Neville Chamberlain

Neville Chamberlain
This article is about the former British Prime Minister. after leaving the premiership.
For other people with the same name, see Neville Chamberlain’s reputation remains controversial among
Chamberlain (disambiguation).
historians, with the initial high regard for him being entirely eroded by books such as Guilty Men, published in
Arthur Neville Chamberlain FRS[2] (18 March 1869 July 1940, which blamed Chamberlain and his associates
– 9 November 1940) was a British Conservative politi- for the Munich accord and for allegedly failing to prepare
cian who served as Prime Minister of the United King- the country for war. Most historians in the generation
dom from May 1937 to May 1940. Chamberlain is following Chamberlain’s death held similar views, led by
best known for his appeasement foreign policy, and in Churchill in The Gathering Storm. Some recent historians
particular for his signing of the Munich Agreement in have taken a more favourable perspective of Chamberlain
1938, conceding the German-speaking Sudetenland re- and his policies citing government papers released under
gion of Czechoslovakia to Germany. However, when the Thirty Year Rule. Nevertheless, Chamberlain is still
Adolf Hitler continued his aggression by invading Poland, unfavourably ranked amongst British Prime Ministers.[3]
Britain declared war on Germany on 3 September 1939,
and Chamberlain led Britain through the first eight
months of the Second World War.
1 Early life and political career
After working in business and local government and after
a short spell as Director of National Service in 1916 and
1917, Chamberlain followed his father, Joseph Chamberlain, and older half-brother, Austen Chamberlain, in becoming a member of parliament in the 1918 general election at age 49. He declined a junior ministerial position,
remaining a backbencher until 1922. He was rapidly promoted in 1923 to Minister of Health and then Chancellor
of the Exchequer. After a short Labour-led government,
he returned as Minister of Health, introducing a range of
reform measures from 1924 to 1929. He was appointed
Chancellor of the Exchequer in the National Government
in 1931.

(1869–1918)
1.1 Childhood and businessman
Main article: Rise of Neville Chamberlain
Chamberlain was born on 18 March 1869 in a
house called Southbourne in the Edgbaston district of
Birmingham.[4] He was the only son of the second marriage of Joseph Chamberlain, who later became Mayor
of Birmingham and a Cabinet minister. His mother was
Florence Kenrick. Joseph Chamberlain had had another
son, Austen Chamberlain, by his first marriage.[5] Neville
Chamberlain was educated at Rugby School.[6] Joseph
Chamberlain then sent Neville to Mason College (the future University of Birmingham).[7] Neville Chamberlain
had little interest in his studies there, and in 1889 his father apprenticed him to a firm of accountants.[8] Within
six months he became a salaried employee.[9]

When Stanley Baldwin retired in May 1937, Chamberlain
took his place as Prime Minister. His premiership was
dominated by the question of policy toward the increasingly aggressive Germany, and his actions at Munich were
widely popular among Britons at the time. When Hitler
continued his aggression, Chamberlain pledged Britain to
defend Poland’s independence if the latter were attacked, In an effort to recoup diminished family fortunes
an alliance that brought Britain into war when Germany Joseph Chamberlain sent his younger son to establish
a sisal plantation on Andros Island in the Bahamas.[10]
attacked Poland in 1939.
Neville Chamberlain spent six years there but the
Chamberlain resigned the premiership on 10 May 1940
plantation was a failure, and Joseph Chamberlain lost
after the Allies were forced to retreat from Norway, as
£50,000.[lower-alpha 1][11]
he believed a government supported by all parties was
essential, and the Labour and Liberal parties would not On his return to England, Neville Chamberlain entered
join a government headed by him. He was succeeded business purchasing (with assistance from his family)
by Winston Churchill but remained very well regarded in Hoskins & Company, a manufacturer of metal ship
[12]
Chamberlain served as managing director of
Parliament, especially among Conservatives. Before ill berths.
health forced him to resign he was an important member Hoskins for 17 years during which time the company
[13]
of Churchill’s War Cabinet, heading it in the new pre- prospered. He also involved himself in civic activities
mier’s absence. Chamberlain died of cancer six months in Birmingham. In 1906, as Governor of Birmingham’s
General Hospital, and along with “no more than fifteen”
1

2

2

MP AND MINISTER (1919–37)

in support of Joseph Chamberlain’s Liberal Unionists.
The Liberal Unionists were allied with the Conservatives
and later merged with them[17] under the name “Unionist
Party”, which in 1925 became known as the “Conservative and Unionist Party”. In 1911 Neville Chamberlain
successfully stood as a Liberal Unionist for Birmingham
City Council for the All Saints’ Ward,[18] located within
his father’s parliamentary constituency.[19]
Chamberlain was made chairman of the Town Planning
Committee.[20] Under Chamberlain’s direction Birmingham soon adopted one of the first town planning schemes
in Britain. The start of war in 1914 prevented implementation of his plans.[21] In 1915, Chamberlain became Lord Mayor of Birmingham. Apart from his father
Joseph, five of Chamberlain’s uncles had also attained
the chief Birmingham civic dignity: they were Joseph’s
brother Richard Chamberlain, William and George Kenrick, Charles Beale, who had been four times Lord Mayor
and Sir Thomas Martineau. As a Lord Mayor in wartime,
Chamberlain had a huge burden of work and he insisted
that his councillors and officials work equally hard.[22]
He halved the Lord Mayor’s expense allowance and cut
back on the number of civic functions expected of the
incumbent.[23]

Joseph Chamberlain (seated) and Austen Chamberlain, 1892

Mason College, now the University of Birmingham

In 1915 Chamberlain was appointed member of the Central Control Board on liquor traffic.[24] In December 1916
the Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, offered Chamberlain the new position of Director of National Service
with responsibility for co-ordinating conscription and ensuring that essential war industries were able to function with sufficient workforces.[25] However, his tenure
was marked by conflict with Lloyd George and in August
1917, having received little support from the Prime Minister, Chamberlain resigned.[26] The relationship between
Chamberlain and Lloyd George would be one thenceforth
of hatred.[27]
Chamberlain decided to stand for the House of Commons,[28] and was adopted as Unionist candidate for
Birmingham Ladywood.[29] After the war ended, a general election was called almost immediately.[29] He was
elected with almost 70% of the vote and a majority of
6,833.[30] At age 49 he is still the oldest Parliamentary
debutant to later become Prime Minister.[31]

other dignitaries, Chamberlain became a founding member of the national United Hospitals Committee of the 2 MP and Minister (1919–37)
British Medical Association.[14] [15] In 1910 he fell in love
with Anne Cole, a distant relative by marriage, and the 2.1 Rise from the backbench
following year married her.[16] The two had a son and a
daughter.[16]
Main article: Rise of Neville Chamberlain

1.2

Entry into politics

Chamberlain threw himself into Parliamentary work, begrudging the times when he was unable to attend debates
Chamberlain initially showed little interest in politics and spending much time on committee work. He was
though his father and half-brother were in Parliament. chairman of the national Unhealthy Areas Committee
During the "Khaki election" of 1900 he made speeches (1919–21)[32] and in that role, had visited the slums of

2.2

Opposition and second term as Chancellor

London, Birmingham, Leeds, Liverpool and Cardiff.[33]
Consequently, in March 1920 he was offered a junior
post at the Ministry of Health by Bonar Law on behalf
of the Prime Minister, but was unwilling to serve under Lloyd George.[34] Chamberlain was offered no further posts during Lloyd George’s premiership. When
Bonar Law resigned as party leader Austen Chamberlain
took his place as head of the Unionists in Parliament.[35]
Unionist leaders were willing to fight the 1922 election
in coalition with the Liberals, but on 19 October Unionist MPs held a meeting at which they voted to leave the
Coalition. Lloyd George resigned, as did Austen Chamberlain, and Bonar Law was recalled from retirement to
lead the Unionists as Prime Minister.[36]
Many high-ranking Unionists refused to serve under
Bonar Law to the benefit of Chamberlain who rose over
the course of ten months from backbencher to Chancellor of the Exchequer.[37] Bonar Law initially appointed
Chamberlain Postmaster General[38] and Chamberlain
was sworn of the Privy Council.[39] When Sir Arthur
Griffith-Boscawen, the Minister of Health, lost his seat in
the 1922 general election and failed to win a by-election
in March 1923, Bonar Law offered the position within
the Cabinet to Chamberlain.[40] Two months later, Bonar
Law was diagnosed with advanced, terminal throat cancer. He immediately resigned, and was replaced by Chancellor of the Exchequer Stanley Baldwin. In August 1923,
Baldwin promoted Chamberlain to the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer.[41]

3
was applauded by all parties. The Bill passed into law.[47]
Though Chamberlain struck a conciliatory note during
the 1926 General Strike, in general he had poor relations
with the Labour opposition. Future Labour Prime Minister Clement Attlee complained that Chamberlain “always treated us like dirt”, and Chamberlain in April 1927
wrote: “More and more do I feel an utter contempt for
their lamentable stupidity.”[48] His poor relations with the
Labour Party later played a major part in his downfall as
Prime Minister.[49]

2.2 Opposition and second term as Chancellor
Baldwin called a general election for 30 May 1929 which
resulted in a hung parliament, with Labour holding the
most seats. Baldwin and his government resigned and
Labour leader Ramsay MacDonald (1866-1937) took
office.[50] In 1931, the MacDonald government faced a
serious crisis, as the May Report revealed that the budget was unbalanced, with an expected shortfall of £120
million. On 24 August 1931 the Labour government resigned and MacDonald formed a National Government
supported by most Conservative MPs.[51] Chamberlain
once again returned to the Ministry of Health.[52]
After the 1931 general election, in which supporters of
the National Government (mostly the Conservatives) won
an overwhelming victory, MacDonald designated Chamberlain as Chancellor.[53] Chamberlain proposed a 10%
tariff on foreign goods and lower or no tariffs on goods
from the colonies and the Dominions. Joseph Chamberlain had advocated a similar policy, "Imperial Preference".[54] On 4 February 1932 Neville Chamberlain laid
his bill before the House of Commons.[55] Chamberlain
concluded his address by noting the appropriateness of
his seeking to enact his father’s proposal. At the end of
the speech, Sir Austen Chamberlain walked down from
the backbenches and shook his brother’s hand.[56] The
Import Duties Act 1932 passed Parliament easily.[57]

