RD-Unit1

Rural Business
Meaning
India is a land of diversity and about 70% of the Indian population lives in villages.
These villages contribute in the economic development of the nation through the
production of food grains, vegetables, fruits, etc. Export of these agricultural
commodities result in the generation of capital and earnings of foreign exchange.
It has been much debated in rural sociology and enterprise research but approaches to
defining a rural business remain somehat elusive. !ou might thin" of a farm, a
farm shop, a village pub, a recreation activity, a tourism business# or maybe the
mil"man or the post office, a vet, a land agent, an organised hunt or shoot, a rural
estate, a garden centre. $ut hat is it that categorises these businesses as being
different from an advertising or IT consultant or"ing out of a converted barn at the
end of his or her bac" garden
The nature of a rural business means that there are many other exogenous challenges
adding to their vulnerability.
Critical Features of RURAL Business
Location
%eographical location is clearly an important factor, although of course there are
many definitions and typologies categorising hich places are in fact rural &ot only is
the business address in a rural location but in serving it is part of the ider rural
economy of that local area. The economics of operating a business that serves
relatively sparsely populated villages for rural business oners, location provides a
set of challenges that are apparent from the outset and can therefore be incorporated
ithin a business plan. The fact that businesses can operate successfully ithin these
parameters is a positive indication of the tenacity of many rural business oners.
Indeed, the location characteristics can be hugely advantageous in certain business
sectors so hile they are undoubtedly an important feature of rurality, e should
avoid assuming that 'rural( is only a spatial term.
Interaction with nature
)andscape and nature, in their broadest sense, are often cited as reasons that people
both live and or" in rural areas. The lifestyle choices of business oners are often
influential in their subse*uent motivations given that maintaining that ay of life
often ta"es precedence over pure profitability leading to greater ris"+aversion. The
individual constructs of 'lifestyle choice( are the negotiated outcomes of personal,
social and environmental desires suggesting that these forms of businesses are more
sustainable and more attuned to their local setting. ,s such, these forms of rural
businesses deliver certain contributions to policy ob-ectives, but because they are not
'high groth( or '"noledge+driven( but are regarded as 'lifestyle( businesses, these
contributions are less recognised by policy+ma"ers.
.
/or many rural businesses, nature is at the heart of their activity. 0hether
maintaining natural habitats or landscapes, farming the land or being exposed to
changing eather conditions, many rural businesses have a closer relationship ith
nature in its broadest sense.
Community
The sense of serving the community is integral to the perception of many rural
businesses it is not value or choice that matters but a combination of convenience and
loyalty to the community. In turn, the shop"eepers recognised that they had to be
seen to be involved in the community. /or businesses serving non+local customers,
there is still a sense that customer service extends beyond their on customers. In a
sparse location, tourism businesses also recognise the need to maximise customer
loyalty and share ord of mouth mar"eting to extend the visitor attraction to
something more than the business+customer relationship 1$osorth and /arrell 20..3.
This customer satisfaction builds a reputation that instils reciprocal loyalty either
toards the business+person or in the case of tourism, the tourist area in *uestion.
Natural Resources
Most of the rural business generally use natural resources or input natural resources
inorder to produce the output through their production.
,s ell as serving the community, rural businesses and entrepreneurs are often
associated ith creating of defining aspects of the community
In terms of defining rural businesses, the importance of 'service( to maintaining a
loyal rural customer base can be ta"en as one parameter for categorisation. ,long
ith being 'located in a rural area( and 'serving a rural customer base(, a third
parameter is 'selling a rural product(, hether food or other nature products,
traditional crafts, recreation activities or environmental goods. There is not the space
to explore the *uestion of defining a rural product in this paper, but suffice to say rural
resources, hether s"ill+based, land+based or environmental, are re*uired to ma"e the
final product ith minimal processing or value adding activity occurring outside of
the local rural area. These three parameters that define rural businesses are shon is
/igure 2.
Figure 2: Categorising rural businesses
2
Serve rural
population
Sell a “rural”
product
Located in a
rural area
A C
B
D
The case study presented fits into the segment mar"ed 4,5 in /igure 2. I thin" e
ould agree that it is a rural business so this proves that a rural business need not
meet all three criteria and be in segment 6, hich ould in fact be a very small group
of businesses. 0e can thin" of other businesses that might populate each of the other
segments in the diagram and have extensive arguments about hich are rural and
hich are not, based on a range of characteristics that e assign different levels of
importance. $ased on the criteria set out above, Table 2 list a selection of businesses
that might fit into each category. ,s the reader, I elcome you to challenge some of
these categorisations or add some of your on examples + these are included purely as
indications of my thoughts.
