Paraguayan Independence and Doctor Francia

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Artigo sobre a independência do Paraguai, enfatizando a figura de Francia, Ditador entre 1814-40

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Paraguayan Independence and Doctor Francia
Author(s): Jerry W. Cooney
Source: The Americas, Vol. 28, No. 4 (Apr., 1972), pp. 407-428
Published by: Academy of American Franciscan History
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/980204
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PARAGUAYAN INDEPENDENCE AND DOCTOR FRANCIA
NE OF THE consequencesof the Buenos Aires revolution

in May of 1810 was the eventual independence of Paraguay
and the rise to power of Doctor Jos6 Gaspar Rodriguez de
Francia. But before analysing the events of the Independence Movement in the isolated province of Paraguay it is necessary to consider
both the conditions in that region in the last decade of colonial rule
and the activities of Doctor Francia in the same period.
I
The last Intendente-Gobernador of Paraguay, Bernardo de Velasco,
governed a province which had shared in the reforms accompanying
the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata and the Intendant
system. Although hindered by an archaic militia system, frequent attacks by Indians from the Gran Chaco and the north, remnants of the
feudalistic encomienda system, and isolation from the rest of the Viceroyalty, nonetheless this province had made significant economic and
cultural progress since the notable but dreary report of Governor
Agustin Fernando de Pinedo in 1777.' Asunci6n in the last thirty years
of colonial rule became the center of shipbuilding in the Rio de la
Plata, ropeyards supplied cordage for ships of war, and the Edict of
Free Commerce in 1778 freed the province from archaic taxation and
commercial restrictions. The Portuguese-Spanish boundary commission of the 1780's and the establishment of a royal monopoly of tobacco
in the same decade introduced specie to Paraguay for the first time,
greatly stimulating commerce; and the yerba mate industry was thriving.2 In addition, the province enjoyed competent governors and administrators since the creation of the Intendant system, revitalizing as
a side effect the moribund Asunci6n Cabildo. Several governors in the
last decades of royal rule also took an interest in education and supported the establishment of the Colegio de San Carlos and other beneficial projects for the betterment of education in the colony."

SAgustin Fernando de Pinedo, "Informe del Gobernador del Paraguay Agustin
Fernando de Pinedo a S. M. el Rey de Espafia acerca de la pobreza de la provincia
y de la opresi6n de los indios," Revista del Instituto Paraguayo, LI & LII (1905),
337-352, 3-31, respectively.
2 Rafael Eladio
Velazquez, El Paraguay en 1811 (Asunci6n, 1966), pp. 77-86.
3Ibid. John Lynch, Spanish Colonial Administration, 1782-1810. The Intendant
System in the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. (London, 1958), pp. 158-161, 210215. Olinda Massare de Kostianovsky, La instruccidn pzliblicaen la 6poca colonial
(Asunci6n, 1968), pp. 187-217.

407

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408

PARAGUAYAN INDEPENDENCE AND FRANCIA

However, under the surface of this prosperity and seeming contentment other influences were present which affected Paraguay as well
as the rest of Spanish America. The economic reforms and cultural
progress had created a small criollo elite, educated in the milieu of the
Enlightenment, and deprived of all important governmental positions. In
addition, the commerce and shipping of Paraguay were largely in the
hands of non-Paraguayans. The Paraguayan elite, economically based
upon the cultivation of tobacco, or the exploitation of yerba, turned
either to the Church or to the militia for prestige. The militia, destined
to play a crucial role in Paraguayanindependence, had been reorganized
in the first decade of the nineteenth century and many young officers
such as Fulgencio Yegros, his brother Antonio Tomis, and Pedro Juan
Cavallero, were prominent leaders in the Emancipation Movement. At
the same time, the Church in Paraguay was becoming more Paraguayan although the most important positions were still a monopoly
of the Spanish-born.
Socially and culturally, Paraguay by 1800 was unique among Spanish
American colonies. The long isolation and neglect by the Crown had
fostered a spirit of localism which had manifested itself as early as the
1720's in the Comunero revolt. The taxation of Paraguayan products
for the benefit of other areas of the Empire, allied with economic competition from the favored Jesuit Missions during the 1600's and 1700's,
had created a spirit of resentment; and this resentment was not to disappear immediately with the expulsion of the Jesuits and the introduction of economic reforms concurrent with the establishment of the
Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. Also, the lack of migration to
Paraguay, the necessity of a subsistence agricultural economy for most
of the colonial period, the large number of Guarani Indians and the
subsequent acculturation of the native population, all had formed a
unique and culturally homogeneous mestizo population (often speaking
Guarani in preference to Spanish).' In consideration of these factors
of cultural and linguistic unity, geographical isolation, and the appearance of a new elite closely associated with the rest of the inhabitants,
Paraguay at the beginning of the nineteenth century possessed many of
the ingredients necessary for nationhood.
But notwithstanding the isolation of this province, Paraguay was
affected by the events of the last decade of the eighteenth century and
the first of the nineteenth which accompanied the French Revolution
and the Napoleonic Wars. During the War of Oranges in 1801 an
4Eladio Velazquez, El Paraguay en 1811, pp. 63-76. Efraim Cardozo, El Paraguay
colonial: Las raices de la nacionalidad (Buenos Aires, 1959), passim.

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W. COONEY
JERRY

409

unsuccessfulexpeditionwas mountedfrom Asunci6nto capturethe
fort of Coimbra
in the MatoGrosso,andvariousskirmishes
Portuguese
occurredon the northernborder.5In 1806 GovernorVelascowas
orderedto sendthe Paraguayan
militiato aidin the defenseof the Rio
de la Plataagainstthe British.Thesetroopswere dispatched
underthe
commandof CoronelJos6de Espinolawho ruthlesslypressedcampesinosintothemilitia,forcingthemto abandon
familiesandfarmsin their
to
evade
service."
The Paraguayans
who servedin
attempts
military
the Rio de la Plata participated
in the defenseof Montevideoand
BuenosAiresin 1807. The Montevidean
defensewasbadlyhandledby
the Viceroy marqu6sde Sobremonteand officersof the Paraguayan
militiacarriedresentmentback home with them. They also carried
with themthe exampleof the depositionof Sobremonte
by the criollos
of BuenosAiresandsomecopiesof the Britishnewspaper,
La Estrella
del Sur, printedin Montevideoand advocatingthe rebellionof the
Spanishcolonies.The resultsof this expeditionwere bitternessin the
militiaand populationof Paraguay,socialand economicdislocation
withinthe province,anda dreadof futureinvolvement
in the Rio de la
Plata.7The colony becametranquilby 1809 but the eventsof the
Britishinvasionwereremembered.
Elsewhereauthorities
didnot succeedin calmingtheirjurisdictions
in
the wakeof the confusioncausedby the Napoleonicinvasionof Spain
andthe kidnapping
of FernandoVII. In 1810the criollosof Buenos
AiresrevoltedagainsttheirSpanishmastersandavidlydesiredthe adherenceof the rest of the provincesof the Rio de la Platato their
revolution.However,therewasresistance
to the portcity in C6rdoba,
Montevideo,Upper Per', and Paraguay;and the porteiioserredin
sendingJose de Espinolato Paraguay.This soldierwas in Buenos
Airesduringthat city's revolutionandimmediately
becamea partisan
of the new government,
but his arrivalin Paraguaycausedresentment
andfearthatanotherexpeditionwouldbe sent to the Rio de la Plata.
Aftera few rashactsby Espinoladesignedto gainParaguay
for Buenos
, V. Correa Filho, As raias de Matto Grosso (Sio
Paulo, 1925), III, 135-149. Comandante of Villa Real de la Concepci6n Coronel Jose de Espinola to the Governor of Paraguay Laizarode Ribera, Concepci6n, February 19, 1802, in Colegio Visconde de RioBranco, Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, 1-30, 26, 27. Hereafter cited as CRB.
8 Governor of
Paraguay Bernardo de Velasco to Viceroy the marquis de Sobremonte,
Asunci6n, October 19, 1806, in Archivo General de la Naci6n, Buenos Aires, IX-5-5-#1.
Hereafter cited as AGN. Bando of Governor Velasco, Asunci6n, January 15, 1807, in
Archivo Nacional de Asunci6n, Secci6n Hist6rica, volume 204. Hereafter cited as
ANA-SH.
SIbid. Juan Beverina, Las invasiones inglesas al Rio de la Plata (1806-1807) (Buenos
Aires, 1939), II, 116-117, 151-152. Jesus L. Blanco Sanchez, El capitdindon Antonio
Tomds Yegros. Prdcer de la independencia nacional (Asunci6n, 1961), pp. 7-9.
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410

