description not
only is a very good portrayal of the eighteenth century
colony, but also a detailed look at the missions and pueblos.
Along with the gradual growth of the Spanish community,
there was a similar slow but steady development of the
mission among the natives. Frequently, the missions
constituted little islands in the midst of the vast
territory. Fray Atanasio divided his report in three areas:
the first was the center and capital of the Kingdom, Santa Fe
with the description of its two chapels; the second area was
the Upper River or Rio Arriba, which contained 11 mission
churches, and the third one was the Down River or Rio Ab^io
with 16 mission churches. The area of Pecos belongs to the
31
fiiO Ab&JQ. Part of the information compiled in Chapter IV
was made possible by this description of the Pecos mission.
From the 32 churches or chapels recorded in 1776, 12
persist more or less in the same condition the Father
Atanasio saw them in 1776.18
The Nineteenth Century:
Hispanic Expansion
Between the 1790s and the 1880s, New Mexico's Spanish
Americans, or Hispanics, dynamically pushed outward their
settlement frontiers, increasing the size of their homeland
by at least 10 times. The year 1790 marked the beginning of
relatively peaceful times in New Mexico. Governor Juan
Bautista de Anza had led successful military campaigns
against the Comanche and Apache during the dozen years prior
to 1790.19
Caravans to and from Chihuahua (Mexico) each year
enabled Hispanos to exchange their sheep, animal skins and
woolen goods for hardware, textiles and luxury goods.
Stockmen in quest of suitable pastures for their flocks
ventured across a divide to the next valley where they built
adobe shelters, developed irrigated patches of land and
eventually attracted others. To be closer to their grazing
lands, several stock raising families migrated up or down the
valley to a point where flood plain cropland and a village
site were available.20
The majority of the land Hispanos encroached upon was
granted by official decree, but the lack of grant records
from the Spanish period makes it difficult to generalize
about the number of squatters prior to the American takeover.
After 184 6, however, the stockmen who ventured east across
the high plains or west across the Colorado Plateau were
definitely squatters.
In the first several decades of expansion
after 17 90, the villages themselves were of the
32
fortified plaza variety common in the late 18th
Century. Taos and San Miguel were plaza
communities consisting of central open spaces (or
plazas) surrounded on four sides by houses whose
outer walls were windowless. The central open
spaces were reached through one or more heavy
gates, and outside the compound a high round
tQrre6n (tower) gave added protection. Given the
Hispanos penchant for living on their own irrigated
tract, however, rancho settlement, which predated
the plaza types, were restituted as quickly as
Plains Indian pacification allowed. These ranches
consisted of farmsteads that were strung out at
irregular intervals along a linear irrigation diteh
with a church, eventually a school, perhaps a store
and a blacksmith shop, grouped at some point near
an open plaza, which was the village foeus. Among
Hispanos the term plaza was used rather loosely to
refer to both compact plazas and dispersed
ranches.21
When the paeifieation of Plains Indians made expansion
possible, an emergent class of patrones led the way. By the
time Anglos reached this frontier expansion between the 1860s
and the 18 80s, Hispano stockmen had made impressive advances
in every direction.
Expansion to the north advanced from Taos, the late
1890s frontier salient of the north. Stockmen settled Arroyo
Seeo and Arroyo Hondo in 1815. The northern reaches of the
never-patented Conejos Grant around Del Norte and north to
Saguache were sites of continued eolonizing. During the
nineteenth century as Hispanos pushed north in the San Luis
Valley, they increased territorial gains of the Sangre de
Cristo Mountains in the Arkansas basin.22
Albuquerque and the Albuquerque Valley were the
fountainheads for peopling lands to the west. For a brief
time in the 1740s, Franeiseans maintained missions to the
Navajo at Cebolleta and Eneinal. In the nineteenth century,
as Hispanos moved onto the Colorado Plateau, they eame into
contact with Anglos, largely Mormon farmers.
The southernmost Hispano outpost in 1790 was apparently
Sabinal in the Belen Valley. About 1800 Hispanos pushed
33
south of Sabinal into the southern Bel^n and Soeorro Valleys
where they reoccupied sites that had been abandoned for more
than a century: Alamillo in 1800, Socorro in 1800 and La Joya
in 1811.23
Hispano expansion southwest from the Rio Grande Valley
appears to be less well documented that that to the
southeast. In the 1680s, Hispanos crossed the Continental
Divide to the Gila Valley where, thirty miles into Arizona
territory, they established San Jos6 and Pueblo Viejo
(renamed Solomonville in 1878). Between these two outer most
Hispano outposts and the Rio Grande Valley itself, a number
of villages were established, presumably in the 1860s.24
As the century of Hispano expansion evolved, a hierarchy
of village areas emerged. Santa Fe, Santa Cruz and
Albuquerque were the oldest and largest (places of the
colonists) . Beyond them the major village springboards were
San Miguel, Las Vegas, Mora, Taos, Trinidad, Abiquiu,
Cebolleta, Cubero and probably Belen and Socorro. Beyond
these villages smaller points, like Manzano, were evolved.
The decade of greatest expansion in each direction was the
1860s, gradual containment of Plains Indians made possible
this expansion. Hispanos spread rather thinly across the
plains to the east, and their numbers were even smaller on
the Colorado Plateau to the west.25
The Twentieth Centurv
Anglo-American Development
With the coming of the railroads during the last decades
of the eighteenth century, a new boom in New Mexican urban
history began. The railroads brought miners and capitalists,
speculation with the lands and new management in planning.
But the area was so sparsely populated that the patron of
urbanization was not noticed on large scale. James Taylor
Forrest wrote in 1971 about this problem:
34
...by 1910 the entire Great Plains-Rocky
Mountain region that comprises 30 percent of the
total United States area had only two percent of
the population...26
With statehood. New Mexico started to change physically
in its urban development. The change of status to a full
statehood opened New Mexico from the isolation and its ties
with the rest of the nation became closer. World War I and
the Great American Depression of the 1930s slowed the
development of the nation and New Mexico felt the
consequences.27
It was not until the participation of America in the
World War II that the Depression began to heal in New Mexico.
The war brought new industry and an influx of workers and
their families from other states. The overall migration
pattern was from the country to the urban areas.
New building during the 1950s and 1960s in the cities
and towns contributed to the economy and reflected the
development of the state. Albuquerque, was one of the
fastest growing cities of the Southwest during the seventies.
Actually, the homes and buildings in New Mexico reflect their
adaptation to the region.28
35
Notes
Calvin A. and Susan A. Roberts. New Mexico,
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988)
p.14.
Charles F. Coan. History of New Mexico, (Chicago:
American Historical Society, 1925) p. 34.
Ibid., p. 35.
Ibid., p. 38.
Merle Armitage. Pagans. Concnii stadores. Heroes and
Martyrs. (Fresno: Academy Guild Press, 1960) p. 64.
6 Roberts, New Mexico, p. 41.
7 Trent E. Sandford. The Architecture of the SonthwP^sr
(New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1950) p. 104.
8 Coan, History of New Mexico, p. 194-198.
9 George Kubler. The Religious Architecture of New
Mexico. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press
1972) p. 47.
3
4
5
10
Ibid., p. 133-139.
11 Ralph E. Twitchell. Spanish Colonization in New Mexico
in the Onate and De Vargas Periods. (New Mexico
Historical Review, V ol. XXII) p. 4-5.
12 Urbanismo Espanol en America. (Institute de Cultura
Hispaniea, Madrid: Grafleas Reunidas, 1976) p. 5.
13 Ralph E. Twitehell. Spanish Colonization in New Mexico
in the Onate and De Vargas Periods. (Albuquerque:
Historical Society, Vol. XXII) Recopilaei6n de las
Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias de Don Felipe
Segundo, Ley IV, IX, and XII. All citations herein are
made from this edition, translated by the author.
14 Urbanismo Espanol en America, p. 6.
15
17
18
20
24
25
36
Warren A. Be c k . New Me x i c o ; A Hi s-hnry o f Fonr
Centurifi?>. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
1962) p. 62-65.
16 Roberts, New Mexico^ p.84.
Summary of the Report of Dominguez, Fr. Francisco
Atanasio. The Missions of New Mexico. 1776.
Translated and annotated by Eleanor Adams and Fray
Angelico Chavez. (Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press, 1956).
John L. Kessell. The Missions of New Mexico since
1776. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1980) p. xi.
19 Coan, History of New Mexico, p. 252-257.
Roberts, New Mexico, p. 75-90.
21 Richard L. Nostrand. The Century of Hispano Expansion.
(New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. LXII, Oct. 1987)
p. 363.
22 Coan, History of New Mexico, p. 474-483.
23 Nostrand, The Century of Hispano Expansion, p. 378.
Ibid., p. 383.
Ibid., p. 385.
26 James T. Forrest. New Mexico: A Student's Guide to
Localized History. (New York: Teachers College Press,
1971) p. 38.
27 Roberts, New Mexico, p. 112-113.
28 Forrest, New Mexico..., p. 44.
CHAPTER IV
THE PECOS VALLEY AREA
Geographic Data
A principal tributary of the Rio Grande, the Pecos River
rises to high altitudes in the southern terminus of the
massive Sangre de Cristo mountains in north-central New
Mexico. The Pecos River lies east of the Rio Grande and
follows a course approximately parallel to it. Its soil is
highly productive when irrigated, but, unlike the Rio Grande,
the Pecos Valley has no long record of use by men.
Most of the Valley's 28 million acres are semiarid,
utilized for grazing cattle and sheep, but where arable land
was irrigated farming was the dominant agricultural activity.
In recent years, the petroleum and potash industries have
made important contributions to the basin's surging economy.1
The Pecos River Valley divides into three distinct
basins: first, the Upper Basin which extends from the
headwaters to Alamogordo Dam, second, the Middle Basin which
embraces the area between Alamogordo Dam and the Texas
border, and third, the Lower Basin which encompasses the
drainage area in Texas between Red Bluff Reservoir and the
River's mouth near Cornstock.2
The area studied in this thesis is the Upper Basin.
From its source in the vicinity of South Truchas Peck, the
Pecos River flows southward some 30 miles through sparsely
inhabited alpine land. Near the village of Pecos, it flows
clear off the confining mountain uplift and bends
southeastward for 20 miles through a broken hilly trough
formed by the massive Sangre de Cristo uplift on the north
and ramp-like Glorieta Mesa on the south. Skirting Glorieta
37
38
Mesa on the east, it flows through alternating narrow canyons
and only slightly wider valleys where, throughout the
centuries the current has built up fertile flood plains upon
which irrigation has been practiced for almost 200 years.3
The Pueblo Indians were practicing irrigation and
growing crops when the Spanish explorers and colonists first
came to the area. They were interested in the community
methods of the Indians. The community dams and ditches of
the Spanish settlements differed from the Indians in that the
European lacked the tribal organization. Irrigated fields
were sometimes formed on both sides of the acequia or ditch
in order to increase the amount of irrigated land and the
efficiency of the water distribution. During the Spanish
period, the total amount of land irrigated by the Indians and
the Spaniards was small compared with the amount of land
brought under irrigation since 184 6.
Among the 10 most important rivers in New Mexico, the
drainage basin of the Pecos River and tributaries is the
second largest. In 1902, 56,497 acres were irrigated and in
1919, the area was doubled.4 in 1919, the San Miguel County
with the drainage basin of the Pecos River was ranked
eleventh among the irrigated lands, with 16,565 acres
irrigated. The Pecos River Forest was established by
Presidential proclamation on January 11, 1892. The name of
national forests came into use in 1907. Thanks to the
establishment of the Pecos River Forest, the land along the
river attracted new investment and interest for irrigation
fields.^
Except for the recently developed Storrie Project on the
Gallinas River (one of the principal tributaries of the Pecos
River) near Las Vegas, irrigation practices in the Upper
Basin have changed very little since the days of early
Spanish colonization. In all, some 15,000 acres are under
irrigation in the Upper Valley, all of which are served by
39
surface water.6 in 1888, a private company sought to exploit
the potentially rich area by building a series of canals and
drains. In 1904, the federal government took over the
project. Today three dams control the Pecos.7
Principal communities and populations in the Upper
Valley are Las Vegas, Santa Rosa and Pecos with its environs.
When the Santa Fe Trail was opened in the nineteenth century,
the first settlements stopped at Las Vegas. Las Vegas
rapidly became a growing city. In the 1940s when Interstate
Highway 40 was finished and passed through Santa Rosa, it
became a stop area for all travelers and the town sprung up.
After the decline of the Pecos Mission, Pecos town became the
most important village north of the Pecos River area.
Altitudes range from 13,102 feet at South Truchas Peak
to 4,275 feet at Alamogordo Dam. Representative valley-floor
altitudes are: Pecos at 6,800 feet. Las Vegas at 6,400 feet,
Anton Chico at 5,200 feet, and Santa Rosa at 4,600 feet.8
The climate of Pecos River Valley is generally
advantageous. Recorded temperatures at Coroles in the Sangre
de Cristo Mountains near the river's head have varied from
902F to -272F. Annual precipitation has varied from 35
inches to 8.3 inches with an annual average of 14 inches.
The growing season in the Upper Basin averages about 100
days.9
The vegetation in New Mexico has been classified in six
zones, and the area correspondent to the Upper Pecos Valley
is in the Lower Sonoran Zone. This is a geographic area of
Mesquite and Black Grama grass. It is found in the Rio
Grande below Socorro, in the Pecos Valley up to Santa Rosa
and in the most of the southwestern part of the state.
Usually at altitudes below 4000 feet, this zone permits more
grazing than that possible at higher elevations. Because of
the long frost-free period, the fertile soil and the high
40
temperatures, this is the most important agricultural area in
New Mexico.10
The Pecos Valley:
History and Evolution
When the first Spanish Conquistadores invaded what is
now known as New Mexico in 1541-42, they found from 30 to 80
highly developed Indian agricultural communities, scattered
west-east between the Zuni and Pecos Rivers, and north-south
between present Taos and San Antonio, New Mexico. One of the
largest and most prosperous of the Indian communities was
Cicuy^ on the Pecos River.
In the beginning, the pueblo and the river appear to
have been called both Cicuy^ and Pecos. Onate referred to
residents of the pueblo as Pecos and the writings of Fray
Alonso de Benavides, published in Spain in 1630, refer to the
pueblo at first as Cicuy^-Pecos, later as merely Pecos.H
According to Robert T. Lingle, Cicuye, or Pecos, was a
quadrangular structure consisting of two large communal
dwellings four stories high, containing more than a 1000
rooms or apartments, so designed that one could make complete
circuit of the village upon the balconies without setting
foot on the ground. Farther south along the Pecos River, the
explorers found smaller, less developed, less prosperous
villages whose semi-migratory residents dwelt in dugout caves
and crude mud huts. From the first, Pecos led the upper
river pueblos in resisting the European Conquistadores.12
Owing at least in some measure to the efforts of Bigotes
(Indian chief of the Cicuye), the Pecos pueblo survived to
play a leading role in the Indian rebellion of 1680. The
pueblo was also one of the last to capitulate in the Spanish
Reconquest of 1692.13
41
The Mission of Pf^cos
Mission of Nuestra Senora de
los Angeles de Poreiuneula
The first effort to convert the Peeos pueblo began in
the first year of Juan de Onate's colonization in New Mexico
with the assignment of Fray Francisco de San Miguel to the
pueblo in September, 1598. The first church was dedicated
to Nuestra Senora de los Angeles de Poreiuneula. Fray Andres
Juarez, who came to New Mexico in 1612, served at Santo
Domingo before his assignment to Pecos. His new church was
under construction by fall, 1622 and was apparently the
church described by Benavides in his 1630 Report: "...the
Pecos Church...is the most explendid temple of singular
construction and excellence..." (Illustration 23 in
pocket).14
The mission, which was destroyed in the Pueblo Revolt of
1680, was built by Fray A. Juarez, who once wrote:
"...Pecos,...home to nearly a thousand souls, had deserved
the grandest Christian monument in the kingdom..." and was
burnt in its totality. Later, in 1694, Fray Diego de Zeinos
persuaded the Indians to level part of the ruins and
construct a temporary chapel. Facing west, it was built the
reverse of the church of Father Juarez.15
The Pecos Mission in the Eighteenth Century
The Pecos pueblo continued to flourish until around
1730-40. Indians successfully planted and harvested crops,
alternately fighting and trading with the wild tribes to the
east. But the last decades of the eighteenth century were
bad times for the Pecos area. Disease took its toll on the