Chamberlain served only five months in the office before
the Conservatives were defeated in the 1923 general election. Ramsay MacDonald became the first Labour Prime
Minister, but the Labour government fell within months
necessitating another general election. Chamberlain narrowly defeated Labour candidate Oswald Mosley (who
later led the British Union of Fascists).[42] Believing he
would lose if he stood again in Ladywood, Chamberlain
arranged to be adopted for Birmingham Edgbaston, the
district of the city where he was born and which was a
much safer seat which he would hold for the rest of his
life.[43] The Unionists won the election, but Chamberlain Chamberlain presented his first budget in April 1932. He
declined to serve again as Chancellor preferring his for- maintained the severe budget cuts that had been agreed
mer position as Minister of Health.[44]
to at the inception of the National Government.[58] InterWithin two weeks of his appointment as Minister of est on the war debt had been a major cost in each budget.
Health Chamberlain presented the Cabinet with an Chamberlain was able to reduce the interest rate on most
agenda containing 25 pieces of legislation he hoped to of Britain’s war debt from 5% to 3.5%. Between 1932
see enacted. Before he left office in 1929, 21 of the 25 and 1938, Chamberlain halved the percentage of the bud[59]
bills had passed into law.[45] Chamberlain sought the abo- get devoted to payment of interest on the war debt.
lition of the elected Poor Law Boards of Guardians which Chamberlain hoped that a cancellation of the war debt
administered relief—and which in some areas were re- owed to the United States could be negotiated. In June
sponsible for rates. Many of the Boards were con- 1933, Britain hosted the World Monetary and Economic
trolled by Labour, and such Boards had defied the gov- Conference. The Conference came to nothing. US Presiernment by distributing relief funds to the able-bodied dent Franklin Roosevelt sent word that he would not conunemployed.[46] In 1929 Chamberlain initiated legisla- sider any war debt cancellation.[59] By 1934, Chamberlain
tion to abolish the Poor Law boards entirely. Chamber- was able to declare a budget surplus and restore many of
lain spoke in the Commons for two and a half hours on the cuts in unemployment compensation and civil servant
the second reading of the Bill, and when he concluded he salaries he had made after taking office. He told the Com-

4

3

PREMIERSHIP (1937–40)

mons “We have now finished the story of “Bleak House” 3 Premiership (1937–40)
and are sitting down this afternoon to enjoy the first chapter of “Great Expectations”."[56]
Further information: Fourth National Ministry and
The Unemployed Assistance Board (established by the Chamberlain War Ministry
Unemployment Act 1934) was largely Chamberlain’s creation and he wished to see the issue of unemployment Upon his accession Chamberlain considered calling a
assistance removed from party political argument.[60] general election, but with three and a half years reMoreover, Chamberlain “saw the importance of 'provid- maining in the then current Parliament’s term decided to
ing some interest in life for the large numbers of men wait. At age 68, he was the second-eldest person in the
never likely to get work', and out of this realisation was 20th century (behind Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman)
to come the responsibility of the U.A.B. for the “welfare”, to become Prime Minister for the first time,[71] and was
not merely the maintenance, of the unemployed”.[61]
widely seen as a caretaker who would lead the ConservaDefence spending had been heavily cut in Chamberlain’s early budgets.[62] By 1935, faced with a
resurgent Germany under Hitler’s leadership (see
German re-armament), he was convinced of the need
for rearmament.[63] Chamberlain especially urged the
strengthening of the Royal Air Force, realising that
Britain’s traditional bulwark, the English Channel, was
no defence against air power.[64]

tive Party until the next election, and then step down in
favour of a younger man, with Foreign Secretary Anthony
Eden a likely candidate. From the start of Chamberlain’s
premiership a number of would-be successors were rumoured to be jockeying for position.[72]
Chamberlain had disliked what he considered to be an
overly sentimental attitude by both Baldwin and MacDonald on Cabinet appointments and reshuffles. Although he had worked closely with the President of the
Board of Trade, Walter Runciman over the tariff issue, Chamberlain dismissed him from his post, offering
Runciman the token position of Lord Privy Seal which
an angry Runciman declined. Runciman, a member of
the Liberal National Party, was thought by Chamberlain to be lazy.[71] Soon after taking office, Chamberlain
instructed his ministers to prepare two-year policy programmes. These reports were to be integrated with the
intent of co-ordinating the passage of legislation through
the current Parliament, the term of which was to expire
in November 1940.[73]

In 1935, MacDonald stood down as Prime Minister,
while Baldwin became Prime Minister for the third
time.[65] In the 1935 general election the Conservativedominated National Government lost 90 seats from
the massive majority of 1931, but still retained an
overwhelming majority of 255 in the House of Commons. During the campaign, deputy Labour leader
Arthur Greenwood had attacked Chamberlain for spending money on rearmament stating that the rearmament
policy was “the merest scaremongering; disgraceful in a
statesman of Mr. Chamberlain’s responsible position, to
suggest that more millions of money needed to be spent
on armaments”.[66]
At the time of his succession Chamberlain’s personality
Chamberlain is believed to have had a significant role in was not well known to the public, though he had made anthe 1936 Edward VIII abdication crisis. He wrote in his nual budget broadcasts for six years, which, according to
diary that Wallis Simpson, Edward VIII’s intended wife, Chamberlain biographer Robert Self, appeared relaxed
was “an entirely unscrupulous woman who is not in love and modern, showing an ability to speak directly to the
with the King but is exploiting him for her own purposes. camera.[71] Chamberlain had few friends among his parShe has already ruined him in money and jewels ...”[67] liamentary colleagues. An attempt by his Parliamentary
In common with the rest of the Cabinet, except Duff Private Secretary, Lord Dunglass (later Prime MinisCooper, he agreed with Baldwin that the King should ter himself as Alec Douglas-Home) to bring him to the
abdicate if he married Simpson and on 6 December he Smoking Room in the Commons to socialise with his coland Baldwin both stressed the King should make his de- leagues, ended in embarrassing silence.[74] Chamberlain
cision before Christmas; by one account, he believed that compensated for these shortcomings by devising the most
the uncertainty was “hurting the Christmas trade”.[68] The sophisticated press management system employed by a
King eventually abdicated on the 10th, four days after the Prime Minister up to that time, with officials at Number
10 led by his chief of press George Steward, convincmeeting.
ing members of the press that they were colleagues sharSoon after the Abdication Baldwin announced that he
ing power and insider knowledge, and should espouse the
would remain until shortly after the coronation of King
government line.[75]
George VI and Queen Elizabeth. On 28 May, two weeks
after the Coronation, Baldwin resigned, advising the King
to send for Chamberlain.[69] Sir Austen did not live to
3.1 Domestic policy
see his brother’s final “climb ... to the top of the greasy
pole”,[lower-alpha 2] having died two months earlier.[70]
Chamberlain saw his elevation to the premiership as the
final glory in a career as a domestic reformer, not realising that he would be remembered for foreign policy

3.3

European policy

5

decisions.[76] One reason he sought the settlement of Eu- the agreements were signed on 25 April 1938.[81] The
ropean issues was in the hope it would allow him to con- issue of partition was not resolved, but the Irish agreed
centrate on domestic affairs.[77]
to pay £10 million to the British. There was no proviSoon after attaining the premiership, Chamberlain ob- sion in the treaties for British access to the Treaty Ports
tained passage of the Factories Act 1937. This act in time of war, but Chamberlain accepted de Valera’s
that in the event of war the British would
was aimed at bettering working conditions in factories oral assurance
[81]
have
access.
The agreements were attacked by Conserand placed limits on the working hours of women and
vative
backbencher
Winston Churchill in Parliament for
[78]
children.
In 1938, Parliament enacted the Coal Act
surrendering the Treaty Ports which Churchill described
1938, which allowed for nationalisation of coal deposits.
[81]
Another major piece of legislation passed that year was as the “sentinel towers of the Western Approaches”.
When war came, de Valera denied Britain access to the
the Holidays with Pay Act.[78] Though the act only recom[81]
Churchill railed
mended that employers give workers a week off with pay, Treaty Ports under Irish neutrality.
against these treaties in The Gathering Storm, stating that
the Act caused the great expansion of holiday camps and
other leisure accommodation for the working classes.[79] he “never saw the House of Commons more completely
misled” and that “members were made to feel very difThe Housing Act of 1938 provided subsidies aimed at enferently about it when our existence hung in the balance
[78]
couraging slum clearance and maintained rent control.
[82]
Chamberlain’s plans for the reform of local government during the Battle of the Atlantic". Chamberlain, howwere shelved because of the outbreak of war in 1939. ever, believed that the Treaty Ports were unusable if Ireworthwhile to asLikewise, the proposal to raise the school-leaving age to land was hostile and deemed their loss
[80]
sure
friendly
relations
with
Dublin.
15, scheduled for implementation on 1 September 1939,
did not go into effect.[80]

3.3 European policy
3.2

Relations with Ireland

When Chamberlain became Prime Minister relations between the United Kingdom and the Irish Free State
had been strained since the 1932 accession of the new
Irish Taoiseach (Prime Minister) Éamon de Valera. The
Anglo-Irish Trade War, sparked by the withholding of
money that Ireland had agreed to pay the United Kingdom, had caused economic losses on both sides, and the
two nations were anxious for a settlement. The de Valera
government also sought to remove the remaining ties between Ireland and the UK, such as ending the King’s status as Irish Head of State. Chamberlain, as Chancellor
had taken a hard-line stance against concessions to the
Irish, but having been persuaded that the strained ties
were having effects on relations with other Dominions he
sought a settlement with Ireland.[81]

Main article: Neville Chamberlain’s European Policy

3.3.1 Early days (May 1937 – March 1938)
Chamberlain sought to conciliate Germany and make the
Nazi state a partner in a stable Europe.[83] He believed
Germany could be satisfied by the restoration of some of
her colonies, and during the Rhineland crisis of March
1936 he had stated that “if we were in sight of an all-round
settlement the British government ought to consider the
question [of restoration of colonies]".[84]
The new Prime Minister’s attempts to secure such a settlement were frustrated because Germany was in no hurry
to talk to Britain. Foreign Minister Konstantin von Neurath was supposed to visit Britain in July 1937 but cancelled his visit.[83] Lord Halifax, the Lord President of
the Council visited Germany privately in November and
met with Hitler and other German officials. Both Chamberlain and British Ambassador to Germany Nevile Henderson pronounced the visit a success.[85] Foreign Office
officials complained that the Halifax visit made it appear
Britain was too eager for talks, and Foreign Secretary
Eden felt that he had been bypassed.[86]

Talks had been suspended under Baldwin in 1936 but resumed in November 1937. De Valera sought not only
to alter the constitutional status of Ireland, but to overturn other aspects of the Anglo-Irish Treaty, most notably
the issue of partition, as well as obtaining full control of
the three "Treaty Ports" which had remained in British
control. Britain, on the other hand, wished to retain the
Treaty Ports, at least in time of war and to obtain the
money that Ireland had agreed to pay.[81]
Chamberlain also bypassed Eden while the Foreign SecThe Irish proved very tough negotiators, so much so that retary was on holiday by opening direct talks with Italy,
Chamberlain complained that one of de Valera’s offers an international pariah for its invasion and conquest of
had “presented United Kingdom ministers with a three- Ethiopia.[87] At a Cabinet meeting on 8 September 1937,
leafed shamrock, none of the leaves of which had any ad- Chamberlain indicated that he saw “the lessening of the
vantages for the UK”.[81] With the talks facing deadlock, tension between this country and Italy as a very valuChamberlain made the Irish a final offer in March 1938 able contribution toward the pacification and appeasewhich acceded to many Irish positions though he was con- ment of Europe” which would “weaken the Rome–Berlin
fident that he had “only given up the small things”, and axis”.[88] The Prime Minister also set up a private line of