PARAGUAYANINDEPENDENCE AND FRANCIA

Aires, Governor Velasco arrested him and the province was assured
by the governor that it had naught to fear. Espinola escaped to Buenos
Aires and there reported to the Junta of that city that force would be
needed to subjugate Paraguay.8 In September of 1810 an expedition
under the command of Manuel Belgrano was ordered to deliver Paraguay from Spanish rule. Both the portefio Junta and Belgrano had the
mistaken impression that the mere appearance of an army of liberation
would cause a revolt against Velasco.9 They were wrong; Velasco
was extremely well liked by the Paraguayans and there was too much
distrust in the province concerning portefio motives. Nevertheless, in
late 1810 Belgrano and his small army began the march to Paraguay.
Meanwhile in Asunci6n, Velasco and the Cabildo of that city called
a meeting, or Junta General, of the province for July 24, 1810, which
was attended by royal officials and principal vecinos. It was decided
at this Junta General that Paraguay would be placed on a war footing,
that Spanish authority was supreme, that communications with Montevideo would be maintained, and that insomuch as possible, good relations would be preserved with Buenos Aires." However, it soon became
necessary to send an armed expedition to Corrientes to rescue Paraguayan merchant vessels there detained on orders from Buenos Aires and
Belgrano appeared on the banks of the Paran."
Governor Velasco had prepared the province to the best of his abilities
for an eventual conflict with the former capital. He exhorted the
Paraguayansto defend the fights of Fernando VII, arrested partisansof
Buenos Aires, assembled and increased the militia, secretly asked the
Portuguese commander in Rio Grande do Sul for aid, and in late December of 1810 marched his army from Asunci6n to meet Belgrano.
No Portuguese aid arrived but the untrained Paraguayans defeated the
equally untrained, but smaller, portefio army at Paraguari on January
19, 1811, and later at Tacuari on March 9, 1811. Although defeated,
Belgrano was still able to save the remnants of his army by an armistice
with the Paraguayan commander and marched back across the Parana.12
8Bandoof GovernorVelascoaboutthe putativeexpedition
to the Rio de la Plata,
on the captureof CoronelEspinola,
Asunci6n,
July2, 1810,ANA-SH211.Expediente
Asunci6n,July 14, 1810,ANA-SH 211.

given to GeneralManuelBelgranoby the Juntaof Buenos
9SecretInstructions
Buenos
22, 1810,AGN X-23-2#6.
Aires,September
Aires,
10Resolutions
of the JuntaGeneralof Paraguay,
Asunci6n,
July27, 1810,ANA-SH
211.

11Expediente
to Corrientes,
27,1810,ANA-SH
on theexpedition
Asunci6n,
September

211.

12 Coronel Luis Vittone, El Paraguay en la lucha por su independencia (Asunci6n,
1960), pp. 45-94.

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JERRYW. COONEY

411

Before he departed and in the absence of Governor Velasco, the portefio
commander subverted many of the Paraguayan officers he met in the
course of negotiations, emphasizing peace, union, the aspirations of
Americans, and freedom of commerce. This propaganda fell on fertile
soil and a conspiracy arose among Paraguayan militia officers with the
most fervent plotter being Fulgencio Yegros, recently appointed commander of the militia at Itaptia (now Encarnaci6n)." Velasco was
aware of discontent in the province but took no action against the
officers. He was hardly in any position to do so since at the battle
of Paraguari the Governor had precipitously abandoned the battlefield
leaving the fight to the Paraguayan criollos. By that action both Velasco
and the Spanish cause suffered a great loss of prestige. Nevertheless,
Governor Velasco did feel secure enough to proceed against certain
civilians who favored the protefio cause and who were involved in
minor conspiracies independent of the officers' plot.*14
Belgrano's propaganda, the startling success of Paraguayan arms,
Velasco's dubious conduct at Paraguari',the disgraceful confusion of
royalists in Asunci6n when they heard an erroneous rumor that Belgrano
had conquered at Paraguari, and the government's disdainful attitude
toward certain criollo militia officers after the victories all combined
to produce a situation ripe for rebellion. The final event which instigated the Paraguayan revolution of May 14, 1811, was the arrival of
a Portuguese emissary to Asunci6n, one Lieutenant Jos6 de Abreu,
sent there by General Diogo de Souza, commander of the Portuguese
army in Rio Grande do Sul. The Portuguese desired to expand in the
Rio de la Plata region by claiming the right of inheritance of Princess
Carlota Joaquina, sister of the kidnapped Fernando VII, and wife of
the Prince Regent Joao of Portugal, then with his court in Rio de
Janeiro. Having earlier received a plea from Velasco for aid against
the portefios, the Portuguese court considered it, and then authorized
Souza to reply. The mission of Abreu was the result.15 This young
officer was joyfully received in Asunci6n in early May of 1811 by the
royalist Cabildo and Governor Velasco, both parties being fearful of
a reinvasion by Belgrano and frightened of the possibility of criollo
dominance in the province. After several days of festivities and nego13 Julio CUsar Chaves, La
revolucidn del 14 y 15 de mayo (Asunci6n, 1961), pp.
27-31.
14Carlos R. Centuri6n, Precursores y actores de la independencia del Paraguay
(Asunci6n, 1962), pp. 20-42. Marcelino Rodriguez, "Recuerdos de un precursor de
la revoluci6n paraguaya en 1811,"Revista Nacional, XIII (1874), 174-183.
15Efraim Cardozo, "La Princesa Carlota Joaquina la
y
independencia del Paraguay,"
Revista de Indias, XIV (1954), 363-375.

