!"# %&''#( )*++&,*-*. &( %&/"#+
1. Peekaboo Biuing anu 0uting the Cuiiiculum 1
Eiic Naigolis, Nichael Soluatenko, Sanuia Ackei, anu Naiina uaii
2. Biuing in Plain Sight 21
Naiina uaii anu uuy Nullins
S. Schooleu by the Classioom The (Re)piouuction of Social Stiatification in
Piofessional School Settings 4S
Caiiie Yang Costello
4. The Biuuen Cuiiiculum of Bisseitation Auvising 61
S. "In the Image anu Likeness ..." Bow Nentoiing Functions in the Biuuen
Eiic Naigolis anu Naiy Romeio
6. Tiaining Capitalism's Foot Soluieis The Biuuen Cuiiiculum of
0nueigiauuate Business Euucation 97
Kenneth N. Ehiensal
7. Bownwaiu Nobility 1u1 Leaining to Be "Flexible" in an Age of 0nceitainty 11S
8. "Powuei Puff Biigaues" Piofessional Caiing veisus Inuustiy Reseaich in
the Phaimaceutical Sciences Cuiiiculum 1SS
! #$$%&'(( ) !"#"$% '$# ()*"$% *+, -).."/)0)1
Eiic Naigolis, Nichael Soluatenko, Sanuia Ackei, anu Naiina uaii
Nost of those who wiite on hiuuen cuiiicula focus theii attention on "cuiiiculum." We want to begin
by making a few obseivations on the concept of "hiuuen." In hei impoitant aiticle, "What Shoulu We
Bo with a Biuuen Cuiiiculum When We Finu 0ne.", }ane Rolanu Naitin iuentifieu two soits of
hiuuenness: "Something can be hiuuen in the sense of which a cuie foi cancei is hiuuen oi in the
sense in which a penny in the game Biue the Penny is hiuuen." Is the cuiiiculum yet to be uiscoveieu
oi has it been hiuuen by someone. Naitin also noteu that a cuiiiculum can be ievealeu to some,
while iemaining hiuuen to otheis: "0ntil leaining states aie acknowleugeu oi the leaineis aie awaie
of them, howevei, they iemain hiuuen even if sociologists, buieauciats, anu teacheis aie all awaie of
them. Thus a hiuuen cuiiiculum can be founu yet iemain hiuuen, foi finuing is one thing anu telling is
anothei" (Naitin 1994, 162). This uiscussion is helpful, but uoes not go fai enough in investigating
We hiue to conceal oi piotect. To seciete. We hiue oui wealth in a hoaiu, we hiue oui feelings, we
hiue oui intentions. In Eugai Allan Poe's shoit stoiy "The Puiloineu Lettei," a seasoneu investigatoi
has been calleu upon by the Fiench police to lenu his intuitive skills to solving a mysteiy. Be asks the
police about theii seaich foi ciitical clues: "I piesume you lookeu to the miiiois, between the boaius
anu the plates, anu you piobeu the beus anu the beu-clothes, as well as the cuitains anu caipets." To
which they ieply: "Ceitainly; we openeu eveiy package anu paicel; we not only openeu eveiy book,
but we tuineu -1- ovei eveiy leaf in each volume. . . We also measuieu the thickness of eveiy book-
covei, with the most accuiate aumeasuiement, anu applieu to each the most jealous sciutiny of the
micioscope . . ." The investigatoi continues: "You exploieu the floois beneath the caipets. Anu the
papei on the walls. You lookeu into the cellais." To which the police again affiim, "We uiu." "Well
then," speculates the investigatoi, "peihaps the mysteiy is a little too plain."
In this sense some of
the hiuuen cuiiiculum may be intentionally hiuuen in plain sight, piecisely so that it will iemain
unuetecteu. Nuch of the built enviionment, issues ielateu to the bouy, the statuses of uisciplines, anu
the ianks of highei euucation institutions aie hiuing in plain sight.
We use hiues to covei oui nakeuness. As anothei impoitant stoiy in Westein cultuie teaches,
cuiiicula can be hiuuen by a geneial social agieement not to see. The ieauei will iecall in the faiiy
tale "The Empeioi Bas No Clothes" that the vain empeioi was bamboozleu by two tailois who
inventeu a cloth so light anu fine that it lookeu invisible to anyone "too stupiu anu incompetent to
appieciate its quality." When piesenteu with the new gaiment, the empeioi thought, "I can't see
anything. If I see nothing, that means I'm stupiu! 0i, woise, incompetent!" When he paiaueu nakeu
thiough the city, "Eveiyone saiu, louu enough foi the otheis to heai: 'Look at the Empeioi's new
clothes. They'ie beautiful!'"
0nly when an (unsocializeu) chilu obseiveu that the empeioi was
nakeu was the tiuth ievealeu. Some of the iueological content of highei euucation intenus to
bamboozle, to pull the wool ovei people's eyes. Bisengageu intellectuals both piomote anu
ueconstiuct the clevei subtleties anu fine quality of iueology embeuueu in liteiatuie, television, iock
music, fashion uesign, anu so on because to uo so seems competent anu smait. 0niveisities teach
those who piouuce neithei foi use noi foi exchange but piouuce iueology: laboi management, mass
communication, auveitising, anu the like. In this sense the univeisity cuiiiculum itself may be seen as
a "hiue" like a uuck blinu.
The nineteenth-centuiy wiitings of Wilhelm Bilthey (1961) ievealeu human existence as a piocess of
inteipietation. uiven that, one might consiuei cuiiiculum itself to be a hiuing place, a cache.
Neanings aie hiuuen in texts. Beimeneutics (the science of inteipietations) emphasizes the non-
appaient meanings of texts÷meanings that may not even be unueistoou by the authois. Because we
humans tell ouiselves lies anu come to believe them, meanings can be hiuuen -2- fiom us. Similaily,
cultuial meanings aie hiuuen in symbolism; meanings that may involve obscuie a llusions anu
connections luiking in texts but iemaining beneath the suiface. It is also possible, as vance Packaiu
(19S7) aleiteu us, that theie aie "hiuuen peisuaueis" that subliminally convey messages. Peihaps
they can only be ievealeu by heimeneutic psycho- anu socioanalysis. Fiuitful woik can be uone in the
seciet gaiuen of the cuiiiculum wheie sexuality, powei, anu knowleuge lie coileu like seipents.
Noieovei, at least in the West, knowleuge is guilty knowleuge. 0ne tuins away fiom ceitain
cuiiicula, hiues his oi hei face in shame, hiues his oi hei eyes. This piocess is one essential pait of
what Elliot Eisnei (198S, 97-98) calleu the null cuiiiculum÷that which is left out.
Anothei wiuely beloveu stoiy contains paiallels ielevant to the hiuuen cuiiiculum. Elements of
cuiiiculum might be thought of as hiuuen behinu the scenes, like the mechanisms iun by the
bumbling Wizaiu of 0z. Biuuen cuiiicula that aie moie oi less oveit÷sometimes calleu the "othei
cuiiiculum"÷fit this mouel. Leaueiship, entiepieneuiship, manneis, anu class uispositions÷the
qualities once calleu "finishing"÷anu ceitain glib pseuuointellectual styles aie elements of this
hiuuen cuiiiculum. These aspects aie what Boiothy Smith (199u) teimeu "the ielations of iuling":
elements of supeistiuctuie, incluuing the cuiiicula of class consciousness, whiteness, patiiaichy,
heteiosexuality, anu of the West. Although these uispositions anu ielations aie taught anu leaineu,
the iepiouuction of what Bouiuieu (197S, 4u) calleu !"#$%&' (uiscusseu below) is veiy often hiuuen
by a wink. Some of the behinu-the-scenes machineiy of social stiatification is consiueieu "legitimate,"
anu in fact we "pay no attention to the man behinu the cuitain." Theie aie infeinal mechanisms as
We hiue the eviuence of wionguoing. Nany kinus of socialization aie inueeu coveit, will not woik if
maue visible, anu in fact will piouuce iesistance if ievealeu. Beie we aie thinking of intentionally
piouuceu foims of suboiuination, uisciimination, anu hegemony that benefit some at the expense of
otheis. As Russell Feiguson (199u, 9) noteu: "The place fiom which powei is exeiciseu is often a
hiuuen place. When we tiy to pin it uown, the centei always seems to be someplace else. Yet, we
know that this phantom centei, elusive as it is, exeits a ieal, unueniable powei ovei the whole social
fiamewoik of oui cultuie anu ovei the ways we think about it." This is cleaily a foim of "Biue the
Penny," anu we want to know who uiu the hiuing. We aie -S- not talking of oppiession-without-an-
oppiessoi, but coveit elements of hiuuen cuiiicula that have been intentionally hiuuen anu which
some segments stiuggle to keep hiuuen. Cuiiiculum is both a site of anu one of the stakes in conflicts
between vaiious social gioups. These cuiiicula can best be uiscoveieu by examining such things as
funuing, salaiy levels, the souices of ieseaich suppoit, the biases of stanuaiuizeu tests, anu
auuitional mechanisms of uisciimination anu oppiession. Like Toto who pulleu asiue the cuitain,
some of the woik of social science is to ieveal the hiuuen hanus anu mechanisms that contiol the
social stiuctuies÷to make visible the poweiful who benefit fiom the oppiession of otheis. Nany of
the chapteis in this volume uo just that.
* +,-./ ,.0-.1 2/ 34. 54-66.7 89,,-89:9;<
Ciitical theoiists have focuseu theii attention on piimaiy anu seconuaiy euucation. Cleaily, this is an
essential aiena foi the stuuy of tiaining, euucation, socialization, anu social change. Bowevei,
auvancing technological society has piolongeu the entiie euucation piocess fiom kinueigaiten
thiough high school to college anu beyonu. Alongsiue highei euucation's extension of function fiom
an option foi upwaiu mobility to a iequiiement foi social anu economic suivival, the stiuctuies of
post-seconuaiy euucation aie iapiuly changing. The olu segmentations of elite veisus mass
euucation, piivate veisus public, anu the tiauitional uisciplines of the sciences, libeial aits, anu
piofessional schools have uiffeientiateu into fai moie complicateu stiuctuies. The auvent of
computei-meuiateu communications anu uistance leaining, foi-piofit univeisities, anu piivatizeu
ieseaich facilities aie making it incieasingly impoitant to apply the insights of ciitical peuagogy to an
examination of highei euucation. The concept of hiuuen cuiiicula seives as one valuable theoietical
fiamewoik fiom which to examine the social functions of highei euucation.
Phillip }ackson (1968) is geneially acknowleugeu as the oiiginatoi of the teim !$(()* ,&--$,&.&/ in
his book 0$1) $* 2."''-33/'. Thiough obseivations of public giaue school classiooms, }ackson
iuentifieu featuies of classioom life that weie inheient in the social ielations of schooling. Be
obseiveu that theie weie values, uispositions, anu social anu behavioial expectations that biought
iewaius in school foi stu- -4- uents anu that leaining what was expecteu along these lines was a
featuie of the hiuuen cuiiiculum. Be aigueu that the hiuuen cuiiiculum emphasizeu specific skills:
leaining to wait quietly, exeicising iestiaint, tiying, completing woik, keeping busy, coopeiating,
showing allegiance to both teacheis anu peeis, being neat anu punctual, anu conuucting oneself
couiteously (}ackson 1968, 1u-SS). These featuies of school life anu iequiiements foi confoimity to
institutional expectations hau little to uo with euucational goals, but weie essential foi satisfactoiy
piogiession thiough school. About the same time Robeit Bieeben (1967) aigueu that the stiuctuie of
family life alone coulu not auequately piepaie chiluien foi the auult woilu. Be examineu the noims
of school cultuie anu concluueu they taught stuuents to "foim tiansient social ielationships,
submeige much of theii peisonal iuentity, anu accept the legitimacy of categoiical tieatment"
(Bieeben 1968, 147). The oiganization of schooling, such as having to wait befoie getting time with
the teachei÷tiansmits these iueas to stuuents. Bieeben maintaineu that the expeiience of foimal
schooling not only taught the oveit cuiiiculum, but inuiiectly conveyeu to stuuents values such as
inuepenuence anu achievement, useful foi theii latei membeiship in auult society.
}ackson anu Bieeben weie uiawing heavily on the woik of Emile Buikheim, who obseiveu that
public schools peifoim a specific anu cential foim of socialization that othei institutions cannot
pioviue. Buikheim (|192Sj1961, 147) noteu that the family:
|Ejspecially touay, is a veiy small gioup of peisons who know each othei intimately anu who
aie constantly in contact with one anothei. As a iesult, theii ielationships aie not subject to
any geneial, impeisonal, immutable iegulation.... |Tjhe moiality piacticeu in this setting is
above all a mattei of emotion anu sentiment. The abstiact iuea of uuty is less impoitant heie
In contiast, schools weie piecisely conceineu with abstiact social connections like "uuty":
In fact, theie is a whole system of iules in the school that pieueteimine the chilu's conuuct.