6

3

PREMIERSHIP (1937–40)

communication with the Italian “Duce” Benito Mussolini the fall of Austria, the Cabinet’s Foreign Policy Committhrough the Italian Ambassador, Count Dino Grandi.[89] tee considered seeking a “grand alliance” to thwart GerIn February 1938 Hitler began to press the Austrian gov- many, or alternatively, an assurance to France of assisernment to accept "Anschluss" or union between Ger- tance if the French went to war. Instead, the committee
be urged to make
many and Austria. Chamberlain believed that it was es- chose to advocate that Czechoslovakia [99]
the
best
terms
it
could
with
Germany.
The full Cabsential to cement relations with Italy in the hope that an
inet
agreed
with
the
committee’s
recommendation
influAnglo–Italian alliance would forestall Hitler from imposenced
by
a
report
from
the
chiefs
of
staff
stating
that
there
ing his rule over Austria. Eden, however, believed Chamwas little that Britain could do to help the Czechs in the
berlain was being too hasty in talking with Italy and hold[99]
ing out the prospect of “de jure” recognition of Italy’s event of a German invasion. Chamberlain reported to
an amenable House that he was unwilling to limit his govconquest of Ethiopia. Chamberlain concluded that Eden
[100]
[90]
would have to accept his policy, or resign. The Cabinet ernment’s discretion by giving commitments.
heard both men out but unanimously decided for Chamberlain. Despite efforts by other Cabinet members to prevent it, Eden resigned from office.[91] In later years, Eden
tried to portray his resignation as a stand against appeasement (Churchill described him in The Second World War
as “one strong young figure standing up against long, dismal, drawling tides of drift and surrender”)[92] but many
ministers[91] and MPs believed there was no issue at stake
worth resignation.[93] Chamberlain appointed Lord Halifax as Foreign Secretary in Eden’s place.[93]
3.3.2

Road to Munich (March 1938 – September
1938)

In March 1938 Austria became a part of Germany in
the “Anschluß". Though the beleaguered Austrians requested help from Britain none was forthcoming.[94]
Britain did send Berlin a strong note of protest.[95] In addressing the Cabinet shortly after German forces crossed
the border, Chamberlain placed blame on both Germany
and Austria.[94] Chamberlain noted,
It is perfectly evident now that force is the
only argument Germany understands and that
“collective security” cannot offer any prospect
of preventing such events until it can show a
visible force of overwhelming strength backed
by the determination to use it. ... Heaven
knows I don't want to get back to alliances but
if Germany continues to behave as she has done
lately she may drive us to it.[94]
On 14 March, the day after the “Anschluß", Chamberlain addressed the House of Commons and strongly condemned the methods used by the Germans in the takeover
of Austria. Chamberlain’s address met with the approval
of the House.[95]

Britain and Italy signed an agreement in April 1938. In
exchange for "de jure" recognition of Italy’s Ethiopian
conquest, Italy agreed to withdraw some Italian “volunteers” from the Nationalist (pro-Franco) side of the
Spanish Civil War. The Nationalists by now strongly had
the upper hand in this war and completed their victory
the following year.[101] Later that month the new French
Prime Minister, Édouard Daladier, came to London for
talks with Chamberlain, and agreed to follow the British
position on Czechoslovakia.[102]
In May, Czech border guards shot two Sudeten German farmers who were attempting to cross the border
into Czechoslovakia without stopping for border controls.
This incident caused unrest among the Sudeten Germans, and Germany was then said to be moving troops
to the border. In response to the report, Prague moved
troops to the German border. Halifax sent a note to Germany warning that if France intervened in the crisis on
Czechoslovakia’s behalf, Britain might support France.
Tensions calmed, and Chamberlain and Halifax were applauded for their “masterly” handling of the crisis.[94]
Though not known at the time, it later became clear
that Germany had had no plans for a May invasion of
Czechoslovakia.[94] Nonetheless, the Chamberlain government received strong and almost unanimous support
from the British press.[103]
Negotiations between the Czech government and the
Sudeten Germans dragged on through mid-1938.[104]
They achieved little result with Sudeten leader Konrad
Henlein under private instructions from Hitler not to
reach an agreement. On 3 August, Walter Runciman (by now Lord Runciman) travelled to Prague as a
mediator sent by the British government.[105] Over the
next two weeks, Runciman met separately with Henlein,
the Czechoslovak President Edvard Beneš and other leaders, but made no progress.[106] On 30 August Chamberlain met with his Cabinet and Ambassador Henderson
and secured their backing—with only First Lord of the
Admiralty Duff Cooper dissenting against Chamberlain’s
policy to pressure Czechoslovakia into making concessions on the ground that Britain was then in no position
to back up any threat to go to war.[107]

With Austria absorbed by Germany, attention turned to
Hitler’s obvious next target, the Sudetenland region of
Czechoslovakia. With three million ethnic Germans, the
Sudetenland represented the largest German population
outside the “Reich”.[96] Hitler began to call for the union
of the region with Germany.[97] Britain had no military Chamberlain realised that Hitler would likely signal his
obligations toward Czechoslovakia,[98] but France and intentions in his 12 September speech at the annual
Czechoslovakia had a mutual assistance pact.[94] After

3.3

European policy

Nuremberg Rally, and so Chamberlain discussed with his
advisers how to respond if war seemed likely. In consultation with his close adviser Sir Horace Wilson, Chamberlain set out “Plan Z”. If war seemed inevitable, Chamberlain would fly to Germany to negotiate directly with
Hitler.[108]
3.3.3

September 1938: Munich

Preliminary meetings Lord Runciman continued his
work attempting to pressure the Czechoslovak government into concessions. On 7 September there was an altercation involving Sudeten members of the Czechoslovak parliament in the North-Moravian city of MährischOstrau. The Germans made considerable propaganda of
the incident though the Prague government attempted
to conciliate them by dismissing Czech police who had
been involved. As the tempest grew Runciman concluded
that there was no point in attempting further negotiations until after Hitler’s speech. The mission would never
resume.[109]

7
The following morning, 13 September, Chamberlain and
the Cabinet were informed by secret service sources that
all German embassies had been told that Germany would
invade Czechoslovakia on 25 September.[111] Convinced
that the French would not fight (Daladier was privately
proposing a three-Power summit to settle the Sudeten
question). That evening Chamberlain decided to implement “Plan Z” and sent a message to Hitler that he was
willing to come to Germany to negotiate. Hitler accepted
and Chamberlain flew to Germany on the morning of 15
September; this was the first time, excepting a short jaunt
at an industrial fair, that Chamberlain had ever flown.
Chamberlain flew to Munich and then journeyed by rail
to Hitler’s retreat at Berchtesgaden.[112]
The face to face meeting lasted about three hours.
Hitler demanded the annexation of the Sudetenland, and
through questioning him, Chamberlain was able to obtain assurances that Hitler had no designs on the remainder of Czechoslovakia or on the areas in Eastern Europe which had German minorities. After the meeting
Chamberlain returned to London believing that he had
obtained a breathing space during which agreement could
be reached and the peace preserved.[113] Under the proposals made at Berchtesgaden the Sudetenland would be
annexed by Germany if a plebiscite in the Sudetenland
favoured it. Czechoslovakia would receive international
guarantees of its independence which would replace existing treaty obligations—principally the French pledge
to the Czechoslovaks.[114] The French agreed to the requirements. Under considerable pressure the Czechoslovaks also agreed, causing the Czechoslovak government
to fall.[115]

Chamberlain (centre, hat and umbrella in hands) walks with
German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop (right) as the
Prime Minister leaves for home after the Berchtesgaden meeting,
16 September 1938. On the left is Alexander von Dörnberg.

The final days before Hitler’s speech on the last day of the
Rally were spent amidst tremendous tension as Britain,
France, and Czechoslovakia all partially mobilised their
troops. Thousands gathered outside 10 Downing Street
on the night of Hitler’s speech in Nuremberg. At last the
Führer addressed his wildly enthusiastic followers:
The condition of the Sudeten Germans is
indescribable. It is sought to annihilate them.
As human beings they are oppressed and scandalously treated in an intolerable fashion ...
The depriving of these people of their rights
must come to an end. ... I have stated that the
“Reich” would not tolerate any further oppression of these three and a half million Germans,
and I would ask the statesmen of foreign countries to be convinced that this is no mere form
of words.[110]

Chamberlain (left) and Hitler leave the Bad Godesberg meeting,
23 September 1938.

Chamberlain flew back to Germany, meeting Hitler in
Bad Godesberg on 22 September.[116] Hitler brushed
aside the proposals of the previous meeting, stating “that
won't do any more”.[116] Hitler demanded immediate occupation of the Sudetenland and that German territorial
claims in Poland and Hungary be addressed. Chamberlain objected strenuously telling Hitler that he had worked
to bring the French and Czechoslovaks into line with Ger-

8

3

PREMIERSHIP (1937–40)

many’s demands, so much so that he had been accused of mented, “There were a lot of appeasers in Parliament that
giving in to dictators and had been booed on his departure day.”[124]
that morning. Hitler was unmoved.[116]
On the morning of 29 September Chamberlain left
That evening, Chamberlain told Lord Halifax that Heston Aerodrome (to the east of today’s Heathrow Airthe “meeting with Herr Hitler had been most port) for his third and final visit to Germany.[125] On arunsatisfactory”.[117] The following day, Hitler kept rival in Munich the British delegation was taken directly
Chamberlain waiting until mid-afternoon when he sent to the "Führerbau" where Daladier, Mussolini and Hitler
a five-page letter, in German, outlining the demands he soon arrived. The four leaders and their translators held
had spoken of orally the previous day. Chamberlain an informal meeting with Hitler stating that he intended
replied by offering to act as an intermediary with to invade Czechoslovakia on 1 October. Mussolini disthe Czechoslovaks, and suggested that Hitler put his tributed a proposal similar to Hitler’s Bad Godesberg
demands in a memorandum which could be circulated to terms. In fact, the proposal had been drafted by German
the French and Czechoslovaks.[118]
officials and transmitted to Rome the previous day. The
The leaders met again late on the evening of 23 draft was debated by the four leaders and Chamberlain
September—a meeting which stretched into the early raised the question of compensation for the Czechosloand citizens which Hitler refused to
morning hours. Hitler demanded that fleeing Czechs in vak government
[126]
consider.
the zones to be occupied take nothing with them. He
extended his deadline for occupation of the Sudetenland
to 1 October—the date he had long before secretly set
for the invasion of Czechoslovakia. The meeting ended
amicably with Chamberlain confiding to Hitler his hopes
they would be able to work out other problems in Europe in the same spirit. Hitler hinted that the Sudetenland
fulfilled his territorial ambitions in Europe. Chamberlain flew back to London, stating “It is up to the Czechs
now.”[119]
Munich conference Hitler’s proposals met with resistance not only from the French and Czechoslovaks,
but also from some members of Chamberlain’s cabinet.
With no agreement in sight, war seemed inevitable.[120]
The Prime Minister issued a press statement calling on
Germany to abandon the threat of force in exchange for
British help in obtaining the concessions it sought.[121] On
the evening of 27 September, Chamberlain addressed the
nation by radio, and after thanking those who wrote to
him, stated:

From left to right, Chamberlain, Daladier, Hitler, Mussolini and
Italian Foreign Minister Count Ciano as they prepare to sign the
Munich Agreement