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412

PARAGUAYAN INDEPENDENCE AND FRANCIA

tiation, the Cabildo of Asunci6n enthusiastically (and Governor Velasco
more reluctandtly)agreed to the stationing of two hundred Portuguese
troops on Spanish soil and promised to recognize the rights of Carlota
Joaquina.Y
The Portuguese involvement was bitterly opposed by the Paraguayan
militia. For two hundred years Paraguay had stood as a bulwark against
Portuguese expansion in the Rio de la Plata and any delivery of the
province to the ancient enemy was abhorrent. The results of the negotiations between Abreu and Velasco were communicated to various
officers by the governor's aide, Pedro Somellera, who was a secret supporter of the portefio cause; and the same officers were informed that
the governor was aware of their plot.17 Startled by this intelligence some
officers of the militia anticipated by several weeks the planned revolt
that was to occur simultaneously in Itapiia, Corrientes (which recently
had been occupied by Paraguayan forces), and the Cordillera outside of Asunci6n. On the night of May 14, 1811, Capitan Pedro Juan
Cavallero and other officers seized the Cuartel General of Asunci6n and
bloodlessly forced Governor Velasco to accede to their demands. Velasco protested that he had no intention of delivering the province to
any foreign power but he was compelled to terminate all negotiations
with Abreu, deliver all arms in city to the insurgents, and accept two
civilians to rule jointly with him." Paraguay was now and permanently
freed from Spanish rule although the actual proclamation of independence was not until 1813.
II
But how did these events of the last years of royal rule in Paraguay
affect Doctor Francia? And what was his position in Paraguayansociety
that he could become the most prominent figure of Paraguayan Independence?
This Paraguayan criollo was the son of Jos6 Engracia Rodriguez
Francia, a Portuguese-Brazilian immigrant to Paraguay who married
I'
Report on the Abreu mission by Francisco das Chagas Santos of Sio Borja to
General Diogo de Souza, Sio Borja, June 7, 1811, in Vittone, pp. 181-193.Acuerdo of
the Cabildo of Asunci6n, Asunci6n, May 13, 1811, CRB 1-29, 22, 9.
17Pedro Somellera, "Notas del doctor don Pedro Somellera 4 la introducci6n que
ha puesto el doctor Rengger a su ensayo hist6rico sobre la revoluci6n del Paraguay,"
in Museo Mitre, Documentos del Archivo de Belgrano (Buenos Aires, 1914), III, 320324.
18Capitin Pedro Juan Cavallero to Governor Velasco, Asunci6n, May 15, 1811,
ANA-SH 214. Bando of Velasco, Asunci6n, May 15, 1811, ANA-SH 214. Bando of
Velasco, Asunci6n, May 17, 1811, ANA-SH 214.

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JERRY W.

COONEY

413

MariaJosefa FabianaVelasco y Yegros, a descendantof an important
criollo family. Their son, Jose was born January6, 1766, in Asunci6n
and educatedin that city. At the age of fourteen,after his father had
risen to militiaposts of importancein the colony, young Jos6 was sent
to the Universityof C6rdobain Tucumin where he receivedhis doctorate in SacredTheology. It is probablethat his father desiredthat
he enter the Churchbut five years of exposureto the influenceof the
philosophesof the eighteenthcentury and his own inclinationsimpelled
him away from that institution. On his returnto Asunci6nin 1785 he
received a position in the Real Colegio Seminariode San Carlos,the
institutionopened in 1783 to educate the children of the Paraguayan
upperclassand to provideclergy for the province.
Because of his then liberal ideas, acerbic disposition,and scorn for
those less intellectuallyendowed,Franciawas soon forced to resignhis
post following a dispute with the Colegio's authorities. He then devoted himself to the study and practiseof law, gaining an admirable
reputationfor integrity and zeal in defense of the poor. His name became known throughoutthe province and his undoubtedintellectual
abilitieswere held in awe by the ordinaryParaguayanwho respected
the arandziguazz2(the Guaranifor one of tremendouslearning). However, his abilitydid not save him from slightingrumorsthat his Brazilian
ancestryindicatedhe was a mulatto. This belief (for which there was
no foundation)preventedhim from marryingthe woman of his choice
and embitteredFranciaagainstthe gente decente of Asunci6n. Combined with estrangementfrom his father, a revulsionat earlierdissiparesentmentof Spaniardsof less ability than
tion, and an understandable
he in positions of authority,the unfortunatelove affair aided in the
formationof an austere,cold, and arrogantindividual.Doctor Francia
withdrew into his work and books, formed no close friendships,and
had little contact with his relatives."9
Regardlessof his little-concealedcontemptfor otherpeople,Francia's
abilitieswere recognizedby variouscolonial officialsand the population of Paraguay,and in the first decade of the nineteenthcentury he
held variouspositionsin the Cabildoof Asunci6n. It is also believed
that in 1804 he supportedthe putativeattemptby Asunci6nvecinos to
havethe penultimateIntendente-Gobernador
Lizaro de Riberaremoved.
19Julio CGsar Chaves, El Supremo Dictador (4th revised edition: Madrid, 1964),
pp. 25-72, passim. Francisco Wisner, El Dictador del Paraguay: Jose Gaspar de Francia
(2nd edition; Buenos Aires, 1957), pp. 15-25. Informe of Doctor Francia, Asunci6n,
August 18, 1809, Archivo Nacional de Asunci6n, Nueva Encuadernaci6n, volume 3405.
Hereafter cited as ANA-NE.

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414

PARAGUAYAN INDEPENDENCE AND FRANCIA

Ribera was replaced, but more through reasons of internal Spanish
politics than by the efforts of Paraguayans. In 1806 the Governor of
the area comprising the former thirty Jesuit Missions, Bernardo de
Velasco, was also appointed Governor of Paraguay, and in his entourage
was one Pedro Somellera, an administrative aide and a native of
Buenos Aires. Somellera befriended Francia and through the aide's
influence the Paraguayancriollo became further involved in the work of
the Asunci6n Cabildo and in minor Intendencia positions.20 In 1809
Francia was chosen by the Cabildo of Asunci6n to be Paraguay's
delegate to the selection in Buenos Aires of the representative of the
Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata to the Central Junta of Spain-that
body acting in the name of the absent King Fernando VII. But due to
an accusation of perjury directed against Doctor Francia with regard to
his candidacy, he did not go to Buenos Aires.21 The circumstances surrounding his candidacy evidently embittered him against further work
with the government since in 1810 and early 1811 he had no official
position in the province. Or, one may conjecture, the accusation of
perjury made him unacceptable to higher authorities. In any case
Francia returned to his books and law practice, and spent most of his
time at his country home of Ibiray outside Asunci6n. In 1810 Jos6
Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia was forty-four years old, well educated,
astute, and recognized throughout the province; but apparently destined
to be only one more able criollo in the system favoring the Spanish-born.
Because he had no official position and never served in the militia,
little documentary evidence exists as to his attitudes or actions during
the period from May of 1810 to May of 1811. However, it may be
safely assumed that he never fervently supported Spanish authority
after Governor Velasco received the news of the porteiio revolution.
Indeed, at the Junta General of July 1810 he was reported to have
stated that "Spanish authority had collapsed on the continent." Although this statement cannot be positively verified it undoubtedly represented his sentiments.22 Then, after the Junta General, little is known of
his actions during the preparationfor the defense of the province. But
there is no doubt that from Ibiray he took an active interest in the
events transpiring in Paraguay and was reported to have criticized the
armistice which allowed Belgrano to withdraw across the Parana.23 This
20Chaves, El Supremo Dictador, pp. 72-75. Somellera, 314-315.
21Election of a deputy by the Cabildo of Asunci6n, Asunci6n, August 4, 1809, ANA-

NE 3405.
22

Somellera, 325.