population and the Comanches and Apaches began to spurn the
procedures of trade and to subject the pueblo to raids. The
pueblo repeatedly appealed to the Spanish government in Santa
Fe for aid, while defending itself as best as it could. The
42
Comanches destroyed the small Spanish army, and from this
blow the failing pueblo never recovered.16
In 1776, Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, in his
report of the "New Mexico Missions in 1776," found the
church, still impressive and in good repair, but the convento
had suffered. Pecos no longer had a resident Father to see
that quarters were maintained. The mission was administered
from Santa Fe as a visita. There was apparently a resident
friar at the Mission for nine or 10 months in 1780. Pecos had
gone. Twelve years later, in 1792, the population had fallen
to 152 and the church records tabulated only 40 in 1815.17
In 1838, the few remaining Pecos Indians abandoned the
home of their ancestors and traveled west to take up
residence at Jemez pueblo, the only other pueblo that spoke
their Towa language.18
Today after more than a century of neglect, the pueblo
and its great mission have been reduced to ruins which
eventually will disappear completely, unless protective
measures are taken. In 1965 the Pecos Mission came under
federal jurisdiction with the establishment of the site as a
National Monument.19
Foundation of New Villages
The expansion occurring during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries in New Mexico was made especially by
Hispanos, or in its most part by them. During 1790, the
Hispano expansion began. Stockmen looked for suitable
pasture. Families migrated up or down along the valley
looking for available village sites. The first record we
have from those families appears in the article by Francis T.
Cheetman "The Early Settlements in Southern Colorado,"
Colorado Magazine, February 1929.20
The pattern of settlement of the Spanish-American
villages of the Pecos Valley was originally specified in the
43
San Miguel del Vado Land Grant. The San Miguel del Vado Land
Grant was established in 1794 by the order of Fernando
Chac6n, the Governor of the Kingdom of New Mexico under the
king of Spain. The land was granted to Lorenzo Marquez and
51 other families who petitioned for the land in the same
year. However, the distribution of irrigatable land did not
occur until 1803, when Pedro Bautista, Alcalde of the Second
Note of Santa F6, measured the land and supervised the
drawing of lots for each tract (Illustration 5 in pocket) .21
...Twenty-odd miles downriver southeast of
Pecos Pueblo, it lay at the place where the trail
to the plains crossed the River, where, according
to the petition, there is space enough not only for
the fifty-one of us who ask but also as many as the
province to distribute. They described the
boundaries of this new Eden simply: In the north
the Rio de la Vaca (Cow Creek) from the place
called La Rancheria to El Agua Caliente; in the
south El Canon Blanco; in the east La Cuesta and
Los Cerritos de Bernal; and in the west the place
commonly called El Gusano (South San Isidro)...22
The original settlement by then totaled 58 who remained
at San Miguel del Vado and 4 6 additional families established
at San Jos^. This was the source of the colonists who, in
1822, were awarded land along the Pecos at Ant6n Chico.
Conditions of the grant reaffirmed that the petitioners
would have to construct the plaza as per the original
petition and all other work which could be for the benefit
and welfare of the townspeople.
...petitioners promise to enclose ourselves in
a plaza well fortified with bulwarks and towers, and
to exert ourselves to supply all the firearms and
ammunition that it may be possible for use to
procure...23
In spite of the mandates and intentions set down in the
grant for the pattern of settlement, the towns adhered very
closely to the design for defensive plazas. The apparent
lack of compliance with town-planning specifications might be
44
attributed to the isolation and imposed self-sufficiency of
the northern province of New Mexico. Hostile Indian
incursions were the major problem. The use of genizaros to
populate the Spanish colonial towns of the Pecos River Valley
might also explain the town planning development. The
Spanish created the colonial towns to serve as buffer zones
against the hostile Indian raids. Town planning requirements
might have been neglected due the belief that there were
would not be any raids against genizaro-populated villages.24
The Spanish-American area of the Pecos Valley consists
primarily of small farms and villages, the latter of which
were of similar design. The center of the town was always
the plaza: a rectangular-shaped area of ground varying from
one to three acres. Dominating this area was the church,
almost always built in the center of the plaza or else along
the side of the plaza. Houses were frequently built in long,
adjoining rows along the sides of the town square in order to
enclose it and form a defensible plaza.25
San Miguel del Vado became a county seat under the
Mexican Regime between 1822 and 1830. In 1827, the principal
settlements were around the Upper Rio Grande, with San Miguel
del Vado ranked as a second city, after Santa Fe.26 m
1844, the departmental council re-organized the subdivision
of the province creating seven counties which were grouped in
three districts, with San Miguel a part of the Rio Arriba
district. In 1846, the seat of San Miguel County was moved
from San Miguel del Vado to Las Vegas.27
Las Vegas was the larger and more prosperous town at
this time, owing to the opening of the Santa Fe Trail, along
which Las Vegas became the first stop-town. After 184 6, Las
Vegas grew rapidly and outstripped San Miguel. Sometime
after 1864 a big part of the San Miguel community moved again
to a new village, Ribera, because of a smallpox epidemic
which killed many of the town people.
45
The seventh census made by the U.S. Government in 1850
shows Villanueva and San Miguel del Vado as the only villages
surveyed in the area of the San Miguel del Vado land grant
(Appendix C).
Later, in 1860, five new settlements were included in
the eighth census: San Jos6, El Pueblo, La Cuesta, El Cerrito
and Puertocito. In 1870, the population in the area dropped
about one fourth but then remained constantly until the first
decade of the twentieth century.28
In 1920, Gonzales Ranch and Ribera were included in the
census and the total population increased again. In 1940,
the region had its highest total population for 80 years. In
the years 1930-40, every precinct but Ribera and San Miguel
experienced a rise in population. The Depression was a
crucial period for the Hispanic settlements of northern New
Mexico. Many residents left the rural areas in search of a
better life in the cities.
This growth for the Pecos region should not be seen as
an indication of stability or even vague prosperity. Rather,
it was a problem followed by War World II and the expanding
post-war economy that rapidly depopulated the Pecos River
settlements, as the people went in search for a better life.
Until 1940 the population remained constant, but a
drastic decrease of half of the total population was shown by
the seventeenth census in 1950. The region as a whole lost
1000 people in the years 1940-50. This was a serious blow to
the area. The downward trend has continued until today
(Illustration 5 in pocket).
History and Data of Each Village
San Miguel del Vado
San Miguel del Vado (or St. Michael at the Ford) was
named after the patron saint of the village and after the
crossing of the Pecos River, later a point of entry on the
46
Santa Fe Trail. The town is located on the Rio Pecos in
southwestern San Miguel County. It is reached by U.S.
Interstate Highway 25 and a country road joining the highway
1 1/2 miles east of San Jos6.
The small Spanish-American village of San Miguel was
settled around 1750 by genizaros. Before the American
occupation of the territory of New Mexico, it was regarded as
the center of the surrounding settlements. During the
Mexican Regime, a small detachment of troops was maintained
at San Miguel, and here the Texans were imprisoned when they
made their invasion of New Mexico for conquest. It was the
county seat of San Miguel County until the seat of government
was removed to Las Vegas.29
Before 1805, San Miguel was administered by the
Franciscan Fathers of Nuestra Senora de los Angeles (near
Pecos). As the congregation grew, the Bishop of Durango was
petitioned to give San Miguel a resident priest. The license
was granted on February 22, 1805. Later, as a result of poor
mediums of communication and hostile Indians which made the
journey from Pecos dangerous, the priest was authorized to
maintain a permanent residence in San Miguel. The impact of
this development was positive for the town.29
The Franciscan Fathers continued their work among the
first settlers along the Rio Pecos until Spain secularized
the Franciscan missions in all its dominions in 1834. Later,
after the opening of the Santa Fe Trail and the stage-coach
route from Santa Fe to the eastern territories, San Jose was
used as a stop-point instead of San Miguel and the pueblo
began to decline (Illustration 6 in pocket).
San Jos6
Originally known as "San Jos6 del Vado" (St. Joseph of
the Ford), San Jose is named after the patron saint whose
feast day is celebrated on March 19. It is located in the
47
southwestern part of the San Miguel County on the banks of
the Pecos River. It lies on Highway 25, 22 miles southwest
of Las Vegas.
The town was settled by the Spanish in 17 94, the year of
the Miguel del Vado Grant. Prior to the Spanish, the Pecos
River Valley area was occupied by genizaros. m 1803, nine
years after the founding of San Jos6, Pedro Bautista Pino,
acting by orders of the Governor, partitioned the land to the
settlers of San Jos^. In 187 9, in a plat of the San Miguel
Grant by John Shaw, San Jos6 is represented by seven squares
of buildings.30
After the establishment of the Santa Fe Trail, San Jos6
became an important stop along the road. In 184 6, it was
chosen as a camping site by General Stephen W. Kearny. He
commanded the Army of the West during the war with Mexico.
The Army was under orders to march from Fort Lavenworth on
the Missouri River to Santa Fe, and then, after taking
control of New Mexico, to continue all the way to California.
According to Connelley, "from the rooftop of one of the
buildings. General Kearny proclaimed the American occupation
of New Mexico."31
The passenger-coach service between Independence,
Missouri, and Santa Fe was established in 1846. Stagecoaches
which crossed the Pecos River ford stopped at San Jos6. The
town had regular mail service by 1849 and daily passenger
service by 1862. In 1858, the United States Post Office was
established in San Jos6. In 1879, with the construction of
the railroad lines in New Mexico, the stage-coach was
eliminated. The railroad bypassed San Jose and a decline in
population began (Illustration 7 in pocket).
San Juan
The name San Juan, Spanish for Saint John, was used in
the foundation of several towns all along the state of New
48
Mexico. Don Juan de Onate conferred this title upon the
Indian pueblo first occupied as early as 1598.
San Juan is a Spanish-American village and a farming
community in the southwestern part of th- San Miguel County.
Near U.S. Interstate Highway 25 and on a small farm road at
the north, San Juan lies less than half a mile from the Pecos
River. The town was also part of the first land divisions
made by the San Miguel Land Grant. There is no history
recorded until the late nineteenth century, when the church
was built by laypeople (Illustration 8 in pocket).
San Isidro South
Named after St. Isidore, patron saint of farmers,
"Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe of San Isidro del Sur" is
located in San Miguel County and is north of U.S. Interstate
Highway 25, along the banks of the Pecos River. It lies 23
miles southwest of Las Vegas.
Formerly known as "El Gusano" (The Worm), it was on the
western boundary of the San Miguel del Vado Grant. This
town, as the rest of its neighbors, is eminently a farming
settlement, being one of the poorer. After the foundation of
San Isidro North, in 1856, about 10 or 15 years later, San
Isidro South began to decline. (Illustration 9 in pocket).
San Isidro North
Formerly known as "Las Mulas" (the Mules) , San Isidro
North is located in the western part of the San Miguel
County. The first name could have been given perhaps because
of its close situation to Gusano Creek which was a former
mule trail.
It is reached from a frontage road, south of U.S.
Interstate Highway 25, then by Road 433 to both San Isidros.
It is located beyond San Isidro South, another two miles to
the north.
49
San Isidro North has a typical Spanish town design. The
church is in the center of the town with its traditional
Placita. The principal buildings were built surrounding it
(Illustration 10 in pocket).
Villanueva
The name Villanueva or "New Village" may have been given
to the settlement at the establishment of a new village or it
may commemorate the Spanish Marquis Villanueva, early Visitor
to the Southwest.
The town is located in the southwestern part of the San
Miguel County, on the banks of Pecos River. It may be
reached by U.S. Interstate Highway 25 to Bernal, then south
over the Country Road 3. This road passes through Ribera,
San Miguel, El Pueblo, Sena, but at one point the Pecos River
must be forded.
It was founded in 1808 by Mariano Bar6n and Jose Felipe
Madrid. It was named by the Post Office Department in 1890
after petition of the people (Illustration 11 in pocket).
Sena
Originally known by the name of "Puertocito," the
Spanish name for "small port" could had be given because the
town lies on the bank of the Pecos River.
It is a farming community in north central New Mexico,
located in the southwestern area of San Miguel County, 23
miles southwest of Las Vegas. The design of the town differs
from the others. Instead of being planned surrounding the
plaza, it was laid out along the river ford.
It was first recorded in the eighth Census of the United
States in 1860 with 57 people. 20 years later, the
population increased about seven times (349), but then it
decreased in the 1930s to about 250. Now the population is
50
estimated to be no more than 200 people (Illustration 12 in
pocket) .
El Pueblo
El Pueblo, a Spanish name for "village" or "people," was
a very popular name in New Spain. The Castaneda chronicles
of the Coronado Expedition of 1540-1542, call the Indian
villages "pueblos," and referred to the Indians as a pueblo-
dwelling group. The name therefore, was given to various
sites and settlements, and in later times to Indians
themselves and to geographical features.
Located in the southwestern part of the San Miguel
County, El Pueblo lies on the banks of the Pecos River. It
is reached from U.S. Interstate Highway 25 by Farm Road 3,
after passing across the towns of Ribera and San Miguel. The
town is divided by Farm Road 3, but the original settlement
was only on the right side of the road, as one comes from San
Miguel Mission.
The town was first recorded in the eighth census of the
United States in 1860, but it was counted as part of "La
Cuesta" or Villanueva with 378 people. Later, the 1900, it
was recorded with 300 but after War World II, the population
decreased to 169. Actually, the town had increased its
population twice by the 1950s because of the agriculture
industry (Illustration 13 in pocket).
El Cerrito
El Cerrito, a Spanish name for "Little Hill" or "Little
Peak," is located 30 miles southwest of Las Vegas on the
Pecos River. It is a small Spanish-American village settled
in the early nineteenth century (around 1810). The settlers
came from the neighboring villages, especially from San
Miguel.
51
Before the arrival of the Spaniards in El Cerrito, the
area was inhabited by Indians. According to Twitchell:
"... arrowheads and pottery have been found, and there are
Indian pictographs in the vicinity."32 The village was
founded sometime after 17 94, the year of the San Miguel del
Vado Land Grant. The earliest documented record of El
Cerrito is 1824: "...so it was that families primarily from
San Miguel founded El Cerrito in the Pecos Valley probably in
the 1830s."33
El Cerrito was on Tract # 1 of the San Miguel del Vado
Grant Land tracts. The town of El Cerrito is a traditional
example of the pattern of settlement for Spanish-colonial
towns.
El Cerrito was first recorded in the eighth census of
the United States in 1860, having a population of 163.
Later, in the nineteenth century, the population doubled, but
about the beginning of the twentieth century the population
decreased to less than it was when first recorded, and,
around 1950, there was a report of no more than fifty-four
people in the town.
The town is isolated from the rest of the group. To
reach it, it is necessary to climb the Mesa after passing
through Villanueva and driving about 2 miles through the
Upper Villanueva State Park. The road is in very bad
condition. Another way to reach the town is by a Farm Road
from Vernal, but it is in worse condition (Illustration 14 in
pocket).
Gonzales Ranch
Gonzales Ranch was named after the first settlements of
the area, which were five head families with the same last
name, as told by the mayordomo Cristobal Gonzales.
The town is located in the southwestern area of San
Miguel County. It can be reached by U.S. Interstate Highway
52
25, then Road 3, passing the towns of Ribera and San Miguel.
After reaching El Pueblo, turn left to a dirt road which
climbs to the Mesa. On the way to Los Diegos, Gonzales Ranch
is located along the right side of the road.
Founded sometime before the turn of the century, it was
part of the San Miguel Land Grant, settled as part of the
Tract #2 of the San Miguel del Vado tracts. This was the
eastern town of the land grant and was settled principally as
a cattle village, thereby differing from the other towns
which are particularly farming villages (Illustration 15 in
pocket).