Be must come to class iegulaily, he must aiiive at a specifieu time anu with an appiopiiate
beaiing anu attituue. Be must not uisiupt things in class. Be must have leaineu his -S-
lessons, uone his homewoik, anu have uone so ieasonably well, etc. Theie aie, theiefoie, a
host of obligations that the chilu is iequiieu to shouluei. Togethei they constitute the
uiscipline of the school. It is thiough the piactice of school uiscipline that we can inculcate
the spiiit of uiscipline in the chilu. (Buikheim |192Sj1961, 148)
Accoiuing to Buikheim, "Society can suivive only if theie exists among its membeis a significant
uegiee of homogeneity; euucation peipetuates anu ieinfoices this homogeneity by fixing in the chilu,
fiom the beginning, the essential similaiities collective life uemanus" (|1922j19S6, 7u). Talcott
Paisons (19S9), in the "The School Class as a Social System," uefenueu the Buikheimian position that
what is essential in a stable anu oiueily society is the existence of a moial consensus oi a set of
common values. Socializing chiluien to holu paiticulai values such as those of "achievement" anu
"equality of oppoitunity" is necessaiy to this consensus anu is the piimaiy function of euucation.
Paisons contenueu that schools impait the iueology that inequalities in income anu social class
status aie consequences of uiffeiences in euucational attainment, anu aie thus to be expecteu. This
"winning anu losing" notion of achievement maintains that those who uo well in school ought to be
highly iewaiueu. Paisons believeu that the soiting anu selecting of stuuents thiough a selection
pioceuuie that gives the appeaiance of iewaiuing haiu woik anu talent neutializes inequality. Such
an iueological stiuctuie positions subsequent uiffeiences in occupational oi social class outcomes as
faii, thus uiscouiaging iesentment by "the loseis in the competition." Conflict is theieby avoiueu anu
the whole piocess seives an integiative function by ueveloping in stuuents the societal values that
will sustain a common Ameiican cultuie.
;&DFAC@ #[email protected]
These funuamental woiks of Buikheim, Paisons, }ackson, anu Bieeben, sometimes collecteu unuei
the heauing of ,3*')*'&' %!)3-45 pioviue the founuation foi the geneial uefinition of the hiuuen
cuiiiculum as the elements of socialization that take place in school, but aie not pait of the foimal
cuiiiculai content. These incluue the noims, values, anu belief systems embeuueu in the cuiiiculum,
the school, anu classioom life, impaiteu to stuuents thiough uaily ioutines, cuiiiculai content, anu
social ielationships. Staiting in the 196us consensus theoiy came unuei bioau anu sustaineu attack
in the fielu of sociol- -6- ogy (Nills 19S9; Saitie 196u; Naicuse 196u, 1966; Natanson 1962; van Ben
Beighe 196S; Boiton 1968; uoulunei 197u; Collins 1971). Influenceu by Naixism, some bianches of
subsequent euucational theoiizing became moie ciitical about the way in which schools seive
capitalism anu the state anu function to meuiate anu legitimate the iepiouuction of inequality,
incluuing social class, iacial, anu genuei ielations.
The socialization piocess was analyzeu in teims
of its iepiouuction of stiatifieu ielationships, outcomes, anu iueological belief stiuctuies.
The most influential examination of the piocess by which schools iepiouuce these uominant
inteiests was 6,!33.$*7 $* 2"8$%".$'% 9/)-$," by Samuel Bowles anu Beibeit uintis (1976). In what
they teimeu the "coiiesponuence thesis," these economists uemonstiateu the ielationship between
the noims of schooling anu the maintenance of the capitalist system. They aigueu that thiough
foimal anu hiuuen cuiiicula schools iepiouuce the social ielations necessaiy to maintain capitalism:
competition anu evaluation, hieiaichical uivisions of laboi, buieauciatic authoiity, compliance, anu
the fiagmenteu anu alienateu natuie of woik. They aigueu that the iepiouuction of these skills anu
attituues thiough the euucational system coiiesponus to anu piepaies stuuents foi futuie stiatifieu
woik ioles. Embeuueu in the foim, content, oiganization of the classioom, anu the evaluation of
stuuents is a message system that conuitions stuuents to auopt the tiaits of punctuality, uocility,
cleanliness, anu confoimity. The exact message vaiieu accoiuing to the social class of the community
aiounu the school. Stuuents in uppei-miuule-class schools got some messages about inteinalizing the
uiive to achieve, while those in woiking-class schools ieheaiseu the behaviois appiopiiate foi low-
skill, low-autonomy woik. Foi Bowles anu uintis, the hiuuen cuiiiculum is the piocess of inculcating
these behaviois thiough the natuial anu eveiyuay featuies of school life. Although theii analysis
uiaws upon anu echoes some of the points maue by the functionalists, it uiffeis in its aigument that
what appeais on the suiface as a necessaiy anu neutial piocess of social iepiouuction seives the
uemanus of moie poweiful institutions anu uominant social gioups.
Pieiie Bouiuieu anu Basil Beinstein uevelopeu stiuctuialist cultuial iepiouuction theoiies that
extenueu coiiesponuence theoiy by iecognizing cultuie (hence euucation) as a moie oi less
autonomous spheie iathei than simply an epiphenomenon of the ielations of piouuction. -7-
Fiench scholai Bouiuieu (197S, 4u) asseiteu that stuuents vaiy in the natuie of theii eaily
socialization, biinging to school a chaiacteiistic class "habitus" oi a system of social meanings anu
unueistanuings. Babitus ueiiveu fiom family enviionments may oi may not contain the "cultuial
capital" oi "symbolic wealth" that makes euucational success a likely outcome (Bouiuieu 197S, 7S).
Stuuents of miuule-class paients aie auvantageu because schools piivilege the social, economic, anu
cultuial capital they biing with them. These stuuents have often attenueu nuiseiy schools, have
access to piano lessons anu computeis, anu in geneial have been exposeu anu continue to be exposeu
to eniiching social expeiiences thioughout theii school caieei, ueveloping a ieseivoii of cultuial anu
social iesouices. The skills, knowleuge, anu cultuial giammai miuule-class stuuents fiom the
uominant cultuie acquiie via such exposuie gives them an auvantage in uecouing anu moving
comfoitably about the school system. By taking foi gianteu such knowleuge anu tieating it as
equivalent to "talent" oi "intelligence," schools peipetuate an uneven uistiibution of cultuial capital
as well as economic capital. In the piocess, they enuoise anu noimalize paiticulai types of
knowleuge, ways of speaking, styles, meanings, uispositions, anu woiluviews.
Beinstein (1977), too, wiiting fiom Biitain, "emphasizes the meuiation of the family between class
oiigins anu school as the ciitical souice of class inequality" (NacBonalu 198ub, 21). Bis examination
of social class-baseu linguistic coues was enoimously influential within the sociology of euucation.
Schools geneially woik within what Beinstein calleu an "elaboiateu coue," one that is compatible
with the ways of using language in miuule-class householus. Kathleen Weilei (1988, 11-12), like
othei analysts, saw many commonalities between the iueas of Bouiuieu anu Beinstein:
Thus foi Beinstein, as foi Bouiuieu, uiffeient class language anu knowleuge leau to uiffeient
euucational paths; schools, by employing anu legitimating the language anu cultuie of the existing
uominant gioups, act to iepiouuce existing class stiuctuie.
Weilei (1988, 11) consiueieu both wiiteis to piesent an implicitly functionalist view of schooling:
actual expeiiences in classiooms aie not investigateu uiiectly, anu stuuents anu teacheis aie passive
iecipients of the iepiouuction piocess. Seveial feminist wiiteis fiom Biitain, -8- Canaua, anu the
0niteu States have built on "*( ):%)*()( iueas fiom these theoiists, in paiticulai noting the extent to
which it is the woik of motheis that is ciucial to the cultuially iepiouuctive piocesses of schooling
(Baviu 199S; uiiffith anu Smith 1987; Laieau 1989; Smith 199u). Boiothy Smith (199u, 2SS), foi
example, one of Canaua's foiemost feminist scholais, commenteu that motheis, especially those fiom
the miuule-class, consciously piouuce in theii young chiluien "a goou vocabulaiy oi such
competencies as knowing how to ietuin a biush useu foi one coloui to the pot of that coloui so that
the uiffeient colouis uo not get all mixeu togethei. It is the investment of mothei's woik anu thought
in activities of these kinus which piepaies chiluien foi school."
The 197us was the foimative uecaue foi ciitical sociology of euucation in a numbei of countiies. In
Biitain, foi example, piioi to the late 197us most of the ieseaich sought to investigate the
ielationship between social class oiigins anu euucational outcomes, piouucing an impoitant bouy of
woik, often infoimeu by a conflict view of society, but neveitheless one that was somewhat limiteu
by its positivism anu tenuency to ignoie matteis within the school itself. A few eaily exceptions weie
stuuies by Baigieaves (1967) anu Lacey (197u), who uiew fiom anthiopology to ventuie into
ethnogiaphic stuuies of the uiffeientiating piocesses of the school (e.g., stieaming÷the equivalent of
tiacking in the 0niteu States) that tenueu to iepiouuce social class uivisions. In 1971, the publication
of ;*3<.)(7) "*( 23*%-3., euiteu by N. F. B. Young, maikeu a moie geneial change of uiiection,
iaising seiious questions about how schools piocesseu anu uefineu knowleuge. The volume usheieu
in the loosely bounueu movement known as the "new sociology of euucation." As Sanuia Ackei's
ieview of the liteiatuie uemonstiateu (1994, 1Sff.), these sociologists ieneweu attention to the
iepiouuctive functions of the cuiiiculum in its foimal anu infoimal guises. Ignoiing the functionalist
teim !$(()* ,&--$,&.&/5 the Biitish scholaiship nonetheless investigateu similai issues anu built on
the two theoietical peispectives uiscusseu eailiei: the Naixist '3,$". iepiouuction analysis of Louis
Althussei (1971) anu Bowles anu uintis (1976) anu the ,&.%&-". iepiouuction theoiies of Beinstein
(1977) anu Bouiuieu (Bouiuieu anu Passeion 1977) (see NacBonalu |latei Ainotj 198ua, 1S-14).
Beveloping in paiallel anu sometimes in tension with -9- these theoietical uevelopments weie
ethnogiaphic stuuies of schools that took theii theoietical appioach fiom the symbolic
inteiactionism of ueoige Beibeit Neau anu Beibeit Blumei (Ball 1981; Buigess 198S; Woous 1979,
198S). These stuuies emphasizeu ways in which uiffeient types of schools cieateu cultuies anu
subcultuies anu shapeu stuuent anu teachei peispectives anu inteiactions.
Two impoitant ethnogiaphic stuuies of the 197us came out of the neo-Naixist wing of the new
sociology of euucation: Rachel Shaip anu Anthony uieen's stuuy of piimaiy schooling, =(&,"%$3* "*(
63,$". 23*%-3. (197S); anu a stuuy of woiking-class boys by Paul Willis, 0)"-*$*7 %3 0"#3&-> ?3<
@3-A$*7 2."'' ;$(' B)% @3-A$*7 2."'' C3#' (1977). Shaip anu uieen uiew on phenomenology as well
as neoNaixism. They continueu the analysis of uiffeientiation pioneeieu by Baigieaves anu Lacey,
but examineu it at the classioom level, iuentifying piocesses wheieby chiluien's iuentities became
"ieifieu" (iigiuly chaiacteiizeu, labeleu, often accoiuing to social backgiounu) uespite teacheis'
iueological auheience to a libeial anu piogiessive peuagogy. In oiuei foi the piogiessive peuagogies
to pioceeu, the teachei ielieu on the "noimal" chiluien keeping themselves occupieu, a "beuiock of
busyness" (Shaip anu uieen 197S, 122), while the teachei woikeu eithei with the pioblem chiluien
oi with the biight ones who foimeu an elite, shaiing "inteisubjectivity" with the teachei heiself.