23

Chaves, El Supremo Dictador, pp. 101-102.

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JERRY W.

COONEY

415

latter complaintdid not springfrom a desireto haveroyalismvictorious
but ratherfrom an innate dislikeand distrustof anythingfrom Buenos
Aires.
III

Suddenly,with the capitulationof GovernorVelasco to the rebellious
militia officers Doctor Francia again appears. Both Pedro Somellera

and Fray Fernando Cavallero, the latter a cleric favorable to the officers'
plot and a relative of Francia, urged the officers to accept Francia as
one of Velasco's associates in the government. Some officers were

at first hesitant about this nominationas they considered Francia's
politics too ambiguous;but they were assured by Fray Cavallero
as to his nephew's sentiments and ability, and Francia and Juan
ValerianoZevalloswere chosen. Doctor Franciawas immediatelysummoned from his country home, accepted the position, and quickly
advisedthe militiato makeno prematureoverturesto the BuenosAires
Junta.24This advice was advancedto forestall the Paraguayanfaction
advocatingimmediateunion with the port city-Doctor Francia'sinnate
nationalismwas quickly revealed. The other associatein government,
Juan ValerianoZevallos,was a Spaniardsympatheticto the revolution
and chosen to reassurethose Spanish-bornof importancein the colony
but still uneasyaboutrecent events.
The Triumvirateof Government-Francia,Zevallos,and Velascoimmediatelysummoneda provincialassemblyto decide on the future
form of governmentof Paraguayand relationswith Buenos Aires.25
They also orderedthe immediateevacuationof Corrientesas a peaceful
gestureto the formerviceregalcapital.26Beforethe assemblymet, however, Velasco was removedfrom his positionin early June by officers
of the Cuartel General who discovereda letter purportingto prove
the treasonof his actionswith regardto the Portuguesenegotiations.27
Thus, priorto the Congressof June 17, 1811, Franciaand Zevallos (in
conjunctionwith the military) governedParaguay.
Three different factions were present in Paraguayafter the revolt
of May 14, 1811. The Spanishparty was impotentbut the other two,
portefiosandpatriotas,were both importantand at odds as to the future
24Somellera,325.
25 Triumvirateof Paraguayto the
population,Asunci6n,May 28, 1811,ANA-SH 213.
26Bandoof Triumvirateof Paraguayorderingthe evacuationof
Corrientes,Asunci6n,
May 30, 1811,ANA-SH 213.
27Bandoof the officersof the CuartelGeneralconcerningthe depositionof Velasco,
Asunci6n,June 9, 1811,ANA-SH 213. CarlosGenovesto GovernorVelasco, aboard
the faluchoSan Martin,April 27, 1811,ANA-SH 213.

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416

PARAGUAYAN INDEPENDENCE AND FRANCIA

of the province. Doctor Francia quickly became the spokesman of the
extreme patriotas who advocated autonomy for Paraguay while certain
others such as Pedro Somellera desired that the province revert to its
former subordination to Buenos Aires. Francia was atune to local
opinion and turned on his former sponsor, ordering Somellera arrested
and kept incomunicado.28 The absence of the most important leader
of the portefio faction strengthened the patriotas' cause and later in
1811 Somellera was released and he and other portefios deported to
Buenos Aires. At the same time, as a leader of the patriotas, Francia
cultivated the hitherto unimportant element of the population who
relied mainly upon subsistence agricultural and pastoral pursuits. This
group, the largest numerically in Paraguay, had no close connections
with Buenos Aires, either culturally or economically. They could be,
and were, molded by Doctor Francia into a strong force for nationalism-and to a reversion to the localism and isolationism which characterized Paraguay during most of the colonial period.
At the congress in Asunci6n in 1811 Francia played a prominent role
and on the first day addressed the approximately three hundred delegates. In a calm, well-reasoned speech in which he appealed to natural
law, Doctor Francia defended the revolution, warned the assembly of
dangers to Paraguay, and outlined three main tasks before the congress.
They were:
The form of governmentand administrationthat we should have and
observe in the future should be dealt with first. In second place, to
ascertainour relationswith the city of BuenosAires and other adhering
provinces. In third place, to decide what is the best coursewith respect
to the individualswho previously exercisedauthority in this city, and
at present find themselves suspended in precaution of any influence
or dispositionagainstthe liberty of the country ... *29
The congress deliberated for a day and then it almost unanimously
decided to form a Junta of five members to govern the province in
the name of Fernando VII. Fulgencio Yegros, supported by the militia,
was elected President of the Junta; Doctor Francia, Capitan Pedro
Juan Cavallero, Doctor Fernando de la Mora, and Doctor Francisco
Bogarin were elected vocales. The assembly approved the appointment
of criollos to the Cabildo of Asunci6n, and resolved that in the future
Paraguayanswould claim all governmental positions.
This congress also abolished the hated royal monopoly of tobacco
28Somellera,330-333.
29Francia to the Paraguayan Congress, Asunci6n, June 18, 1811, ANA-SH 213.

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W. COONEY
JERRY

417

whichhadgreatlyprofitedthe Crownat the expenseof growers,and
abolishedor modifiedvarioustaxes.Revenuesthathadbeenearmarked
for the royalcofferswere to pay for the defenseof the frontiers-the
congresscitingthe dangerfromthePortuguese.The Juntawascharged
with the maintenance
of "friendship,good harmony,and correspondence with the city of BuenosAires,and otherconfederated
provinces
... ," and Paraguaylookedwith favor upon a congressof all the
provincesof Rio de la Plata. However,until such a congressmet,
fromthe
Paraguayrecognizedno otherauthoritythanthat emanating
Doctor
Francia
was
province.
appointedParaguay's
delegateto any
of
Rio
the
de
la
should
Plata
that
assembly
provincedecideto be
represented(it neverdid). In addition,an areanorthof the Parana
and southof 1eembuc6 was annexedfrom Corrientes-thisviolation
of the "naturallimits" of Paraguayhavingearlierbeen resentedby
all Paraguayans,
Bishopsof Asunci6n,andgovernorsof the province.3
The Paraguayan
with BuenosAires.
Juntasoon begannegotiations
On July 20, 1811,it sentthe formercapitala notewhichbroachedthe
idea of federationwith equal rights amongprovinces,but warned
BuenosAiresthatParaguay
wouldnot "changesomechainsfor others."
conditions
for
federation
were: (1) whileno generalcongParaguay's
ressof the Rio de la Platamet,Paraguaywouldgovernitself with no
interferencefrom BuenosAires; (2) that the formercapitalof the
Viceroyaltywouldceasecollectingtaxeson Paraguayan
yerba;(3) that
the royalmonopolyof tobaccobe abolished;
and (4) thatno formof
government
by any congressof the Ri6 de la Platawouldbe accepted
by Paraguayuntilapprovedby that provincein a generalassembly.3'
This proposalof confederationor federationwith safeguardswas
supported(if not firstsuggested)by DoctorFranciawho as a reputed
admirerof Americanfederalismsaw it as a deviceto preservelocal
independence,
yet maintaingood relationswith BuenosAiresthat so
then
deemed
for theprovince's
commerceanddefense.32
necessary
many
The BuenosAiresJuntarespondedquicklyand dispatchedManuel
to Asunci6nto treatwiththe
BelgranoandDoctorVicentedeEchevarria
basis
on whichthe portefioswere to
Junta.However,the
Paraguayan
negotiatedifferedfromthatexpectedby Paraguay.Ratherthanapprove
of any formof federationwhichcouldweakenthe portcity'sposition
with the otherprovincesthen underits control,BuenosAiresdesired
30Act of Congress, Asunci6n, June 20, 1811, ANA-SH 214.
31ParaguayanJunta to the Junta of Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, July 20, 1811, ANA-SH
214.
32 Efraim Cardozo, El plan federal del Dr. Francia (Buenos
Aires, 1941), pp. 18-23.