53
Notes
l^'^^ll '^; i^?^^^- The Peros River mmmicc^.. (Santa
Fe: The Rydal Press, 1961) p. 3.
2 Warren A. Beck. New Mevi en: A Hi.s^nry of Fonr
Centuries. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962)
p. 8
3 Ibid., p. 11.
4
9
10
Charles F.Coan. A History of New M^^vjcn (Chicago: The
American Historical Society, Inc., 1925) p. 470.
5 Ibid., p. 472.
6 Lingle, Pecos River Commission, p. 77.
7 Ibid., p. 180.
8 Beck, New Mexico, p. 15.
Ibid., p. 15.
Ibid., p. 10.
11 John L. Kessell. Kiva. Cross and Crown: The Pecos
Indians and New Mexico. 1540-1840. (Washington, D.C.:
National Park Service, 1979) p. 146.
12 Lingle, Pecos River Commission, p. 21.
13 Coan, History of New Mexico, p. 201.
14 Alonso de Benavides. The Memorial of Fray Alonso de
Benavides. Translated by Edward E. Ayer. (Albuquerque:
Horn & Wallace, 1965).
15 Allan C. Hayes. The Four Churches in Pecos.
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974)
p. 11.
16 Kessell, Kiva. Cross and Crown, p. 334-335.
17 Ibid., p. 342.
18 Ibid., p. 458.
54
19
20
21
22
24
25
26
28
29
Hayes, Four Churches nf pono,c^, p. xiii.
Kessell, Kiva. Cross and Crown^ p. 421.
Ibid., p. 422.
Ibid., p. 416.
23 A Study of the San Mianc^l del Vado T.and Granf .
(Colorado Springs: Colorado College, 1977) p. 13.
Ibid., p. 15-17.
Ibid., p. 15-17.
Coan, A History of New Mexico, p. 336.
27 Ibid., p.481.
A Study of the San Miguel del Vado Land Grant. Summary
of the Census made by the U.S. Government, p. 22-30.
Ibid., p. 22-30.
30 Northern New Mexico Land Grants. State Land Management
Office. Source found in the State Records and Archives,
Santa Fe, New Mexico.
31 Calvin A. and Susan A. Roberts. New Mexico.
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988)
p. 105.
32 A Study of the San MioueT del Vado Land Grant, p. 16.
33 Kessell, Kiva. Cross and Crown, p. 457.
CHAPTER V
RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE
The History of the Franciscan Churches
The Franciscan friars who came to the New World with the
first colonists and taught Christianity to the Indians,
brought with them new techniques of construction and taught
the natives how to build churches. These churches are the
most important legacy left by the Spaniards during the
colonial era. The Franciscans executed large building
projects for which they were themselves the architects, the
contractors, foremen and building-supply agents. Most of
them were highly educated men and, in some cases, later
became important figures in the administration of the Order.
The architecture of the Franciscans was the architecture of
Europe of the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries . 1
In order to understand the religious architecture in New
Mexico, it is necessary to review the design of Catholic
churches in Europe, especially in Spain and then Mexico. The
Spanish-Colonial churches in the Viceroyalty of Mexico also
deeply influenced the way the New Mexican churches were
designed.
Design of Catholic Churches in Spain
The religious architecture of Europe was influenced for
almost two hundred years by the Gesu, a Jesuit edifice in
Rome, designed by Vignola and built between 1568 and 1577.
The influential characteristic of this structure is the
original form of the sanctuary and its immediate surroundings
(Figure 1) .2
55
56
Fi gure 1: Pl an of I I Gesu, Rome (1568-1575)
57
The unity of the structure is secured by means of the
transept and the crossing dome. The nave itself signifies
unification, because the aisles are reduced to modest lateral
chapels, and the projections of the nave in the elevations
are minimum. The Gesu plan affords great compactness, and
the volume of the building is continuous, uninterrupted by
secondary spatial values. The Gesu type was directly
dependent upon certain prior antecedents in the monastic
churches in Spain.3
A peculiarity of Spanish religious architecture is the
separation of the choir and the sanctuary. In Spain, the
choir was relegated to other parts of the church, notably to
a balcony usually reserved in France for the organ. This
spans the rear of the nave, with a balcony at the facade.4
Referring to the orientation, the churches in Spain were
built following medieval examples which were later taken as
models for specific orientation:
In Christian church architecture, the north
has usually been considered inauspicious, perhaps
because of a medieval belief that the apocalyptic
peoples of Gog and Mogog would break in upon
humanity at the Last Judgement from the north edge
of the world disk. As late as the Council of
Trent, the north was a forbidden direction
excepting in special cases where no other solution
was possible.5
Mexican practices also influenced the orientation of New
Mexican churches. It was typical in the Viceroyalties of
Mexico and Peru to build cathedrals and parish churches with
their main entrance facing west, east or south,
characteristics later adopted by the New Mexican missions.
There were also some other orientations, but rarely to the
north.
58
Design of Spanish Colonial Churches
The varied expression of creativity in many art forms of
the Indians who inhabited Central and South America before
the coming of the Europeans, was drastically altered in the
destruction of the Aztec or Inca Empires by the
Conquistadores.
In the post-conquest era of colonial architectural
history, a new array of ornamental forms and sources became
popular. During the first decades of Spanish colonization in
Mexico and South America, professional architects and
engineers brought building knowledge to the New World. In
addition, local artisans adapted sixteenth century Italian,
Flemish, German and Spanish forms in their preferences. The
eastern European forms were first adopted by Spain, and were
made suitable to the Spanish architecture. When these
designs came to the New World, the local artisans transformed
them and added their aboriginal creativity.
Sometimes the modifications resulted in a
stereotyping of European sources, provincial units
pejoratives sense a consolidation still clinging to
the world "colonial". At other times, the creative
imagination of local craftsmen developed variants
that were colonial in a more intensive sense.6
While the Qrdenanzas of the Spanish Crown directed the
way cities should be designed, they also dictated the way the
churches should be built. Their locations in towns, their
orientations and specifications were required as follows:
...The location of the church (temple) was a
matter of first concern. Its location in every
city, villa or lesser settlement in midland was
determined by Law. It was not to be erected in the
plaza, but in some distance; therefore, removed and
apart from whatever kind of edifice not
contributing to its accommodation and ornament. It
might be the most visible and venerated building.
Elevated somewhat above the surrounding areas. The
rasas Reales. Cahildo. Aduana. etc., should be
built between the plaza major and the church. All
59
^n°?n/^?''^'^ be erected at a proper distance as not
to interfere with or obstruct the view of the
church...7
The friars were highly educated men and in their
education they may have received some training m science, as
architects or engineers. Most of the Franciscans who came to
the New World were worthly followers of Saint Francis of
Assis. We need to remember that Saint Francis began his
clerical life when he started rebuilding an old church in
Umbria.
Also, some friars who were self-trained architects,
built some of the churches located far from the capital city
where it was in some cases impossible for architects to
travel. But those friars occasionally had the benefit of
Spanish workmen, quarry workers and stonemasons in the
instruction of the Indians in special techniques,
particularly those in the northern missions.8
The colonial churches of sixteenth century Mexico are
characterized by the nearly uniform absence of the three-
aisled plan which was usual in European religious
architecture. According to Kubler, in the cathedrals of
Mexico, Puebla and Oaxaca9, built for the most part of the
seventeenth century, the multi-nave plan prevailed. However,
in the majority of smaller monastery and parish churches, the
construction of lateral aisles was avoided. It is probable
that military considerations may have taken part in the
suppression of the aisle. There are other possible reasons
related to the suppression of the aisle: the avoidance of
structural problems and the materials used (loose stone and
adobe bricks) that were unsuitable to any dynamic structural
extension.1^
In sixteenth century Mexico, the aisles were suppressed,
offering no protection for the enemy. A very good example of
this type of building is the Church of Huejotzingo in Mexico
(Figure 2) .H
60
Figure 2: Plan of church and convent.
Huejotzingo, Mexico. (Sixteenth Century)
61
The Gesu plan affords great compactness, the volume of
the building is continuous, uninterrupted by secondary
spatial values. This characteristic is notorious in the
colonial churches built in Mexico.
Design of New Mexico Mission Churches
No secular building expert or engineers entered New
Mexico with the first colonists. The New Mexican pueblos
were under the care of a priest. The building of the church
and the priest's house was generally undertaken by the friar
assigned to the district or pueblo.
The missions were a force for the preservation of the
Indians. They were opposed to their destruction. That was
characteristic of the Anglo-American frontier. The
missionary work in northern New Spain was conducted by
Franciscans, Jesuits and Dominicans. The Franciscans were in
the north east (Coahuila, Nuevo Le6n, Nuevo Santander, New
Mexico, Texas and Florida). The Jesuits were predominantly
in the northwest (Sinaloa, Sonora, Chihuahua, Lower
California and Arizona). When the Jesuits were expelled in
1767, the Dominicans took Lower California and the
Franciscans took Alta California.
The entire settlement with all the activities
(instruction in Christianity, reading, crafts, etc.) with its
church and surrounding buildings was the Mission. The
mission buildings served several purposes. In the beginning,
they often served as a fortress, not only for padres and
neophytes, but also for near-by settlers. They were always
arranged around a great court or patio; the church was
protected on all sides by the other buildings. The church
was always the center of the establishment.12
Everywhere the friars initiated missionary work during
the seventeenth century the civil government violently
opposed. This problem would continue until the first half of
62
the eighteenth century when the fight between church and
state concluded with the secularization of the Missions in
1834.
By a Viceregal contract made in Mexico City in 1631, the
king of Spain assumed the expenses of equipment and supplies
for the religious establishment of New Mexico. The Mission
Supply Service was originally organized in 1609 and
reorganized in 1664. A caravan was supposed to make the trip
every three years. The caravan consisted largely of mission
and church supplies. These would include hardware to build
the church and the entire settlement of the mission as well
as essential materials for the altar and clothing for the
missionaries.13
The building materials of colonial New Mexico were
adobe, stone, wood, an occasional window glazing of selenite
or mica, and earth colors for the decorations of the wall.
The Spanish retained the Indian structure although they
introduced the technique of forming adobe into bricks. The
bricks were laid on a rough stone foundation.
In earlier structure, floors were made of packed
earth. The earth was sometimes mixed with animal
blood and ashes to make it hard and resistant to
water.14
As in Mexico, a simple plan represents not only a means
of avoiding structural problems, but also a military measure
for the protection of the missions. The single-plan occurs
in New Mexico both with and without transepts. In a single-
nave two arrangements occur:
1) the chancel is narrower than the nave
2) the width of the chancel is equal to that of the
nave.
In either case, the sanctuary is always a distinctly
articulated element, and it constitutes the focal point of
the plan. It may be trapezoidal, rectangular or absidal. A
63
technical reason also demanded the type of solution
(rectangular, no aisles, ochavado plan): the materials used
as stone and adobe bricks were not conducive to dynamic
structural design (Figure 3).
The width of the nave and transept was limited by the
size of the roofing timbers available. Depth, not length
determined the length of span.15
In general, the fundamental variation upon the single-
nave plan consists in the presence or absence of transepts,
in various shapes of the sanctuary, and in the location of
accessory rooms. Imperfect parallelism occurs between the
nave walls, which tends to converge as they approach to the
sanctuary.
According to Kubler, the cruciform-plan churches were
built especially in such early Spanish settlements as Santa
Fe, Santa Cruz de la Canada and Albuquerque. In the pueblos,
the continuous-nave church is typical, but in some cases the
cruciform-plan was used. In cruciform plans, the chancel (or
approach to the sanctuary) is always narrower than the
nave.16
In either case the sanctuary may be rectangular, as in
Isleta Mission; trapezoidal, as in Ab6 Mission; or absidal
(according to Kessell) in Santa Clara Mission.17
In concordance with Kubler, the work of the second
period (after the Pueblo Revolt of 1680) was less careful and
less durable than the monuments of the preceding century.
The principal monuments in style display decreased skill and
elegance of execution. According to John L. Kessell:
...The organized effort to reoccupy New Mexico
after the Pueblo Revolt, was to make the
reoccupation permanent. This period characterized
by intensive building activity...This was
categorically different from the primitive period
in the early years of the seventeenth century. In
the Indian Pueblos the native labor was used to
repair the previous establishments.
64
^ ^ ^ , ^ ^ ^ 2^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ W^-^r^>/.r^-i \^'^^^^.^>.r,>,,.,,,zz
y^ \:^^f
^
m j m .
^ \^yJ2M^!^^SIEZ^^2SKT^ii.
n v
^
''^^y'J/fy
3 0 S O 15
•'•
^Za
r« « <
A »....? »^P 6 y p S ^ ^ - - .
Figure 3: Plan of New Mexico Missions.
Top: Abiquiu, center: Cochiti, bottom: Acoma
(Seventeenth Century.)
65
In 1692 General de Vargas ordered the Indians to
work for the reconstruction, but the order was not
issued by a friar, to whom the spiritual care of
the pueblo had been entrusted, but by a secular
person of military and civil authority. In the
Spanish town, building activity was initiated by
civil authorities, rather than by the churchmen.18
Religious Architecture after the Franciscans
During the eighteenth century, the buildings in Spanish
and some Indian villages seem to have passed into civilian
hands. The apparent Europeanization of certain population
areas in New Mexico was not attended by any marked increase
in the technical and formal Europeanization of the style.19
Later, in the eighteenth century, the decline of the
missions and the improvement of the secular churches was
reflected in the direction of the architecture. Under the
Mexican rule, about 1830, the Bishop of Durango brought
serious changes against the Franciscan friars, and the number
of missions and friars was reduced. The friars were not
permitted to administrate the missions anymore. The
clergymen were forced to subsist on very scanty funds, were
placed in isolated corners of the land, and were separated
from cultural intercourse with other people. The privations
these men endured undoubtedly lessened their abiliity to
perform their duties.20 The basic change was in terms of the
church. It was no longer to continue as a peripheral outpost
of the Spanish world, but as a focus and point of diffusion
on the Anglo-Saxon continent.
Theoretically, the lands and resources of the missions
were the property of the Indians, held in trust for them by
the fathers. In 1833, the Congress of Mexico had passed laws
providing appropriations for the support of the churches. As
the Mission Era was ending, the churches fell into disrepair.
66
Secular churches were built, but the majesty of the
seventeenth century missions was never again repeated.21
Bishop Lamy Period
After Mexico attained independence, the clerical
situation grew worse. A flurry of "nationalism" called for
exportation of all Spanish clerics, most of whom were
administering the northern territories. This action stripped
New Mexico of its clergy. There were only 14 priests left in
1851.22
The opportunity to reinvigorate the Catholic Church in
New Mexico was presented to a French clergyman, Jean Baptiste
Lamy, who had had previous experience in America as a priest
in Ohio. Lamy was appointed Vicar Apostolic for the former
Mexican territories that were east of California. He arrived
at Santa Fe in 1851 and was consecrated as Bishop in 1853.23
The work of Bishop Lamy in re-establishing the Catholic
Church in New Mexico was reflected not only in his
contribution as a civilizing force in the territory, but also
in the architecture.
Like most clergymen. Bishop Lamy was convinced
that he could not be rated as a great servant of
the Lord without a proper edifice built in His
honor, and the French-style cathedral in Santa Fe
was to be the result.24
With Lamy, an extensive campaign of repairs and new
buildings were initiated under the standard of French
nineteenth century taste. Parish priests arrived from
France, and French architects were brought to New Mexico for
the construction of the cathedral of Santa Fe. Lamy's report
on the activity of the first 14 years of his Vicarship,
mentioned the building of 45 churches and chapels and the
repair of 18 or 20.25
In this report, the French training and taste of the
Bishop and the French priests are evident. The most notable
67
works of his time were the Cathedral of Santa Fe, built in
Romanesque style, and the chapel of the Order of the Sisters
of Loretto, adapted from the Saint Chapelle in Paris. The