Table 2. Categorising rural businesses.
T!7E , T!7E $ T!7E 8 T!7E 6
Rural market,
rural location
Rural market,
rural product
Rural product,
rural location
Rural product, rural
location, rural market
7ost 9ffice /arm suppliers /arms /arm produce shop
:illage ;hops /arm consultants /ood processing Thatchers
:illage 7ub :et $<$=hotels /ence+ma"ing
7aper delivery Mil"man &ature reserves,
visitor centres
%ame"eeper
:illage garage >i"ing supplies ;hearers
:illage school )ivery stables 6rystone+allers
/oresters
Features of Indian Rural Marets:
? )arge, 6iverse and ;cattered Mar"et@ Aural mar"et in India is large, and scattered
into a number of regions. There may be less number of shops available to mar"et
products.
? Ma-or Income of Aural consumers is from ,griculture@ Aural 7rosperity is tied ith
agriculture prosperity. In the event of a crop failure, the income of the rural masses is
directly affected.
? ;tandard of )iving and rising disposable income of the rural customers@ It is "non
that ma-ority of the rural population lives belo poverty line and has lo literacy rate,
lo per capital income, societal bac"ardness, lo savings, etc. $ut the ne tax
structure, good monsoon, government regulation on pricing has created disposable
incomes. Today the rural customer spends money to get value and is aare of the
happening around him.
? Traditional 9utloo"@ :illages develop sloly and have a traditional outloo". 8hange
is a continuous process but most rural people accept change gradually. This is
gradually changing due to literacy especially in the youth ho have begun to change
the outloo" in the villages.
B
? Aising literacy levels@ It is documented that approximately CD% of rural Indians are
literate. >ence aareness has increases and the farmers are ell+informed about the
orld around them. They are also educating themselves on the ne technology
around them and aspiring for a better lifestyle.
? 6iverse ;ocioeconomic bac"ground@ 6ue to dispersion of geographical areas and
uneven land fertility, rural people have disparate socioeconomic bac"ground, hich
ultimately affects the rural mar"et.
? Infrastructure /acilities@ The infrastructure facilities li"e cemented roads,
arehouses, communication system, and financial facilities are inade*uate in rural
areas. >ence physical distribution is a challenge to mar"eters ho have found
innovative ays to mar"et their products.
T!" C#NC"$T #F RURAL %#CI"T&
The $ureau of the 8ensus defines a rural community on the basis of the siEe and the
density of population at a particular place. In India, on the other hand, the term 4rural5 is
defined in terms of revenue@ the village means the 4revenue village5. It might be one large
village or a cluster of small villages. ,ccording to the 8ensus 8ommission of India, a
village is an entity identified by its name and a definite boundary.
In other ords, hile spea"ing about the Indian village, one has in mind several types of
communities, some multi+caste, some having the members of -ust one caste. ;ome are
close to the centers of civiliEation, the tons and cities, hile some are situated in remote
bac"ard areas, and some are more developed than others in terms of material
possessions and facilities 1such as electricity, schools, dispensaries, etc.3. If you move
from one region to the other, from one state to the other, you ill come across immense
diversity in the lifestyles and material conditions of villages. &otithstanding the huge
variations, hich are bound to ta"e place in a vast country li"e India, there are certain
general features that all rural communities have in commo.
/rom sociological point of vie, the term 4rural society5 implies the folloing@
? In comparison ith the urban society, it is a small society, meaning thereby that it has a
small population and extends over a shorter physical area. :arious institutions 1such as
police stations, hospitals, schools, post+offices, clubs, etc.3 may or may not be there, and
if existent, they are not available in plenty.
? 6ensity of the rural population is also lo, and it may be clustered according to the
criteria of social status. In other ords, people occupying the same status may share the
same neighbourhood, and may observe considerable social, and sometimes physical,
distance from others, especially those loer in hierarchy.
? , siEable number of rural people are engaged in agriculture, hich is the mainstay of
their lives. In addition, a rural society has several other groups, engaged in various other
occupations of arts and crafts, usually "non as artisans and craftsmen, ho regularly
supply their services to agriculturalists in exchange for grains and cereals.