The leaders were joined by advisers after lunch and hours
were spent on long discussions of each clause of the Italian draft agreement. Late that evening the British and
French left for their hotels on the grounds that they had
to seek advice from their respective capitals. Meanwhile,
the Germans and Italians enjoyed the feast which Hitler
How horrible, fantastic, incredible it is that
had intended for all the participants. During this break,
we should be digging trenches and trying on
Chamberlain adviser Sir Horace Wilson met with the
gas-masks here because of a quarrel in a farCzechoslovaks informing them of the draft agreement
away country between people of whom we
and enquiring which districts particularly were important
know nothing. It seems still more impossible
to them.[127] The Munich Conference resumed about 10
that a quarrel that has already been settled in
[122]
p.m. and was mostly in the hands of a small drafting comprinciple should be the subject of war.
mittee. At 1:30 a.m. the Munich Agreement was ready
On 28 September, he called on Hitler to invite him to for signing, though a signing ceremony was delayed when
that the ornate inkwell on his desk was
Germany again to seek a solution through a summit in- Hitler discovered
[128]
empty.
[123]
volving the British, French, Germans, and Italians.
Hitler replied favourably and word of this response came Chamberlain and Daladier returned to their hotel and
to Chamberlain as he was winding up a speech in the informed the Czechoslovaks of the agreement. The
House of Commons which sat in gloomy anticipation two Prime Ministers urged quick acceptance by the
of war, Chamberlain informed the House of this in his Czechoslovaks of the agreement since the evacuation by
speech.[124] The response was a passionate demonstration the Czechs was to begin the following day. At 12:30 pm
with members cheering Chamberlain wildly. Even diplo- the Czechoslovak government in Prague objected to the
mats in the galleries applauded. Lord Dunglass later com- decision but agreed to its terms.[129]

3.4

Path to war (October 1938 – August 1939)

9
sponded, “No, I don't do that sort of thing.”[135] Nevertheless, Chamberlain recalled the words of his predecessor,
Benjamin Disraeli and his return from the Congress of
Berlin[lower-alpha 4] in his statement to the crowd:
My good friends, this is the second time
there has come back from Germany to Downing Street peace with honour. I believe it is
peace for our time. We thank you from the bottom of our hearts. Now I recommend you go
home, and sleep quietly in your beds.[135]

Neville Chamberlain holds the paper signed by both Hitler and
himself on his return from Munich to Heston Aerodrome.

Aftermath and reception
Prior to leaving the
“Führerbau”, Chamberlain requested a private conference with Hitler which the German leader agreed to, and
the two met at Hitler’s apartment in the city later that
morning. Chamberlain urged restraint in the implementation of the agreement and requested that the Germans
not bomb Prague if the Czechs resisted, to which Hitler
seemed agreeable. Chamberlain took from his pocket a
paper headed “Anglo–German Agreement”, which contained three paragraphs including a statement that the two
nations considered the Munich Agreement “symbolic of
the desire of our two people never to go to war again”.
According to Chamberlain, Hitler interjected “Ja! Ja!"
(“Yes! Yes!") as the Prime Minister read it.[130] The
two men signed the paper then and there. When, later
that day, German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop remonstrated with Hitler for signing it, the “Führer”
replied, “Oh, don't take it so seriously. That piece of paper is of no further significance whatever.”[131] Chamberlain, on the other hand, when he returned to his hotel for lunch patted his breast pocket and said, “I've got
it!"[132] Word leaked as to the outcome of the meetings
before Chamberlain’s return causing delight among many
in London, though causing gloom amongst Churchill and
his adherents.[133]
Chamberlain returned to London in triumph. Large
crowds mobbed Heston where he was met by the Lord
Chamberlain, the Earl of Clarendon, who gave him a letter from King George VI assuring him of the Empire’s
lasting gratitude and urging him to come straight to Buckingham Palace to report.[134] The streets were so packed
with cheering people that it took Chamberlain an hour
and a half to journey the nine miles from Heston to the
Palace. After reporting to the King, Chamberlain and
his wife appeared on the Palace balcony with the King
and his wife, Queen Elizabeth. He then went to Downing
Street where both the street and the front hall of Number 10 were packed.[135] As he headed upstairs to address
the crowd from a first-floor window someone called to
him, “Neville, go up to the window and say 'peace for
our time'.”[lower-alpha 3] Chamberlain turned around and re-

King George issued a statement to his people, “After the
magnificent efforts of the Prime Minister in the cause
of peace it is my fervent hope that a new era of friendship and prosperity may be dawning among the peoples
of the world.”[136] When the King met with Duff Cooper,
who resigned as First Lord of the Admiralty over the Munich Agreement, he told Cooper that he respected people
who had the courage of their convictions, but could not
agree with him.[136] He wrote to his mother, Queen Mary,
that “the Prime Minister was delighted with the results of
his mission, as are we all”.[137] The dowager queen responded to her son with anger against those who spoke
against the Prime Minister: “He brought home peace,
why can't they be grateful?"[136] Most newspapers supported Chamberlain uncritically, and he received thousands of gifts, from a silver dinner service to many of his
trademark umbrellas.[138]
The Commons discussed the Munich Agreement on 3
October. Though Cooper opened by setting forth the reasons for his resignation[139] and Churchill spoke harshly
against the pact, no Conservative voted against the government. Only between 20 and 30 abstained, including Churchill, Eden, Cooper and Harold Macmillan.[140]
Churchill told the Commons, “England has been offered
a choice between war and shame. She has chosen shame,
and will get war.”[141]

3.4 Path to war (October 1938 – August
1939)
In the aftermath of Munich, Chamberlain pursued a
course of cautious rearmament. He told the Cabinet in
early October, "[I]t would be madness for the country to
stop rearming until we were convinced that other countries would act in the same way. For the time being,
therefore, we should relax no particle of effort until our
deficiencies had been made good.”[142] However, later in
October, he resisted calls to put industry on a war footing, convinced that such an action would show Hitler that
the Prime Minister had decided to abandon Munich.[142]
Chamberlain hoped that the understanding he had signed
with Hitler at Munich would lead toward a general settlement of European disputes. However, Hitler expressed
no public interest in following up on the accord.[143] Having considered a general election immediately follow-

10
ing Munich[144] Chamberlain instead reshuffled his Cabinet.[145] By the end of the year, however, public concerns
caused Chamberlain to conclude that “to get rid of this
uneasy and disgruntled House of Commons by a General
Election” would be “suicidal”.[146]

3

PREMIERSHIP (1937–40)

widespread approval in Britain and recruitment for the
armed services increased considerably.[157]
Chamberlain sought to build an interlocking series of defence pacts among the remaining European countries as
a means of deterring Hitler from war.[158] He sought an
agreement among Britain, France, the USSR and Poland
whereby the first three would go to the assistance of
Poland if her independence were threatened, but Polish mistrust of the Soviet Union caused those negotiations to fail.[158] Instead, on 31 March, Chamberlain informed an approving House of Commons of British and
French guarantees that they would lend Poland all possible aid in the event of any action which threatened Polish
independence.[159] In the ensuing debate Eden stated that
the nation was now united behind the government.[160]
Even Churchill and Lloyd George praised Chamberlain’s
government for issuing the guarantee to Poland.[161]

Despite Hitler’s relative quietness as the “Reich” absorbed
the Sudetenland, foreign policy concerns continued to
preoccupy Chamberlain. He made trips to Paris and
Rome hoping to persuade the French to hasten their
rearmament and to persuade Mussolini to be a positive
influence on Hitler.[147] However, several of his Cabinet members, led by the Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax, began to draw away from the appeasement policy.
Halifax was now convinced that Munich, though “better than a European war”, had been “a horrid business
and humiliating”.[148] Public revulsion over the pogrom of
Kristallnacht on 9 November made any attempt at a “rapprochement” with Hitler unacceptable, though Chamber- The Prime Minister took other steps to deter Hitler from
lain did not abandon his hopes.[149]
aggression. He doubled the size of the Territorial Army,
Still hoping for reconciliation with Germany, Chamber- created a Ministry of Supply to expedite the provision
lain made a major speech at Birmingham on 28 January of equipment to the armed forces, and instituted peacein which he expressed his desire for international peace, time conscription.[162] The Italian invasion of Albania
and had an advance copy sent to Hitler at Berchtesgaden. on 7 April led to guarantees being given to Greece and
Hitler seemed to respond; in his "Reichstag" speech on Romania.[163]
30 January he stated that he wanted a “long peace”.[150] Chamberlain was reluctant to seek military alliance with
Chamberlain was confident that improvements in British
the Soviet Union, distrusting Joseph Stalin ideologically
defence since Munich would bring the dictator to the bar- and feeling that there was little to gain given the massive
gaining table.[150] This belief was reinforced by a Gerpurges that recently had taken place in the Red Army.
man official’s conciliatory speech welcoming Ambas- However, much of his Cabinet favoured such an alliance,
sador Henderson back to Berlin after an absence for med- and when Poland withdrew her objection to Anglo–Soviet
ical treatment in Britain. Chamberlain responded with a alliance Chamberlain had little choice but to proceed.
speech in Blackburn on 22 February hoping that the na- The talks with Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotions would resolve their differences through trade, and tov, to which Britain sent only a low-level delegation,
was gratified when his comments were printed in Ger- dragged on over several months and eventually foundered
man newspapers.[151] With matters appearing to improve on 14 August when Poland and Romania refused to alChamberlain’s rule over the House of Commons was low Soviet troops to be stationed on their territories. A
firm and he was convinced the government would “romp week after the failure of these talks the Soviet Union
home” in a late-1939 election.[152]
and Germany signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact which
On 15 March, Germany invaded the Czech provinces
of Bohemia and Moravia, including Prague. Though
Chamberlain’s initial parliamentary response was, according to biographer Nick Smart, “feeble”, within 48
hours he had spoken more forcefully against the German aggression.[153] In 17 March speech given at Birmingham, Chamberlain warned that “no greater mistake
could be made than to suppose that because it believes
war to be a senseless and cruel thing the nation has so
lost its fibre that it will not take part to the utmost of
its power in resisting such a challenge if it were ever
made”.[154] The Prime Minister questioned whether the
invasion of Czechoslovakia was “the end of an old adventure, or the beginning of a new” and whether it was “a step
in the direction of an attempt to dominate the world by
force”.[155] The Colonial Secretary, Malcolm MacDonald
stated, “whereas the Prime Minister was once a strong
advocate of peace, he has now definitely swung around
to the war point of view”.[156] This speech was met with

committed the countries to non-aggression toward each
other.[164] A secret agreement divided up Poland in the
event of war.[165] Chamberlain had disregarded rumours
of a Soviet-German “rapprochement”, and was dismissive of the publicly announced pact stating that it in no
way affected British obligations toward Poland.[166] Nevertheless, on 23 August Chamberlain had Henderson deliver a letter to Hitler telling him that Britain was fully prepared to live up to its obligations to Poland.[167] Hitler instructed his generals to prepare for an invasion of Poland,
telling them, “Our enemies are small worms. I saw them
at Munich.”[166]

3.5 War leader (1939–40)

3.5
3.5.1

War leader (1939–40)
Declaration of war

11
uation in which no word given by Germany’s
ruler could be trusted, and no people or country could feel itself safe had become intolerable
... Now may God bless you all. May He defend the right. It is the evil things we shall be
fighting against—brute force, bad faith, injustice, oppression, and persecution—and against
them I am certain that the right will prevail.[173]