area of the Pecos Valley was not isolated from this
reconstruction, and some of the churches as San Miguel del
Vado, San Jos6, Sena and Villanueva could have been part of
Lamy's report. Such architectural features as the belfries,
window transformations and roofing reveal some French
inclination.
The style of the churches built during the second half
of the nineteenth century was the result of the eclecticism
in religious architecture in Europe. In repairs, Lamy's
taste led to the initiation of medieval forms in wood and
adobe, as at San Juan de los Caballeros Pueblo north of Santa
Fe. Pointed, arched windows became common, as at San Miguel
del Vado, where windows built in the 1800s were changed for
pointed arched windows. Also, spires and gabled roofs became
the fashion.
Moradas de los Penitentes
The Hermandad de Penitentes is a foundation created by
secular people through brotherhoods based upon charity,
devotion and penitence.26 This group spread rapidly and grew
in strength throughout isolated areas in New Mexico. When
the priests were driven out of New Mexico by the Mexicans,
officials of the Penitente Order soon performed many of the
functions of the priests. As the church was to the
missionary his temple of worship, the Penitente (because of
his ideology) chose a morada as temple, this time not for
worship but for his flagellations.27
The morada was the ultimate of simplicity. Usually it
was located wherever convenient and sometimes in the midst of
the local cemetery. This morada is always long, low and very
close to the earth (perhaps reflecting the way in which the
68
people themselves were always close to that earth which was
waiting to claim them). The morada has massive walls of
adobe, seldom if ever broken by windows "...here in the dark
recesses of the morada/ a basic people have fathomed the
mystery of basic faith, the genesis of Christian
philosophy..."28
Decoration was always simple. Except for a small cross,
it was saved for the interior and for the doors. A prominent
feature in the exterior decoration is the St. Andrew Cross.
This cross is sometimes rendered in the molding on the
doorway so that it is barely discernable. The doors are
frequently painted in blue: "perhaps for the identification
of that color with the Franciscan Fathers who came from
Zacatecas."29
Nineteenth and Twentieth century New
Religious Tendencies
During the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth and half
of the nineteenth century, Catholicism was virtually the only
religion in the territory. It was not until the arival of
the railroads that brought the Anglo settlers in large
numbers. The Protestant clergy made efforts to establish,
usually setting up parishes in larger population centers.
The Baptists were the first in this area, beginning
their work in 1849. They were followed by the Presbyterians,
which have always been strong in the territory.30 The
Methodists came later in 1871. Another kind of missionary
invasion of the territory was that of Mormons, who especially
settled in the western portion of the state.
All the protestant denominations brought with them,
along with new orientation in the interpretation of the Holy
Bible, new tendencies in the way they built their churches.
69
...At first religious meetings were simply
held in homes but then as the congregations grew
churches were erected to accommodate the new form of
worship. Often with adobe walls, the Presbyterian
church buildings, which also serve as schools, were
erected utilizing Hispanic building traditions, but
reveal some variations in form and details. Wall
openings (four on each side) are more
numerous...Sometimes a long porch extended across
the front..31
The military penetration produced a profusion of careful
observations of older monuments in the state. After the
entry in the territory by American forces and until the last
decades of the nineteenth century, the U.S. Army contributed
to the recopilation of monuments with the legacy of sketches,
drawings, paintings and photographs of contemporary
architecture. Not only military people were interested.
In the beginning of the twentieth century, known
archaeologists and historians took hundreds of photographs of
almost all the churches in New Mexico. Some of the most
relevant works are remarkably accurate and are held in the
U.S. Military Academy in West Point. As examples, are the
drawings of Heinrich Balhuin Mollhauser (1853), Lieutenant J.
W. Abort (1847), Charles Graham (1880), Gregory Bourke (1881)
and Carlos Viera (early twentieth century). Pertaining to
photographic legacy we need to mention names such as Henry T.
Hiesler (1871), John K. Killers (1880), Ben Wittick (1881),
Charles F. Lummis (1886), Adolph Bandelier (1890), Adam Clark
Vroman and William H. Jackson (1899), Edwin S. Andrews and
George H. Pepper (1907).32
In 1920, the Committee for the Preservation and
Restoration of New Mexican Mission Churches was organized and
began some work of repair and reconstruction of churches in
the regional manner.
Contemporary contributions in the architectural study of
the religious architecture in New Mexico are signs that the
interest for the preservation of this legacy is still not
70
dead. Such authors as George Kubler (1972) and John Kessell
(197 6) have studied the history and architecture of the New
Mexican missions. Apart from these two historians, there are
several studies by architects and professionals of the
missions. However, the secular temples built after the
Franciscans were always ignored, especially by the civil
government. The next chapter will explain some of the
secular architecture built during the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries.
71
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
Notes
George Kubler. The Religious Architecture in NPW
Mexico. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1972) p. 22.
Ibid., p. 59.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
p. 59.
p. 57 .
p. 23.
Ibid., p. 25.
Ralph E. Baird. The Churches of Mexico. (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1962) p. 59.
Ibid.', p. 6.
Kubler, Religious Architecture of New Mexico, p.36.
Ibid., p. 132-134.
Ibid., p. 134.
John L. Kessell. The Missions of New Mexico since
1776. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1980) p. 6.
Warren A. Beck, New Mexico: A History of Four
Centuries. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
1962) p. 63.
Spanish American V illages of the Pecos RJver V alleV .
(Santa Fe: State Records Center and Archives, 1973).
Kubler, Religious Architecture of New Mexico, p. 54.
Ibid, p. 62.
Kessell, Missions of New Mf^xico since 1776. p. 115.
Kubler, PPiiaious Architecture of New Ne?^iCQ. p.53.
Beck, New Mexico, p. 218.
20
21
22
23
24
28
72
Ibid., p. 213.
Charles F. Coan. A History of New Mexien, (Chicago:
American Historical Society, Inc., 1925) p. 327.
Paul. Horgan. Lamv in Santa Fe. (New York: Farrar,
Straus and Giroux, 1975) p. 185.
Ibid., p. 113.
Ibid., p. 170.
25 Kubler, Religious Architecture of New Mexico, p. 142.
26 Richard Ellis, New Mexico: Past and Present.
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1971).
27 Bill Tate. The Penitentes of the Sangre de Cristo.
(Truchas: Tate Gallery, 1967).
Angelico Chavez. Penitentes of New Mexico. (New
Mexico Historical Review, Vol. XXXIX, April 1954).
29 Charles F. Lummis. The Land of Poco Tiempo. (New
York: Charles Schribner's Sons, 1893) p. 43.
30 Beck, New Mexico, p. 211-217.
31 Willard B. and Jean M. Robinson. Historic Mountain
Churches of New Mexico. (New Mexico Magazine, Oct.
1987) p. 27-29.
32 Based in illustrations, photographs, data of Kessell,
New Mexico Missions Since 1776.
CHAPTER VI
PECOS VALLEY HISPANIC CHURCHES
After studying the historical background of New Mexico,
the evolution of the Peeos River Valley, and the religious
architecture of New Mexican churches, we can have a better
understanding of the architecture of the Pecos Valley Hispanic
churches. The Hispanic churches of the Pecos Valley are under
the jurisdiction of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe. Because of
the vast territory and the large number of churches, the
Archdiocese divides its administration among Mission parishes.
The group of churches studied belongs to the San Miguel del
Vado Mission, whose branch of the Villanueva Parish is in
charge of the southern churches of the project. Any official
decision is made by the priest of the mission of San Miguel,
Father Carl Fell.
The patterns of the town's layout are all of similar
design. The center of the town is always the plaza, a
rectangular-shaped area varying from one to three acres.
Dominating this space is the church, almost always built in
the center of the plaza or else along the side of it.
The church buildings of the villages are of a similar
architecture, with adobe as the main wall material. They all
have stone foundations which prevent the bottom edge of the
wall from eroding and eventually toppling over, due to the
capillary action of ground water into the adobe. The wall
thickness, in contrast to the thin walls the Indians built,
measures from 18 inches to 32 inches. The entire surface is
covered with a smooth adobe plaster, in some cases stucco , or
wooden panels that cover part of the wall.
73
74
In 1846, when New Mexico was annexed to the United
States, Americans began to arrive in the state. The
architectural forms they brought with them were slowly adapted
to and combined with the Spanish colonial architecture. The
synthesis of American and Spanish colonial elements and forms
resulted in an architecture known as "Territorial Style."1
The Pecos Valley Hispanic churches adopted some of the
Territorial style elements especially after the improvement in
the transportation system. In addition, the establishment of
manufacturing facilities made available a wide variety of
tools and products. Corrugated metal was transported to New
Mexico by railroad and erected over originally flat adobe
roofs. An easily recognizable ornament was the portal or
porch. Usually extending across the front of the church, the
portal had smooth-sawn columns with beaded edges. The
availability of smooth-sawn lumber resulted in elaborate
wooden trim, front verandas, pitched wood roofs, shuttered
windows, wooden floors, splayed window jambas, paneled door
and window reveals. Glass replaced the wooden grilles of the
Spanish colonial architecture and was first freighted over the
Pecos Valley in the 1850s.2
In the most remote villages of the Pecos River, the
Territorial style continued until the construction of modern
highways in the 1930s. The most recent of the churches
surveyed, Gonzales Ranch, was built after 1930 using other
American materials, such as kiln-fired brick which capped the
adobe walls.
The San Miguel del Vado church is the only one with some
documented history. We have accurate information about it.
Information on the other nine churches has been based in the
Johnson/Nestor Survey of 1987, the survey made by the author
and some stories told by the mayordgmog.
75
San Miguel del Vado at San Miguel
Historic and Current name: San Miguel del Vado
Parish: San Miguel del Vado
Priest: Father Carl Fell
Mayordomo: Jos^ and Vicky Mascarena
The date of the construction is estimated to have been
between the establishment of the San Miguel del Vado Land
Grant and the first years of the nineteenth century. There is
a discrepancy about when was it built. John Kessell
recognized that the church was already built by 1806 and the
Johnson/Nestor Survey estimated it around the 1800.
The church was built in 1806 by Indians of the
parish under the direction of the Franciscan
fathers. The walls are about twenty feet high,
three feet in thickness. Above them rise two
towers, each thirty-six feet high. In the towers
there used to hang two bells, "Maria del Carmen",
cast in 1830 and "Maria Angela", cast in 1851.
They were cast in San Miguel and into their metal
went gold and silver jewelry donated by people of
the parish. Because of the weakened condition of
the towers and to insure greater safekeeping they
were removed. Another large bell, still in use,
stands on a large platform in front of the church.
The first floor in the church was laid in squares,
under which the wealthier inhabitants of the
village were buried. The present floor has been
laid on the top of the old one. The wooden pews
are elaborately carved and there are a number of
beautiful statues.-^
The historic use of the church was as both church and
fortress. In the present it is used every Sunday for
celebration of Mass.
The church is in the center of the plaza location, facing
east on an axis with the road to the river. The surroundings
are residential and rural, and it is a historic district.
The camposanto is within the church yard and many of the
markers date from the nineteenth century. A solid rock wall
76
five feet high, built in 1806, surrounds the church
camposanto.4
The foundation is made in stone, over which lay the adobe
walls. In the interior the walls are plastered and painted.
On the exterior they are stuccoed and painted white.
Some moderate alterations are a pitched roof and a
dropped ceiling to cover the original beams. It was altered
around 1880-90. There were two significant additions: the
towers added in 1850-60 (estimated) and the sacristy and
chapel, the date of which is unknown.
The style is classified by the Johnson-Nestor Survey as a
Spanish Colonial Baroque style. Buildings in this style share
many features with the Mission Revival. Its distinctive
feature is shallow relief decoration of stone, cast stone, or
terra-cotta.5
It has a cruciform plan with transepts about nine feet
long. The chancel has a rectangular shape and is narrower
than the nave. The nave has two windows on each side and the
transepts have one on each side, one looking north and the
other facing south. The rectangular shape of the windows was
changed to pointed arches. They are four by four double-hung
in wood frames. One of the peculiar architectural features is
the clerestory visible in the attic, which is covered. Other
features are the two towers on the side of the nave, and the
recent portico at the front door. The windows and doors are
probably not original (Illustrations 16 and 22 in pocket).
San Jose del Vado at San Jos6
Historic and current name: San Jose del Vado
Parish: San Miguel del Vado in Ribera
Priest: Father Carl Fell
Mayordomo: Mary Ann Vigil
The date of construction is estimated to be around 1880
by the Johnson/Nestor Survey. This is the third oldest church
77
built in the San Miguel del Vado Land Grant. Historically, it
was a mission church and, today, the mass is celebrated once a
month by the Father Fell, priest in charge of the mission.
The location of the church is in the middle of the
village's plaza, facing east. This is the biggest plaza among
the ten villages, and it is surrounded by private residential-
rural houses and the historical Post Office. The church is
enclosed by a plaster stone wall which has a chain link fence
above it, and the north, east and south areas of the yard are
occupied by the camposanto. Some of the burials in the yard
date from the 1880s.
The foundation of the church is stone with a concrete
skirt. The walls are adobe with stucco over them. The
interior walls are finished with painted mud inside and the
exterior in white. The roof was probably originally flat.
The ceiling is covered with a white pressed board which does
not permit one to see the original beams. Today the roof is
pitched with corrugated metal covering it.
The church is classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as
New Mexico Vernacular style. This style is characterized by
the use of adobe as a building material for walls and gabled
roofs covered with corrugated metal. The buildings are
usually long and narrow and the exterior ornamentation is
usually quite limited. Specific characteristics of this style
will generally vary through the time.6
It has a typical cruciform-plan with transepts no wider
than 13 feet. The sacristy is located in a trapezoidal room
just behind the sanctuary. The nave tends to converge to the
sanctuary and its walls are not perfectly parallel.
The alterations are minor. According to the
Johnson/Nestor Survey, the ceiling was dropped; the windows
are not original; and a steel door-frame has been placed at
the entrance. The windows are now two by two double-hung in
wooden frames. There are no apparent additions. Important
78
architectural features are the belfry, located facing east at
the top of the corrugated roof, the white-washed walls, an
elevated grade which made the building look higher, and a
provisional portico at the entrance which seems to be
removable according to the seasons (Illustration 17 in
pocket).
San Juan Bautista at San Juan
Historic and current name: San Juan Bautista
Parish: San Miguel del Vado
Priest: Father Carl Fell
Mayordomo: Nancy Lucero
The date of construction is estimated to be around 1900.
It has been historically used as a mission church. Today mass
is celebrated once a month by the father of the mission.
The location of the church is within the village along
the roadside. This dirt road runs from north to east. The
church is located near a small garden area that could be a
plaza and the main entrance is facing east. The surroundings
are residential-rural private houses. The camposanto is
located one mile more less south-east of the church on the
Farm Road 41A.
The church was built facing east, and the southwest walls
are facing a slope with a hill behind. The foundation of the
church is stone with a concrete apron surrounding it. There
are three floor vents on the north side of the church and two
more vents on the south. The terrain is not flat and the
sacristy is almost 40 inches higher than the entrance. Four
risers in the porch landing make up the difference. The walls
are made of adobe covered with stucco and painted. There is
no trace of a former flat roof and today it is covered with
pitched corrugated metal that lays on 32 pitched beams.
The church has a cruciform plan with transepts 14 feet
wide. The chancel is narrower than the nave and the sanctuary