? Aural society has some full+time and a large number of part+time specialists.
8raftsmen and artisans also indulge in agricultural pursuits, especially during the
monsoon and the agricultural produce of such specialists and small agriculturalists is
mainly for domestic consumption.
? Aural society is regarded as the repository of traditional mores and fol"ays. It
preserves the traditional culture, and many of its values and virtues are carried forard to
urban areas, of hich they become a part after their refinement.
C
$olitical scenario in rural area
,n Indian village is composed of endogamous units, each folloing its on occupation
traditionally associated ith its caste, locally "non as jati. The number of castes a
village has varies from one context to another. )arge villages have more castes than small
villages, but no village has all the castes. Thus, the members of one village depend upon
others in their neighbourhood for various services. The Indian village as never self+
sufficient as some colonial officers believed. Each village has its on dominant caste,
hich has very high representation in the political bodies of the village. 9ften, the
decisions they ta"e serve their on interests. ,t the local level, each caste comprises a set
of families, and it has been noticed that there is a close relationship beteen caste and
kinship. %enerally the upper, propertied castes usually have -oint families, hilst loer,
non+propertied castes have nuclear families. 0ith changes occurring because of
urbaniEation and moderniEation, the families are becoming smaller all over India, but it
does not imply that -oint families have disappeared.
/or reaching a solution to these conflicts, each village has a council called panchayat,
consisting of "noledgeable and upright people, ho pronounce impartial -udgements,
supposed to be binding on all.
In addition, as has been noted earlier, each caste has its on panchayat, hich ta"es up
matters it is confronted ith. /or the sa"e of distinguishing one from the other, one may
call the village panchayat a gaon panchayat, and the caste panchayat, a -ati panchayat.
The functions of each one of them are different, for they serve different bodies. $esides
resolving the conflicts beteen different families, a gaon panchayat is also entrusted ith
underta"ing the collective tas"s of the village, such as performing rituals for the elfare
of the entire village, or organiEing programmes pertaining to the donation of voluntary
labour 1shramdana3 for building a road or a granary. , jati panchayat deals exclusively
ith the issues pertaining to the caste concerned. /or example, it may further the interests
of the caste or, in some literate contexts, it may publish a caste periodical.
Features of structure d'na(ics and c)anges of rural societ'
Rural %ocial structure
Village community, family and caste are the basic components of the rural social structure
and they bind the economic and social life of people in rural areas. In order to understand
this social structure, it is necessary to understand the nature of society. Each society
consists of different parts, such as individuals, groups, institutions, associations, and
communities. The simplest analogy one can thin" of at this point is that of an organism
that has different components or"ing together as a hole. ;ociety is a system li"e any
other system, such as the solar system, the chemical system, a mechanical system or an
organic system. 9f these the most suitable analogy for elaborating the concept of society
is that of an organism. This is usually "non as the 4organic analogy5.
0hat is social structureF ;ociologists use the ord 4social structure5 to refer to the inter+
relationship, inter+connectedness, and inter+dependence of the different parts of society. In
terms of their form, all societies have the same parts. Thus, there are groups and
communities in all societies, but the nature and substance of these groups and
communities differ from one society to another. /or instance, an Indian village is
unthin"able ithout the caste system, hile a 8hinese village does not have castes.
D
Its units are the people of different families and occupational groups. The sense of
identity that the people of different groups have is also seen at the level of the people of
different families and occupational groups in 8hinese villages. The inter+relationship of
the different units constitutes the structure of the society.
The 8aste ;ystem
The Ga-mani ;ystem
T)e c)anges in Rural %ociet'
, significant change that occurred in the Indian society under the $ritish regime as that
land became a mar"etable commodity# it could be sold and ac*uired in the mar"et.
Earlier, it as inherited through the ties of "inship# it passed don in the family line, but
could not be sold and bought.
The other change that too" place as the emergence of tons in the vicinity of villages.
These tons provided several opportunities, offering caste+free and classfree occupations.