Germany invaded Poland in the early morning hours of
1 September 1939. The British Cabinet met late that
morning and issued a warning to Germany that unless it
withdrew from Polish territory Britain would carry out
its obligations to Poland. When the House of Commons
met at 6:00 p.m., Chamberlain and Labour deputy leader
Arthur Greenwood (deputising for the sick Clement Attlee) entered the chamber to loud cheers. Chamberlain That afternoon Chamberlain addressed the House of
spoke emotionally, laying the blame for the conflict on Commons’ first Sunday session in over 120 years. He
Hitler.[168]
spoke to a quiet House in a statement which even oppoNo formal declaration of war was immediately made. nents termed “restrained and therefore effective":
French Foreign Minister Georges Bonnet stated that
France could do nothing until its parliament met on the
Everything that I have worked for, everyevening of 2 September. In fact, Bonnet was trying to
thing that I have hoped for, everything that
rally support for a Munich-style summit proposed by the
I have believed in during my public life has
Italians to be held on 5 September. The British Cabinet,
crashed into ruins. There is only one thing
however, demanded that Hitler be given an ultimatum at
left for me to do: that is devote what strength
once, and if troops were not withdrawn by the end of 2
and power I have to forwarding the victory
September, that war be declared forthwith. Chamberlain
of the cause for which we have sacrificed so
and Halifax were convinced by Bonnet’s pleas from Paris
much.[174]
that France needed more time for mobilisation and evacuation, and postponed the expiration of the ultimatum
(which had in fact not yet been served).[169] The House 3.5.2 “Phoney War”
of Commons received Chamberlain’s lengthy statement,
which made no mention of an ultimatum, badly. Greenwood rose to “speak for the working classes”. Conservative backbencher Leo Amery urged Greenwood to
“Speak for England, Arthur”, implying that the Prime
Minister was not so speaking.[170] Chamberlain replied
that telephone difficulties were making it hard to communicate with Paris and tried to dispel fears that the French
were weakening. He had little success; too many members knew of Bonnet’s efforts. National Labour MP and
diarist Harold Nicolson later wrote, “In those few minutes he flung away his reputation.”[171] The seeming delay
gave rise to fears Chamberlain would again seek a settlement with Hitler.[172] Chamberlain’s last peacetime Cabinet met at 11:30 that night, with a thunderstorm raging
outside, and determined that the ultimatum would be presented in Berlin at nine o'clock the following morning—
to expire two hours later prior to the House of Commons
convening at noon.[171] At 11:15 a.m., Chamberlain addressed the nation by radio stating that the United Kingdom was at war with Germany:
This morning, the British ambassador in
Berlin, handed the German government, the
final note, stating that unless we heard from
them, by 11 o'clock, that they were prepared
at once, to withdraw their troops from Poland,
a state of war would exist between us. I have
to tell you now, that no such undertaking has
been received, and as a consequence, this country is now at war with Germany. ... We have
a clear conscience; we have done all that any
country could do to establish peace. The sit-

First page of a letter from Churchill to Chamberlain, 1 October
1939

Chamberlain instituted a War Cabinet and invited the
Labour and Liberal parties to join his government which
they declined.[174] He restored Churchill to the Cabinet as
First Lord of the Admiralty with a seat in the War Cabinet. Chamberlain also gave Eden a government post. The
new First Lord proved to be a difficult Cabinet colleague,

12

3

deluging the Prime Minister with a sea of lengthy memos.
Chamberlain castigated Churchill for sending so many
memos as unnecessary when the two met in War Cabinet every day.[175] Chamberlain suspected, correctly as it
proved after the war, that “these letters are for the purpose
of quotation in the Book that he will write hereafter”.[176]
Chamberlain was also able to deter some of Churchill’s
more extreme plans, such as Operation Catherine, which
would have sent several heavily armoured ships into the
Baltic Sea with little support and no air cover as a means
of stopping shipments of iron ore to Germany.[177] With
the naval war the only significant front involving the
British in the early months of the war, the First Lord’s obvious desire to wage a ruthless, victorious war established
him as a leader-in-waiting in the public consciousness and
among parliamentary colleagues.[178]
With little land action in the west, the initial months of
the war were dubbed the “Bore War”, later renamed the
"Phoney War" by journalists.[179] Chamberlain, in common with most Allied officials and generals, felt the war
could be won relatively quickly by keeping economic
pressure on Germany through a blockade while continuing rearmament.[180] Chamberlain was reluctant to go too
far in altering the British economy. The government submitted an emergency war budget about which Chamberlain stated, “the only thing that matters is to win the war,
though we may go bankrupt in the process”.[181] However, actual government expenditures rose by little more
than the rate of inflation between September 1939 and
March 1940.[181] Despite these difficulties, Chamberlain
still enjoyed approval ratings as high as 68%[182] and almost 60% in April 1940.[183]
3.5.3

Downfall

In early 1940 the Allies approved a naval campaign that
was devised to seize the northern part of Norway, a neutral country, including the key port of Narvik, and possibly also to seize the iron mines at Gällivare in northern
Sweden from which Germany obtained much of its iron
ore.[184] Since the Baltic freezes in winters the iron ore
was sent by ship south from Narvik during warmer times
of the year. The Allies planned to begin by mining Norwegian waters, thus provoking a German reaction in Norway, and then the Allies planned to occupy much of the
country. Unforeseen by the Allies, however, Germany
had itself planned to occupy Norway, and on 9 April German troops occupied Denmark and began an invasion of
Norway. German troops quickly overran much of the
country.[185] The Allies sent troops to Norway who met
with little success, and on 26 April the War Cabinet ordered a withdrawal.[185] The Prime Minister’s opponents
decided to turn the adjournment debate for the Whitsun
recess into a challenge to Chamberlain who soon heard
about the plan. After initial anger, Chamberlain determined to fight.[186]
What became known as the "Norway debate" opened on

PREMIERSHIP (1937–40)

7 May, and lasted for two days. The initial speeches,
including Chamberlain’s, were nondescript, but Admiral Sir Roger Keyes, member for Portsmouth North, in
full uniform, delivered a withering attack on the conduct
of the Norway campaign, though he excluded Churchill
from criticism. Leo Amery then delivered a speech which
he concluded by echoing Oliver Cromwell's words on dissolving the Long Parliament: “You have sat here too long
for any good you are doing. Depart, I say, and let us
have done with you. In the name of God, go!"[187] When
Labour announced that they would call for a division of
the House of Commons, Chamberlain called upon his
“friends—and I still have some friends in this House—
to support the Government tonight”.[188] Though the use
of the word “friends” was a conventional term to refer
to party colleagues, and, according to biographer Robert
Self, many MPs took it that way, it was an “error of judgment” for Chamberlain to refer to party loyalty “when the
gravity of the war situation required national unity”.[189]
Lloyd George joined the attackers and Churchill concluded the debate with a vigorous speech in support of
the government.[189] When the division took place, the
government, which had a normal majority of over 200,
prevailed by only 81, with 38 MPs in receipt of the government whip voting against it, with between 20 and 25
abstaining.[190]
Chamberlain spent much of 9 May in meetings with his
Cabinet colleagues. Many Conservative MPs, even those
who had voted against the government, indicated on 9
May and in the days following that they did not wish
Chamberlain to depart but rather would seek to reconstruct his government.[191] However, Chamberlain decided that he would resign unless the Labour Party was
willing to join his government, and so he met with Attlee
later that day. Attlee was unwilling but did agree to consult his National Executive then meeting in Bournemouth.
Chamberlain favoured Halifax as the next Prime Minister, but Halifax proved reluctant to press his own claims,
and Churchill emerged as the choice. The following day
Germany invaded the Low Countries and Chamberlain
considered remaining in office. However, Attlee confirmed that Labour would not serve under Chamberlain
though it was willing to serve under someone else. Chamberlain went to Buckingham Palace to resign and advise
the King to send for Churchill.[192] Churchill later expressed gratitude to Chamberlain for not advising the
King to send for Halifax who would have commanded
the support of most government MPs.[193] In a resignation broadcast that evening, Chamberlain told the nation,
For the hour has now come when we are
to be put to the test, as the innocent people of
Holland, Belgium, and France are being tested
already. And you and I must rally behind our
new leader, and with our united strength, and
with unshakable courage fight, and work until this wild beast, which has sprung out of
his lair upon us, has been finally disarmed and

13
overthrown.[194]

pursued at that time helped persuade the War Cabinet to
reject negotiations.[204]

Queen Elizabeth told Chamberlain that her daughter,
Princess Elizabeth wept as she heard the broadcast.[192]
Churchill wrote to express his gratitude for Chamberlain’s willingness to stand by him in the nation’s hour of
need, and Lord Baldwin, the only living former Prime
Minister besides Chamberlain and Lloyd George, wrote,
“You have passed through fire since we were talking together only a fortnight ago, and you have come out pure
gold.”[195]

4

Lord President of the Council
and death

In a departure from usual practice, Chamberlain did not
issue any resignation Honours list.[196] With Chamberlain remaining leader of the Conservative Party, and with
many MPs still supporting him and distrusting the new
Prime Minister, Churchill refrained from any purge of
Chamberlain loyalists.[197] Churchill wished Chamberlain to return to the Exchequer, which he declined, convinced that accepting would lead to difficulties with the
Labour Party. Instead, he accepted the post of Lord President of the Council with a seat in the shrunken fivemember War Cabinet.[198] When Chamberlain entered
the House of Commons on 13 May 1940, for the first
time since his resignation, “MPs lost their heads, they
shouted, they cheered, they waved their order papers,
and his reception was a regular ovation.”[198] However,
Churchill was received coolly by the House.[198] Some of
Churchill’s great speeches to the House, such as "We shall
fight on the beaches", met with only half-hearted enthusiasm there.[199]
His fall from power left Chamberlain deeply depressed,
writing, “Few men can have known such a reversal of fortune in so short a time.”[200] He especially regretted the
loss of Chequers as “a place where I have been so happy”,
though after a farewell visit there by the Chamberlains on
19 June, he wrote “I am content now that I have done that,
and shall put Chequers out of my mind.”[201] As Lord
President he assumed vast responsibilities over domestic issues and chaired the War Cabinet during Churchill’s
many absences.[201] Attlee later remembered him as “free
from any of the rancour he might have felt against us.
He worked very hard and well: a good chairman, a good
committeeman, always very businesslike”.[202] As chairman of the Lord President’s Committee, he exerted great
influence over the wartime economy.[203] When Axis feelers for peace reached the War Cabinet on 26 May 1940,
with the Low Countries conquered and France tottering,
Halifax urged following up and seeing if the actual offer was worthwhile. The battle over the course of action
within the War Cabinet lasted three days, and Chamberlain’s statement on the final day that there was unlikely to
be an acceptable offer and that the feelers should not be

David Lloyd George, Prime Minister 1916–22, whose contempt
for Chamberlain was reciprocated