79
is located behind it. The chancel and the sanctuary are
rectangular rooms.
The style was classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as
Gothic Revival/Romanesque style. In the Gothic Revival style,
the emphasis is on the vertical. Roofs are steeply pitched.
Steeples are prevalent and windows and doors have pointed
arches. Materials include adobe, wood, and stone or brick.
The Romanesque style employs heavy round arches, rough hewn
stone, irregular massing, broad roof planes, square towers and
recessed windows and entrances.7
The alterations are minimal and the latest improvement
was the patching and painting of the stucco made in 1986.
Some important additions are the fiberglass roof-porch and the
shrine adjacent to the main door. The free-standing bell-
tower is located at the right side of the church, 11 feet
away.
Some characteristic architectural features are the two
over one light double-hung windows and the well paneled wood
door in the main entrance. This church has a special type of
entrance different from the other churches, with the door
located in a square tower which is half the width of the nave
(Illustration 17 in pocket).
Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe
at San Isidro South
Historic and current name: Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe en
San Isidro del Sur
Parish: San Miguel del Vado
Priest: Father Carl Fell
Mayordomo: Orlando Perea
The date of construction of the church is estimated and
the source was given by the former mayordomo Patsy Lucero,
whose grandmother told her the date was 1920. Historic and
present use of the church is as a mission, but the celebration
80
of mass is shared with the church of San Isidro North once
every two months.
The church is located on the side of the road to San
Isidro North, facing a small plaz^. The main entrance of the
church is facing east. The surroundings are residential, the
majority of which are mobile homes. The camposanto is located
around the church enclosed within a three feet tapia rock wall
with wire fence all around. The recent burials are located in
the north corner of the church yard.
The foundations are assumed to be of stone and the walls
are 24 inches wide. The surface is stucco, applied in 1975.
There is no trace that the church had a flat roof in the past.
Today, the corrugated galvanized roof lies on a pitched
wooden structure. The ceiling is covered by a heavy pressed
board, battened. The church interior has been painted several
times over the years and the colors are visible at the base:
red/brown, beige/creme, sky blue and today in white. Two
towers stand at the main entrance and they were repaired in
1984 with new tin.
The church has a single-nave ochavado plan with side
walls slightly converging to the chancel. This is a
trapezoidal room elevated 15 inches from the nave floor.
Traditionally, the ochavado plan had the sacristy connected
with the nave. In this case, the sacristy is connected to the
chancel. The sacristy is located at the left side of the
sanctuary connected by a small door. The floor of the
sacristy is almost three feet lower.
The style has been classified by the Johnson/Nestor
Survey as a Spanish Colonial Baroque style. One of the
architectural features is the unusual octagonal belfry of an
exaggerated height seated over the pitched roof. The bell was
removed when belfries were changed and today they stand on an
attached building located in the yard on the right side of the
church. The main doors are new. Installed in 1986, they have
81
carved wood panels representing the Virgin of Guadalupe and
San Antonio. The nave windows are two sashes, double-hung and
painted white. The front porch was added in 1985 and is a
metal pitched structure covered with a corrugated green
plaster (Illustration 19 in pocket).
San Isidro Labrador at San Isidro North
Historic and current name: San Isidro Labrador en San
Isidro del Norte
Parish: San Miguel del Vado
Priest: Father Carl Fell
Mayordomo: Leroy Gonzales
The date of construction is estimated around 1920-30,
probably after finishing the church at San Isidro South.
Historic and present use of the church is mission. Today,
mass is shared once every two months with the people of San
Isidro South.
The location of the church is in the center of the plaza,
which is located in the center of the town. The main door is
located facing the southeast. The roadways circle the
perimeter of the church yard and the main road passes at the
north end of it. The church yard is raised two feet above the
level of the roads and is surrounded by a tapia wall
approximately 20 to 24 inches wide which has a wire fence all
around it. This wall does not include any camposanto and
there are no apparent graves at the church. The old cemetery
is located more or less at a quarter of a mile north of the
village, the new cemetery was made one mile north from the
former.
The foundation of the church is stone and the walls are
made with double thick adobe. The interior wall finishes are
painted cement and the exterior, plaster. The roof has very
large vigas, approximately 15 inches wide spaced 30 inches
apart. These vigas lie horizontal, supporting a flat roof.
82
In the interior, the vigas are covered by painted pressboard.
Today, a wood pitched structure stands over the flat roof
covered with corrugated galvanized metal deck. The nave has
15 round-shape vigas and the sanctuary has another 12 of the
same kind.
The style of the church was classified by the
Johnson/Nestor Survey as New Mexico Vernacular style. This,
as the one in South San Isidro, has a typical single-ochavado
nave. The sanctuary rises two steps from the nave floor and
has a trapezoidal shape. The sacristy is an attached
structure located at the left side of the nave which connects
to it by a door.
The nave has a special entrance that is narrower than the
nave and a wall thickness that indicates that once towers were
built here and were sometime closed. According to the
Johnson/Nestor Survey, the towers were once exposed on the
exterior and there is an inscription painted in the attic. At
some point in time, the main entrance was changed leveled with
the two exterior towers, in a way that was exposed on the
exterior. The two southern windows, which are not original,
are four by four double-hung in a wood sash painted with a
screen covering them (Illustration 19 in pocket).
Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe at Villanueva
Historic and current name: Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe or
Our Lady of Guadalupe at
Villanueva.
Parish: Our Lady of Guadalupe, Villanueva
San Miguel del Vado Mission
Priest: Father Carl Fell
Deacon: Facundo Rodriguez
Mayordomo: Estela Madrid
According to some sources from the Johnson/Nestor Survey,
the date of construction of the building is estimated to be
83
1790. However, this date is not accurate. Villanueva is part
of the San Miguel Land Grant which was in effect after 1794,
so the church could not have been built in the beginning of
the nineteenth century. Historically, it was always used as a
mission church and today mass is still celebrated every
Sunday. The offices of the parish are in the rectory near the
building.
The church is located on the east side of the plaza,
which is located on the side of the main road that crosses the
town. This church has a special orientation which makes it
different from the other village churches. It is oriented to
the southeast. As the other towns, the church of Villanueva
is surrounded by private houses. The old camposanto is
located in the church yard and some of the graves have marked
dates from the first years of 1880. The church yard is
surrounded with a three feet high stone wall, with a fence at
the top. A new cemetery is located about one mile east from
the village.
The foundation of the structure is stone and the walls
are adobe, about 30 inches wide. The exterior walls are
covered with cement and plaster and are painted white. The
interior is painted plaster, also white. The roof was
originally flat with vigas covered with wooden boards and
earth. Later, wooden trusses were built over the old roof and
a red, painted corrugated metal deck covers the structure.
Classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as Gothic
Revival/ Romanesque style, the church has a typical cruciform
plan with a chancel narrower than the nave. The sanctuary is
a rectangular area which was formerly illuminated with
transepts "dated to be 150 years old" as reported by the
Johnson/Nestor Survey. The transepts are about 17 feet wide
and the nave is the largest in this study after the one in San
Miguel del Vado. It is almost 100 feet from the main entrance
to the sanctuary. The nave has windows only on one side, the
84
typical design found in many of the old mission churches in
New Mexico. They are four by four double-hung in wooden
frames. The sacristy was added in the beginning of the
century. It is located on the right side of Ihe sanctuary and
is a square room two feet beneath the nave level.
An important alteration was done in 1943, when the facade
was changed and covered with a stone veneer and wooden
shingles at the gable. One of the architectural features is
the grotto located at the left side of the yard that is almost
28 feet long (Illustration 16 in pocket).
Nuestra Senora de Esquipula at Sena
Historic and current name: Nuestra Senora de Esquipula at
Sena
Parish: Our Lady of Guadalupe, Villanueva
San Miguel del Vado Mission
Priest: Father Carl Fell
Deacon: Facundo Rodriguez
Mayordomo: Johny Manzaneros
The date of construction is 1908, according to the
Johnson/ Nestor Survey, based on an inscription in the attic.
It is used as a church and mass is celebrated once a month by
the priest of the parish.
The church is located in the center of the plaza which is
located on one side of the road coming from Farm Road 3 to the
banks of the Pecos river. The building is oriented facing the
south. An adobe fence surrounds the church yard and the
camposanto is located within it on the east and west sides. A
very nice wooden structure containing the bell is located at
the northwest corner of the camposanto. The church and
camposanto are surrounded by residential houses.
The foundation of the church is stone set in mud mortar.
The walls are adobe, 32 inches thick, covered with cement
plaster with white paint on the exterior. In the interior.
85
the walls are plastered and painted. The roof is pitched with
corrugated metal and the attic has a round window with
peculiar design. The ceiling is flat timber covered by
painted pressed boards with patterns. The floor of the nave
is unfinished pine plank about four inches wide. The nave has
four windows which have wooden frames painted green and
colored stained glass mixed with plastic colored panels.
Classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as New Mexico
Vernacular style, the church has a typical single-nave plan
with an ochavado at the chancel. The altar located in the
sanctuary is three feet above the nave floor. The sacristy is
located at the right side of the nave which communicates with
it by a door. It seems that the sacristy was an addition but
there is no source to elaborate the date (Illustration 20 in
pocket).
San Antonio de Padua at Pueblo
Historic and current name: San Antonio de Padua at Pueblo
Parish: San Miguel del Vado
Priest: Father Carl Fell
Mayordomo: Daniel Garcia
The date of construction is estimated to be the beginning
of the twentieth century. It is the most recent church built
on the road from San Miguel del Vado to Villanueva village.
The building is used today as a parish church and mass is
celebrated once a month by the priest of San Miguel Mission.
The church is located in a small placita in the center of
the village. It is surrounded with a wire fence and the
camposanto is located at the south and west side of the yard.
The orientation of the building faces the east and it is
surrounded with houses, a majority of which are mobile homes.
The foundation of the building is stone and the walls are
adobe finished on the exterior with cement plaster and painted
dark brown. In the interior, they are plastered and painted
86
white. The roof has a pitched wooden structure and a
corrugated galvanized metal deck cover. In the interior, the
ceiling flat structure is covered with pressed board and
painted light blue. The floors are three-inch-wide pine with
new varnish. The nave has two windows located at the left
side which obviously were altered some time ago and today are
double-hung two by two panels in aluminum. The loft window
may be original, but the front doors made with wood and glass
are not.
The church was classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as
New Mexico Vernacular style. The building has a cruciform
plan with transepts about eight feet long. The sanctuary is a
rectangular area narrower than the nave. An old door located
at one side of the right transept was closed eventually when
the addition of the sacristy was made (Illustration 18 in
pocket) .
Nuestra Senora de los Desamparados
at El Cerrito
Historic and current name: Nuestra Senora de los
Desamparados
Parish: Our Lady of Guadalupe, Villanueva
San Miguel del Vado Mission
Priest: Father Carl Fell
Deacon: Facundo Rodriguez
Mayordomo: Abrahm and Margie Quintana
The date of construction of the building is 1888,
according to a source found in a carved beam. Historically,
and today, it is used as a parish church. Mass is celebrated
once a month by the priest of the mission.
The location of the site is at the center of the village,
in the plaza at the major road intersection. The surroundings
are residential houses but it is not a historic district. The
historic camposanto is located throughout the fenced church
yard and in the church. There is an active cemetery located
87
two miles northeast of the town. The church is oriented
facing south.
The foundation is made of stone with mud mortar. The
walls are adobe and cement p]aster covered with reddish brown
stucco on the exterior and mud plaster painted light blue in
the interior. Originally, the church had a flat roof. Today
the horizontal beams are covered with a white painted pressed
board which was dropped 30 inches from the original ceiling in
1976. These vigas are rectangular six by ten inches spaced
two feet apart. A pitched wooden structure stands above the
flat beams and a corrugated metal deck covers it.
Classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as New Mexico
Vernacular style, the building has a typical single-nave with
the ochavado at the sanctuary. The nave of El Cerrito is the
smallest of the study group. It is about 32 feet long, from
the top of the sanctuary to the entrance. Similar to the
other churches, the sanctuary is elevated two steps from the
nave floor. The nave has two windows, one at each side of the
walls. They are four by four double-hung wood sash.
The church has suffered only minor alterations. Among
the changes of the church structure, the belfry was added and
the bell raised in 1980. The sacristy is a rectangular room
at the right side of the nave which communicates with it by a
32-inch-wide door. It seems that the sacristy was a later
addition, but the date is unknown. The doors and windows are
probably not original (Illustration 20 in pocket).
San Isidro at Gonzales Ranch
Historic and current name: San Isidro at Gonzales Ranch
Parish: Our Lady of Guadalupe, Villanueva
San Miguel del Vado mission
Priest: Father Carl Fell
Deacon: Facundo Rodriguez
Mayordomo: Crist6bal Gonzales
88
The date of construction is estimated to be in the 1930s.
It has always been used as a parish church, where mass is
celebrated once a month by the priest of the mission.
The location of the church is more or less isolated ^nd
it is necessary to take a dirt road to reach the building.
The camposanto is the largest of the group studied, and
surrounds the wire-fenced church yard. The orientation of the
church is facing the east. A well-kept bell stands on the
right side of the church in the yard.
The foundations and walls are stone in lime mortar. The
roof structure consists of two sloped trusses covered with a
corrugated metal deck and painted. In the interior, ceiling
boards follow the roof truss.
Classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as New Mexican
Vernacular style, the church has a single-nave form, with no
ochavado apse. The sacristy is an addition, but the date is
unknown. The sanctuary is a rectangular room with the longest
side as wide as 13 feet. It lies at the northwest corner of
the nave and communicates with the sanctuary. The sanctuary
is raised two steps above the nave and the altar stands one
step above the sanctuary.
One of the peculiar architectural features is the front
porch which was added in 1976. Also, a triangular choir loft
window gives the building a special characteristic. The nave
has four windows at the south side and three at the north.
They are four by four double-hung in frame painted white
(Illustration 18 in pocket).
89
Notes
1 Spanish American Villages of the Pecos River Valley.
(Santa Fe: State Records Center and Archives, 1973)
p. 22.
2 Ibid., p. 23.
3 A Study of the San Miguel del Vado Land Grant.
(Colorado Springs: Colorado College, 1977) p. 14.
4 Report of the Select Committee on the Preservation of
New Mexico Historic churches. Johnson/Nestor Survey.
(Santa Fe: Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1987) p. 14.
5 Ibid., p. 15.
6 Ibid., p. 15.
7 Ibid., p. 14.
CHAPTER VII
RECOMMENDATIONS AND PROPOSAL
Present Situation
In September, 1986, Archbishop Robert F. Sanchez of the
Archdiocesis of Santa Fe, created a committee of members from
the Arehdiocesan College of Consultors to study the situation
of the historic New Mexican churches and to formulate
guidelines which could guide the Archdiocese in determining
their future. This committee was mandated to make a report
and guidelines ready for the Archbishop's and Consultors
review and approval no later than Fall 1987.
The result was the 1987 "Report of the Select Committee