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418

PARAGUAYAN INDEPENDENCE

AND FRANCIA

a central government with Paraguay subordinate to the capital-or
failing that, an alliance with Paraguay for mutual defense. But the bargaining position of Buenos Aires was weak since during the summer of
1811 it saw itself menaced by both Spanish reaction and Portuguese
expansion.3 After the departure of the emissariesto Asunci6n, the portefio Junta recognized the substance of Paraguay's conditions and never
was there a possibility of a strong diplomatic thrust to return Paraguay
to Buenos Aires' authority.4
In the meantime, Doctor Francia had resigned from the Junta in early
August of 1811. The reason for his departure was a dispute with the
military and many Paraguayans were dismayed and urged him to return., Antonio Tomas Yegros, Comandante of the Cuartel General
of Asunci6n, wrote the Cabildo of that city strongly suggesting that
Francia be reinstated in the Junta, that Doctor Bogarin be expelled
from that body, and that another congress be convened to elect a vocal
in Bogarin's place. The Cabildo, under pressure from the military, then
requested the Junta's opinion in this matter and also asked Francia to
return.86 Although the Junta agreed completely with the removal of
Bogarin, Doctor Francia still refused to be reinstated, asking what would
be the future of the province should the military continue to obtain their
desires through force of arms, and could the Cabildo ever guarantee
that if he did return, the same conflict would not again occur? "
The province was thrown into confusion by this retirement for
Francia had already gained a large number of partisans who admired
his honesty, his zeal in defense of Paraguayan autonomy, and his skill
in administration. And by this time there was some disgust with the
conduct of other members of the Junta since they were, as Francia
later characterized them, "inept" and "frivolous." 88 Favoritism was
blatant and they allowed local militia commanders to work their will
in the countryside while unrest and discontent increased in Paraguay.
3 Ibid.
Junta of Buenos Aires to Belgrano and Echevarria, Buenos Aires, August 1,
1811, AGN X-1-9#12. Junta of Buenos Aires to Junta of Paraguay, Buenos Aires,
October 1, 1811, AGN X-1-9#12.
84Junta of Buenos Aires to the Junta of Paraguay, Buenos Aires, August 28, 1811,
ANA-SH 214.
5 Junta of Paraguay to Doctor Francia, Asunci6n, August 6, 1811 ANA-SH 214.
Doctor Francia to the Junta of Paraguay, Ibiray, August 7, 1811, ANA-SH 214.
36Acuerdo of the Cabildo of Asunci6n, Asunci6n, September 2, 1811, ANA-SH 214.
S37DoctorFrancia to the Cabildo of Asunci6n, Ibiray, September 3, 1811, ANA-SH
214.
38 "Auto de
Francia, Asunci6n, Noviembre 4, 1817,"Revista del Paraguay, I (1913),
453-458.

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JERRYW. COONEY

419

However, more important than Francia's administrative ability or the
other vocales' lack of same was the charismatichold that Doctor Francia
was acquiring over the mass of the Paraguayan people. It is difficult to
imagine a cold, middle-aged lawyer having this type of power but eventually this appeal was to be the most important ingredient in the establishment and continuation of his generation-long dictatorship. And an
indication of this power was underscored by the desire of the majority
of Paraguayans that he possess absolute power. Not only did Doctor
Francia want power but consciously or not most of his countrymen
recognized that he, for all his personal oddities, was as much a Paraguayan as they and could be relied upon to articulate their unspoken
desires. With unerring accuracy the future Dictator recognized the
Paraguayan Zeitgeist of isolation, distrust of the outside world, a desire
for peace, and a love of autonomy. While other members of the Junta
attempted to further the interests of those few Paraguayans involved
in export agriculture, Francia recognized the force of the common
Paraguayans who knew little about and cared less for such pursuits.
Subsistence agriculture was the way of life for most Paraguayansof the
countryside. Lacking any commitments to commerce, friends, or
relatives, Francia could and did pose as the impartial patriarchicalfigure
so recurrent in Paraguayan history. But this attitude was more than a
pose-to Francia and to the common Paraguayan it was reality and
perhaps meant the nationhood of Paraguay. This enigmatic figure has
been termed the personification of Rousseau's General Will as applied
to a leader of a people. Such a characterization would be incomplete.
Doctor Francia used and molded the Paraguayan General Will, but
rose above it at the same time as a true charismaticleader must.89
Already aware of the appeal which Francia possessed the Junta resolved to suspend Francisco Bogarin who had made himself obnoxious
to Francia, and the Cabildo of Asunci6n acted as mediator between
Francia and the military. At first this mediation achieved nothing but
soon the news of the imminent arrival of Belgrano and Echevarria was
received. Then, fearful that unnecessary concessions would be granted
to Buenos Aires in his absence, Francia rejoined the Junta after receiving
assurances that the military would not again interfere in governmental
matters.40Shortly after his reincorporation into the Junta he enhanced
his prestige during a farsical attempt of a coup d'etat by various Span"

Charismais still an elusive concept but for a discussionof this phenomenonas
appliedto a leaderin a "conservative"sense-as would be the case of Doctor Franciasee: Edward Shils, "Charisma,Order, and Status,"AmericanSociologicalReview,
XXX (1965),200-205.
40Chaves,El SupremoDictador,pp. 128-130.