The only occupation that happened to be caste+free in villages as agriculture. /urther,
the pressure of population in villages, along ith the emergence of opportunities in
tons, as sending people out to tons and cities, here they participated in cash
economy. 0ithin a space of fe years, they ere able to earn substantial amounts of
money ith hich they could buy agricultural land in their native villages. ,nd, once
they had attained economic poer, they claimed a higher ritual status, hich they ould
certainly achieve, provided originally they ere above the line of pollution. There have
been cases of castes belo the line of purity, hich claimed upper caste status, but could
not succeed in ac*uiring it mainly because of their 4polluting status5. ;rinivas rote that
4;ans"ritiEation does not help the untouchables5.
Thus, changes have occurred in the position of castes by means of sanskritization.
It may be noted, hoever, that sanskritization as of no conse*uence to the upper
castes, such as $rahmins, Hshatriyas, and :aishyas, for they ere already
sanskritized, i.e. they already folloed hat ;rinivas has called 4sanskritic >induism5.
These castes ere the first ones to opt for a 0estern ay of life that came along ith the
advent of the $ritish. ;rinivas has called the process of adopting the 0estern lifestyles
40esterniEation5.
The castes belo the line of purity tried, from time to time, their level best to move up in
the ritual hierarchy. They also had the pre+re*uisites for sanskritization, such as control
over the local economic resources. $ut, being belo the line of purity, they failed to
establish marital and commensal 1i.e. eating together3 relations ith the castes hose
lifestyles they ere trying to emulate. 9nce their attempts to move upards failed, they
had no option but to adopt the political path for bringing about changes in their status. In
other ords, their mobility as not along the 4axis of caste status5, but along the 4axis of
political poer5. Initially for these castes, but later for all the castes, the route of politics
gre in importance for purposes of upard social mobility. ,ll the castes realiEed that in
a democratic setup each one of them constituted a 4vote+ban"5, and they could exercise
their pressure on the state for a better deal. Thus, the caste became 4an interest and a
pressure group5 and politiciEation, i.e. the process of adopting various political values,
became a functional alternative to sanskritization.
Thus, sanskritization as meaningful only for castes lying in the middle level of the
hierarchy, but then, these castes constituted the ma-ority of them. In addition to the cases
of upard ritual mobility, sociological literature also ac*uaints one ith the cases of
donard mobility in ritual hierarchy. In the study of a village in >aryana, ;.H.
I
;rivastava found that the $rahmins ere gradually assimilating the lifestyles and
occupational aspects of Gats, ith the explicit intention of becoming one ith them.
This case as the converse of the process of sanskritization, and ;rivastava termed it 4de-
sanskritization’. In Jdaipur villages, ;.). Halia found that some castes ere adopting the
lifestyle of the $hils, a tribal group. This as also a case of donard ritual mobility.
Halia called this process 4tribalization’.
To sum up, the Indian village as never a self+sufficient social or economic unit. It had
relations ith the outside orld. $enefiting by the changes emerging in it, many people
ere able to find respectable places in villages. ,s a conse*uence, different units of the
village ere able to move up. Jpper castes adopted the 0estern ay of living and
institutions. 8astes belo the line of purity had no option but to follo the political path
for ameliorating their status and conditions. Middle castes folloed the process of
sanskritization. ,lso, some upper castes tried to see" their identification ith loer
castes. In terms of these four processes 1viE sanskritization, 0esterniEation, politiciEation,
and de-sanskritization3, one may formulate a composite model of social mobility in India.
$olit' in India in *ost+inde*endence *eriod
The post independence politics have changed our approach to see rural business as the
ma-or contributor the groth of economy and the 8ountry. There are many movements
that compelled to not shift from rural development trac". ;ome movements arose out of
the feudalistic contradictions, mainly because the implementation of land reforms as
tardy and their progress as hampered by feudalistic forces ith covert support from the
bureaucracy and the poer elite, though the said reforms had been accepted as a matter of
state policy.
i3 ,ra(dan -./2 0ith the coming of Independence, and after the death of %andhi, on
the anvil of Tebhaga and Telengana movements, emerged the b)oodan and later the
gra(dan movements as alternatives to the Teb)aga and Telegana movements.
,ra(dan and b)oodan ere extensions of %andhi5s concept for the replacement of
private onership of property by trusteeship, particularly in the case of land. Trusteeship
implied that oners of the means of production 1i.e. land, machinery, etc.3 should become
trustees of their ealth and enterprises 1i.e. land, machinery, etc.3, hich should belong to
the community hich labours on it. Bhoodan and gramdan are based on this concept.