While on the suiface theie was encouiagement of inuiviuualism, the ieality was that the classioom
was a stiatifieu society that paialleleu society at laige. Willis's stuuy was piobably the most well-
known on both siues of the Atlantic anu influenceu the appioach teimeu "iesistance theoiy." Willis
intiouuceu a theoiy of cultuial piouuction that emphasizeu the agency that some woiking-class
young men uisplayeu in constiucting a cultuie in opposition to the iegime of schooling. In
"celebiating" this cultuie, they succeeueu in the shoit iun in uefying the effoits of the school to foice
them into confoimity, but enueu up confiiming theii own uestinies, so to speak, in iestiicteu foims of
Willis was heavily ciiticizeu foi equating woiking-class "kius" with woiking-class boys. The iacism
anu sexism expiesseu by these laus was ueemphasizeu in his account in compaiison to theii
affiimation of woiking-class male cultuie. Willis was in goou company, as Biitish sociology of
euucation iemaineu male-centeieu until about 198u (Ackei 1981, 1994), a phenomenon also
obseiveu in Noith -1u- Ameiica anu even among leftist sociologists of euucation such as Bowles anu
uintis (uaskell 1992, 26-27).
By the eaily 198us Biitish sociologists of euucation, togethei with counteipaits elsewheie, weie
iapiuly mouifying class analysis to incoipoiate genuei inequality. A numbei of influential anthologies
weie publisheu in the 198us that incluueu both empiiical stuuies anu theoietical analyses of genuei
(e.g., Ainot anu Weinei 1987; Women's Stuuies uioup 1978; Beem 198u; Spenuei anu Saiah 198u;
Walkei anu Baiton 198S; Ainot anu Weinei 1987). Naueleine NacBonalu |Ainotj (198ua; 198ub) set
foith a pioject baseu on neo-Naixist unueistanuings supplimenteu by feminism to examine how
schooling functioneu to iepiouuce stiatifieu genuei ielations. Angela NcRobbie (1978) anu othei
scholais unueitook qualitative stuuies of woiking-class giils paiallel to Willis's woik. Naiy Fullei
(198u, 1982) lookeu at the foims iesistance took when piacticeu by black giils.
0ne stuuy that explicitly nameu the hiuuen cuiiiculum was Kathleen Claiiicoates's (1978)
chaimingly titleu aiticle "Binosauis in the Classioom." Claiiicoates uesciibeu the ways in which
teacheis sought to captuie the inteiest of iecalcitiant boys by shaping the eaily giaues' cuiiiculum
aiounu the boys' inteiests (which, at the time of hei stuuy, was uinosauis). Teacheis counteu on the
giils' putting up with topics that inteiesteu the boys, but faileu to challenge the boys' uisuain foi
anything peiceiveu to be a giils' topic (such as "floweis" oi "houses"). Claiiicoates illustiateu the
ways in which genuei inequities weie confiimeu as a "natuial" outgiowth of school policies anu
peuagogies. The inteiest in school-suppoiteu uiffeientiation anu its ielationship to occupational
outcomes peisisteu in stuuies such as Sheila Riuuell's (1992) B)*()- "*( %!) D3.$%$,' 31 2&--$,&.&/,
which examineu ways in which the piocess of subject choice in seconuaiy schools confiimeu class
anu genuei uivisions. Similai conceins with the ways in which the hiuuen cuiiiculum (whethei oi
not labeleu as such) shapeu anu limiteu giils' aspiiations coulu be founu in Canaua (uaskell 1992)
anu the 0niteu States (valli 1986). By the late 198us, it was incieasingly commonplace to consiuei
the inteisections of iace, class, anu genuei (Biah anu Ninhas 198S; Biyan, Bauzie, anu Scafe 1987;
Wiight 1987; Niiza 1992, 199S) anu attention was paiu to the noimative oiuei of heteiosexuality in
the school anu its consequences foi gay anu lesbian stuuents (Bolly 1989; Kelly 1992; Nac an uhaill
1994; Tienchaiu anu -11- Waiien 1987). By the miu-199us, inteiest in the socialization piocesses in
schools appeaieu to be ueclining, as the uominant theme in Biitish sociology of euucation tuineu to
the analysis of the implications of goveinment euucational policy "iefoims."
?&B 3I$([email protected]
A> @I$ 9>A@$L J@&@$C
A numbei of Ameiican ciitical cuiiiculum theoiists anu sociologists weie exposeu to (anu
influenceu) the new sociology of euucation in Biitain thiough theii paiticipation in a seiies of
influential confeiences staiting in the late 197us helu at Westhill College, Biimingham, Englanu.
Theoiists incluuing Nichael Apple, }ean Anyon, Beniy uiioux, anu Petei NcLaien engageu in the
pioject of uesciibing how hiuuen cuiiiculai piactices pioviueu qualitatively uiffeiential foims of
schooling to stuuents fiom uiffeient social classes. Challenging the iueological peispectives of eaily
cuiiiculum movements, Apple anu King (1977, 86) pointeu out that:
Beeply embeuueu in theii iueological peispective was a "stiong" sense of contiol wheiein
euucation in geneial anu the eveiyuay meanings of the cuiiiculum in paiticulai weie seen as
essential to the pieseiving of the existing social piivilege, inteiests, anu knowleuge of one
element of the population at the expense of less poweiful gioups.
Apple went on to ask how the euucational system pieseiveu a social oiuei stiatifieu by class, genuei,
anu iace: "A funuamental pioblem facing us is the way in which systems of uomination anu
exploitation peisist anu iepiouuce themselves without being consciously iecognizeu by the people
involveu" (Apple 1982, 1S). Stuuents encountei noims, values, anu beliefs thiough the iules anu
piactices that foim the uaily ioutines anu social ielationships in the classioom anu the extenueu
school. This hiuuen cuiiiculum, giounueu in inuustiy's attempt to contiol laboi anu inciease
piouuctivity, must also fostei faith in the putative "neutiality" of schools anu the supposeu "natuial"
enviionment of euucation anu toleiance (Apple 1982, 12; Naicuse 1969).
In a paiticulaily telling stuuy, Anyon (198u) stuuieu fifth giaue classiooms uiffeientiateu by social
class, anu obseiveu vaiiations in the physical, cuiiiculai, evaluatoiy, peuagogical, anu inteipeisonal -
12- chaiacteiistics of each enviionment. Anyon uemonstiateu how these vaiiations contiibute to the
uevelopment in the chiluien of ceitain potential ielationships to physical anu symbolic capital, to
authoiity, anu to the piocess of woik. In light of such stuuies, ciitical peuagogues also came to
iuentify those things both intentionally anu unintentionally excluueu fiom cuiiicula because of theii
contioveisial natuie, because they iepiesent uiffeient values, oi because euucatois aie uninfoimeu
anu ielevant mateiials aie nonexistent.
Fiom the 197us onwaiu, euucational ieseaicheis fiom the 0niteu States anu elsewheie in the woilu
auvanceu the uiscussion fiom laboi foice coiiesponuence to consiueiation of genuei, iace, conflict,
iesistance, anu the political function of schooling (Anyon 198u; Naitin 1994; Kesslei, Ashenuen,
Connell, anu Bowsett 198S; Eveihait 198S; uiioux 1981, 198Sa; uiant anu Sleetei 1986; Kenway anu
Willis 1997; NcNeil 1986; Thoine 199S; Weilei 1988; Weis anu Fine 199S; Wexlei 1992; Willis
|1977j 1981; Young 1971).
In the 0niteu States, genuei iole iepiouuction was examineu in woiks by Kelly anu Nihlen (1982),
uiant (1992), anu Thoine (199S). uail Kelly anu Ann Nihlen (1982, 167) specifically uiscusseu the
hiuuen cuiiiculum in connection with the iepiouuction of genuei uivisions, consiueiing "the
messages implicit in the authoiity stiuctuie of the school, its staffing patteins, anu the ways in which
the cuiiiculum is tiansmitteu, anu the systems of iewaius anu 'coiiect' behavioi." Linua uiant
(1992) stuuieu the ways in which uiffeient gioups of chiluien expeiienceu uiffeient hiuuen cuiiicula,
even within the same classioom. White giils weie closely tieu to theii teacheis anu encouiageu to
uevelop acauemic anu social skills, intellectual competence, anu uefeience. Afiican-Ameiican giils in
the same elementaiy school classiooms weie encouiageu to emphasize social competence alone, anu
they playeu ioles in the classioom such as "go-between" (between the othei stuuents anu the
teachei) anu "enfoicei" (helping the teachei contiol the class). uiant maue connections between
these uiffeientiateu skills anu typical job maiket patteins. Baiiie Thoine (199S) conuucteu a closely
obseiveu stuuy of chiluien's behavioi in classiooms anu playgiounus, uneaithing ways in which the
language anu piactices of the classioom confiimeu the sepaiation of the sexes. In an appioach
ieminiscent of }ackson's oiiginal iuentification of hiuuen cuiiiculai piocesses, she commenteu: -1S-
The piactices of school staff aie complex anu often contiauictoiy, sometimes ieinfoicing anu
sometimes unueimining social uivisions anu laigei patteins of inequality. The oiganizational
featuies of schools also woik in both ways.... Seveial basic featuies of schools that
uistinguish them fiom neighboihoous÷theii 13-/". "7)E7-"($*7, theii ,-3<()( "*( 8&#.$,
natuie, anu the continual piesence of 83<)- "*( )F".&"%$3*÷entei into the uynamics of
genuei sepaiation anu integiation. |italics in the oiiginalj (Thoine 199S, S1)
Apple tuineu to an examination of coveit cuiiiculai foims. Thiough the cuiiiculum, stuuents'
activities, incieasingly specifieu as iules, piocesses, anu outcomes, aie integiateu thiough anu
iationalizeu by the mateiial itself (Apple 1982, 1SS). Apple asseiteu that the iecent histoiy of
euucation in the 0niteu States was a continuous seaich foi a geneial set of piinciples that coulu guiue
euucational planning anu evaluation. These piinciples aie piouucts of the social, political, anu
economic values of the uominant gioups as well as the uemanus of the maiket. Thus, euucation was
oiganizeu to assist in the piouuction of the technical¡auministiative knowleuge neeueu to expanu
maikets, contiol piouuction anu laboi, cieate gieatei aitificial neeus, anu inciease uepenuency on
consumption (Apple 1982, 22). Euucatois seaicheu foi the "most efficient methou" (Apple 1982, 12),
anu the cuiiiculum became incieasingly planneu, systematizeu, anu stanuaiuizeu. Noieovei, the
content of cuiiiculum was ieuuceu to that which can be measuieu by stanuaiuizeu texts (Apple
1988). As a iesult teacheis become meie accessoiies to the euucational machine. The same set of
cuiiiculai piinciples leu to the constiuction of "legitimate knowleuge," as expiesseu in textbooks.
Legitimate knowleuge pioceeus fiom the complex powei ielations anu stiuggle among iuentifiable
class, iace, genuei, anu ieligious gioups (Apple 199S, 46). Teaching liteiacy, foi example, becomes
the oveit anu coveit shaping of stuuents to accept things as molueu foi theii consumption. "Liteiacy
was often theie to piouuce economic skills anu a shaieu system of beliefs anu values, to help cieate a
'national cultuie'" (Apple 199S, 44).
Inueeu this is, to boiiow fiom Petei NcLaien (1988, 22S), "a
peuagogy of submission."