on the Preservation of New Mexico Historic Churches" made by
the Architectural firm of Johnson/Nestor who completed an
architectural survey of historic northern New Mexico
churches. The inventory documents pre-1945 churches in the
northeast section of the state. The churches belonging to
the Upper Pecos Valley were all included in the survey.
The Archdiocese of Santa Fe has over 4 00 churches in its
jurisdiction. According to the Johnson/Nestor Report, not
all of them are historically valuable. The Committee
developed a flexible definition for buildings they considered
should be named historic in New Mexico:
A historic church is any building once used or
being used for the official worship of the Catholic
rite, presently under the legal jurisdiction of the
Archdiocese of Santa Fe, being fifty years old or
better."
After the definition, the committee reviewed all the
churches under the Archdiocese of Santa Fe and discovered
that over 200 churches were qualified to be "historic." But,
90
91
after that, the Archdiocese made a new category of its
historic churches, organizing the buildings into three
classes: the first is a historic church serving the parish
seat, having a resident pastor; the second class includes
numerous mission churches; and the third one includes the
churches which no longer serve worship needs of the local
community at all or have been abandoned.
In either the second or the third class, the Archdiocese
decided not to assume responsibility for any rehabilitation
because of their great number. It also would pledge partial
support and necessary help of interested individuals,
organizations and/or governmental agencies.
The Pecos Valley Hispanic Churches
Of the 10 churches studied in the project, just two of
them, San Miguel del Vado and Our Lady of Guadalupe at
Villanueva, were classified by the Johnson/Nestor Report as
class one priority churches. Three of them received the
second class designation, Nuestra Senora de los Desamparados
at El Cerrito, San Isidro at Gonzales Ranch, and Nuestra
Senora de Esquipula at Sena. The rest were classified as
third class, San Antonio de Padua at Pueblo, Nuestra Senora
de Guadalupe at San Isidro South, San Isidro Labrador at San
Isidro North, San Jos^ del Vado at San Jos6 and San Juan
Bautista at San Juan.
Problems and Recommendations
As was determined in the first chapter, this study is
focused upon the analysis, the identification of problems and
the proposals for preservation. This thesis hopes to set a
model of study which could be used in any other area of the
state. It is necessary to make clear that the proposals for
preservation are only general recommendations. If, in the
future, the Archdiocese of Santa Fe or any private
92
institution decides to do an intervention into any building,
a careful evaluation should be made.
For an evaluation study, a restoration sequence should
be followed. As a general approach, it will be better to
work from the outside toward the inside of the building.
Start from the top and work down. Move from structural
details toward the decorative. One may avoid serious and
costly mistakes by working in a logical sequence completing
each segment before moving on the next major operation.
All 10 churches studied appear to be in good condition.
However, the structures have some problems that need to be
solved as soon as possible. The mayordomos in charge of the
maintenance of the buildings do a good job at each of the
churches. The mayordomos in charge all have keys to enter
the churches and have easy access to all parts of the
structure, including bell towers, roofs and attics. The
churches are, in general, well kept and clean. The altars,
which are always well ornamented are in good condition and
paintings or statues are cleaned at least once a month,
especially when the father of the mission celebrates mass.
The area is not a heavy-rain region, but some inspection
should be made after any major rain or snow fall. There are
no problems in any of the 10 churches from lack of
maintenance.
There were 16 constant structural problems found in the
10 churches and general recommendations were made to correct
them (Illustration 24 in pocket).
1. The usual problem in all adobe structures is from water.
Running water dissolves adobe and washes it away. In
the majority of the buildings, drainage problems have
already been solved by the mayordomos with the help of
people from the community.
In some cases the yard does not drain well and creates
problems near the structure. Also, ponding areas in
93
yard or garden endanger the building, it is necessary
to improve drainage with slight regrading to eliminate
the ponding. A low wall could be built to improve it,
if the surrounding yard needs it.
2. The camposantos are generally well kept, but in some
cases there are burials in bad condition and graves
sunken. The filling and repairing of these graves are
recommended. A meticulous inspection of all yards
should be done in order to make recommendations for the
repair of the walls and chain fences.
3. The surroundings of the buildings, including roadways,
hills or pasture lands, should be watched to improve
run-off. If perimeter roads need attention, they should
be regraded.
4. Generally, the roofs are sound, but small holes in
corrugated roofing may show up. A periodic inspection
is recommended and parts of corrugated roofing soon
should be repaired. The mayordomos should report any
leaks immediately.
5. In some cases, there is a problem with flashing and
loose nails. They should be checked annually.
6. Some buildings have attics and chimneys which are not
sealed and birds tend to fall into wood stoves. The
attics should be sealed to keep the birds out and some
flues should be replaced.
7. In the interior, most of the structures do not have
drastic problems. The ceiling should be observed to see
if any moisture appears. It should be traced to its
source and eliminated.
8. All the churches have wooden board floors which need
annual varnishing and constant checking. Underfloors
should be observed and ventilated.
9. Problems in traditional adobe plastered wall surfaces
caused by water are easily detected. In some
94
Structures, a concrete ribbon footing at the base of the
walls has been added and is today cracking or
separating. It is recommended that corner bases be
regraded. Some concrete plinth should be sloped on top
and kept sealed, so water will not enter and be trapped
next to structure.
10. In all buildings, wall and roof structures appear sound.
Some structures have Portland cement repairs. They all
need periodic inspection. Lime mortar is preferable for
repairs.
11. Pertaining to the wall finishes, there is some minor
cracking of cement plaster and some stucco coating is
peeling. The painting of plaster and stucco needs
annual checking. Joints should be repainted to keep out
moisture and animals.
12. Architectural features, such as wood panels and
shingles, have problems because of infrequent painting
or reapplication of oils. They need to be checked
periodically.
13. In porches, steel frame metal entrances have problems
with water. They need maintenance and a periodic check
of metal deck roofs.
14. Generally, metal and wood plank doors are in good
condition. Routine wood repair and metal painting is
recommended.
15. Almost all the buildings have wood window sashes and in
some cases aluminum frames. Also, colored glass and
plastic panels have been used to decorate the openings
They all look to be in good condition but a periodic
inspection is recommended. Also, the cleaning and
stabilizing of colored panels is recommended.
16. Finally problems with flat window sills were found.
They tend to collect water and divert it to the interior
95
wall. Those sills need to be sloped toward the outside
and the window perimeter sealed.
The following is a general review of the churches, their
particular problems and some recommendations:
San Miguel del Vado
In general the church appears to be in good condition,
is well maintained and the structure in general appears
sound.
One of the problems of the San Miguel church is with
drainage. The grade within the yard wall is three feet above
the adjacent perimeter roads and those walls show water
problems. In the church yard, there are small ponding areas
around the tower and transepts and others more serious along
the north nave wall and the wall adjacent to the tower.
The roof has numerous small holes in the metal deck that
need repair. The walls could need some repair in the base,
but seem stable. The structure of the walls and ceiling
appears sound. The last repair to the wall was made in the
1960s, and minor cracking of cement plaster has begun to
show. Windows and sills all need exterior repair and
repainting. A new ceiling and trim covers the beams and
corbels. The original should be restored.
San Jos6
The church appears to be in good condition. It is well
maintained and the structure appears sound.
Relative to the drainage, it is necessary to check the
difference in levels between the church and its yard, which
is on a higher grade than the adjacent plaza. There is a
small ponding area on the southwest side and a sink hole at
the northeast corner.
The present roof was installed in the 1950s and recently
repaired. The corrugated roofing needs to be replaced. The
96
walls have a concrete ribbon at the perimeter which is
falling down and needs to be repaired. The walls appear
sound. The paint and some stucco is spalling and some
repairs are needed here.
The wood sash windows with horizontal lights appear to be
recent installations. The steel frame metal at the entrance
door has some sidelights that need attention. In general,
the church appears to be in acceptable condition. Some vigas
and corbel ends are visible at the exterior, but, in the
interior, they are covered with a sheet rock ceiling.
San Juan
Generally it seems that the church is well maintained
and in good condition. The base of the adjacent hill has
been graded and a ditch canal was cut out to divert water
around the building.
The corrugated metal roofing, as well as the fiber glass
roof of the porch, appears to be in good shape. The base of
the walls has a crack between the concrete ribbon footing and
the wall. The walls and roof structure appear to be sound.
There is some minor cracking on the wall surfaces. The
stucco was patched and repainted last year. The windows need
to be painted. The nave and chancel windows have colored
glass that needs to be cleaned.
San Isidro South
The building is in good condition, but apparently is not
very well kept by the mayordomos, at least with respect to
the camposanto and exterior walls. It needs improved
drainage away from drip lines. Sunken graves should be
filled. The octagonal belfry needs to be repainted and
sealed because of problems with birds. The church interior
is in good condition. The ceiling was replaced in 1986 with
a white, painted, heavy battened pressboard. The towers have
97
new tin, which was installed in 1984 and new front doors were
installed in 1986.
San Isidro North
The general condition of the building is good. It is
well maintained and the structure appears sound. The site
drainage can be improved along the wall, especially at north
end and at the southeast corner. The church yard is raised
two feet above the roads. Some regrading should be done
first and then drainage away from the walls must be provided.
The roof appears to be in good shape and the mayordomo
said they check nailing anchorage and flashings annually.
The ground needs some regrading at the base of the walls,
because some adobes are in close contact with the damp
ground. The windows sills are flat and need to be sloped and
painted. In the interior a wood plank floor has recently
been painted with enamel. The ceiling has a heavy pressboard
that covers the vigas.
Villanueva
Of all the 10 churches studied, Villanueva is the best
maintained and the one that has suffered more changes and
repairs after San Miguel del Vado. In general, it appears to
be in good shape on the exterior, as well as on the interior.
It needs some work, particularly the roof drip lines which
need some regrading. The interior yard drainage is
problematic, especially in winter or in heavy rains. The
roof receives periodic inspection and appears in good
condition.
The base of the walls has a concrete ribbon cemented to
the building that avoids any problems with water. The
surface of the walls was recently painted in 1986. In the
interior, the vigas and the corbels are exposed. They appear
98
to be in good shape. A tapestry, made in 1986, hangs along
the walls of the nave and dipicts the story of the village.
A fire in January, 1986, destroyed much of the convento
and rectory which are attached. These structures are being
renovated completely with new roof structures and interior
partitioning.
Sena
The condition of the church is good and it is well
maintained by the mayordomos. The site drainage appears to
be good. The north run-off from the hill should be watched.
The roof was replaced during the 1960s and is in good
condition. The base of the walls is concrete added four
years ago. It should be sloped on the top and sealed to the
building. The structure in general is well preserved and the
wall was repainted in 1984.
El Pueblo
The church appears to be in good condition and is well
maintained by the mayordomos. It needs some site work for
drainage and a slight regrading to eliminate ponding. The
trees to the north (by the sacristy) and to the north
transept should probably be removed before large roots damage
the foundations.
The roof looks good and there are no water stains on the
interior. The mayordomos do periodically examine the
structure. The wall bases have a concrete ribbon footing
which was added in 1983, because of the adobe crumbling. It
should be kept sealed next to the wall so water will not
enter and be trapped next to the structure. Aluminum windows
were installed about 1983 and the porch was added in 1986.
99
El Cerrito
The church is in good condition. It seems that the
mayordomos do the cleaning every two months or more. The
yard generally drains well and away from the structure. At
the southwest corner, we can find a pond that needs regrading
to the west.
The roof needs annual inspection, but there are no leaks
at present day. The wall's base needs to be regraded at the
southwest corner. The structure appears sound, but the
stucco needs some minor repairs. A stucco coat was installed
three years ago. It is also necessary to replace the wire
fence, which is not in good condition.
Gonzales Ranch
This church is the most recent of the project and seems
to have not suffered any radical changes or repairs since the
construction. As site work, the drainage needs to correct a
low spot on the southeast corner of the church yard. All the
burials in the camposanto are well kept and clean.
In general, the roof is in good condition, but the edge
of the sacristy needs new flashings. The wall base maintains
the drainage but needs to be repointed as necessary. The
structure incorporates Portland cement in some areas and
mortar has been used for repairs. Lime mortar will be
preferable for repairs.
The finish is in good condition but needs to be
periodically repointed to keep out moisture. The windows
have slope sills that seem to be in good shape and help the
water to drain efficiently.
100
Conclusion
The conservation and restoration of cultural heritage is
an activity deemed a necessity to identify the historic
development. We understand that conservation seeks to avoid
the loss of forms from the past. Any rehabilitation work
should not destroy the distinguishing qualities or character
of the building and its surroundings. As a guideline,
deteriorated architectural features should be repaired rather
than replaced. If any new material is installed, it should
match with the old material.
Repeating the words of John L. Kessell, at what time in
history should a church be "frozen." For example, at the
church of San Miguel del Vado: Should the towers be raised
as they were during the first decade of the twentieth
century, as Lieutenant Abert saw them in 184 6, or as
chronicles described them at the beginning of the nineteenth
century?
The decision should be made, but never trying to do an
artificial retrogresion. If the church of San Miguel del
Vado had a flat mud roof in the past, and Gonzales Ranch
never had it, the Gonzales Ranch church can not follow San
Miguel plans for restoration. Gonzales Ranch never had a
flat roof, and should never have one. The restoration of a
building should be serious and not artificial.
REFERENCES
Primary Sonrc< :>c,
Archdiocese of Santa Fe Archives. Santa Fe, New Mexico.
Museum of New Mexico Archives. Santa Fe, New Mexico.
State Records and Archives. Santa Fe, New Mexico.
Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University. Misiones d^
Nuevo HeiiCO. Documentos del Archive General de Indias
Microfilm
interview with Father Carl Fell. Priest in charge of the San
Miguel del Vado Mission. July 1988.
Author's field drawings and notebooks.
Books
Armitage, Merle. Pagans. Conguistadores. Hf^roes and Mart-yr-c
The Spiritual Conouest of America. Fresno: Academy
Guild Press, 1960.
Baird, Joseph A. Jr. The Churches of New M^^xi en. 1530-1810.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957.
Bandelier, Adolph F. A V isit to the Aboriginal Rnins nf l-h^
Valley of the Rio Pecos. Boston: Papers of the
Archaeological Institute of America, Vol. 1, No. 2,
1881.
. Historical Introduction to studies among the
Sedentary Indians of New Mexico. Report of the Ruins of
the Pecos Pueblo. Boston: Archaeological Institute of
America, 1883.
and Hewitt, Edgar. Indians of the Rio Grande
Valley. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1937.
Beck, Warren A. New Mexico: A History of Four Centuries.
Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962.
101
102
oenfavinf-^, 1f^?0. Translated by Edward E Haves
Albuquerque: Horn and Wallace, 1965.
^'''T54 2"-'TnT or'ig'^',"^-;' ^'^^^-^^^J-n in tn- ^ MM.U I
H i s t ^ ^ JllV'V'J'^'''^''^'''^'' "^ ^^^^v American
nig^ory. New York: Schribner, 1916.