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420

PARAGUAYANINDEPENDENCE AND FRANCIA

iards and royalist Paraguayanswho thought they could take advantage
of unrest in Asunci6n to return Governor Velasco to authority.4' Several participants in this coup were executed and the rest quickly imprisoned, but never was the new government in danger. Finally, the
portefio mission arrived in Asunci6n and in early October of 1811
meetings were held between the emissaries from Buenos Aires and
the Paraguayan Junta-with Francia ably defending the interests of
Paraguay at these conferences. On October 12, 1811, a treaty between
Buenos Aires and Paraguay was concluded and signed. By the terms of
this treaty the former viceregal capital recognized Paraguayanautonomy
until that province decided to join with the others of the Rio de la
Plata, recognized the Paraguayan claim to boundaries, abolished the
taxes previously paid Buenos Aires, recognized the abolition of the
royal monopoly of tobacco, and included a vague mutual defense clause.
This defense clause and a separate article forbidding Buenos Aires to
impose heavy taxes on Paraguayan products exported down-river later
led to the rupture of relations between the two parties in 1813.4' The
newly formed Triumvirate in Buenos Aires approved this treaty but
disliked the recognition of Paraguayan boundaries.4 But in any case
Paraguay was now free to follow its own course and although there
were later to be some external alarms this area was not seriously
threatened by foreign foes until the War of the Triple Alliance. Doctor
Francia could now devote much of his time and attention to the pursuit
and acquisition of power.
Francia's return to the Junta lasted but a few months. Again on
December 15, 1811, he resigned from this body and did not rejoin it
for almost a year. The reasons for his second resignation were repeated
interference from the military and a dispute with other members of the
Junta over the release of certain political prisoners-a release which
Francia opposed. He then requested the remaining members of the
Junta to summon a new provincial congress but they rejected his request
accusing him of "attempting to place his interests above those of
the country." The future Dictator denied this charge, stated that his
request would not divide the province, and complained of the ingrati41Secret Manifesto of the Junta (not the Junta of Paraguay), Asunci6n, August 29,
1811, ANA-SH 214. There is little doubt that the royalist plotters were enticed into
action by the government. Their attempted coup d'etat was a complete failure and
discredited their party. Somellera, 337-339.
42Treaty between Paraguay and Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, October 12, 1811, ANASH 214.
43Triumvirate of Buenos Aires to Belgrano and Echevarria, Buenos Aires, October
31, 1811, AGN X-1-9#13.

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JERRY W.

421

COONEY

tude of his colleagues after he had shouldered all the burdens of administration." He later asserted:
The Junta with only three memberswas neither legitimatenor competent . . . no one who knew the personsand circumstancescould imagine
that it was the intention of the Congressto authorize,even in this case,
three individuals absolutely inexpert, destitute of all knowledge, and
in a word [sic] totally ignorant and inept .
..45

IV
The absent vocal had allies throughout the province and the first
indication of support for him came from the recently reconstituted
Cabildo of Asunci6n which attempted, in lieu of a clear definition of
power, to interfere in what the Junta considered its own affairs.4" The
attempt was not successful but already difficulties were increasing for
the rump Junta and the Cabildo, having partisans of Francia sitting
upon it, kept sniping at the Junta throughout 1812. In the countryside
local militia commanders and certain administratorswere often corrupt
and incompetent. The continual interference by officers of the militia
in governmental matters complicated administration while Fulgencio
Yegros and other high officials were accused of neglecting their duties
for the social life of Asunci6n. This state of affairs had occurred while
Francia was in the Junta, but he had labored to correct it. Now in
his absence, matters worsened and grumbling grew apace within
Paraguay."
Nevertheless, the Junta (and particularly Fernando de la Mora) in
1812 did advance projects for the betterment of Paraguay. The Colegio
de San Carlos was reopened after better than a year of inactivity. Plans
were made for an expansion of primary education, a literary society was
founded, steam navigation of the Paraguay River proposed, new commercial regulations enacted, and a military academy suggested. The
Inquisition was abolished and the Bishop of Asunci6n and most of the
Church hierarchy threw their support to the revolution." Most of the
4Doctor Francia to the Junta of Paraguay, Ibiray, December 15, 1811, ANA-SH
214. Junta of Paraguay to Doctor Francia, Asunci6n, December 16, 1811, ANA-SH 214.
45 ",Auto de Francia, Asunci6n, Noviembre 4, 1817, " 453-458.
46Cabildo of Asunci6n to the Junta of Paraguay, Asunci6n, December 31, 1811,
ANA-SH 214. Junta of Paraguay to the Cabildo of Asunci6n, December 31, 1811,
ANA-SH 214.
4 Junta of Paraguay to the population, Asunci6n, June 19, 1812, ANA-SH 218. In
this proclamation the remaining Junta warned against grumbling, subversion, etc.,
and gave those discontent with the regime fifteen days to remove themselves and their
goods from the province.
48 Carlos R. Centuri6n, Historia de la cultura
paraguaya (Asunci6n, 1961), I, 184-191.

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422

PARAGUAYAN INDEPENDENCE

AND FRANCIA

new projects, in any case, would have taken some time to mature but
none succeeded, either because of lack of funds, lack of capable administrators, or Francia's indifference to such matters when he later
assumed dictatorial power. Also it may be assumed that the press of
foreign affairs absorbed much of the Junta's attention to the detriment
of internal matters.
One such concern was the Portuguese occupation in early summer
of 1812 of the temporarily abandoned Paraguayanfort of Borb6n (now
Olimpo) in the far north. This incursion by their Lusitanian neighbors
greatly startled the Paraguayans and an expedition was prepared to
regain the fort. However, before any conflict occurred it was peacefully
returned to Paraguay. Nevertheless, this contretemps could not but
increase the already high distrust of the Portuguese by the Paraguayans.49 In addition, the Junta aided Jos6 Artigas while that Uruguayan
gaucho leader was subordinate to Buenos Aires, sending him tobacco
and yerba for his army."? But while aiding Artigas relations with
Buenos Aires steadily worsened. That city desired and requested military aid under the provisions of the October 12, 1811 treaty and Paraguay claimed that in the present circumstances it was all that that
province could do to protect itself and maintain internal order. The
portefios supported a subversive movement in the province, began to
sequester Paraguayangoods, and finally, in violation of the same treaty,
heavily taxed the products of the up-river province." The former capital of the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata had not forgotten its earlier
desire to incorporate Paraguay into its system of government and be-

lieved that these measureswould effect this end.

If all these events were not enough for the beleaguered Junta, Francia
was rapidly consolidating his hold over the campo. Small estate owners
and campesinos were wooed by him as he secretly criticized the Junta
from his retirement at Ibiray. A Scottish merchant, John Parish Robertson, was then in Paraguay and acquainted with the future Dictator.
Robertson later asserted:
49Junta of Paraguay to Triumvirate of Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, May 26, 1812, AGN
X-1-9#13. R. Antonio Ramos, La politica del Brasil en el Paraguay bajo la dictadura
del Dr. Francia (2nd edition; Buenos Aires, 1959), pp. 21-30.
Junta of Paraguay to Triumvirate of Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, January 19, 1812,
50o
ANA-SH 217.
51Ventura Diaz de Bedoya to Triumvirate of Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires, January
23, 1812, AGN X-1-9#12. Jose' Zvala y Delgadillo (attributed to Doctor Juan Manuel
Grance), "Diario de los sucesos memorables de la Asunci6n desde el 14 de mayo
de 1812," Revista Nacional, III (1887), 245. Chaves, Historia de las relaciones entre
Buenos-Ayres y el Paraguay, 1810-1813,pp. 178-195.