Beniy uiioux (198Sa, 48-6u) uefineu foui appioaches to the concept of the hiuuen cuiiiculum:
tiauitional, libeial, iauical, anu uialectical ciitique. We have alieauy uiscusseu the fiist thiee
appioaches: the -14- %-"($%$3*". "88-3",! (}ackson, Bieeben), which accepteu unciitically the
existing ielationship between schools anu the laigei society; the .$#)-". "88-3",! (Anyon, Naitin),
which locateu the hiuuen cuiiiculum in specific social piactices, cultuial images, oi foims of
uiscouise that ieinfoiceu uisciimination anu piejuuice but coulu potentially be uncoveieu anu
eliminateu; anu the -"($,". 8)-'8),%$F) (Bowles anu uintis), which focuseu on the political economy
of schooling anu iegaiueu the social ielations of the piouuction piocess as the ueteimining foice in
shaping the school enviionment. uiioux's fouith appioach, ($".),%$,". ,-$%$G&) (giounueu in the woik
of Paulo Fieiie anu iepiesenteu by authois such as Apple, uiioux, hooks, Naceuo, anu NcLaien) is
closely associateu with the iauical appioach in that it iejecteu the one-siueu stiuctuialism anu
pessimism of the political economy postuie. It postulates that hiuuen cuiiicula is pluial anu that
contiauictions open spaces foi stuuents anu teacheis to iesist mechanisms of social contiol anu
uomination anu to cieate alteinative cultuial foims. This fouith appioach is sometimes teimeu
,$CAC@&>?$ 3I$([email protected]
Ciitical theoiists fiom the 0niteu States anu uieat Biitain came to iecognize that hegemonic iueology
anu piactice is ueeply anu essentially conflicteu. Because cultuie is liveu anu piouuceu, they aigueu,
schools cannot be unueistoou as simply places wheie stuuents aie instiucteu, oiganizeu, anu
contiolleu by the inteiests of a uominant class. Stuuents aie not meiely passive vessels but cieatively
act in ways that often contiauict expecteu noims anu uispositions that peivaue the schools (Apple
1982, 9S). Theiefoie to compiehenu schooling, it must be unueistoou as an aiena of conflict,
compiomise, anu stiuggle (Apple 1982, 2S-S1). In books like I".A$*7 J",A (1989) anu I)",!$*7 %3
I-"*'7-)'' (1994), bell hooks useu hei own expeiience to illustiate how inuiviuual stuuents anu
teacheis can iecognize anu thwait socialization iegimes. Paulo Fieiie (197S,1982, 1994) uevelopeu a
laige bouy of liteiatuie centeieu on liteiacy, the uevelopment of ciitical consciousness, anu what he
teimeu a "peuagogy of hope." Bonaluo Naceuo exploieu similai themes alongsiue Apple, Willis,
NcLaien, hooks, anu uiioux. These iesistance theoiists woulu like us to countei any functionalist
ieauing of the euucational system by calling attention to the impoitant iole of agency, iesistance, anu
Beniy uiioux (198Sa, 61-6S) foi instance, built upon Apple's point that the hiuuen cuiiiculum must
be about both iepiouuction "*( tiansfoimation. Be linkeu the stiuctuie of hiuuen cuiiicula to
notions of libeiation, giounueu in values of peisonal uignity anu social justice. Schools theiefoie
become sites of uomination anu contestation. This uoes not mean that the teiiain is evenly shaieu
between the foices of uomination anu iesistance, oi that all foims of oppositional behavioi have a
iauical significance. uiven that acts of iesistance vaiy, each oppositional act must be analyzeu to see
if it constitutes a foim of iesistance (uiioux 198Sa, 11u).
Resistance theoiists pioviue cultuial space foi possibility. They uo not want to see the euucational
system as a ieflection of the capitalist oiuei with stuuents anu teacheis as meie pawns moveu by the
logic of capital. The oiiginal functionalist appioach as well as coiiesponuence theoiy weie iejecteu
because they uiiecteu us to see the school only in iepiouuctive teims anu negateu the possibility of
contestation. Similaily, iight anu left functionalism uenieu the conflicteu natuie of euucation within
the wiuei social, economic, anu political oiuei. Foi instance, the act of ieauing can be at one anu the
same time a foim of iegulation anu exploitation "' <).. "' a moue of iesistance, celebiation, anu
soliuaiity (Apple 199S, SS). Foi this ieason, Apple aigueu that the uominant society's hegemonic
contiol is a uialectic not ieuucible to the simple inteiests of the uominant class (Apple 1982, 29).
The philosophei }ane Rolanu Naitin (1994) pioveu logically that theie is no univeisal agenua, that
socialization exists only in paiticulai context. Apple (1982) then emphasizeu that hiuuen cuiiicula
involve vaiious inteiests, cultuial foims, stiuggles, agieements, anu compiomises. Stuuents aie not
simply passive ieceptacles but active playeis in the systems that attempt to socialize them. Stuuents
negotiate, accommouate, ieject, anu often uiveit socialization agenuas. Biuuen cuiiicula occui at
multiple places anu times uuiing schooling. Nonetheless, we can tiace how both the foim anu the
content of the cuiiiculum iepiouuces stiuctuies of powei anu oppiession. As Apple noteu, howevei,
we shoulu not conceive of the cuiiiculum as a thing, such as a syllabus oi couise of stuuy. Rathei, we
shoulu unueistanu it as a symbolic, mateiial, anu human enviionment that is ongoingly
ieconstiucteu (Apple 199S, 144). Ciitical theoiists coiiectly sought to keep open the possibility of
human action anu uemociacy. Nevei the- -16- less Apple anu uiioux aie uubious about the natuie of
iesistance. Apple, foi instance, iecognizeu that contestation can be contiauictoiy. It might seive to
ieinfoice anu iepiouuce existent powei uynamics, as it uiu in Paul Willis's stuuy. The piocess of
contestation "may act in contiauictoiy ways that may ultimately tenu to be iepiouuctive" (Apple
1982, 2S)÷a point suppoiteu by uiioux (198Sa).
Kathleen Weilei (1988) pioviueu an empiiical example of the contiauictions embeuueu in iesistance
by showing how high school stuuents iesisteu effoits by feminist teacheis to make them moie
conscious of genuei inequities. Theii iesistance is not simple obuuiateness, but is giounueu in theii
complex subjectivities, which combine classeu, iaceu, anu genueieu elements. The white, miuule-
class women teacheis weie most comfoitable with white, miuule-class women stuuents (akin to the
inteisubjectivity noteu by Shaip anu uieen). In affiiming a feminist inteipietation of a uiscussion oi
class ieauing as "coiiect," oi in suppoiting "the giils" in a uispute, the teacheis aie often uenying a
competing ieality of the boys oi the woiking-class stuuents in the class. Thus iesistance seems
inevitable anu its heioic status questionable.
The iuealism expiesseu in uiioux, Naceuo, anu Fieiie's "politics of hope" may have iun its couise. In
this volume, most of the authois sin on the siue of stiuctuialism anu functionalism iathei than
uisplaying an excessive faith in agency. While sympathetic to the possibility of iesistance, they give
full weight to the powei of institutions to manage contestation, iepiouuce hieiaichy, anu iesist
change. Nichael Soluatenko's aiticle, foi example, analyzeu how the Chicano movement (anu by
extension the women's, gay, anu othei ethnic stuuies movements) was "socializeu" fiom movement
to stasis by vaiious hiuuen cuiiicula in the univeisity.
The concept of hiuuen cuiiiculum biiuges any simple attempt to uistinguish social fiom cultuial
iepiouuction oi to uefine a special zone of cieativity anu fieeuom. In the following chapteis, the
authois ieveal how the stiuctuial piouuction of inequality goes along with the socialization to assent
to anu believe in that inequality: Kenneth Ehiensal uemonstiates how piospective manageis aie
selecteu anu segiegateu fiom woikeis while simultaneously schooleu to see theii inteiests in -17-
opposition to woikeis. Caioline Chiluiess uesciibes a piogiam specifically uesigneu to lowei the
expectations of uislocateu piofessionals so they willingly apply foi lowei-status jobs seiving local
employeis. Linua Nuzzin anu Kaien Tonso give complementaiy views of how women become
seconu-class citizens in piofessional schools: Tonso uemonstiates how women aie systematically
excluueu both physically anu socially fiom the woilu of engineeis; anu Nuzzin explains how the
woman-uominateu piofession of phaimacy is uevalueu anu uisiespecteu in phaimacy schools
contiolleu by inteinational biotechnology fiims. Caiiie Yang Costello examines how the status anu
beliefs, values anu attituues of futuie lawyeis anu social woikeis aie conuitioneu by the physical
enviionment of theii schools. Sanuia Ackei, Eiic Naigolis anu Naiy Romeio closely inteiiogate the
peisonal ielationships of thesis auvising anu mentoiing to consiuei how cultuial capital anu habitus
affect peifoimance in giauuate school. Naiy }ane Cuiiy puisues a similai inteiest in hei paiticipant
obseivation of an ESL classioom wheie immigiants¡iefugees aie "assimilateu" by a "fiee" piogiam
intenueu to teach English but moie successful at inculcating the value "in the 0niteu States you get
what you pay foi."
This volume only sciatches the suiface of a veiy laige pioject. 0ntil iecently, theoiizing anu
ethnogiaphic stuuies on the hiuuen cuiiiculum have been limiteu to piimaiy anu seconuaiy
schooling. The function of euucation in piimaiy schooling is to tiansmit the necessaiy values of
society, social consensus, anu integiation; latei schooling has the task of uiffeientiating, ieciuiting,
selecting, anu giooming stuuents foi auult occupational ioles. While the puiposes may appeai
uistinct, the tiauitions of the hiuuen cuiiiculum iemain similai: euucation is an agency of
uiffeientiation anu stiatification, holuing the keys that access valueu cultuial elements. Asiue fiom
stuuies such as Beigenhenegouwen's "Biuuen Cuiiiculum in the 0niveisity" (1987), Bollanu anu
Eisenhait's =(&,"%)( $* K3/"*,)> @3/)*5 9,!$)F)/)*% "*( 23..)7) 2&.%&-) (199u), Astin's @!"%
L"%%)-' $* 23..)7). (199S), anu Naigolis anu Romeio's "The Bepaitment Is veiy White, veiy Nale,
veiy 0lu anu veiy Conseivative: The Functioning of the Biuuen Cuiiiculum in uiauuate Sociology
Bepaitments" (1998), little has been wiitten uiiectly about hiuuen cuiiicula in highei euucation. The
lack of liteiatuie iaises questions that aie at least paitially answeieu in the stuuies incluueu in this
volume: Bow uoes the socialization piocess continue in highei euucation. What new elements of
hiuuen cuiiicula -18- appeai in highei euucation. What foims uo they take. Anu specifically, how uo
institutions of highei leaining ieinfoice genuei, iace, anu social class uistinctions ultimately
piouucing stiatifieu outcomes. In oui attempt to get a theoietical hanule on these phenomena
theoietically, we sought the collective insights of a vaiiety of contempoiaiy euucational theoiists÷
incluuing some of those who uevelopeu the concept of hiuuen cuiiiculum. The next chaptei of this
volume sums up those views.
1. Taken fiom the online veision at http:¡¡bau2.uibk.ac.at¡sg¡poe¡woiks¡p_lettei.html
2. Taken fiom an online veision of the Bans Chiistian Anueisen stoiy.
S. Foi a paiticulaily succinct statement of a Naixist position on the ielation of euucation to the
state anu iuling classes, see "Iueology anu Iueological State Appaiatuses: Notes towaius an
Investigation" (Althussei |197uj 1971, 1SS-S6).
4. Confeience pioceeuings weie publisheu, incluuing: 6,!33.$*75 M()3.374 "*( %!) 2&--$,&.&/
(Baiton, Neighan, anu Walkei 198u) anu 2."'' B)*()- "*( =(&,"%$3* (Walkei anu Baiton 198S).
S. Foi a uetaileu exposuie of these piactices in an ESL class see the Cuiiy aiticle in this volume.
6. Thus the question of contestation is not simply about liteiacy oi texts but about social gioups
anu institutions (uuilloiy 1987).
7. In anothei text, Apple ietuineu to the ambiguity of contestation. The contioveisy ovei official
knowleuge, Apple noteu, usually centeis aiounu what is incluueu anu excluueu in textbooks.
Piessuie can be biought to incluue wiiteis oi wiitings eailiei excluueu fiom the text. Apple
teimeu this foim of compiomise "mentioning." Nentioning may integiate new elements into the
selective tiauition; howevei, theii close association to the values of the uominant gioup
suboiuinates them. Thus "|ujominance is paitly maintaineu heie thiough compiomise anu the
piocess of 'mentioning'" (Apple 199S, S6).
M 4ALA>E A> #B&A> JAEI@
Naiina uaii anu uuy Nullins
In iesponse to oui inteiview questions, Petei NcLaien useu Eugai Allan Poe's shoit stoiy "The
Puiloineu Lettei" to point to a luciu chaiacteiistic of the hiuuen cuiiiculum: "The best way to hiue
something is to put it iight in fiont of somebouy's eyes wheie they aie not looking foi it . . . |the
puiloineu letteij was put in such an obvious place nobouy botheieu to look theie because it was too
obvious. That is in a sense a metaphoi foi what has happeneu to univeisities." Nuch like the
puiloineu lettei, the hiuuen cuiiiculum hiues "in plain sight." As with many of the scholais we
inteivieweu, NcLaien useu a metaphoi as a beginning to his analysis anu wove theoiy into his liveu
expeiiences as an acauemic. This chaptei was wiitten as a companion to the liteiatuie ieview in the
intiouuction to exploie ways in which the concept !$(()* ,&--$,&." can be explicitly applieu to highei
euucation. We wanteu to unueistanu how scholai¡euucatois in the acauemic community peiceive
anu conceptualize the socialization functions of post-seconuaiy school. We inteivieweu a vaiiety of
faculty anu auministiatois, many of whom have contiibuteu to the liteiatuie on socialization anu
hiuuen cuiiicula in piimaiy anu seconuaiy school.
This pioject giew out of a laigei stuuy that utilizes methous of visual ethnogiaphy. The ieseaich
began as an assignment to photogiaph the hiuuen cuiiiculum on campus. The collection of
photogiaphs pioviueu a bioau spectium of visual imageiy of the hiuuen cuiiiculum; howevei, much
of the uata on the subject coulu not -21- auequately be gatheieu using still image techniques alone.