Twice in May 1940 Churchill broached the subject of
bringing Lloyd George into the government. Each time
Chamberlain indicated that due to their longtime antipathy he would immediately retire if Lloyd George
were appointed a minister. Churchill did not appoint
Lloyd George but brought up the subject with Chamberlain again early in June. This time, Chamberlain
agreed to Lloyd George’s appointment provided Lloyd
George gave a personal assurance to put aside the feud.
However, Lloyd George declined to serve in Churchill’s
government.[205]
Chamberlain worked to bring his Conservative Party in
line behind Churchill, working with the Chief Whip,
David Margesson, to overcome members’ suspicions and
dislikes of the Prime Minister. On 4 July, Churchill entered the Chamber to a great cheer from Conservative
MPs orchestrated by the two, and the Prime Minister
was almost overcome with emotion at the first cheer he
had received from his own party’s benches since May.[199]
Churchill returned the loyalty refusing to consider Labour
and Liberal attempts to expel Chamberlain from the
government.[203] When criticisms of Chamberlain appeared in the press, and when the former Prime Minister
learned that Labour intended to use an upcoming secret
session of Parliament as a platform to attack him, Chamberlain told Churchill that he could only defend himself
by attacking Labour. The Prime Minister intervened with
the Labour Party and the press, and the criticism ceased,

14

5 LEGACY AND REPUTATION

according to Chamberlain, “like turning off a tap”.[206]
In July 1940, a polemic entitled Guilty Men was released
by “Cato”—a pseudonym for three journalists (including future Labour leader Michael Foot). It attacked the
record of the National Government, alleging that it had
failed to prepare adequately for war. It called for the removal of Chamberlain and other ministers who had allegedly contributed to the British disasters of the early
part of the war. The short book sold more than 200,000
copies, many of which were passed from hand to hand,
and which went into twenty-seven editions in the first
few months despite not being carried by several major
bookshops.[207] According to historian David Dutton, “its
impact upon Chamberlain’s reputation, both among the
general public and within the academic world, was profound indeed”.[208]
Chamberlain had long enjoyed excellent health, except
for occasional attacks of gout,[63] but by July 1940, he was
in almost constant pain. He sought treatment, and later
that month entered hospital for surgery. Surgeons discovered that he was suffering from terminal bowel cancer,
but they concealed it from him, instead telling him that
he would not require further surgery.[209] Chamberlain
resumed work in mid-August. He returned to his office
on 9 September. However, renewed pain, compounded
by the night-time bombing of London which forced him
to go to an air raid shelter and denied him rest, sapped
his energy, and he left London for the last time on 19
September returning to Highfield Park in Heckfield.[210]
He offered his resignation to Churchill on 22 September,
which the Prime Minister initially was reluctant to accept.
However, as both men realised that Chamberlain would
never return to work, Churchill finally allowed him to resign. The Prime Minister asked if Chamberlain would accept the highest order of British chivalry, the Order of the
Garter, of which his brother had been a member. Chamberlain refused stating that he would “prefer to die plain
'Mr. Chamberlain' like my father before me, unadorned
by any title”.[211]

lenged by the destruction of war. For the rest
I regret nothing that I have done & I can see
nothing undone that I ought to have done. I am
therefore content to accept the fate that has so
suddenly overtaken me.[212]
Chamberlain died of bowel cancer on 9 November 1940
at the age of 71. His funeral service took place at
Westminster Abbey (due to wartime security concerns,
the date and time were not widely publicised), and his
ashes were interred there next to those of Andrew Bonar
Law.[213] Churchill eulogised Chamberlain in the House
of Commons three days after his death:
Whatever else history may or may not say
about these terrible, tremendous years, we can
be sure that Neville Chamberlain acted with
perfect sincerity according to his lights and
strove to the utmost of his capacity and authority, which were powerful, to save the world
from the awful, devastating struggle in which
we are now engaged. This alone will stand him
in good stead as far as what is called the verdict
of history is concerned.[214]
Though some Chamberlain supporters found Churchill’s
oratory to be faint praise of the late Prime Minister,[215]
Churchill added less publicly, “Whatever shall I do without poor Neville? I was relying on him to look after
the Home Front for me.”[216] Amongst the others who
paid tribute to Chamberlain in the Commons and in the
House of Lords on 12 November were Lord Halifax, Attlee, and the Liberal Party leader and Air Minister, Sir
Archibald Sinclair. Lloyd George, the only former Prime
Minister remaining in the Commons, had been expected
to speak, but absented himself from the proceedings.[217]
Ever close to his family, the executors of Chamberlain’s
will were his cousins, Wilfred Byng Kenrick and Sir Wilfrid Martineau; both of whom, like Chamberlain, were
Lord Mayor of Birmingham.[218]

In the short time remaining to him, Chamberlain was angered by the “short, cold & for the most part depreciatory” press comments on his retirement, according to
him written “without the slightest sign of sympathy for the 5 Legacy and reputation
man or even any comprehension that there may be a human tragedy in the background”.[211] However, the King A few days before his death, Neville Chamberlain wrote,
and Queen drove down from Windsor to visit the dying
man on 14 October.[212] He received hundreds of symSo far as my personal reputation is conpathetic letters from friends and supporters. He wrote to
cerned, I am not in the least disturbed about
John Simon, who had served as Chancellor of the Excheit. The letters which I am still receiving in
quer in Chamberlain’s government:
such vast quantities so unanimously dwell on
[I]t was the hope of doing something to improve the conditions of life for the poorer people that brought me at past middle life into politics, and it is some satisfaction to me that I
was able to carry out some part of my ambition even though its permanency may be chal-

the same point, namely without Munich the
war would have been lost and the Empire destroyed in 1938 ... I do not feel the opposite
view ... has a chance of survival. Even if nothing further were to be published giving the true
inside story of the past two years I should not
fear the historian’s verdict.[219]

15
no such position”.[225]
Many of Chamberlain’s family letters and his extensive
personal papers were bequeathed by his family in 1974
to the Birmingham University Archives.[226][227][228][21]
During the war, the Chamberlain family had commissioned historian Keith Feiling to produce an official biography, and gave him access to Chamberlain’s private
diaries and papers.[229] While Feiling had the right of access to official papers as the official biographer of a recently deceased person, he may not have been aware of
the provision, and the Cabinet Secretary denied his requests for access.[230]

Blue plaque honouring Neville Chamberlain, Edgbaston, Birmingham

Guilty Men was not the only Second World War tract
that damaged Chamberlain’s reputation. We Were Not
All Wrong, published in 1941, took a similar tack to
Guilty Men, arguing that Liberal and Labour MPs, and
a small number of Conservatives, had fought against
Chamberlain’s appeasement policies. The author, Liberal MP Geoffrey Mander, had voted against conscription in 1939.[220] Another polemic against Conservative
policies was Why Not Trust the Tories (1944, written by
“Gracchus”, who later proved to be future Labour minister Aneurin Bevan), which castigated the Conservatives
for the foreign policy decisions of Baldwin and Chamberlain. Though a few Conservatives offered their own
versions of events, most notably MP Quintin Hogg in his
1945 The Left was Never Right, by the end of the war,
there was a very strong public belief that Chamberlain
was culpable for serious diplomatic and military misjudgments that had nearly caused Britain’s defeat.[221]
Chamberlain’s reputation was devastated by these attacks
from the left. In 1948, with the publication of The Gathering Storm, the first volume of Churchill’s six-volume
set, The Second World War, Chamberlain sustained an
even more serious assault from the right. While Churchill
stated privately, “this is not history, this is my case”,
his series was still hugely influential.[222] Churchill depicted Chamberlain as well-meaning but weak, blind to
the threat posed by Hitler, and oblivious to the fact that
(according to Churchill) Hitler could have been removed
from power by a grand coalition of European states.
Churchill suggested that the year’s delay between Munich
and war worsened Britain’s position, and criticised Chamberlain for both peacetime and wartime decisions.[223] In
the years following the publication of Churchill’s books,
few historians questioned his judgment.[224]
Anne Chamberlain, the former premier’s widow, suggested that Churchill’s work was filled with matters that
“are not real misstatements that could easily be corrected,
but wholesale omissions and assumptions that certain
things are now recognised as facts which actually have

Though Feiling produced what historian David Dutton
described in 2001 as “the most impressive and persuasive single-volume biography” of Chamberlain (completed during the war and published in 1946), he could
not repair the damage already done to Chamberlain’s
reputation.[229]
Conservative MP Iain Macleod's 1961 biography of
Chamberlain was the first major biography of a revisionist school of thought on Chamberlain. The same year,
A. J. P. Taylor, in his The Origins of the Second World
War, found that Chamberlain had adequately rearmed
Britain for defence (though a rearmament designed to defeat Germany would have taken massive additional resources) and described Munich as “a triumph for all that
was best and most enlightened in British life ... [and] for
those who had courageously denounced the harshness and
short-sightedness of Versailles”.[231]
The adoption of the "thirty-year rule" in 1967 made
available many of the papers of the Chamberlain government over the subsequent three years, helping to explain why Chamberlain acted as he did.[232] The resultant works greatly fuelled the revisionist school, although
they also included books that strongly criticised Chamberlain, such as Keith Middlemas's 1972 Diplomacy of Illusion (which portrayed Chamberlain as a seasoned politician with strategic blindness when it came to Germany).
Released papers indicated that, contrary to claims made
in Guilty Men, Chamberlain had neither ignored the advice of the Foreign Office nor had he disregarded and
run roughshod over his Cabinet.[233] Other released papers showed that Chamberlain had considered seeking a
grand coalition amongst European governments like that
later advocated by Churchill, but had rejected it on the
ground that the division of Europe into two camps would
make war more, not less likely.[234] They also showed
that Chamberlain had been advised that the Dominions,
pursuing independent foreign policies under the Statute
of Westminster, had indicated that Chamberlain could
not depend on their help in the event of a Continental
war.[235] The Chiefs of Staff report, which indicated that
Britain could not forcibly prevent Germany from conquering Czechoslovakia, was first publicly known at this
time.[236]

16

8 NOTES

In reaction against the revisionist school of thought regarding Chamberlain a post-revisionist school emerged
beginning in the 1990s, using the released papers to justify the initial conclusions of Guilty Men. Oxford historian R. A. C. Parker argued that Chamberlain could have
forged a close alliance with France after the Anschluß,
in early 1938, and begun a policy of containment of Germany under the auspices of the League of Nations. While
many revisionist writers had suggested that Chamberlain
had had few or no choices in his actions, Parker argued
that Chamberlain and his colleagues had chosen appeasement over other viable policies.[237] In his two volumes,
Chamberlain and Appeasement (1993) and Churchill and
Appeasement (2000), Parker stated that Chamberlain,
due to his “powerful, obstinate personality” and his skill
in debate, caused Britain to embrace appeasement instead of effective deterrence.[238] Parker also suggested
that had Churchill held high office in the second half of
the 1930s Churchill would have built a series of alliances
which would have deterred Hitler, and perhaps would
have caused Hitler’s domestic opponents to procure his
removal.[238]
Dutton observes that Chamberlain’s reputation, for good
or ill, will probably always be closely tied to evaluation of
his policy toward Germany:
Whatever else may be said of Chamberlain’s public life his reputation will in the
last resort depend upon assessments of this
moment [Munich] and this policy [appeasement]. This was the case when he left office in 1940 and it remains so sixty years later.
To expect otherwise is rather like hoping that
Pontius Pilate will one day be judged as a successful provincial administrator of the Roman
Empire.[239]

6

6.3 Others
Honorary Air Commodore, No 916 County of Warwick
Squadron, Auxiliary Air Force – 1939[39]

7 Parliamentary election results
8 Notes
Explanatory notes
[1] Joseph Chamberlain’s loss is equivalent to £29.1 million if measured as per capita gross domestic product;
£4.2 million if measured as an RPI equivalent. See
MeasuringWorth.
[2] A well-known quotation by Disraeli, see Meynell 1903, p.
155. Chamberlain would later allude to Disraeli in stating
he had brought for the second time “peace with honour”
from Germany to Downing Street after the Munich Conference.
[3] “Peace in our time”, a common misquotation, is a quotation from the Book of Common Prayer, and can be found
as a misquotation in The New York Times as early as 2
October 1938. Faber 2008, pp. 5–7.
[4] Disraeli (or more properly Lord Beaconsfield) had stated
“Lord Salisbury and I have brought you peace—but a
peace, I hope, with honour.” See Keyes 2006, p. 160.