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423

He [Francia]received secret visits from most of the substantialfarmers
and landed proprietorsof the country; he encouragedthe aspirations
of men who had hitherto never dreamtof obtainingpower; he was all
meekness and condescensionto the lower, all hauteur to the higher
classes of society. His plan was to imbue the country-people with a
feeling that they were misgovernedby a few ignorant men devoid of
merit; and to insinuate if he should once come back to power how
different it would be. He representedto them that the object of the
revolution had been to overthrow the aristocraticpretensionsof Old
Spain; whereas it was now apparentthat these pretensionswere only
supersededby others more odious, because they were set up by men
whom they knew to be no more than their equals,some of them their
inferiors.52
In May of 1812 the Junta ordered the celebration of the first anniversary of the revolution, but there was no doubt that under all the
festivities dissatisfaction reigned. And many Paraguayans desired the
return of Doctor Francia to the Junta.5s Paraguay was still independent
of Buenos Aires but portefio pressure was increasing. The public had
become disgusted with the conduct of the Junta and militia officers, and
discontent roiled the countryside. Finally, in November the Junta
capitulated to Doctor Francia, tacitly acknowledged that he was indispensable, and welcomed him back to that body.
The conditions he imposed for his return were a virtual veto on all
measures taken by the government and the creation of a battalion of
infantry responsible to no one but Doctor Francia." With his return
Francia began in earnest to increase his authority. He appointed his
own partisans to positions within the government; and seizing on the
pretexts of the loss of part of the treaty with Buenos Aires, the temporary loss of Fort Borb6n, and Fernando de la Mora's supposed sympathies for the portefio government, eventually had that vocal dismissed
from the Junta-claiming at the same time de la Mora was drunk and
dissolute.55 Francia was now the only civilian of importance in high
authority and far and beyond the most astute and best educated person
wielding power. His methods were simple-to discredit, dismiss, or
exile any person in power who threatened in any manner his intellectual
dominance of the government, and to place his adherents in other posts
of lesser authority. He encountered little opposition in this program;
P. and W. P. Robertson, Letters on Paraguay (London, 1838), I, 336-337.
58Zivala y Delgadillo, 241-245. Comandante of the Cuartel General Antonio Tomas
Yegros to Doctor Francia, Asunci6n, May 15, 1812, ANA-SH 218.
54Acuerdo of the Junta of Paraguay, Asunci6n, November 16, 1812, ANA-SH 218.
55Junta of Paraguay to Fernando de la Mora, Asunci6n, December 22, 1812, CRB
1-30, 2, 80. Auto of Junta of Paraguay, Asunci6n, September 18, 1813, CRB 1-30, 2, 80.
52 J.

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424

PARAGUAYAN INDEPENDENCE AND FRANCIA

the elite of Asunci6n and the entire province not only recognized his
ability but perceived that his base of power, the small landowner, could
not be swayed from allegiance to Francia.
While the future Dictator was engaged in these pursuits Buenos
Aires was experiencing difficulties, and in early 1813 after the fall of
the Triumvirate of that city Doctor Nicolis de Herrera was sent to
Asunci6n to request that Paraguay send a delegate to an upcoming
congress of all the provinces of the Rio de la Plata.5" Revolutionary
solidarity was urgently needed in the face of unexpected resistance by
the Spanish in upper Peri', Portuguese ambitions in the Rio de la Plata,
and obstinant desires for autonomy by the gauchos of the Banda
Oriental. The Paraguayan Junta delayed replying to Herrera and the
portefio envoy wasted his time in Asunci6n while, at Francia's request,
preparations were made for a provincial congress to deal with this
matter and the formation of a new government for Paraguay. Finally,
on September 30, 1813, this congress met, attended by approximately
one thousand delegates with the campo fully represented and enthusiastically supporting Doctor Francia.7

V
The congress, under urging from Francia and other Paraguayans
angered by Buenos Aires' recent actions, rejected Herrera's invitation
to send delegates to any congress of the Rio de la Plata. Later, Doctor
Francia informed the portefio envoy that little cooperation could be
expected from Paraguay as long as Buenos Aires imposed onerous taxes
on Paraguayan products exported down-river.8 In addition to dealing
with the question of representation at Buenos Aires, the Paraguayan
Congress of 1813 deliberated on the future form of government for
Paraguay. Past experience had revealed the folly of too many people in
charge of administration and after much discussion this congress approved the Consular system for Paraguay-two equal Consuls alternating in highest power every four months. Fulgencio Yegros and
Doctor Francia were the two Consuls with the first period of administration falling to Francia. The congress also declared Paraguay to be
an independent republic, charged the Consuls with the defense and
56Instructions to Nicolais de Herrera from the Buenos Aires government, Buenos
Aires, March 4, 1813, AGN X-1-9#12.
57Junta of Paraguay to Juez Comisionado of Ybicuy, Asunci6n, August 26, 1813,
ANA-SH 221.
58Act of Government, Asunci6n, October 12, 1813, ANA-SH 222. Herrera to
Government of Buenos Aires, Asunci6n, October 13, 1813,AGN X-1-9#12.

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JERRYW. COONEY

425

security of the new state, gave to each command of one half of the
armed forces, each his commission as brigadier, outlined the duties and
administrative procedures for the new government, and called for
another congress within a year's time." All things considered, there is
no doubt that Francia with his knowledge of Roman history and the
French Revolution was responsible for this new type of government
and within a year he was to play the role of Caesar and Yegros that
of Pompey.60
Three salient features characterized the one year of the Consulate;
Doctor Francia's dominance and acquisition of further power, the
Paraguayan policy of non-intervention in the Rio de la Plata, and
the final destruction of the Spaniardsas a force in Paraguay. By October
of 1814 when another congress was assembled pursuant to the decision
of the Congress of 1813, Consul Francia was clearly the dominant figure
in the new nation and Paraguay's independence (judging with historical
hindsight) was an accomplished fact.
Early in the Consulate Francia demonstrated his power over Yegros
with the first conflict occurring over the selection of a Secretary of
Government. Francia's partisan was chosen and this appointment presaged governmental selections in the future.6" His followers were placed
in positions of authority and Yegros weakly acquiesced, content to let
Francia handle the day-to-day matters of government. By late 1814
most administratorsowed their positions to Doctor Francia and leaped
to obey his wishes. This policy was to have eventual effect of insuring
his goal of internal order as he labored to govern the new republic, but
it also signified the complete triumph of the future Dictator. The
peculiar occurrence was that there was so little resistance to this policy
on the part of Yegros or other militia officers who distrusted Francia.
One can only surmise that by this time he was so entrenched in power
and recognized as so indispensable that no one dared openly to oppose
him. Those militia officers that he distrusted were either dismissed or
placed on the frontier far from the seat of government.
The measures against the Spanish in Asunci6n came as a surprise to
this party. Since the abortive conspiracy of September of 1811, they
had only been subject to certain fines and not greatly molested as their
59Act of Government, Asunci6n, October 12, 1813, ANA-SH 222.
60There is an apocryphal story that at the celebrations inaugurating the Consular
system there were two chairs, one marked Caesar and the other Pompey. Doctor
Francia was supposed to have seized the one marked Caesar. Chaves, El Supremo
Dictador, p. 166.
61Wisner, pp. 70-72.