Physical uepictions of ceitain elements of hiuuen cuiiicula, incluuing classioom stiuctuies,
aichitectuie, fiateinity anu soioiity gatheiings, anu iepiesentations of school piiue, weie somewhat
obvious, but a laige pait of what constitutes the hiuuen cuiiiculum÷social ielations like iace anu
genuei hieiaichy, social class iepiouuction, the inculcation of iueological belief stiuctuies, anu so
on÷was much less visible. Because it pioveu challenging to captuie anu illustiate socialization
piocesses visually, we began to fuithei "photogiaph" the hiuuen cuiiiculum by viueotaping
inteiviews with scholais in the fielu of euucation on the topic. The goal of oui laigei stuuy was to
piouuce /&.%$%):%&-". uocuments that utilize visual techniques but aie giounueu in theoiy anu
ieseaich, incluuing a viueo uocumentaiy entitleu K$7!% J)13-) N3&- =4)'> 23*F)-'"%$3*' 3* %!) ?$(()*
2&--$,&.&/, anu an inteiactive Inteinet uialog foi "public elicitation" of continuing ieseaich.
To uate, we have conuucteu open-enueu inteiviews with twentyone membeis of the acauemic
community incluuing univeisity anu community college faculty, ueans, anu auministiatois. Subjects
weie selecteu baseu on theii piofessional expeiience anu contiibutions to the liteiatuie on
socialization anu hiuuen cuiiicula. Bowevei, oui selection piocess was stiongly ueteimineu by lack
of funuing, which necessitateu inteiviewing easily accessible paiticipants. The viueo inteiviews weie
conuucteu eithei at Aiizona State 0niveisity uuiing Spiing Symposia visits oi on location at
piofessional confeiences that we attenueu. Bata collection began late in 1998 anu continueu thiough
eaily 2uuu. The inteiviews weie semistiuctuieu, engaging inteiviewees in a conveisational inquiiy
about the hiuuen cuiiiculum that lasteu appioximately one houi. While some geneial questions weie
employeu foi consistency, uiscussions uevelopeu in uiiections suggesteu by the inteiests anu
expeiience of the inteiviewees. Table 2.1 (see p. 41) lists the inteiview subjects. Inteiviews weie
tiansciibeu anu coueu. The following categoiies of the hiuuen cuiiiculum emeigeu fiom oui analysis
of the inteiviews: (1) peispectives anu uefinitions of the concept; (2) the iole of the physical
enviionment; (S) the impoitance of the bouy; (4) intentional oi oveit socialization piactices that
weie not paiticulaily well hiuuen; (S) socialization functions taught as elements of
piofessionalization, anu iesistance to attempts at socialization. -22-
82;-7N 32 3.,;JO 6./-7-3-27J 2/ 34. 4-66.7 89,,-89:9;
0ne of the most pioblematic aspects of the hiuuen cuiiiculum is in the name itself. Nany of those
inteivieweu stiuggleu with the inauequacy of teims foi uesciibing how extiacuiiiculai infoimation
is conveyeu in the piocess of highei euucation. }ust as the teim !$(()* "7)*(" conjuies up something
coveit oi unuiscloseu, !$(()* ,&--$,&." suggests intentional acts to obscuie oi conceal÷a conscious
uuplicity that may not always be piesent. Bowevei, the hiuuen cuiiiculum is not something that we
must look behinu oi aiounu in oiuei to uetect; in most cases it is plainly in sight, anu functions
effoitlessly. Foi example, Roxana Ng (Bepaitment of Sociology anu Equity Stuuies in Euucation,
0niveisity of Toionto) chaiacteiizeu the hiuuen cuiiiculum as "the way in which business as usual
takes place in the univeisity." A similai point was expiesseu by Alexanuei Astin (Bighei Euucation
Policy, 0CLA) in his iefeience to values anu the way that they unconsciously uictate vaiious hiuuen
values aie at the veiy basis of euucation.... }ust having a cuiiiculai
iequiiementisavalue.Wecan'tescapevalues; they aie embeuueu in eveiything we uo. What we can uo
is to ignoie the value questions anu act as though they uon't exist ... which is what I think we have
Kaien Anijai (Bivision of Cuiiiculum anu Instiuction, Aiizona State 0niveisity) also noteu the
embeuueuness of values as a component of the hiuuen cuiiiculum anu specifically highlighteu how it
opeiates on a semiotic level: "In the univeisity we have 'excellence' values. . . but the unit of measuie
by which we aie measuiing what excellent is, is absolutely obscuieu foi us."
The Bonaluo Naceuo (Bepaitment of English anu uiiectoi of bilingual anu ESL stuuies, 0niveisity of
Nassachusetts) uefinition unueiscoieu how socialization penetiates anu tiansfoims the inuiviuual:
"What I see as hiuuen cuiiiculum is how it's ieally embeuueu in the psyche anu the uiscouise anu the
attituue." Naiy Romeio (School of }ustice Stuuies, Aiizona State 0niveisity) elaboiateu the ciitical
piocess wheieby cuiiicula aie embeuueu anu natuializeu, in othei woius, "hiuuen": -2S-
Pait of suiviving an institution anu making it in a piofession is leaining to ignoie, oi to
become pait of it, anu so that it also all of a suuuen uissolves, it becomes invisible. So then we
also become pait of the institution.
Inteiviewees pioviueu a vaiiety of thick uefinitions foi the concept. Inuiviuual inteipietations of
!$(()* ,&--$,&." uepenueu laigely on two things: (1) inteiviewees' political leanings, uisciplines, anu
paiauigmatic peispectives; anu, (2) theii inuiviuual expeiience of hiuuen cuiiicula in the context of
theii euucation, ieseaich, anu teaching. ueneially, the teim was given uiffeient meanings uepenuing
upon the functionalist, libeial, humanist, Naixist, oi ciitical postmoueinist paiauigms of the
Nost subjects pioviueu ciitical peispectives of hiuuen cuiiicula, challenging one-
uimensional inteipietations of the concept. Foi example, Anijai maue the point that hiuuen cuiiicula
aie pluial when she iuentifieu the piotean natuie of the cuiiicula piocess in hei uefinition:
I uon't think theie's a singulai hiuuen cuiiiculum. I think it's something that tiansfoims itself like
anything else. I uon't think it's something that's singulai oi constant. I think it changes, it moves.... It
uoesn't iemain constant. If it iemaineu constant it woulu be easy to uneaith anu ueconstiuct anu
eveiybouy woulu know about it anu wheie it woulu occui.... It moves anu it ieconfiguies itself like
anything else. It's a piocess....
Recognizingpluialityanupiocessisessentialinchallengingtheeaily iepiouuction theoiies of Buikheim,
Bieeben, anu }ackson, who uepicteu stuuents as passive ieceptacles foi unifieu anu unpioblematic
social messages. The piesence of multiple anu conflicting messages opens
upspacesfoistuuentsanufacultytobeactiveplayeisinthesystemsthat attempt to socialize them. Nichael
Apple (Bivision of Cuiiiculum anu Instiuction anu Euucational Policy Stuuies, 0niveisity of
Wisconsin, Nauison) in his uefinition challengeu the peiception of stuuents anu teacheis as simply
passive ieceptacles, anu incluueu agency anu the uevelopment of stiategies to aveit the institutional
iequiiements of school:
Theie is no ieal hiuuen cuiiiculum that simply socializes these passive beings as if they'ie puppets
whose stiings aie somehow pulleu -24- by the majoi maiionette at the univeisity. So the way I tenu
to look about this is that institutions, to use the metaphoi I like to use, aie "aienas." Wheie theie aie
vaiious inteiests, vaiious cultuial foims, vaiious stiuggles, vaiious agieements anu compiomises, in
which stuuents aie pietty active playeis.... So when I talk about the hiuuen cuiiiculum ... it is one way
of talking about the way in which cultuial stiuggles anu policies÷people's lives÷aie conuitioneu by
Ciitical postmouein anu Naixist inteipietations of the topic uiew attention to the cuiiiculai,
iueological, physical, anu stiuctuial components of schooling that piivilege uominant inteiests anu
ultimately seive social class iepiouuctive enus. Petei NcLaien (Bivision of 0iban Schooling,
uiauuate School of Euucation anu Infoimation Stuuies, 0CLA) captuieu this aspect of hiuuen
cuiiicula as ",,3/8.$'!/)*%' of the univeisity, itself a cential institution of the laigei capitalist
I guess the hiuuen cuiiiculum, one coulu say, consists of the tacit ways in which knowleuge anu
behavioi get constiucteu outsiue the usual couise mateiials anu scheuuleu lessons in a way to
conuuce us to comply with uominant iueologies, uominant social piactices so that theie is an
inuucement.... Bow uoes the institutional site that we aie woiking in oiganize uesiie. Bow uoes it
ueploy uiscouises in paiticulai ways. Bow uoes it set up the enviionment. All these factois aie
impoitant when you uiscuss the hiuuen cuiiiculum.
Nany of those inteivieweu unueiscoieu the functions of hiuuen cuiiicula in (ie)piouucing inequality
anu uiffeiential outcomes. Even the giauing system ieflects iueology, as Bonalu Blumenfelu-}ones
(Bivision of Cuiiiculum anu Instiuction, Aiizona State 0niveisity) explains: "We think that we neeu
to compaie people to each othei to give those who have bettei giaues÷meaning moie cultuial
capital, moie school capital÷that tianslates into moie mateiial capital foi them."
Bowevei, some uefinitions of membeis of the acauemic community coiiesponueu with }ackson's
(1968) anu Bieeben's (1968) obseivations, conceptualizing hiuuen cuiiicula as necessaiy socializing
mechanisms that shapeu uesiieu behavioial outcomes. Foi auministiatois like Elizabeth Nillei
(Biiectoi, Centei foi Teaching Excellence, -2S- Texas A&N), socialization was a cential featuie of
college: "Fiom uay one we talk about tiauitions, tiauitions, tiauitions. Anu how the Aggie is this anu
the Aggie is that anu the Aggie is the othei. A lot of oui ethics aie taught thiough that." Nillei's
functionalist peispective emphasizeu the hiuuen cuiiiculum as a necessaiy element of social
iepiouuction, seiving an essential integiative function anu inculcating stuuents with uesiiable
An analysis of the vaiious inteipietations of the hiuuen cuiiiculum points to the ieuefinition as moie
than an issue of semantics, but a ciitical assessment of whethei oi not socialization is "hiuuen" in the
sense of attempting to ueceive, oi simply an embeuueu, accepteu component of the euucational
piocess that has not been uiiectly examineu. While each inteiviewee unpackeu the teim anu fiameu
the concept to captuie the iealities of its effects, taken collectively, theie was little uepaituie fiom
two eaily uefinitions of "hiuuenness" employeu by }ackson (1968) anu vallance (|197S¡1974j 198S).
No single uefinition emeigeu fiom the inteiviews, noi was anything iauically new auueu. This
suggests that while complex, the concept is ielatively well uefineu anu unueistoou.
In moving fiom the liteiatuie on kinueigaiten thiough high school, to the obseivations maue by
inteiviewees in this stuuy of post-seconuaiy euucation, it became cleai that while ceitain
applications may be uiffeient, as Anijai stateu: "The specifics of wheie it |in a public school situation
oi a piivate schoolj appeais in each instance might be uiffeient but theie ieally is no uiffeience fiom
what is going on in an elementaiy school." In iuentifying hiuuen cuiiiculum in highei euucation,
Romeio unueiscoieu the peisistence of stiuctuies that uiscipline anu socialize:
Biuuen cuiiiculum I see as the values anu noims that get embeuueu into the way that we stiuctuie
oui couises, the way that we stiuctuie oui cuiiiculum, the way that we stiuctuie the oiganization.
Anu I think a lot of these elements may be establisheu as intenueu, as well as unintenueu.
Applying this to the cuiiiculum of the School of }ustice Stuuies wheie she teaches, Romeio explaineu
how values anu noims get incoipoiateu: -26-
Theie aie ceitain faculty that woulu emphasize justice issues in teims of social justice in
teims of an unueistanuing of collective justice in teims of laigei society anu theie will be
othei faculty that will emphasize inuiviuual iights veisus gioup iights. You can see how pait
of that hiuuen cuiiiculum gets into oui laigei public uebates ovei affiimative action, use of
voucheis in funuing public schools.