Vinoba Bhave’s bhoodan movement began in Nalgonda, the hot+bed of the Telengana
movement. :inoba as"ed the landed families to consider the landless as their one
additional unborn children and to gift their shares to them. In the next stage, land oners
in the villages ere re*uested to gift their entire land1s3 in the villages. The lands ould
then belong to the village and not to the individuals. This as no doubt a revolutionary
step amounting to demanding an end to private property.
The response to the programme naturally came from tribal communities and the landless
and poor peasants of $ihar and Jttar 7radesh. The tribal district of Horaput in 9rissa,
hoever, responded almost as one body. The means adopted to mobilise for such changes
ere based on volition, persuasion and non+violence.
In the initial stages, some remar"able results ere obtained. /or example, in .KDL about
LL households embraced gramdan ith only .L acres of land in village $erain 1$ihar3,
hich as inhabited only by ;8s and ;Ts. ,ll villagers ere agricultural labourers except
one middle class peasant family.
The village then set about creating ne institutionsMthe Sarvodaya Sahyog Samiti
1cooperative society3 and the gramsabha 1village assembly3. 6ecisions involved
collective farming on .L acres of gramdan land. ;harecropping contract ith landoners
7
had no to be routed through the cooperative society. , community centre, cattle shed
and community garden ere established through sharamdan 1:oluntary gift of labour3.
The village children slept at the same place in the community centre complex irrespective
of caste differences. , pac"age of village industries as startedMthe oil press,
bee"eeping, production of toddy molasses and, of course, the Charkha 1spinning heel3
for spinning and the kargha 1loom3 for eaving. ,n egalitarian social system evolved
rapidly.
The better off farmers started demanding certain concessions for their conditional entry
into gramdan hich as ac"noledged. This led to a chain reaction ith other poor
peasants demanding similar conditions, hich had to be granted. In due course the
smooth egalitarian functioning of gramdan as impaired.
The gramdan sarvodaya movement did not directly engage in struggles against feudal
forces of exploitation. It attempted a structural option for the exploited sections of the
peasantry and agricultural labourers to build an alternative egalitarian system of
production and distribution, hich ould replace the feudalistic agrarian system.
ii3 Na0albari and Na0alite Mo1e(ent2 -.34 on5ards ,reen Re1olution
The &axalbari movement in the ;iliguri subdivision of 6ar-eeling district, hich matured
in .KI7, derived its name from &axabari, a village in &orth $engal. It as a continuation
of prolonged struggles by the peasant association against feudal exploitation and
subversion of land reforms. /rom the mid fifties, the Krishak Samiti 1peasant committee
of the 8ommunist 7arty3 engaged in relentless struggles against the landlord class.
They ould not allo them to evict tenants, or to levy non+legal exactions. They advised
tenants not to give the landlords any crop share unless they furnished documentary
evidence of the land under tenant cultivation.
)eftists emerged victorious in the .KI7 elections in 0est $engal. 9n 2 March .KI7, a
non+8ongress Jnited /ront %overnment as established -ointly by the 8ommunist 7arty
of India 187I3, the 8ommunists 7arty of India 1Marxist3 N87I1M3O and a brea"aay group
from the 8ongress 1the $angla 8ongress3.
The crux of the problem in 0est $engal, li"e in any other state, in the struggles ithin the
feudal order, as concentration of the onership of land in hands of landlords. The
Jnited /ront %overnment as pledged to bring about long due land reformsMa small
plot of land for each poor and landless peasant and their release from the burden of usury.
;oon after searing+in, the minister in charge of land revenue, a veteran 87I1M3 peasant
leader, announced a policy of speedy distribution of surplus land among the landless and
the stopping of eviction of sharecroppers. The parties had promised land redistributionbut
ere not in complete control of the state, and thus not yet sure ho to recover the land
transferred malafide by the landlords.
9n the malafide (benami) transfer the minister said, 'the government had not yet been
able to ta"e any decision. The hurdles put by the 8onstitution and the court papers and
documents are stupendous.( 1;umanta $anner-i .KLI3. The government also realiEed the
strength of the landlords, their control over economic and social affairs and their ability to
delay the process of land distribution. This they could do by resorting to the courts, hich
had no provisions meant to support any progressive las or easy implementation of those
specially pertaining to land.