Citations
[1] Unitarian Association, Midland. ""Neville (and his halfbrother (Sir) Austen) were members of the Birmingham
Unitarian New Meeting Church”.". Midland Unitarian
Association. Birmingham New Meeting Church. Retrieved June 6, 2014.

Honours

6.1

• Honorary Freedom City of London – conferred
1940 but died before acceptance, the scroll being
presented to his widow in 1941[240]

Academic

• FRS – 1938[24]

[2] Hadley 1941.

• Oxford University – DCL[39]
• Cambridge University – LLD[39]

[3] Paul Strangio et al. (2013). Understanding PrimeMinisterial Performance: Comparative Perspectives. Oxford UP. pp. 224, 226. ISBN 978-0-19-966642-3.

• Birmingham University – LLD[39]

[4] Crozier 2004–09.

• Bristol University – LLD

[5] Macklin 2006, p. 11.

• Leeds University – LLD

[39]

[39]

• Reading University – DLitt[39]

[6] Smart 2010, pp. 2–3.
[7] Smart 2010, pp. 5–6.
[8] Smart 2010, pp. 6–8.

6.2

Freedoms

• Honorary Freedom City of Birmingham[240]

[9] Self 2006, p. 21.
[10] Self 2006, p. 22.

17

[11] Dutton 2001, p. 9.

[43] Self 2006, p. 103.

[12] Smart 2010, p. 33.

[44] Dutton 2001, p. 14.

[13] Smart 2010, pp. 33–34.

[45] Self 2006, p. 106.

[14] “The United Hospitals Conference of Great Britain and
Ireland”. The Times. 7 December 1906. p. 8. Retrieved
25 February 2013.

[46] Self 2006, pp. 116–18.

[15] Self 2006, p. 31.

[48] Self 2006, p. 115.

[16] Self 2006, pp. 33–35.

[49] Self 2006, p. 429.

[17] Smart 2010, p. 39.

[50] Dilks 1984, pp. 584–86.

[18] Self 2006, p. 40.

[51] Smart 2010, pp. 160–62.

[19] Smart 2010, p. 53.

[52] Self 2006, p. 161.

[20] Self 2006, pp. 40–41.

[53] Self 2006, pp. 161–62.

[21] Self 2006, p. 41.

[54] Self 2006, p. 163.

[22] Self 2006, pp. 42–43.

[55] Self 2006, pp. 165–66.

[23] Smart 2010, p. 62.

[56] Dutton 2001, p. 17.

[24] Who Was Who, 1929–1940. A and C Black. 1949. p.
235.

[57] Smart 2010, p. 173.

[25] Smart 2010, p. 67.

[59] Smart 2010, p. 174.

[26] Smart 2010, pp. 77–79.
[27] Smart 2010, p. 70.

[60] Maurice Bruce (1968). The coming of the Welfare State.
Batsford. p. 370.

[28] Self 2006, p. 68.

[61] Bruce, p. 371.

[29] Dilks 1984, p. 262.

[62] Macklin 2006, p. 36.

[30] Self 2006, p. 73.

[63] Dutton 2001, p. 18.

[31] Englefield 1995, p. 388.

[64] Macklin 2006, pp. 36–42.

[32] Pepper, S. “Homes Unfit for Heroes”. The Slum Problem in London and Neville Chamberlain’s Unhealthy Areas
Committee, 1919–21. 1 March 2009 – Academic journal
article – By Pepper, Simon; Richmond, Peter. Retrieved
1 March 2013.

[65] Smart 2010, pp. 199–200.

[33] Yelling, J. A. Slums and Redevelopment. Routledge 1992.
pp. 26–27. Retrieved 1 March 2013.

[68] Gilbert, Martin (1981). Winston Churchill, The Wilderness Years. Macmillan. pp. 169–170. ISBN 0-33332564-8.

[34] Self 2006, pp. 79–80.
[35] Smart 2010, pp. 94–95.
[36] Smart 2010, p. 96.
[37] Self 2006, p. 87.
[38] Self 2006, pp. 87–88.
[39] Kelly’s Handbook to the Titled, Landed and Official Classes
1940. Kelly’s. p. 433.

[47] Smart 2010, pp. 139–40.

[58] Macklin 2006, p. 32.

[66] Dutton 2001, p. 40.
[67] Ziegler, Philip (1991). King Edward VIII. Alfred A.
Knopf. p. 312. ISBN 0-394-57730-2.

[69] Macklin 2006, pp. 44–45.
[70] Smart 1999, p. 148.
[71] Self 2006, p. 261.
[72] Smart 2010, pp. 224–25.
[73] Self 2006, p. 264.
[74] Faber 2008, p. 171.

[40] Self 2006, p. 89.

[75] Faber 2008, p. 172.

[41] Smart 2010, pp. 106–07.

[76] Macklin 2006, p. 48.

[42] Macklin 2006, pp. 24–25.

[77] Macklin 2006, p. 52.

18

8 NOTES

[78] Macklin 2006, p. 158.

[116] Self 2006, p. 316.

[79] Dawson 2006.

[117] Faber 2008, p. 334.

[80] Taylor 1965, p. 406.

[118] Faber 2008, p. 337.

[81] Self 2006, pp. 298–99.

[119] Faber 2008, pp. 340–42.

[82] Macklin 2006, p. 64.

[120] Self 2006, pp. 318–20.

[83] Smart 2010, pp. 225.

[121] Self 2006, p. 321.

[84] Self 2006, p. 279.

[122] Faber 2008, pp. 375–76.

[85] Smart 2010, pp. 226.

[123] Faber 2008, p. 382.

[86] Smart 2010, pp. 225–26.

[124] Self 2006, p. 323.

[87] Self 2006, pp. 273–74.

[125] Self 2006, p. 324.

[88] Self 2006, p. 274.

[126] Faber 2008, pp. 403–07.

[89] Smart 2010, pp. 228–29.

[127] Faber 2008, pp. 407–10.

[90] Smart 2010, pp. 230–32.

[128] Faber 2008, pp. 410–11.

[91] Self 2006, pp. 286.

[129] Faber 2008, pp. 413–14.

[92] Faber 2008, pp. 103.

[130] Self 2006, pp. 324–25.

[93] Smart 2010, p. 232.

[131] Faber 2008, p. 417.

[94] Self 2006, p. 304.

[132] Self 2006, p. 325.

[95] Faber 2008, p. 148.

[133] Faber 2008, pp. 417–18.

[96] Self 2006, p. 302.

[134] Faber 2008, p. 5.

[97] Faber 2008, pp. 156.

[135] Faber 2008, pp. 5–7.

[98] Smart 2010, pp. 237.

[136] Faber 2008, p. 420.

[99] Faber 2008, pp. 159–60.

[137] Faber 2008, p. 6.

[100] Faber 2008, p. 160.

[138] Faber 2008, pp. 420–21.

[101] Smart 2010, pp. 234.

[139] Self 2006, p. 330.

[102] Faber 2008, p. 162.

[140] Faber 2008, pp. 424–25.

[103] Faber 2008, p. 189.

[141] Keane 2005, p. 15.

[104] Faber 2008, pp. 202–03.

[142] Self 2006, p. 333.

[105] Faber 2008, pp. 199–200.

[143] Smart 2010, p. 249.

[106] Faber 2008, pp. 211–14.

[144] Self 2006, pp. 334–35.

[107] Faber 2008, pp. 230–34.

[145] Smart 2010, p. 250.

[108] Self 2006, p. 308.

[146] Self 2006, p. 341.

[109] Faber 2008, pp. 244–46.

[147] Smart 2010, pp. 250–51.

[110] Faber 2008, pp. 263–66.

[148] Self 2006, p. 339.

[111] Faber 2008, p. 277.

[149] Self 2006, pp. 344–45.

[112] Self 2006, pp. 310–12.

[150] Self 2006, pp. 345–46.

[113] Self 2006, pp. 312–14.

[151] Self 2006, p. 347.

[114] Smart 2010, p. 242.

[152] Self 2006, p. 348.

[115] Faber 2008, pp. 319–24.

[153] Smart 2010, p. 254.

19

[154] Self 2006, pp. 352–53.

[192] Self 2006, pp. 428–30.

[155] Dutton 2001, p. 58.

[193] Dutton 2001, p. 118.

[156] Self 2006, p. 353.

[194] Feiling 1970, p. 441.

[157] Courcy 1940, p. 98.

[195] Feiling 1970, p. 442.

[158] Self 2006, p. 354.

[196] Feiling 1970, p. 443.

[159] Self 2006, p. 357.
[160] Dutton 2001, pp. 58–59.
[161] Self 2006, p. 358.
[162] Smart 2010, p. 255.
[163] Self 2006, pp. 358–59.

[197] Self 2006, pp. 431–32.
[198] Self 2006, p. 432.
[199] Self 2006, p. 433.
[200] Smart 2010, p. 279.
[201] Self 2006, p. 435.

[164] Self 2006, pp. 367–69.
[202] Macklin 2006, p. 90.
[165] Halsall 1997.
[166] Self 2006, p. 369.
[167] Smart 2010, p. 261.
[168] Self 2006, p. 378.
[169] Self 2006, pp. 378–79.
[170] Smart 2010, p. 263.

[203] Self 2006, p. 436.
[204] Self 2006, pp. 435–36.
[205] Self 2006, pp. 440–42.
[206] Self 2006, pp. 439–41.
[207] Dutton 2001, p. 74.

[171] Self 2006, p. 380.

[208] Dutton 2001, pp. 71–72.

[172] Dutton 2001, p. 59.

[209] Self 2006, pp. 442–43.

[173] Feiling 1970, p. 416.

[210] Self 2006, pp. 443–44.

[174] Self 2006, p. 382.

[211] Self 2006, p. 445.

[175] Self 2006, pp. 386–87.

[212] Self 2006, p. 446.

[176] Self 2006, pp. 387–88.

[213] Self 2006, pp. 447–48.

[177] Smart 2010, p. 269.

[214] Self 2006, p. 447.

[178] Smart 2010, p. 265.

[215] Self 2006, pp. 446–47.

[179] Self 2006, p. 383.