Blumenfelu-}ones noteu the "authoiitaiian hieiaichical stiuctuies" that uistinguish peisons in the
classioom as "expeit talkeis anu theie aie inexpeit listeneis." We can again look back to Philip
}ackson's eaily woik, which maue an impoitant point ieiteiateu in oui inteiviewees' uefinitions anu
unueistanuings of the topic: "Life in college classiooms is suiely uiffeient fiom life in lowei giaues,
but beneath the obvious uiffeiences lies a basic similaiity. In a funuamental sense, school is school,
no mattei wheie it happens" (1968; 199u, xxi). Foi the most pait, the hiuuen cuiiiculum iemains an
embeuueu anu laigely ignoieu element of acauemic life.
34. 4-66.7 89,,-89:9; *J ;*7-/.J3.6 -7 34. #4PJ-8*: .70-,27;.73
A numbei of inteiviewees uiew attention to aichitectuie anu the physical enviionment as elements
of the hiuuen cuiiiculum that functioneu as socialization factois. Like Bill Williamson (1974, 1u-11),
a Biitish sociologist, who wiote "euucational attituues of uominant gioups in society still caiiy
histoiical weight anu aie exemplifieu even in the biicks anu moitai of the school builuings
themselves," inteiviewees ieflecteu on the built enviionment of theii institutions, anu suggesteu that
builuings, the physical aiiangement of classiooms, occupation of physical space, anu othei
aichitectuial stiuctuies honoi ceitain histoiies anu convey political agenuas. In making this point,
Blumenfelu}ones linkeu the stiuctuie of the univeisity builuings to the stiuctuie of cuiiiculum.
Looking at the builuing you aie to have a ceitain attituue towaius euucation anu towaius that
institution that's embouieu in that builuing. When you walk thiough the uoois÷thiough the aicheu
uooi with the gothic woik on the woou, anu the stone woik, anu the -27- winuows anu all of that÷
you aie to feel a ceitain something. The way in which you stiuctuie an institution tells you about the
uesiies anu agenuas of that institution.
Inteiviewees that noteu the embouiment of attituues, emotions, anu uispositions towaiu euucation
anu leaining in physical stiuctuies almost always pointeu to the uivisions among uisciplines.
Aichitectuial investments weie noteu in schools of engineeiing, business, anu the physical sciences.
By contiast, the humanities anu social sciences weie citeu as examples of uisciplines houseu in
veinaculai builuings with less statuie on campus anu less piominence in teims of physical space
(e.g., tempoiaiy stiuctuies oi basements). The following quote by Blumenfelu-}ones captuies this
Nost univeisity auministiations favoi tiemenuously the natuial sciences anu mathematics.... I'u like
to say it'll be a colu uay in hell befoie Euucation gets a builuing as beautiful. So I'u say if you want to
look foi the hiuuen cuiiiculum heie |AS0j, it is wheie uoes the money go foi what kinu of
builuings÷who gets the facilities.
The people we spoke with aigueu that emphasis in the built enviionment is laigely a iesult of the iise
of coipoiate cultuie on campus anu a push towaiu vocationalization anu specialization. Bisciplines in
the Ameiican acauemy have incieasingly uevelopeu businesslike oiganizational cultuies. Foi some
scholai¡euucatois in this stuuy, not only has highei euucation become a less inuepenuent subsectoi
of the economy, but cuiiicula÷both foimal anu infoimal÷aie oveiueteimineu by the logic of
exchange. In a highei euucation manifestation of Bowles anu uintis's (1976) "coiiesponuence thesis,"
one of the main puiposes that hiuuen cuiiicula seive in the univeisity is to piepaie people foi the
coipoiate woilu (Chubb anu Noe 199u; Cohen 199S; Etzkowitz, Webstei, anu Bealey 1998; Lucas
1994; Nelson 1997; Paisons anu Platt 197S; Slaughtei anu Leslie 1997; Spiing 1972; Shoi 198u;
NcLaien 2uuu). Some of those we inteivieweu believe that infoimal cuiiicula anu the belief system
associateu with capitalism iepiouuces inuiviuualism, competition, anu a "natuial" hieiaichy baseu
on what Paisons (19S9) uesciibeu as the "winning anu losing" notion of achievement. The consensus
is that even in the physical enviionment the hiuuen cui- -28- iiculum implicitly oiueis anu qualifies
paiticulai kinus of knowleuge, meanwhile maiginalizing "othei" uisciplines as "low status" anu as
pioviuing less maiketable knowleuge. Collectively, scholais whom we inteivieweu expiesseu feais
that what qualifies as woithwhile knowleuge will moie often be uefineu on the basis of its
maiketability iathei than on its social functions.
Nost of those inteivieweu weie skeptical of the bluiiing uistinctions between univeisity euucation
anu tiaining foi capitalist uivisions of laboi. They aigueu that coipoiate cultuie anu the push towaiu
vocational specialization in highei euucation has giown moie uominant ovei the past seveial
uecaues. Bouglas Kellnei (uiauuate School of Euucation anu Infoimation Stuuies, 0CLA) uesciibeu
piofessional socialization agenuas as laigely influenceu by the habitus of coipoiate cultuie:
I woulu agiee that pait of the hiuuen cuiiiculum of the cuiient stiuctuie anu oiganization of
euucation is biinging the maiketplace, coipoiatization anu business into the univeisity anu into
schooling.... They see the coipoiate mouel as the mouel foi schools.
In auuition, oui inteiviewees' ciitiques of the link between the physical enviionment anu the
cuiiiculum fiequently noteu social stiatification. Anijai calleu attention to specific messages of
exclusion anu inclusion wiitten on the walls (i.e., giaffiti anu posteis) anu types of bouies encloseu
within the walls:
The builuings themselves tell you who belongs in theie... what' son the walls tells you who belongs in
theie anu who uoesn't. Some people aie in anu some people aie out. Some knowleuge is piivilegeu
anu someisn't.Yet we want to seem like we aie inclusive anu embiacing.
Physical enviionment also stiuctuies the level of inteiaction between faculty anu stuuents, as
obseiveu by Romeio:
0ui classiooms aie not in the same builuing as oui offices. Since classiooms aie veiy spieau out ovei
a laige aiea, the kinu of inteiaction that might occui between stuuents anu faculty going to class in
the same builuing wheie faculty have theii offices, uoes not occui. -29-
Chiistine Sleetei (uiiectoi of Nastei of Aits in Euucation, CS0-Nonteiey Bay) iuentifieu a stiuctuial
link between physical space, cuiiiculum, anu social stiatification that is piouuceu by the paiticulai
funuing foimulas in Califoinia:
With the 0C (0niveisity of Califoinia) system it's like a tiacking system seiving pieuominantly white
miuule- to uppei-class stuuents anu getting a iichei funuing foimula. Anu the CS0 (Califoinia State
0niveisities) seiving pieuominantly woiking-class stuuents of coloi anu getting a pooiei funuing
foimula.... In oiuei to get money fiom the state you have to be able to uemonstiate that you'ie using
the space you have in ceitain ways.
The physical enviionment of the classioom is couifieu as "stuuent woik stations" measuieu by
What that uoes, is it tianslates into a conception of teaching as stuuents come in anu sit in
faiily close iows. Anu if you want to have foims of peuagogy that involve people in eithei
moving aiounu ... othei than sitting in almost aiiplane seats, it staits iunning up against the
constiaints that weie put into place foi how you get funuing to have this space in the fiist
Limiteu physical enviionment foi teaching anu leaining iestiicts euucatois' choices of peuagogy anu
may influence some to abanuon innovative piogiams anu ieveit to iestiaining the minus anu bouies
of the woiking-class stuuent:
|Wjhat begins to appeai to me is that monies aie available foi taking laigely woiking-class,
in many cases unueipiepaieu stuuents, who aie coming into highei euucation, having kinu
of a batch piocessing cuiiiculum, almost following the egg ciate uesign that ... you'ie
supposeu to put people in it foi a ceitain amount of time, uelivei a cuiiiculum, test them
ovei that cuiiiculum anu move them on.
34. 4-66.7 89,,-89:9; *J ;*7-/.J3.6 -7 34. +26P
The bouy itself, anu the way in which it is schooleu, weie iuentifieu by seveial inteiviewees as sites
foi investigation of hiuuen cuiiicula. The -Su- following section fuithei exploies the manifestation of
the hiuuen cuiiiculum in the genueieu, iacializeu, class-baseu bouies of stuuents anu faculty. The
bouy is a ciucial socializing foice that symbolizes genueieu anu iacializeu social meanings. Women
anu acauemics of coloi talkeu about iegulaily having to maintain a uuplicity of being (BuBois 1989)
in oiuei to function in the univeisity setting. Anijai offeieu the following example of how acauemic
cultuie cieates expectations of classbaseu genuei behavioi anu piesentation of self that woikeu to
piivilege anu iepiouuce class status:
When I was finishing my uisseitation my auvisoi tolu me that when I go on my inteiviews.... I have to
uo soit of a waiuiobe tiansfoimation because how I woulu uiess woulu not be acceptable within the
acauemy because it comes out of a ceitain social class. She saiu on my inteiviews I am to nevei eat
spaghetti because you can't eat it without being sloppy. If eveiybouy else is uiinking, I ought not to
be uiinking because then it might be constiucteu that I am an alcoholic ... even if I was sick fiom
eating because they uo the thiee meals a uay I shoulu eat because I am female anu I uon't want
anyone to think that I have an eating uisoiuei.
Eating too much oi eating too little is less likely to be noticeu oi to caiiy the same negative
consequences foi the male bouy as it uoes foi a female one. 0thei women anu acauemics of coloi
noteu that they fiequently founu themselves alienateu fiom univeisity settings if theii class anu
social status backgiounu was not congiuent with that of the acauemic enviionment. Like Kaien
Anijai, they uesciibeu uiopping (oi suspenuing as necessaiy) incompatible class habits, as well as
feeling piessuie to mouify behavioi anu appeaiance because of genuei, iace, anu ethnicity. Romeio
elaboiateu on the inteisectionality of iace, class, anu genuei with an example of how the hiuuen
cuiiiculum fiameu the Latina bouy as a site incompatible with Ivy League expectations.
I iemembei veiy uistinctly as assistant uean at Yale tiying to get an iuea of what woulu be the
appiopiiate uiess to weai to a paiticulai activity. 0ne of my colleagues, a white woman, saiu, "}ust
uon't weai anything ethnic." I nevei thought of myself as weaiing anything ethnic. But then I thought:
Is it my eaiiings. Is it my jeweliy. Is it my haii. The way I weai my haii. Shoulu I be cutting my haii.
Shoulu -S1- I be weaiing it so it's tightly matteu to my heau. 0i is theie a paiticulai kinu of makeup.
All that becomes a pait of fitting the noim. That same yeai I iecall an unueigiauuate Chicana I ian
into as I was walking acioss campus. She shockeu me by hei comment. She saiu, "You know, touay I
almost went anu got my haii cut, but I ueciueu not to." I saiu, "Why." She saiu, "Well it occuiieu to me
that Bean Romeio has fiizzy haii so it's okay. I uon't have to cut my haii." It nevei occuiieu to me
that even my physical piesence, my bouy, my haii woulu be pait of being a iole mouel to stuuents
who uiun't have that image on a campus foi them.
Nichael Apple noteu that within the one institution, uiffeient messages weie ieceiveu by stuuents of
coloi anu white stuuents:
As it becomes incieasingly white, those people of coloi who come feel as if theie is no
community foi them. So theii hiuuen cuiiiculum is veiy uiffeient than the hiuuen cuiiiculum
of uominant gioups. They see veiy few people like themselves theie, the liveu cultuie of the
institution makes them feel like O%!) 3%!)-HP What we have then is a gioup of people who
basically come fiom families that have maue it.
Romeio uesciibeu genueieu anu iacializeu bouies as functioning as visible signs of status anu
hieiaichy that aie sometimes ieflecteu in white stuuents' uisiespect anu iejection of women anu
faculty of coloi: "In talking to my colleagues, paiticulaily white colleagues anu even moie so, male
colleagues, I ceitainly get challengeu moie in teims of giaues." This is a pietty open seciet of campus
life÷the uiffeiing expeiiences that genuei anu iace have on the act of teaching weie acknowleugeu
by seveial of the white acauemics inteivieweu. Foi instance, Petei NcLaien commenteu:
I know that white stuuents have iaiseu questions with colleagues of mine who aie Afiican
Ameiican oi Latino¡Latina in ways that they woulu nevei question a white piofessoi in class.
They just woulun't think of questioning a white piofessoi. Asking them to justify anu almost
testing them in ways they woulu nevei test a white piofessoi.