Bullock, Alice. The Mountain Vill.gpo. Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press, 1973.
Bunting Bainbridge. Earlv Architecfnr.. ^n M... ^-i -
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1976.
Coan, Charles F. History of New Mexico. Chicago: American
Historical Society, 1925.
Creutz, William and Rasor, Ann. Pecos: A Trail r,iiid^ ^n fi^o
National Monument, New Mexico. Globe, Az: Southwest
Park and Monuments Association, 1987.
Diffie, Bailey W. Latin American Ci vi 1 i .^.^ n'nn Harrisburg,
Pa: Stockpole, 1945.
Dominguez, Fr. Francisco Atanasio. The Missions of N^W
Mexico,1776. Translated and annotated by Eleanor B.
Adams and Fr. Angelico Chavez. Albuquerque: University
of New Mexico Press, 1956.
Duffus, Robert L. The Santa Fe Trail. New York: Longmans &
Green, 1930.
Ellis, Richard. New Mexico: Past and Present. Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press, 1971.
Fergusson, Erna. New Mexico. New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1951.
Forrest, James T. New Mexico: A Student's Guide to Localizpd
History. New York: Teachers College Press, Columbia
University, 1971.
Gregg, Andrew K. New Mexico in the Nineteenth Century.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1969.
Hackett, C.W. ed. Historical Documents Relating to New
Mexico. Nueva Viscaya and Approaches Thereto.
Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute, 1923-1927.
103
''^''W';"o's^"r,r^;n/"^^^^^ Of ^Fero.; ^ Legal Hi< -tnry nf trrn
recQf? (irant, 1^00-1^^3. Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press, 1984.
" " ^ ^ ^ T n ^ d ^ P ^ ' . ^ ^ T * . ^ I V ^ r Nl i ne7 c a b e z a d e V a c a - Th e . T n n r n . y
ana Route of t>ie F;crst F,uropean to cross the rnnt-in^n^ ^-F
NarlLk America r l^^^-l'S?^. Glendale: Arthur H. Clark
Company, 1939.
Land of the Conguistadores Idaho: The Caxton
Printers Ltd., 1950.
Harvey, John. The Cathedrals nf gp^jp New York: Hastings
House, 1957.
Hayes, Alden C. The Four Chnrche< . of Vf^m-^ Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press, 1974.
Hewett, Edgar L. and Fisher, Reginald G. Mission Monuments
Albuquerque: Univesity of New Mexico Press, 1943.
Horgan, Paul. Lamy of Santa Fe. New York: Farrar, Straus
and Giroux, 1975.
Inman, Henry. The Old Santa Fe Trail. New York: Charles
Schibner's Sons, 1893.
Jenkins, Myra E. and Schroeder, Albert H. A Brief History of
New Mexico. Albuquerque: Published for the Cultural
Properties Review Committee of New Mexico. University
of Mexico Press, 1974.
Jones, Oakah L. Los Paisanos: Spanish Settlers on the
Northern Frontier of New Spain. Norman: University
of Oklahoma Press, 1979.
Kessell, John L. Kiva, Cross and Crown: The Pecos Indians
and New Mexico, 154Q-184Q. Washington, D.C.: National
Park Service, 1979.
The Missions of New Mexico since 1776.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1980.
Kubler, George. The Religious Architecture of New Mexico
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1972.
104
Lindford, Dee and Lingle, Robert T. The Perns pi..or
CQnUm.S.SiOn of New Mexico and Tevas» A Report of a decade
Qt progress 1950-1^60. Compiled under the direction of
the Pecos River Commission. Santa Fe: The Rydal Press,
1961.
Lummis, C.F. Land of Poco Tiempn. New York: Charles
Schribner's Sons, 1893.
Mann, E.B. and Harvey, Fred E. New Mexico: Land of
gnchantment. East Lansing: Michigan State University
Press, 1955.
Meyer, Rev. Theodosius, O.F.M. Saint Francis and the
Franciscans in New Mexi en, Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press, 1926.
Mirsky, Jeannette. Houses of God: History of Religious
Architecture. New York: Viking Press, 1965.
Moorman, John. A History of the Franciscan Order. Oxford:
Oxford Press, 1968.
New Mexico, a Guide to the Colorful State. New Mexico
Writer's Program. New York: Hastings House, 1953.
Pearce, Thomas M. New Mexico Place Names: A Geographical
Dictionary. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico
Press, 1965.
Prince, Bradford L. Spanish Mission Churches of New Mexico.
Cedar Rapids: The Torch Press, 1915.
Randolph, Daniel E. The Franciscan Concept of Mission in the
High Middle Ages. Lexington: University Press of
Kentucky, 1975.
Richard, Ellis. New Mexico: Past and Present. Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press, 1971.
Roberts, Calvin A. and Susan A. New Mexico. Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press, 1988.
Salpointe, Most Rev. J.B. .^^nidiers of the Cross.—Notes on
1-he F.cciesiasticai Hi.'^^fnry of New Mexico. Arizona and
Colorado. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1967.
105
Sandford, Trent E. The Arrhiterture nf tv.e c^nthTrrt'
Indian, Spanish, ?^merir-r^n. New York: W.W. Norton &
Company, Inc., 1959.
Scholes, France V. Church and state in xr^.. M-Ti —
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1937.
Sylvest, Edwin E. Motifs of Francic,n;.n Mi.<,.c,ion Then^y ^n th-
Sixteenth Centurv. New Spain, Province nf fhe Hnly
Gospel. Washington: Academy of American Franciscan
History, 1975.
Tate, Bill. The Penitentes of the Sangre de Cristo,
Truchas: Tate Gallery, 1967.
Twitchell, Ralph E. Leading Facts of New Mexico History.
Cedar Rapids: The Torch Press, 1911-1917.
Spanish Archives of New Mexico. Cedar Rapids:
The Torch Press, 1914.
Urbanismo Espanol en America. Institute de Cultura
Hispaniea. Madrid, Espana: Graficas Reunidas, S.A.,
1976.
Wellman, Paul. Glory, God and Gold. Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleway & Co., 1954.
College Publications
A Study of the San Miguel del Vado Land Grant. Anthropology
Department. Colorado Springs: Colorado College, 1977.
Barber, Ruth K. "Indian Labor in the Spanish Colonies."
Thesis (M.A.) Duke University, 1931.
Barnes, Thomas C. Northern New Spain: A Research Guide.
Tucson: University of Aizona Press, 1981.
Cooper, John M. "Analysis of the Missionary's Role in
Culture Change." Thesis (B.G.S.) Texas Tech University,
1985.
Kidder, Alfred V. Pecos. New Mexico: ArchaeolQaical Notes.
Andoner, Mass.: Papers of the Robert S. Peabody
Foundation for Archaeology, 1958.
106
''''^Txn''a'n.?n''''^%lV "^^^ ^ ° ^ ^ °^ ^^^ Franciscans in the
?^5n n Su°^.^^^ Northern Frontiers of New Spain, 1525-
1760." Thesis (M.A.), Texas Tech University; 1969.
PublicationQ
Chavez, Fr. Angelico. "Penitentes of New Mexico." New
M e x i c o H i s t o r i c a l Re Tr i e w, V o l XXI X, 1 9 5 4 .
Miller, Michael. "A Heritage of Faith: Churches of Earth."
New Mexico Magazine, Feb. 1986, p. 26-33.
Nostrand, Richard L. "The Century of Hispano Expansion."
New Mexico Historical Review. V ol. LXII, Oct. 1987,
p. 361-386.
Report of the Select Committee on the Preservation of New
Mexico Historic Churches. Johnson/Nestor Survey.
Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1987.
Robinson, Willard B. and Jean M. "Historic Mountain Churches
of Mexico." New Mexico Magazine, Oct. 1987, p.13-29.
Scholes, France V. "Supply Service of the New Mexican
Missions in the Seventeenth Century." New Mexico
Historical Review. Vol V, No 1-4, 1938, p. 35-67.
Spanish-American Villages of the Pecos River Valley. State
Records Center and Archives. Santa Fe, NM, 1976.
Twitchell, Ralph E. "Spanish Colonization in New Mexico in
the Onate and De Vargas Periods." New Mexico Historical
Review, V ol. XXII, 1939, p. 2-23.
APPENDIX A
REPORT OF BENAVIDES AND BETANCOUR 1630-1680
(List of the Pueblos with their Missions and Visitas recorded
by the Father Fray Benavides in 1630 and Father Fray
Betancour in 1680. Charles F. Coan, History of New Mexico.
Chicago: American Historical Society, 1925.)
hJ^: It was the seat of the mission San Gregorio in the
Salinas Valley. It has two visitas: TenabO and Tabira.
Fiveteen leagues E of this mission were the Christian Jumano
who were served by the friar of Quaray. Hab.:800 (1680)
ACOMA: Twelve leagues W of Santa Ana. It had been brought
under Spanish control in 1629. There was one friar at the
mission. The mission was called San Esteban. Hab.:2000 (1630)
ALAMEDA: It was the seat of the mission Santa Ana. Hab.:300
(1680)
ALAMILLO: Seat of the mission of Santa Ana. Hab.:300 (1680)
CHILILI: It was converted by friar Alonso Peinado, who
established the mission of Natividad. It was the most
northern of the pueblos at Salinas Valley.
COCHITI: It was three leagues from Santo Domingo. Pop.: 300
(1680) The friar escaped in 1680.
GALISTEO: S It was the seat of the mission of Santa Cruz. 800
Tano Indians. The visita was San Cristobal. Friar Juan Bernal
and friar Domingo de Vera were killed at the Pueblo Revolt of
1680.
HOPI PUEBLOS: In Spanish times called Moqui. Pop.: 10,000
Indians who were rapidly converted.
107
108
Aguatobi: Seat of the mission of San Bernardino
Oraibi: Seat of the mission of San Francisco.
It had a visita called Gualpi.
Xongopaxi: It was the seat of the mission of
San Bartolome. Visita called Moxainabi.
ISLETA: It was the seat of mission of San Antonio. Pop.:
2,000 (1680) . A convent was built by friar Juan de Salas.
There were seven Spanish ranches in the vicinity.
JEME2: It was the seat of the mission of San Diego. Pop.:
5,000 (1680). It was in charge of friar Juan de Jesus,
killed also in 1680.
NAMPg: It was the seat of the mission of San Francisco. It
had two visitas: Jacona and Cuyamungue. Pop.: 600. Friar
Tom^s de Torres was killed while serving in 1690.
PECOS: It was a pueblo of the Jemez nation and language.
Pop.: 2,000 (1630). Pecos was located on the Quivira frontier
in a wooded country. The mission had the name of Our Lady of
Los Angeles of Poreiuneula.
PICURIS: It was a pueblo of the Tiwa nation. Picuris was the
seat of the mission of San Lorenzo. Pop.: 3,000 (1680).
PIRO: It was the southernmost nation of New Mexico, consisted
of fifteen pueblos of 6,000 Indians all baptized. Located
from Senecu to Sevilleta along both sides of the Rio Grande.
Three missions:
Nuestra Senora del Socorro
San Antonio de Senecu
San Juan Obispo de Sevilleta
PUARAY: It was the seat of the mission of San Bartolome.
Pop.: 2000. The Indian name means worms.
QUARAY: Inhabitated by Tiwa Indians with Piro language. Pop.:
600. They were converted by friar Perea who founded the
mission of Concepci6n.
109
QUERES: Keres, was a nation north of Tiwa. There were seven
pueblos and three missions having a population of 4,000
Indians (1630).
SANPIA: It had a population of 3000 Tiwa Indians. Friar
Esteban de Perea founded the mission San Francisco de Sandia.
SAN FELIPE; It was a Keres pueblo with a population of 6000.
The mission was founded by friar Crist6bal Quinones.
SAN ILPgFQNSQ: It was two leagues from Jacona and had a
population of 8000. Friar Luis Morales and Antonio Sanchez de
Pro were killed in 1680.
SAN JUAN DE LQS CABALLEROS: It was a visita of San Ildefonso.
Population of 300 Indians.
SAN MARCOS: It was located NE of Santo Domingo. It has two
visitas: San Lcizaro and Ci^naga. Friar Manuel Tinoco was the
missionary of the pueblo.
SANTA CLARA: It was a visita of San Ildefonso. Population of
600.
SANTA FE: Was the villa of the Province. It had 250
Spaniards and 700 Indians.
SANTO DOMINGO: North of of San Felipe, was one of the best
convents in the Province. In 1680 3 friars were killed.
SENECU: Seat of the mission of San Antonio. It was founded
in 1630 by friar Antonio Arteaga.
SEVILLETA: It was a Piro Pueblo. Set of San Luis Obispo de
Sevilleta.
SOCORRO: It was the seat of the mission of Nuestra Senora del
Socorro. It had a population of 600 and was founded by friar
Garcia de Zuniga.
TANO: There were five pueblos extending over an area of 10
leagues. All of the 4,000 Indians were baptized. There was
one mission in the district (1630).
TAOS: It was a pueblo of the same nation as the Picuris (but
another language). Population of 1,500 Indians. There was a
110
mission with two friars. It was the seat of the mission of
San Ger6nimo.
TAJXQUB: It was the seat of the mission of San Gregorio.
Pop.: 300. At the time of the Pueblo Revolt in 1680 the friar
escaped. The mission at this time was called San Miguel.
TSSUQUE: it had a population of 200 Tewa Indians. The mission
was called San Lorenzo.
TEWA: It was a nation west of Santa Fe. There were eight
pueblos of 6000 Indians and three missions. Those were the
first natives to be baptized.
TAMP IRQ: Fourteen or fifteen pueblos with a population of
10,000 Indians. Six missions in 1630.
ZU5?I: Eleven or twelve pueblos. There were two missions.
Aquico: Mission of Concepci6n and Alona: Mission of Purisima
Concepci6n. Two visitas: Mazqui and Caquima.
APPENDIX B
REPORT OF ATANASIO DOMINGUEZ 177 6
(Description made by Father Francisco Atanasio Dominguez.
The Missions of New Mexico, 1776. Translated and annotated
by Eleanor B. Adams and Fr. Angelico Chavez. Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press, 1956.)
- CENTER AND CAPITAL OF THE KINGDOM:
Villa Q£ Santa Fe: Our Seraphic Father Saint Francis
Chapel of Our Lady of the Light (17 60).
Chapel of San Miguel (built before 1680, rebuilt 1710).
- RIO ARRIBA:
Tesuque: Mission of San Diego de Tesuque (1706).
Nambe: Mission Our Father Francisco de Nambe (1613).
Poioaque: Mission of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de
Pojoaque (1765) .
San Ildefonso: Mission of San Ildefonso (1711).
Santa Cruz de la Canada: Mission of the Villa Nueva de
la Santa Cruz de la Canada (1695).
San Juan: Mission of San Juan de los Caballeros (church
demolished with the Pueblo Revolt and built during the
Reconquest).
Picuris: Mission of San Lorenzo de Picuris (17th century
church).
Las Tramoas: Mission of Santo Tomas Apostol del Rio de
las Trampas (15 92).
Taos: Mission of San Jer6nimo de Taos (1726).
Santa Clara: Mission of Santa Clara (1756) .
Abiquiu: Mission of Saint Rose of Lima (1730).
Ill
112
•RIO ABA JO:
Santo Domingo: Mission of Our Father Santo Domingo
(existed before the revolt of 1680).
Sandia: Mission of Nuestra Senora de los Dolores (1748).
Albuquerque: Mission of Saint Francis Xavier of
Albuquerque (1706).
X^mk: Mission of Nuestra Senora de la Concepci6n de Tome
Dominguez de Mendoza (1739).
Cochiti: Mission of San Buenaventura de Cochiti (17 63).
San Felipe; Mission of San Felipe de Jesus (1696-1706)
In 1693 De Vargas founded San Felipe at a new site.
Santa Ana: Mission of Santa Ana (1694) Another church
was built (1706).
Zia: Mission of Nuestra Senora de la Asunci6n de Zia
(1613). Erased after the Reconquest (1692).
Jemez: Mission of San Diego de Jemez (1672) Rebuilt
after the Pueblo Revolt (1680).
Laguna: Mission of Senor San Jos6 de la Laguna (17th
century) New church was built (1706).
Acoma: Mission of San Esteban de Acoma (17th century).
Zuni: Mission of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de Zuni
(1629) .
Isleta: Mission of San Agustin de la Isleta (1613)
Reconstruction of church (1710).
Pecos: Mission of Nuestra Senora de los Angeles de
Poreiuneula (1619) New church was built (1710).
Galisteo: Mission of Nuestra Senora de los Remedies de
Galisteo (17th century) Church rebuilt (1693).
APPENDIX C
SAN MIGUEL DEL VADO LAND GRANT CENSUS
((Based in A study of the San Miguel del Vado Land Grant,
Colorado Springs: Colorado College, 1973)
YEAR VILLAGE POPULATION CENSUS
1850 La Cuesta (now Villanueva) 2196 7th Census
San Miguel 2088
1860
1870
Villanueva
San Miguel
San Jose
El Pueblo
La Cuesta
El Cerrito
El Puertocito (now Sena)
TOTAL
La Cuesta
San Miguel
San Jose
El Puertocito
El Pueblo
697
546
429
401
378
163
57
2671
660
563
489
349
292
8th Census
9th Census
El Cerrito (was sensed, not record)
TOTAL 2352
113
114
1890
1900
1910
1920
San Jos6
San Miguel
La Cuesta
El Cerrito
El Pueblo
Puertocito
TOTAL
San Jose
Puertocito
La Cuesta
San Miguel
El Pueblo
El Cerrito
TOTAL
San Jose
La Cuesta
San Miguel
El Pueblo
El Cerrito
Puertocito
TOTAL
La Cuesta
San Jos6
Ribera
San Miguel
El Pueblo
Puertocito
El Cerrito
Gonzales Ranch
TOTAL
483
475
462
331
296
193
2240
606
498
489
450
300
136
2479
594
471
426
344
306
301
2392
592
426
311
285
282
245
165
208
2514
11th Census
12th Census
13th Census
14th Census
115
1930 San Jos6
La Cuesta
Ribera
Fl Pueblo
Puertocito
San Miguel
El Cerrito
Gonzales Ranch
TOTAL
556
466
327
272
247
217
118
290
2493
15th Census
* In 1935 the Precinct #54 Lovato was created from the Precinct
#56 Gonzales Ranch.
1940 San Jose
La Cuesta
Puertocito
El Pueblo
Ribera
San Miguel
Lovato
El Cerrito
TOTAL
613
560
324
306
303
192
116
136
2550
16th Census
1950
San Jose
La Cuesta
Ribera
Puertocito
El Pueblo
San Miguel
Lovato
El Cerrito
TOTAL
321
317
231
175
169
108
75
54
1450
(17th Census)
PERMISSION TO COPY
In presenting this thesis In partial fulfillment of the
requirements for a master's degree at Texas Tech University, I agree
that the Library and my major department shall make it freely avail-
able for research purposes. Permission to copy this thesis for
scholarly purposes may be granted by the Director of the Library or
my major professor. It is understood that any copying or publication
of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my
further written permission and that any user may be liable for copy-
right infringement.
Disagree (Permission not granted) Agree (Permission granted)
Student's signature
Date
Date
nmwA 0/A33J JH± JQ
/i7"~sT-\. •- wjil ]w pr.\ .4p^Bfc W. Wl / */ • Wft
H3 3I NVdSI H
JL. y . O<
UJ3 p
a:
>-
<
z
UJ
_1
<
IT
<
2
< <
8 =
5
8
X
Ui
z
»
o
o
8:
3 £
6 i
CM I THTWA O/^QTJ m± JO
(i^ J?l IITI J ci 13 3INVdSIH
UI
x z 8 5
s
IT
>-
<
z
l l J
<
1 2E
3 2
o u
y
CO
ui
I -
3
o
Q:
ii
UJ K-^
a. u>
X X T
UJ CO
UJ z
» - ; ?
i CO
<n
a:
o
- 3
<
o
lO
^ i
CO
o
_l
m
UJ
Q.
£ ^^
o ?5
I "^ - i
I O3
llJ t>
°^ >\
<
^ !i! m
o £ 5
!^ « 5
z
wO
^ i
ro
-i> —
33d 3HX JO
H3 3INVdSI
>• > -
I i
X
Vi
is; ;
>-
I -
Z
UJ
o
X
I -
z
UJ
UI
h-
JZ
CD
UJ
2
(0
— OT
<
Z Z
; §
So
g o
« o
z5
& S fe & & Ss IS i
- ti ri A n It '^ •>
^i
a:
3
h-
Z
UJ
o
X
h-
Z X
UI
UI
K -
Z
UJ
>
UI
CO
o
00
(O
I
O ^
lo Q:
«>3
~ o
z ^
3= UJ
OT;
ili UJ
_i m
< S
g "^
CO
CO
, S g
i °- £
-8 "
u Z P
s
>
Ui
Z
ft
8
z
5
g I s;
r
ut
I
.•; I S; ' ".
v^
•.^-•••^: 1
x \
V \~-
V.
, X"
. \ M 1
x \ V i
•V 1
g "5
M 8 "
y « «
<C O 3
2 3 I
• TI-1-IWA o ^33d 3H ± JO
13 3iNVdSIH
5
F c o S i
a: g**-
WUJ u. «
< > o ^
uj^yi
^ 8
_i
3 i
p<t o I
X I
a:
3
L^
2 S
So Z
>-
tr
3
»-
UI
o
X
H-
UJ
»-
z
UI
^
h-
co
UJ
H
Z
3
«
(0
UJ
t -
S
T
A