[216] Self 2006, p. 439.

[180] Smart 2010, p. 268.
[181] Self 2006, p. 390.
[182] Self 2006, p. 391.
[183] Dutton 2001, p. 61.
[184] Smart 2010, p. 273.
[185] Self 2006, pp. 415–16.
[186] Self 2006, pp. 420–21.

[217] Daniell 1940.
[218] Gazette, London. “The Right Honourable ARTHUR
NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN” (PDF). Will probate instruction/information of Neville Chamberlain, Page 7145 16th December, 1941. London Gazette. Retrieved March
13, 2013.
[219] Self 2006, p. 449.
[220] Dutton 2001, p. 116.

[187] Self 2006, p. 423.

[221] Dutton 2001, pp. 76–80.

[188] Self 2006, pp. 424–25.

[222] Dutton 2001, pp. 105–06.

[189] Self 2006, p. 425.

[223] Dutton 2001, pp. 108–09.

[190] Self 2006, p. 426.

[224] Dutton 2001, p. 106.

[191] Dutton 2001, pp. 63–64.

[225] Dutton 2001, pp. 107.

20

9

[226] “XNC – Papers of Neville Chamberlain. 1. Family correspondence and other papers. NC1/2 (Transcribed Chamberlain family letters)". National Archives – University
of Birmingham. Retrieved 15 February 2013. The letters were transcribed in 1915 by Norah Kenrick [wife of
Neville Chamberlain’s cousin and friend, W. Byng Kenrick] from the original letters then in the possession of
Clara Martineau [daughter of Chamberlain’s uncle, Sir
Thomas Martineau].
[227] “NC13/17/197-237 XNC Papers of Neville Chamberlain”. Birmingham University Archives. Retrieved 2
March 2013.
[228] Walker-Smith, Derek. “The Chamberlain City”. Arthur
Neville Chamberlain. Million Dollar Books: 21 November 2003. Retrieved 14 February 2013.
[229] Dutton 2001, pp. 133–36.
[230] Self 2006, p. vii.
[231] Dutton 2001, pp. 143–44.
[232] Dutton 2001, p. 181.
[233] Dutton 2001, pp. 157–61.
[234] Dutton 2001, pp. 162–64.
[235] Dutton 2001, pp. 167–68.
[236] Dutton 2001, p. 172.
[237] Dutton 2001, pp. 182–84.

REFERENCES

• Dilks, David (1984). Neville Chamberlain, Volume
1: Pioneering and Reform, 1869–1929. Cambridge
University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-89401-2.
• Dutton, David (2001). Neville Chamberlain. Hodder Arnold. ISBN 978-0-340-70627-5.
• Englefield, Dermot (1995). Facts About the British
Prime Ministers. H. W. Wilson Co. ISBN 978-08242-0863-9.
• Faber, David (2008). Munich: The 1938 Appeasement Crisis. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-184739-006-6.
• Feiling, Keith (1970). The Life of Neville Chamberlain (Second ed.). Archon Books.
• Hadley, W. W. (December 1941). “Neville Chamberlain. 1869–1940”. Obituary Notices of Fellows of the Royal Society 3 (10): 731–734.
doi:10.1098/rsbm.1941.0030.
• Halsall, Paul, ed. (August 1997). “Modern History Sourcebook: The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact,
1939.”. Internet Modern History Sourcebook. Fordham University. Retrieved 22 October 2009.
• Keane, Michael (2005). Dictionary of Modern Strategy and Tactics. Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-159114-429-8.

[239] Dutton 2001, p. 7.

• Keyes, Ralph (2006). The Quote Verifier: Who Said
What, Where, and When. Macmillan. ISBN 978-0312-34004-9.

[240] Wickham Legg (Editor), L.G. (1949). Dictionary of National Biography 1931–1940. p. 163.

• Macklin, Graham (2006). Chamberlain.
Books. ISBN 978-1-904950-62-2.

[238] Macklin 2006, pp. 106–07.

[241] Craig 1977, p. 87.
[242] Craig 1977, p. 83.

9

References
• Courcy, John de (1940). Searchlight on Europe.
Eyre and Spottiswoode.
• Craig, F.W.S. (1977). British Parliamentary Election Results 1918–1949 (revised ed.). The Macmillan Press Ltd.
• Daniell,
Raymond (13 November 1940).
“Commons tribute paid Chamberlain”.
The
New York Times. Retrieved 6 November 2009.

Haus

• Margerie, Roland de, Journal, 1939-1940, Paris,
Éditions Grasset et Fasquelle, 2010, 416 p. (ISBN
978-2246770411)
• Meynell, Wilfrid (1903). Benjamin Disraeli: an unconventional biography 1. Hutchinson & Co.
• Self, Robert (2006). Neville Chamberlain: A Biography. Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-7546-5615-9.
• Smart, Nick (1999). The National Government. St
Martin’s Press. ISBN 978-0-312-22329-8.
• Smart, Nick (2010). Neville Chamberlain. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-45865-8.
• Taylor, A. J. P. (1965). English History, 1914–
1945. Oxford University Press.

• Dawson, Sandra (2006). “Working-Class Con- Online sources
sumers and the Campaign for Holidays with
Pay (TCBH Postgraduate Essay Prize Winner
• Crozier,
Andrew J. (September 2004).
Twentieth Century British His“Chamberlain, (Arthur) Neville (1869–1940),
for 2006)".
tory (Oxford University) 18 (3):
277–305.
prime minister”. Oxford Dictionary of National
doi:10.1093/tcbh/hwm005. Retrieved 12 SeptemBiography. Retrieved 9 November 2009. (subscripber 2012.
tion required)

21
• “Purchasing Power of British Pounds 1264–2008”.
MeasuringWorth. Retrieved 11 December 2009.

10

Further reading

• Aster, Sidney (1997). “Guilty Man: the Case of
Neville Chamberlain”. In Finney, Patrick. The Origins of the Second World War. Edward Arnold. pp.
62–77. ISBN 978-0-340-67640-0.
• Aster, Sidney (September 2002). “Viorel Virgil
Tilea and the Origins of the Second World War:
An Essay in Closure”. Diplomacy and Statecraft 13:
153–74. doi:10.1080/714000341.
• Bond, Brian (1983). “The Continental Commitment
in British Strategy in the 1930s”. In Mommsen,
Wolfgang; Kettenacker, Lothar. The Fascist Challenge and the Policy of Appeasement. George Allen
& Unwin. pp. 197–207. ISBN 978-0-04-9400689.
• Crozier, Andrew (1988). Appeasement and Germany’s Last Bid for Colonies. Macmillan Press.
ISBN 978-0-312-01546-6.
• Gilbert, Martin (1966). The Roots of Appeasement.
New American Library.
• Goldstein, Erik (1999). “Neville Chamberlain, The
British Official Mind and the Munich Crisis”. In
Mommsen, Wolfgang; Kettenacker, Lothar. The
Munich Crisis 1938: Prelude to World War II. Frank
Cass. pp. 276–92. ISBN 978-0-7146-8056-9.
• Greenwood, Sean (1999). “The Phantom Crisis:
Danzig, 1939”. In Martel, Gordon. The Origins of
the Second World War Reconsidered: A.J.P. Taylor
and the Historians. Routledge. pp. 225–46. ISBN
978-0-415-16325-5.
• Kennedy, Paul; Imlay, Talbot (1999). “Appeasement”. In Martel, Gordon. The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered: A.J.P. Taylor and the
Historians. Routledge. pp. 116–34. ISBN 978-0415-16325-5.
• Loades, David, ed. Reader’s Guide to British History
(2003) 1: 244-45; historiography
• McDonough, Frank (1998). Neville Chamberlain,
Appeasement and the British Road to War. Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-4832-6.
• McDonough, Frank (2001). Hitler, Chamberlain
and Appeasement. Cambridge University Press.
ISBN 978-0-521-00048-2.
• Petrie, Charles (1938). The Chamberlain Tradition
(First American Edition ed.). Frederick A. Stokes.

• Stewart, Graham (2000).
Burying Caesar:
Churchill, Chamberlain, and the Battle for the Tory
Party (revised ed.). Phoenix. ISBN 978-0-75381060-6.
• Strang, Bruce (1996). “Once More unto the
Breach: Britain’s Guarantee to Poland, March
1939”. Journal of Contemporary History 31: 721–
52. doi:10.1177/002200949603100406.
• Watt, D.C. (1989). How War Came: The Immediate Origins of the Second World War, 1938–1939.
Heinemann. ISBN 978-0-394-57916-0.
• Weinberg, Gerhard (2010). Hitler’s Foreign Policy,
1933–1939: The Road to World War II. Enigma
Books. ISBN 978-1-929631-91-9.
• Wheeler-Bennett, John (1948). Munich: Prologue
to Tragedy. Duell, Sloan and Pearce.

11 External links
• Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by
Neville Chamberlain
• Video: Neville Chamberlain Appeasement World
War II
• University of Birmingham Special Collections: the
political papers of Neville Chamberlain
• Works by or about Neville Chamberlain at Internet
Archive
• Works by Neville Chamberlain at LibriVox (public
domain audiobooks)
• Archival material relating to Neville Chamberlain
listed at the UK National Archives
• Portraits of (Arthur) Neville Chamberlain at the
National Portrait Gallery, London

22

12

12
12.1

TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses
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• Neville Chamberlain Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neville_Chamberlain?oldid=672603417 Contributors: Mav, Bryan Derksen,
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Jengod, Uriber, Charles Matthews, Adam Bishop, Tpbradbury, Jnc, Ed g2s, Lord Emsworth, Mackensen, Proteus, Lumos3, Dimadick,
Jason Potter, Nufy8, Robbot, Pigsonthewing, PBS, Henrygb, Auric, Timrollpickering, Hadal, Wikibot, GreatWhiteNortherner, Jooler,
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I9Q79oL78KiL0QTFHgyc, Giraffedata, Kapil, Rajah, BM, RDL, Rje, Pperos, Maxl, Hagerman, Jeltz, Craigy144, JoaoRicardo, Ashley Pomeroy, Balster neb, Valiantis, Ariwara, Ashlux, Max rspct, Mtiedemann, Msclguru, Tony Sidaway, Dave.Dunford, Gijs Kruitbosch,
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Georgehloros, Iamthecheese44, Liczk, Mitchitara, Alarbus, Wjames501, Dianaofburlington, Cloptonson, YFdyh-bot, Bardrick, Dexbot,
Br'er Rabbit, VIAFbot, Faizan, Vanamonde93, Jakec, ArmbrustBot, 215032SOAS, Ugog Nizdast, Valetude, Ministre d'État, Roxloptx,
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12.2

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• File:Andrew_Bonar_Law_02.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f4/Andrew_Bonar_Law_02.jpg License:
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12.2

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23

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• File:Chamberlain_resignation.ogg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3b/Chamberlain_resignation.ogg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.freeinfosociety.com/media.php?id=3873 Original artist: Neville Chamberlain, as Lord
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• File:Mason_Science_College.png Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/92/Mason_Science_College.png License: Public domain Contributors: Old Antique Victorian Prints Original artist: Illustrated London News
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• File:Neville_Chamberlain_Signature_2.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c0/Neville_Chamberlain_
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