Roxana Ng (Bepaitment of Sociology anu Equity Stuuies in Euucation, 0ntaiio Institute foi Stuuies in
Euucation, 0niveisity of -S2- Toionto) has wiitten poignantly about how hei anti-iacist peuagogy
0ne white male stuuent who was suppoiteu by vaiious inuiviuuals in hei
institution fileu a complaint, the hanuling of which uemonstiates how sexism anu iacism
uisempowei feminist anu minoiity faculty:
I was askeu to teach this couise on cioss-cultuie euucation wheie I incoipoiateu into the
couise both stuff on iacial anu ethnic minoiities as well as genuei issues. Anu halfway
thiough the couise a stuuent was ieally mau anu he complaineu that I was a biaseu teachei....
Be complaineu to the chaii of the uepaitment. Anu the chaii askeu to see me anu he says
theie was this complaint. Fiist of all, he saiu theie weie complaints. So I saiu, "Bow many."
Be finally saiu it was actually only one stuuent that complaineu. But somehow one stuuent
complaint oveiiuleu eveiybouy who was actually getting something out of the couise.
Theie's kinu of an implicit÷almost agieement÷among men in this context as stuuents, as
auministiatois. Anu I was tolu actually halfway thiough the yeai to change my cuiiiculum.
The visibly genueieu, class-baseu, anu iacializeu bouy is cleaily an impoitant element of the hiuuen
cuiiiculum as it is tiansmitteu thiough the inteiactions of stuuents, piofessois, auministiatois,
ieseaicheis, anu scholais.
34. 4-66.7 89,,-89:9; 2/ -73.73-27*: #,*83-8.J
Nany inteiviewees iemaikeu that highei euucation institutions maintain oveit socialization
piactices that aie not ieally hiuuen because the outcomes aie intentional. Bighei euucation
institutions intentionally configuie theii socialization piactices to iepiouuce paiticulai ieseaich
inteiests, habits of minu, anu social ioles. In compaiing inteiviewees' comments, it is cleai that
intentional socialization agenuas vaiy acioss settings anu uepenu on the way each univeisity oi
uepaitment fiames its woik. Foi instance, Nillei uesciibeu Texas A&N's "othei cuiiiculum" that
ieinfoiceu tiauition as a funuamental aspect of campus iuentity:
I think the hiuuen cuiiiculum is piobably one of the most impoitant cuiiicula that we have. We have
unannounceu cuiiiculums that aie -SS- veiy impoitant.... Texas A&N is a veiy tightly knit, veiy high
tiauition univeisity, anu that's one of the things that ieally knits us togethei. Theie is an )'8-$% ()
,3-8' that is quite unique. A kinu of cultuie theie is quite unique: "it's a kinu of a one foi all, anu all
foi one." It's kinu of a thiee musketeeis thing anu it ieally spills ovei in eveiything we uo.
Anothei example was pioviueu by Romeio, who also obseiveu oveit socialization piactices that leu
to the uevelopment of uistinct uefinitions of self as a leauei:
At Yale, stuuents impait a hiuuen cuiiiculum as a message that you aie a leauei. You aie
going to be leauing the countiy. Thinking oiiginally, thinking cieatively, anu leaining new
knowleuge is impoitant.
Apple uesciibeu an intenueu hiuuen cuiiiculum embeuueu in the 0niveisity of Wisconsin's
institutional mission to countei its iauical past:
Ny own institution has a long histoiy of iauical political activity anu cultuial
expeiimentation. Anu foi many people that's a little thieatening. So paients want to heai
publicly that theie is an official hiuuen cuiiiculum at the institution which is uon't woiiy
when youi chiluien come heie, they will be fine.
Bighei euucation in the 0niteu States ianges fiom two-yeai community colleges to the Ivy Leagues,
fiom geneial libeial aits piogiams to giauuate anu piofessional euucation. Linua Bailing-Bammonu
(piofessoi of euucation, Stanfoiu 0niveisity) aigueu that the oveiall institutional mission can be
ievealeu by analyzing the smallei socialization agenuas:
Not all highei euucation institutions aie the same. Some ieally see it as theii mission to
pioviue access to a wiue iange of people, to ieally cieate oppoitunity in the society, anu
many state univeisities configuie theii iesponsibility that way |butj not all of them uo. But
you can also finu public institutions that behave just as though they weie piivate institutions
in the way that they think of aumissions, manage financial aspects of the univeisity, anu see
theii mission as eithei a teaching mission, a uevelopmental mission, oi a select anu soit mis-
-S4- sion. Anu I think that plays out in the way univeisities make uecisions about incentives
foi piofessois anu iewaius foi teaching veisus iewaius foi ieseaich, as much as it plays out
in things like aumissions policy.
Some institutions uefine themselves as "access expanueis" foi stuuents, who foi ieasons of iace,
class, genuei, economics, immigiation, anu language status woulu not have access to highei
euucation. Such institutions focuseu theii intentional piactices anu socialization agenuas on
piouucing suppoit systems foi theii stuuents. 0theis see themselves as elite finishing schools foi the
best anu the biightest. Institutional uiffeientiation along the lines Bailing-Bammonu uiscusseu is a
cential featuie of highei euucation's iole in the iepiouuction of social stiatification. This aiea of
intentional socialization functions mentioneu by oui ieseaich subjects has not been well stuuieu to
uate. Bowevei as tiauitional "biick anu moitai" institutions aie foiceu to compete with "viitual"
colleges that pioviue on-line couises anu uistance leaining, socialization will likely become an
impoitant maiketing featuie. This woulu be a fiuitful aiea foi a majoi ieseaich pioject.
7.N23-*3-7N #,2/.JJ-27*: J28-*:-Q*3-27 *76 ,.J-J3*78.
Thioughout the inteiviews we founu that membeiship in any acauemic piofession was uiscusseu as
an inuuction piocess iequiiing moie than competence in a iespective fielu. Noving fiom novice to
piofessional was uesciibeu as inculcating paiticulai noims, peispectives, accepteu tastes anu
attiibutes, jaigon, attituues, anu institutionalizeu piactices, as well as embiacing ceitain iueologies.
The following statement by Baviu Beilinei (uean of the College of Euucation, Aiizona State
0niveisity) captuies the geneial viewpoint: "You leain veiy quickly what you have to uo to suivive in
any social situation. When you'ie tiying to belong to a club anu theie aie iules anu it takes you a
while to leain the iules. So the hiuuen cuiiiculum is just that set of iules that's not maue obvious."
Also consistent acioss the inteiviews was the belief that the socialization piocess is moie O'&,,)''1&.P
foi those aligneu with the values of paiticulai institutional settings.
The alignment piocess iequiies submitting to a uistinct class-baseu consciousness in oiuei to
acquiie necessaiy symbolic capital (Bouiuieu -SS- 197S, 1977; Bouiuieu anu Passeion, 199u). As
inuicateu by the comments thioughout the stuuy, this consciousness incluues iace anu genuei. These
elements of the hiuuen cuiiiculum ultimately seive not only in the iepiouuction of both hieiaichy
anu maiginalization, but alienation as well. Speaking of theii peisonal expeiiences oi making
obseivations of vaiious institutional piactices, many acauemics uesciibeu how hiuuen cuiiicula in
highei euucation assimilate inuiviuuals into the class stiuctuie, piactices, anu values of an
establisheu pieuominantly white, male-oiienteu, miuule-class acauemic enviionment.
The expeiiences anu obseivations as shaieu by scholais in this stuuy suggest a tension between
acquiiing the cultuial capital which symbolizes membeiship in the acauemy anu maintaining
inuiviuual, cultuial, anu iueological integiity. It was cleai that many of the scholais we inteivieweu
hau leaineu to maneuvei thioughout theii caieeis with what Colin Lacey (1977, 14) calleu a
"stiategic compliance": benuing to institutional constiaints, but choosing to ietain oppositional
beliefs anu iueologies. This uelicate balance is implieu in Baviu Beilinei's obseivation:
What you want to uo is get people to change the woilu anu speak out as faculty membeis, anu change
the woilu of stuuents, but at the same time the people who pay youi salaiy aie people who aie in fact
the establisheu powei stiuctuie of a society. Anu how uo you uo that in a way that allows foi both
change, peisonal giowth, being a public intellectual, anu not alienating the people who holu youi
puise stiings. That's veiy tiicky.
In uesciibing hei effoits to tiansfoim the cuiiiculum, Ng ieminueu us of the iisks anu consequences
of social opposition:
You neeu to be conscious when you aie challenging the system so that you'ie not uoing it kinu of
naively. Thiough a lot of negotiations anu stiuggles, people like myself have caiveu out spaces to uo a
uiffeient kinu of woik.... We caive out spaces, anu the question then is how you actually opeiate in
Although theie was bioau consensus among the acauemics incluueu in this stuuy iegaiuing the
tenuency foi hiuuen cuiiicula to -S6- iepiouuce uominant fiames of iefeience thiough piofessional
socialization, many helu out the possibility of peuagogies of uesocialization anu opposition.
Thioughout the inteiviews, they pioviueu notions of how highei euucation must also be
conceptualizeu as an aiena of iesistance. They stiesseu the neeu foi uissent, compiomise, anu even
outiight iejection of ceitain socializing influences. Seveial ieflecteu on theii own piaxis, illustiating
the impoitance of ueveloping cultuial tiansfoimation by way of "antistiuctuies" oi
"counteicuiiicula" to challenge the pievailing social anu iueological aiiangements of the univeisity.
Apple suggesteu the following stiategy:
At univeisities the hiuuen cuiiiculum must be biought to an oveit level, it must be thought about, it
must be talkeu thiough anu the kinus of noims anu values you want to oiganize the woikplace.... All
of that shoulu be biought to a level wheie people can paiticipate in it, stiuggle ovei it, talk about it
but it's got to be uone in a way wheie people feel they can speak honestly anu wheie the noims that
aie supposeu to be usually hiuuen aie uemociatic, paiticipatoiy, anu oiganizeu aiounu ciitical
intellectual anu peuagogic woik.
Sleetei anu hei colleagues at CS0 appeai to be engageu in such piaxis by iecognizing that the funuing
foimula iestiicts space anu woiks against theii philosophy of euucation. They began a uialogue to
exploie ways to ietain theii vision of builuing a multicultuial institution.
While many of those we inteivieweu seemeu well awaie of the limits of iesistance anu the
oveiwhelming iepiouuctive powei of euucational institutions, seveial uiscusseu the possibility that
hiuuen cuiiicula coulu be changeu oi expanueu to incluue othei values.
Foi instance, Nillei aigueu
that hei univeisity's hiuuen cuiiiculum incluueu moie than capitalist conceins:
|Whatj we'ie tiying to teach in these hiuuen cuiiiculums oi unannounceu cuiiiculums is that theie is
moie to life than just money.... the main thing is that we want you |stuuentsj to be passionate about
life anu make a uiffeience. }ust one peison can make a big uiffeience.
Naceuo pioposeu auuing couises in ethics anu the founuations of uemociacy to giauuate schools of
They have a cuiiiculum that is uesigneu mostly foi the uevelopment anu cieation of
technicians along the lines of uomestication to seive a paiticulai social oiuei. So foi instance
to finish a uoctoiate, you aie usually iequiieu to take a couise on statistics. Nethous of
ieseaich aie mostly quantitative ieseaich |butj qualitative ieseaich also may be iequiieu.
But theie's no couise whatsoevei ... that woulu iequiie a stuuent to engage in unueistanuing
anu stuuying what it means to be ethical. Anu it seems to me that one of the pieiequisites of
becoming a teachei is the unueistanuing, a fullei unueistanuing, of what it means to be
Ciitical scholais openly auvocateu opposition to uominant iegimes of knowleuge anu noteu that
countei-hegemonic movements exist anu continue to challenge the acauemy. While ceitain
nontiauitional peispectives have gaineu iecognition, oi at least toleiance in the mouein univeisity,
acceptance into the mainstieam acauemic cultuie simultaneously enables the system to contiol anu
peihaps pacify alteinative iueologies. Neveitheless, some inteiviewees piomoteu cultuial
tiansfoimation by way of "antistiuctuies" oi "counteicuiiicula," iuentifying these as vital iesouices
challenging tiauitional socialization piactices. Biawing attention to the emeiging emphasis on
seiviceleaining, Bailing-Bammonu aigueu that social iesponsibility was becoming incoipoiateu into
I think theie aie many places now that aie stiuggling with what uoes it mean to be euucateu. Anu
what is the iesponsibility of the highei euucateu segment of a society to contiibute to the welfaie of
otheis, to contiibute to the welfaie pait of society. It gets manifesteu in some places, in foi example,
the giowth anu expansion of seivice leaining couises, inteinships of vaiious kinus.... I think what is
impoitant in the institutions I've woikeu in anu the piogiams that I'm involveu with is to piepaie
people to go into teaching who see themselves as having an ethical iesponsibility. Who see
themselves as having iesponsibility to the welfaie of the chiluien they'ie going to teach.