The Kisan Sabhas had political influence, but organisationally they ere not in total
control of the villages of $engal. Thus, the base of the organisation as not strong
enough to face the onslaught of the landlords ho could dra support of the -udiciary and
the police in many ays. The landlords too" all the possible measures to delay the
identification and distribution of surplus land 1land above ceiling3.
, section of the Hisan ;abha 1the &orth $engal 6istrict 8ommittee oning allegiance to
the 87I 1M33 could not come to terms ith the situation. They attac"ed the minister in
charge for his having submitted to the bureaucrats.
L
This section of the Hisan ;abha as already active among the peasantry in &orth $engal.
9n .L March, .KI7, after the formation of the Jnited /ront %overnment, in a peasants5
conference held by the ;iliguri ;ubdivision 8ommittee of the 87I 1M3, the leadership
gave a call to carry out the folloing directives@
a3 end the monopoly of onership of land by the landlords#
b3 redistribute land through peasants5 committees and organisations# and
c3 destroy the resistance of the landlords.
Thus, this committee decided to go ahead ith a tactic hich as *uite different from the
one envisaged by the 87I 1M3 party as a hole. ,s the to differed, the Siliguri
Committee expected opposition from the state government# to counter hich they
prepared the peasants to fight both the 8entral and the ;tate opposition.
/rom March+,pril .KI7, all the villages in that subdivision ere organised and .D,000+
20,000 peasants ere enrolled as hole time activists. 7easants5 committees ere formed
in almost all the villages and they ere transformed into armed guards. They soon
occupied land in the name of the peasant committees, burnt all land records hich had
been used to cheat them of their dues, cancelled all mortagage debts, passed death
sentences on oppressive landlords, formed armed bands by looting guns from the
landlords, armed themselves ith conventional eapons li"e bos, arros and spears and
set up a parallel administration.
The movement as crushed. 8ontradictions surfaced at various levels. The tactics
adopted by the ;iliguri 8ommittee differed from those of the 7arty as a hole. The
7arty, as e mentioned earlier, as bound by certain legalities. This resulted in a split in
the 7arty and the conse*uent formation of 87I 1M)3 in .KIK. The 7arty, hoever, pointed
to the legitimacy of the demands made by the &orth $engal 6istrict 8ommittee during
the clashes that ensued beteen the peasants of the subdivision and the police.
The other partner of the government 1the $angla 8ongress3 and the 8entral %overnment,
hoever, discussed the events in terms of a la and order problem. /inally, the
circumstances ere used by the 8entral %overnment to crush the Jnited /ront Ministry,
and an all out attac" as launched against the 8ommunist 7arties irrespective of their
differences.
Today, the &axalite movement is not carried out by any single party. 8ountless groups
espouse &axalite politics and operate autonomously in their chosen areas maintaining, at
best, tenuous lin"s ith some other groups.
iii3 #*eration Barga
0hen the 8ommunist 7arties and other leftist forces ere voted to poer and to form
government in .K77, many measures ere adopted to relieve the rural population from
land related problems, hunger, lac" of credit facilities, unemployment and insecurity of
tenure. 9f the various land reforms in 0est $engal, here e are going to concentrate only
on 9peration $arga, a programme for the registration of sharecroppers, hich as both a
culmination of prolonged struggles and a movement in its on right.
Bargadars exist in large numbers in 0est $engal and they, along ith the agricultural
labourers, are the bac"bone of agriculture there. 9peration $arga has been a ma-or
campaign in 0est $engal since .K7L, after the )eft /ront government came to poer in
,reen Re1olution past# the programme itself as a struggle, a movement hich received
support from the state, a state hich had the political ill to implement the las. ,s a
result, by B0
th
Gune, .KLD, ..B. million barga recordings ere completed out of an
estimated total of 2 million bargadars. The registration of bargadars provided the
sharecropper ith legal security of tenure, but they continue getting affected by poor
living conditions and are compelled to sell their certificate 1patta3 sometimes. 9f course,
institutional finance and other poverty alleviation programmes have been introduced to
stop this trend. $y .KLB, nearly B00,000 sharecroppers ere provided ith such credit.
K
The cropshare norm seems to be settling for 7D@2D ith the bargadar providing the bul" of
the inputs into farming. The structure of tenancy has been secured! through security of
tenure provided to the bargadar, and this has created such conditions for the bargadar as
4free5 him from the many economic and non+economic obligations that 4tied5 him to the
landoner earlier.
.0