O
o
X
UJ
•$
UJ
^
H-
Z
UJ
CO
UJ
Q:
Q.
i i
! «
u. E
o o
" z
4ii
z y-
o o
sis
CO
>-
3
1-
Z
III
o
X
z UI
UI
UJ
y^
z
(T
o
1-
o:
a:
UJ
1-
A
R
,

1
C
I
V

^ CO
1 -
o
u.
T
E
S

3
T
R
A
I
L
S
,

R
O

I
O
N

A
N
S

a.
X
UJ
o
z
<
H
I
S
P


8
> §
V
A
L
L

(
C
O
L

L
U
I
S

Z
o
- 1 CO UJ
I ^
X
<-) <I
¥ I
fe £
S P
a
Z UI
K
» 0-
2 °
12 a
K »
fc 8
^1
5 S
5 I
9 §
I i
cr c
I
IT) ' TTTV#A ori oqjj TH± JO
/ —I ' . . \ZT/ IS 1^ c^^B-^i:,^ '^^ _ J %_ • _ J I I " _ > %^
^^"'^iiMfi^'iMii 1=13 OI NVdSI H
'<^.:
ir' ,.-,j?' fifj*' Ii !5J *
5^ 5
> -
or
3
Ul
o X
H-
Uj
I -
z
UJ
I -
UJ
O
z
UJ
UJ
I -
Ul
z
i_ ^ ir
®
'•• 2
Q:
3
i-
Z
UI
o
UI
I -
X
CD
UJ
5 z
Ui f
lit Ui
% z
I
3 <
0 y
y ^-
U UJ
1 «
3 <^
ut ri
I
fe 3
Zi
z o
U Q
£ X
1
; o
33d 3H± JO
AD 3I NVdSI H
ujb t §
w 154 a
^ 8
<
<
>-
- I
Ui
S
O U.
mil
N:-^
re t.
1
'V ii \iwi)L.-a'Hti
l|
rv
15
o
Z
o
i
UJ
- J
UJ'o
• • • • - \ \
X^ ^ A
N>^-X
\^;-.,;:;
U
o § £ O s
BE J _
<
O
O
- J
z
o
i
UJ
- J
UI °
llj'il
Or
r
^zftr
^
rv
Jl
n
a:
<
<
,—>^—
z
<I
i
t
"-/Vv^v-^ C .
a
^^^"* ' ""33d 3H± JO
13 3i NVdSI H
o
>-
<
I
<
5
> •
UJ
^C VJ
3
CO
ed
3 :i
0>
o
I -
UJ
_J
UJc
<-
2t i
wSt
y-:.
i-^ s~U'
r , N ^ i
5'
o
Q
Oui S
o yj> <
UJ
_ l .
1x1°
UlC
Q -
C O«
k'A
z
<
-J
Q.
o;
o;
00
I t mwA o n 3 3 j 3HX JO
13 OINVdS IH
Si
X 3
5 i <
a u.
X
o s
i.
i^szs^ss^si
|-.,Vl-W>V,l.V-,^ M
to
a
•St
z
g
I
UI
_ j
Ulo
< :
r-JS
e '^ i,
z
o
I
UJ
- I .
UJ.?
UIV
9
cn«
• • Q
• m
z
Tl
' OS 1-
i82 2
Z
<
0)
^33d 3H± JO
U*«SJfTII
* «
3 3INVdSIH
111
X. P '
Uj C
iZCO
£
CD
(T
>-
ali i 3
> •
UJ
3
CO
Si
O U.
O 09
S C5
i
o
5
R
O
A
D

E
^
E
avou
g
A
M
P
O
S
A

u
f
(>
U
Iflilii
-;<
'•]
iJi.iTT.
IHK
Vl
i If
^1
D
5)s;
X\\\~'.
= 5
1 2
O
o ^
^
fete
o
«
Z
o
i
UJ
_l=
UJ-
Ul i
9
t/i
l i _ K
—33d 3H± JO
c5^
«n wi' / f g ^. iS'
zK/i-z/ •••~^ j>; r»i i g j s 13 3I NVdSI H
8
a:
>•
<
z
UJ
2
>-
UI
^
X «0
o —
Q
Z
Ui
a I
>
.. uj
o
o
M
z
g
I
UI
_ I .
UI.?
< ^
o
UJ
- J.
UI.
UJ =
o
CO
iZE m <5^jr' 033d 3H± JO
^ .zz\ z-ii ^aJs5@ g r 3 3I NVdSI H
gb
co ^
^ 3
^1
2
^
Z
UJ
<2
cr
<
a:
>-
UI
3
CO
UI
3
5
5
o
!« z
2 Ui
5 s
ISz
to
o
g
I
UI
- I ' o
U1.1
^k
tz>\ <^^^,:i\^^
z
<
o
CSJ
-.-.-.w. ' - ' - 33d 3H± JO
13 OI NVdSI H
^Ssi
1^1
a.
xz o ^
UI3 3 5
UJ
<
IE
>
3
CO
»
u
3 &
z
I- "
i &z
o
UJ
- 1
UJ'o
f'Z-
o
Z'l
^ ^
' i i j i i l fi l ; :
iJS
i i i
Q
Z u,
g|
o
Q
40
o
«
Z
g
i
UI
- I .
UI ?
UA'm
9-
COS
ri
'z.r~r. \ ; , - K;
=N.f=
H
Si
H
ffl^
o z
5°-
• \y- .
I (all
' V - ' i .
•7<
or?
o -.
Q §
JWl - v
ro I "1 %#A
'^33d 3HX JO
-13 3I NVdSI H
UJ
x >. 55
x z ai
i^=p
o
y
UJ
<
cc
<
>-
UJ
goo
3
CO
5
o:
5
UI _i
as
s s
z
<
tr?
3?
u_ a
*33d JH± JO
-13 3I NVdSI H
•5
s.
z
g
I
UI
- I
IXJ'xt
<
-J
Q.
o.
m
WA o/%33j 3HX JO
13 OI NVdSI H
:co
£
XZ o«
UJ3^i
cr
>-
y
UJ
>-
UJ
So
o
z
a:
M
UI
L^
So 2
o
r> 1
^ ^ '
• o
/
. . • • 5S - •
<
™<^
ftmn
o
o
z
<
_l
Q.
Z ^
f
o
o
,^'~-,
uicn
5i
Gi:i
o
z
g
$
UI
_J
UJ^
-1 £u
< UJ
(1
ti::t±
1 T ' T ' T ' I
o
z
g
I
UJ
_ i .
UI °
(a
m
d
@
5 s;
a
- ^\ / %
<
_i
Q.
tr
o
o
' a
/^
n
a
D
Ji
0
TX^I Ife^l : ^
D^ r —1 ) ^
( 1
iHC
J!^
m '
. - all
a.
" - • M '
I m
-^
a
(0
Aqnv A S 0 33d 3H± JO
^ 13 OI NV d S I H
x>- 5 3
X Z g |
8
>-
<
z
y
UJ
<
CO
CO
<
<
z o
o a
55 5
y i s
S: 2 5
£ S 5
I I
Sf
UJ 7
3 S
Z -
< ?
z
g
1
- J
UJ.
o
<
_l
a.
"o
tr-
St
o
o
UI
3
o
z
<
CO
CVJ
-J o I ". ,•' S
(T-L
A3nVA S033d 3H± JO
H3 3I NVdSI H ,5E' j £! '^JuL^iC'- C w JA\ ';£•
z
- l O-
<1
CO -
£ 12
z
g
I
UJ5
Z
N
JN
<
_J
a..
o
trZ
O''s
z
"C VJ
UJ _
COg
o =
zi
CO
<
- J
Q.
tr 1
Si
\ar/ &/ -K vr-ri ''X^^ Tii^ ^] mj _Ji I I ™ _J \ ^
3 3INVdSIH
uj t c s
l-co 58
tr 2 ?
x z uit=
UJ3 S S
cr
>-
UJ
•_i
UJ
<
z
CO
Z
<
9
(O
"A
on
o
2
£
5
z
UJ
Uz
X
o
z
<
or
COs
UJ -
_J ^
< i
N g
Z -
o
o
CO
CO
CO
I
— r-
co
I:
_>f^»
CO
Z
<
- J
QL
C C ?
8i
_ l - .
U.bi
c/r>-
3^
UJ z
2.:
(9)
JLTllVA SOD Jd 3H ± JO
•>,£•; . Ki SI m 'z z .-S' <s,..Jii m \m is a 3 3INVdSIH
Xv_ ^a
or" o<
UJb l^g
X Z uic
uj 3 S S
I - 3 *
z
o
g
cr
UJ
_i
UJ
<
CO
CO
^ '
z
<
W E =3
5 8
ft O p
K £
(O O 2
S « i
1 1 5
j e CO <9
• .. uJ
^ z
o
CO „
O §
IS
Z
<
CO
-(.
I\ z'
<
- I
a:
8-
CO
CO
CO
CO

/i
X
tr
o _
z s
o
O -
tr s
9 ^
CO «
z
<
CO
- <p
c;)^^
CO CO
o
CNJ
' 33d 3H± JO
H3 3i NVdSI H
Ob 12 8
CO
UJ %
UJ
e
UI
d
8
UJ
<
CO
<
z
<
lO
n
UI
al
i
O.
L^
0 K
?£^
CC »
OTz
UJ -
OS
- Jl
UJ
OT
S^
V
s
^ \\\\1^
V
N.
\
\
S


.. §§-s
^ ^ ^ m^ 2 : \ .
S^ S^ 5::5§^ ^ ^ S:^ ^
CO
\ Z
<
o""
»-<^
co^
f
"CO
CM
'*33d 3H± JO
-13 3INVdSIH
NOIlOndlSNGO dOS 3dAl
S N0llVA3n3 0I1VIN3H0S

3H
55
I
^ ^
^ . 1 " i , —
s^m\\v\\\\\w
^ ^ ^ ^ ^ kvvmw^
§
"^
I
3 s
Ui
3 »-
z
<
UJ
z
I
ir
o
u.
o
3
cr
o
t; ..,: y- ; !
o o
kv^^wmvwN
*
z
<
o
o
o
o
UJ
>
<
z
I
UJ
_l
z
CO
3
Q
5
o
I
UJ
X
UJ
5
SNVHd -10 NOI I nflIM I Qin
CNJ
C M
' ' ' "33d 3H± JO
13 3I NVdSi H
UJ
8
<
z
y
UJ
cr
CO
CO
<
UJ J
&m i
00
00
Oi
UJ
UJ
X
X S i
ill
O cc
Q: o £
, tr
0>
o
3
UJ
o
UJ
3
CD
UJ '
Q:
2
u>
3
ffl
o
lO
00
8
— - S
" - 5 0
* X
u Ui in
IJzi f
: z z
O
o
00
I
m
o>
CO
Z =b
2 -
1^
UJ
o
l O
(X>
§S
2°-
S U.
z o
in
z -
o tf>
¥ - 1 s
« z d
6 z 5
w I ?
U M
C UJ
ro
F^\ w:/ '^/ "m ^!s»i5 '•'®a<r
33d 3H± JO
i:iil3tiflll3 3INVdSIH
m l
SSfe"s
8
y
UJ
<
5
CO
CO
00
Si
o
z CO
UJ q
i^
g ^3
>-
5
1 -
i j
v^
f
UJ
w - >
1 -
z
UI
5
H
m
UJ
->
a.
1
<
3
O
<
a.
UJ
u
o
z
o
H
Z
<
z
CO
UJ
>-
(T
3
7
UJ
O
~1 ~
H
UJ
UJ
1 -
UJ
z
z
R
<
^
_J
UJ
a
I I I
I
6
U

Jt
z
<
(O
cc
3
UI
o
X
i4!
o
UI CO
\— UJ
X a-
g
UJ
3
I -
z
UJ
o
f
UI
I I I
H
l
O
N

S
S

CO
8
UJ
a.
UJ
>
UJ
CO
Z ' o
o ?
_ j ^
z
<
-I
J- 2
<
o
o
UJ
3
iii
a a.
Si
Z
<
<
o
o
ii
%.
z 2
O "
<
o
o
CVJ
AaniVA S033d 3H± JO
3 3i NVdSI H
o
ac
0 9 x
Oi o
— CO
z
<
CO
00
00
00
cr
UJ
u
UJ
UJ
CO
O °
OO
© z
<
CO
<
O ul
_j
o
en
<
>
O
O
OO
i n UJ
z
<
CO
<^,
^-'rlz
*) 1
®
©
/f
\f
©
®
® n ®
ib
n
©
(3)
r 1
Ik-Ill
t 1
© 1
®
®
CO
g
<
UJ
o
o
UI
tr
CO
UI
_J
00
o
cc
a.
- I
<
(r
3
I -
O
3
tr
h-
co
CO
z
g
<
o
z
UJ
o
o
UJ
tr
CO
UJ
_J
CQ
O
CC
Q L
<
cr
3
o
3
tr
i-
co
z
UJ
<
z
y
UI
3
o
^1
I I
1^
UJ O
°uj S
" i
° ° ir
( r ow
OOfe
» S 3
B
Sa
S t
85
Q
S
II
St m w
X Q. I,
< z c
<l C3 Q
a . UJ uJ
UI a : X
E u. u
Q
^1
z o
15
| UU,
38 8
®
? H!
5 o
s
z
UJ u
©
C UJ (o
in
I- 5 UJ
3 < r
2 «|
Ui s
Q 9 u,
S 9 o:
Sl l V M
a
i
UI
fe
i
"=> z
Ui ^
s
§e 8 t
o Z
®
| 2
_j
X o
a
§ g g
z 9 ->
5 S 8
o fc
>- UI 5
Ui 5 »
E » "
i « 1-
S9NINN3dO
m
I si
s
a
Ui z
> UI
O 3 Q
!ii5 ii
4o i
u -J u
sa •"
2 ! 3
V)
_ «
Q >•
Z
< £ V)
0
o oc
I "^
a:
lb UJ
a i
El
3 5
X O
bJ (3J
Z O
• • " 5 3
< K 2 5
£5 2 3
0
^ ,fe5
Z I o
a o "
.. a«
Pz Jfe
z -12
" w S "
®
3 °
Z U. O
ife^
0
XHOM 3 1 1 S
5
Z Q .
gu,
1^ ^
2 i
00 0.
UJ UJ
B. Q:
[£]
5S ^
< i "
2 9 I
4 b. ^
± o d
z o <
to UJ z
<
i:^ UJ UI
O UJ
•- 3
i3 UI
0 0
o 5
© ©
<t -J
UJ J
m 4
u.
o t-
^ 2
1^
£»
«^
ui
Si
0
sj ooy
i k
i fe
" I t !
Z 1-
ui O
©
o
o „
* 5
^;; 3
§ «
©
S UOIUBINI

Sponsor Documents

Or use your account on DocShare.tips

Hide

Forgot your password?

Or register your new account on DocShare.tips

Hide

Lost your password? Please enter your email address. You will receive a link to create a new password.

Back to log-in

Close