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AND FRANCIA

anti-portefio attitude furthered Francia'spolicy of Paraguayanautonomy.
However, to dispel rumors that he was pro-Spanish, he and Yegros proposed early in 1814 to expel about one hundred Spaniards from Paraguayan soil. Failing to receive permission from Buenos Aires to eject
them into territory subject to that city, other measures of harassment
were instituted.62 One day in January of 1814 those Spanish-born who
were not considered citizens of Paraguay were summoned to the main
plaza of Asunci6n. There they were forced to submit to a derogatory
harangue by the Secretary of Government. Later the same year they
were deprived of all civil rights and Spanish-born males forbidden to
marry Paraguayan criollas. Those Spaniards desirous of matrimony
were limited to women still legally classified as Indians, mulatas, or
negras.3 This measure was decreed to limit the social and economic
influence of the Spanish in Paraguay. Anti-Spanish measures increased
under the Dictatorship and this element was effectively deprived of all
influence. Francia's criollo resentment of the Spaniard had only been
dormant; it never was extinguished.
The other preoccupation of the Consulate was the maintenance of
neutrality or non-intervention in the Rio de la Plata. Both Yegros and
Francia were in agreement on this matter as conditions had become
quite confused since Artigas was now in opposition to Buenos Aires, and
near anarchy prevailed in the Banda Oriental and adjacent areas. The
Uruguayan gaucho was gaining allies in his struggle against the dominance of the city of Buenos Aires since the centralistic policy of that
city created distrust in the interior.
Early in 1814 Artigas believed the moment was propitious and through
the Paraguayan commander at Itapuiaproposed an alliance with Paraguay.64 Certain citizens of that republic were sympathetic to Artigas'
struggle against Buenos Aires and he could count on support from some
officers in the Paraguayan army. However, Francia believed that the
best way to maintainindependence was to stand aloof from the projects
of the Uruguayan. Nevertheless, Artigas did persuade the commander
at Itapia, Vicente Antonio Matiauda, to aid him in a campaign against
those portefio troops present in the Missions area. Matiauda was dismissed by the Consulate and fled Paraguay while Corrientes and Buenos
62 Chaves, El Supremo Dictador, pp. 168-169.

34-36. Consuls of Paraguay
J. P. and W. P. Robertson, Letters on Paraguay, II,
to the Cura Vicario of Capiataiincluding the Consular Resolution of March 1, 1814,
Asunci6n, July 1, 1814, in Archivo de la Curia Metropolitana de Asunci6n, Casilla
# 107, Volume II.
64Artigas to Comandante Vicente Matiauda of Itapia, Batovi, January 26, 1814,
ANA-SH 223.
63

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JERRY W.

COONEY

427

Aires were informed of Paraguay'sdisavowal of his actions." The denial
of aid to Artigas turned him against Francia and in 1815 he attempted
by subversion to overthrow the then Dictator, but by that time Doctor
Francia had so consolidated his power that those within Paraguay opposed to the Dictator and sympathetic to Artigas' schemes realized that
there was no chance of a change of rulers. The emnity of Artigas had
repercussions as his followers stopped ships bound up-river to Asunci6n
and confiscated cargoes.66
In October of 1814 another congress assembled in Asunci6n and by
this time Francia's position was unassailable. His efforts to increase his
power, his charismatic hold on the campo, and his undeniable ability
made him the logical choice to become sole ruler of Paraguay. This
congress elected him Dictador Supremo de la Reptiblica for a period of
five years.6 The center of opposition to him at this time was in Asunci6n and various enemies opposed this measure or proposed a continuation of the Consulate. Especially among those militia officers not yet
dismissed nor converted was there opposition, but it was to no avail.68
Jos6 Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia had achieved supreme power and was
to retain it until his death in 1840.
He continued to consolidate his position, provided good government,
took steps to increase the military power of his nation, protected the
republic's interests in the face of anarchy in the Rio de la Plata, and
took no severe measures against his political enemies in 1815 and 1816.
During this period Buenos Aires and Artigas continued to harass Paraguay and from this pressure came the eventual isolation of his nation.
In 1815 his measures against the Indians of the north who were raiding
into the area of Concepci6n increased the admiration felt for him by
citizens of the republic. Finally, in June of 1816 he was elected by
another congress to be "Dictator of the Republic for life.
For
..." ,"6

twenty-four more years Francia was the sole arbiter of Paraguay's
destiny. Only once in this period was he menaced by an internal conspiracy and those plotters were ruthlessly liquidated. Several times in
this period of the Dictatorship there were minor altercations on the
frontiers, but Paraguay was secure in isolation and no foreign power
wasted the time and effort to threaten seriously Francia's regime.
65 Consuls of Paraguay to the Lieutenant Governor of
Corrientes, Asunci6n, March
13, 1814, ANA-SH 223.
66J. P. and W. P. Robertson, Francia's Reign of Terror (Philadelphia, 1839), II,
84-102.
67 Act of the Paraguayan Congress,
Asunci6n, October 3, 1814, CRB 1-30, 24, 45.
68 J. P. and W. P.
Robertson, Letters on Paraguay, II, 314-317. Wisner, pp. 74-77.
69 Act of Congress, Asunci6n, June
1, 1816, CRB 1-29, 23, 5-B.

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428

PARAGUAYANINDEPENDENCE AND FRANCIA

VI
of Paraguaywas
One can concludethat by 1814the independence
in theRio dela Plata.
assuredaslongastherewasno Spanish
resurgence
GeneralJos6de SanMartinandBuenosAires'effortswere to assure
that no such resurgenceoccurred.Preoccupiedwith this struggle,
internaldifficulties,and oppositionto the Portuguese(and later the
in theBandaOriental,the portefioswere
dreamsof expansion
Brazilian)
intotheir
neverableto mustersufficient
Paraguay
powerto incorporate
formof the old Viceroyaltyof the Rio de la Plata.All Paraguayhad
mountedby
to do was to maintainvigilanceagainstany conspiracies
the formercapitalandto providea governmentwhichwouldnot be
sentimentso as to desire
swayedby old traditionsand revolutionary
unionwith BuenosAires. Doctor Franciasuppliedthis government.
was fanaticaland later,ratherthansubmitto insults
His nationalism
fromeitherArtigasor BuenosAires,or exposehisnationto the anarchy
of the LowerRio de la Plata,he almostcompletelyisolatedParaguay
fromthe world.
As importantas his policieswas the characterof Doctor Francia.
To be sure,by 1811mostof the colonialinstitutionshad discredited
ashe was. The
andwerein no positionto supplyleadership
themselves
the
Cabildoof Asunci6n,the Church,the Viceroyalty, Spanishthen
andlaterthe militia,nonecouldprovideeffective
residentin Paraguay,
Francia's
or the other.Nevertheless,
reason
for
one
perseverleadership
anceandpoliticalskillwereastounding.Throughthe period1810-1814
who reallyknewwhathe wanted,
as the only Paraguayan
he appeared
andhadthe courageandabilityto effecthiswishes.He neverwavered
in his defenseof Paraguayan
autonomyandneverlet any consideration
of
his
from
him
pursuit power.WhenonesurveysLatinAmerica
sway
of
in the period independence,
Paraguayrevealsdefinitepeculiarities,
andmostof themmaybe tracedto thisindividual.In an eradominated
by the young energeticmilitarycaudillo,Paraguaywas ruled by a
well-educated,
fanatical,charismatic,
middle-aged
lawyerwho neverin
his life servedin a militarycapacity.Yet his rule was strongerand
for the futureof his nation
carriedas many,if not more,implications
thanthatof othercaudillosof the sameperiod.One may argueabout
the importanceof the individualin historybut Doctor Jos6 Gaspar
Rodriguezde Franciawas greatlyresponsiblefor the existenceof
nation.
Paraguayas an independent
W. COONEY.
JERRY
University of Louisville
Louisville, Kentucky
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