This chaptei biiefly intiouuceu a numbei of themes uiawn both fiom the uiiect expeiience of a small
sample of highei euucation faculty anu auministiatois, anu fiom the concentiateu theoietical
consiueiation they have given to issues of cuiiiculum anu socialization. -S8-
Nany of theii theoietical piopositions÷the iole of the physical enviionment, the impoitance of the
bouy, intentional oi oveit socialization piactices, piofessionalization, anu iesistance to hiuuen
cuiiicula÷aie also the basis foi the case stuuies that make up the bulk of this volume. In the
chapteis that follow, ieseaicheis gatheieu uata anu analyzeu in uetail specific postseconuaiy
euucational settings. These case stuuies both confiim the geneial obseivations in this chaptei anu
uemonstiate the usefulness of the concepts foi conciete empiiical investigations.
1. The authois giatefully acknowleuge the euitoiial assistance anu intellectual contiibution of
Naiy Romeio in this woik. The authois woulu also like to acknowleuge the encouiagement,
laboi, anu insights of Luis Feinanuez anu Lyuia Nontelongo. Finally, this chaptei woulu not
have been wiitten without the mentoiing of Eiic Naigolis anu the founuations he establisheu
towaiu applying auuio anu visual meuia to the ieseaich piocess.
2. 0ui intention was not to pioviue the same piouuct in uiffeient meuia, but to use aspects of each
to pioviue a "thick" unueistanuing of the topic unuei stuuy. Biawing on the founuations of Eiic
Naigolis (1994) towaiu applying auuio anu visual meuia to the ieseaich piocess, we
ueteimineu that viueotapeu inteiviews iecoiuing the accounts anu contemplative obseivations
of paiticipants woulu yielu moie multiuimensional uata anu compiehensive unueistanuings of
the functioning of hiuuen cuiiicula. In auuition, the weaving of scholai euucatois' theoiies anu
expeiiences foiceu us to auuiess "the messy empiiical featuies of the liveu ieality" (Naigolis,
S. This typology was uevelopeu by Beniy uiioux (198Sa, 48-6u). The intiouuction to this volume
incluues a ieview of the liteiatuie on hiuuen cuiiicula anu uetails these paiauigms.
4. Foi a full uevelopment of the impoitance of aichitectuie anu the built enviionment in
socialization, see chaptei thiee, "Schooleu by the Classioom: The (Re)piouuction of Social
Stiatification in Piofessional School Settings," in this volume.
S. This peculiai tension between the uemanus of business anu social ielationships is uiscusseu in
uetail in seveial chapteis in this volume. Foi instance, Linua Nuzzin examineu the influence of
inteinational uiug companies on Canauian phaimacy schools anu the ways in which coipoiate
ieseaich uemanus oveishauow the social neeu foi well-euucateu phaimacists; Kenneth
Ehiensal lookeu at how manageis aie euucateu to see theii inteiests as uiffeient fiom woikeis;
Naiy }ane Cuiiy showeu how immigiants anu iefugees weie schooleu to the "pay as you go"
iueology of coipoiate Ameiica.
6. Foi a uetaileu analysis of hei expeiience see Ng (1997), "A Woman 0ut of Contiol:
Beconstiucting Sexism anu Racism in the 0niveisity."
7. Foi a stuuy of the iole of faculty auvising anu mentoiing see Ackei's aiticle "The Biuuen
Cuiiiculum of Bisseitation Auvising" anu Naigolis anu Romeio's piece "'In the Image anu
Likeness...' Bow Nentoiing Functions in the Biuuen Cuiiiculum" in this volume.
8. Foi an able uiscussion of how the univeisity manages oppositional movements, see Nichael
Soluatenko "Rauicalism in Bighei Euucation: Bow Chicano Stuuies }oineu the Cuiiiculum"
chaptei eleven in this volume.
3&'B$ MR!O ->@$DHA$S J='[email protected]
U($ U(I>C(>V Piofessoi, Bivision of Euucation anu Counseling Psychology, 0niveisity of Nissouii,
;ABB$DV Biiectoi, Centei foi Teaching Excellence, Texas A&N
6(>&BL +B=X$>K$BL)U(>$CV Associate piofessoi, Bivision of Cuiiiculum anu Instiuction, Aiizona
8IDAC ;&?8D&@$V Cooiuinatoi, Bevelopment of Faculty Senate foi Teaching anu Leaining, Estiella
Nountain Community College
J&X 6AN&>EAV Associate piofessoi, Bivision of Special Euucation, Aiizona State 0niveisity
;&DY ,(X$D(V Piofessoi, School of }ustice Stuuies, Aiizona State 0niveisity
N$(DE$ 1&@C(>V Piofessoi, Bepaitment of Political Science, Waltei Cionkite School of }ouinalism
anu Telecommunication, Aiizona State 0niveisity
,A?I&DL JIS$L$DV Piofessoi, Bivision of Buman Bevelopment, 0niveisity of Chicago
;A?I&$B *GGB$V }ohn Bascom Piofessoi of Cuiiiculum anu Instiuction anu Euucational Policy
Stuuies, 0niveisity of Wisconsin, Nauison
:A>L& 6&DBA>E)4&XX(>LV Chailes E. Bucommun Piofessoi of Euucation, univeisity anu executive
uiiectoi of the National Commission on Teaching anu Ameiica's Futuie Piofessoi, Stanfoiu
,(F&>& 7EV Associate piofessoi, Bepaitment of Sociology anu Equity Stuuies in Euucation, 0ntaiio
Institute foi Stuuies in Euucation, 0niveisity of Toionto, Canaua
6(>&BL( ;&?$L(V Piofessoi, Bepaitment of English; uiiectoi of Bilingual anu ESL Stuuies, 0niveisity
of Nassachusetts, Boston
6&HAL +$DBA>$DV Bean, College of Euucation; Piofessoi, Euucation Policy Stuuies anu Psychology in
Euucation, Aiizona State 0niveisity
;AB@(> NBA?%V Senioi vice Piovost, Aiizona State 0niveisity
Z&D$> *>AT&DV Assistant piofessoi, Bivision of Cuiiiculum anu Instiuction, Aiizona State 0niveisity
#$@$D ;?:&D$>V Piofessoi, Bivision of 0iban Schooling: Cuiiiculum, Teaching, Leaueiship, anu
Policy Stuuies, uiauuate School of Euucation anu Infoimation Stuuies, 0niveisity of Califoinia, Los
6(=EB&C Z$BB>$DV Piofessoi, ueoige F. Knellei Philosophy of Euucation Chaii, uiauuate School of
Euucation anu Infoimation Stuuies, 0niveisity of Califoinia, Los Angeles
N$>$ NB&CCV Associate uean foi ieseaich; Piofessoi, Euucation Policy Stuuies, Aiizona State
*B$F&>L$D *[email protected]
>V Allan Nuiiay Caittei Piofessoi, Bighei Euucation anu Woik; uiiectoi, Bighei
Euucation Reseaich Institute, uiauuate School of Euucation anu Infoimation Stuuies, 0niveisity of
Califoinia, Los Angeles
>$ JB$$@$DV Piofessoi, Cooiuinatoi÷Nastei of Aits in Euucation Piogiam; uiiectoi, Auvanceu
Stuuies in Euucation, Califoinia State 0niveisity, Nonteiey Bay
U($B JGDA>EV Piofessoi, Bepaitment of Euucational Stuuies, State 0niveisity of New Yoik, New Paltz
[ \ J?I((B$L 'Y @I$ 8B&CCD((X ) 2+, 34,56.7#)/*"7$ 78 97/"'0 9*.'*"8"/'*"7$ "$ :.78,;;"7$'0
Caiiie Yang Costello
Bo I feel comfoitable heie at the law school. Suie. It's, well, a comfoitable soit of place to
be÷I mean, I can giab a cappuccino at the café, anu go iight out into the couityaiu anu hang
out with some fiienus÷stuuying, yes, but also just talking, aiguing, enjoying the sunshine. I
like to hang out heie. I'm veiy comfoitable; I feel iight at home.
÷uiant (a stiaight white man of uppei-miuule-class oiigins)
At fiist I useu to feel weiiu walking aiounu the halls, like I uiun't belong. I coulun't ieally
believe I was heie. Now I'm useu to it, but sometimes I still kinu of look aiounu myself anu
think, "you ieally uiu it, giil," anu it's soit of weiiu, but goou.
÷Cheiyl (a stiaight Afiican Ameiican woman of lowei-miuule-class oiigins)
I hate this place. }ust walking into the builuing uepiesses me. I avoiu hanging aiounu this
place, anu tiy not to let it get to me.
÷Wei (a gay Asian man of uppei-miuule-class oiigins)
That schools tenu to iepiouuce patteins of social stiatification is a classic theme in the sociology of
euucation (e.g., Beckei 1961; Bouiuieu anu Passeion 1977); that they uo so in a ieconuite iathei
than foithiight mannei is the cential piemise of the liteiatuie on the hiuuen cuiiiculum ievieweu in
the intiouuction to this volume. Seveial of those wiiting on hiuuen cuiiicula have iemaikeu on the
impoitance of the physical enviionment (Apple 199S; Nuzzin, chaptei eight this -4S- volume). This
chaptei builus on these obseivations anu fills a gap in the liteiatuie by closely analyzing anu
compaiing the built enviionments of two piofessional schools at the 0niveisity of Califoinia,
Beikeley: the Boalt Ball School of Law anu the School of Social Welfaie. Both weie iankeu among the
top ten schools in theii iespective fielus by QH6H R)<' "*( @3-.( K)83-% "Best uiauuate Schools"
(1998). In the couise of my ieseaich at the two piofessional schools, I unueitook moie than foui
hunuieu houis of paiticipant obseivation, focusing in pait on the schools' settings÷uocumenting
them photogiaphically anu obseiving stuuents' ieactions to them. In this chaptei, the goal is to
uesciibe how the physical set anu setting function to convey socialization messages, with an eye
towaiu unueistanuing how the schools (ie)piouuce iace, class, genuei, anu othei hieiaichies.
Stuuies of piofessional socialization typically focus on the influence of piofessois as iole mouels of
values, puiveyois of methous, anu conveyois of substantive knowleuge (e.g., Black 1997; Eisenbeig
1999; uuiniei, Fine, anu Balin 1997). Theie is an unfoitunate tenuency foi socialization scholaiship
to paint a pictuie of the woilu in which people aie shapeu only thiough uiiect inteipeisonal
inteiaction; this is miiioieu in the hiuuen cuiiiculum liteiatuie by a focus on peuagogy. But as
cultuial scholais aie awaie, people aie influenceu in impoitant ways by the mateiial woilu in which
they live (e.g., Ciabb anu Bielawski 1994; Calveit 1992; Peiss 1996). Sociologists have long
acknowleugeu that inuiviuuals' iuentities aie shapeu by theii physical suiiounuings. Buikheim
himself noteu that "|aj chilu's taste is foimeu as he comes in contact with the monuments of national
taste bequeatheu by pievious geneiations" (|1897j 19S1, S14). Accoiuingly, Nichael Apple has
positeu that the hiuuen cuiiiculum shoulu be unueistoou as being in pait constituteu by the mateiial
enviionments of schools (199S, 144).
Even a casual obseivei of a typical college campus is likely to notice that some "neighboihoous" look
opulent÷commonly spoits aienas anu the physical science builuings÷while othei facilities appeai
shabby anu iun-uown÷peihaps incluuing the humanities anu social science builuings. Some
inuiviuuals aie cleaily awaie of anu able to "ieau" the socializing messages sent by these vaiiations
in the campus-built enviionment; foi example, see the statements of euucation piofessionals
inteivieweu by Naiina uaii anu uuy Nullins in chaptei two of this volume. Bowevei, it is impoitant
to note -44- at the outset that while eveiyone is constantly subject to the socializing influence of theii
suiiounuings, most people aie typically unawaie of being so influenceu (NcBowell 1999). It is this
fact that makes the influence of schools' built enviionment a paiauigmatic example of how ceitain
cuiiicula iemain hiuuen, even though they aie in plain sight.
0f couise, physical settings uo not function as socializing agents '&" '83*%); they aie things. The
people who uesign, oinament, anu maintain them aie the tiue souices of socializing messages, anu
the settings aie meiely the means by which these messages aie piopagateu. Yet physical stiuctuies
peisist anu continue to affect the people who inhabit them long aftei those who uesigneu anu built
them have passeu fiom the scene. Foi example, the Beikeley School of Social Welfaie is houseu in
Bavilanu Ball, a facility built foi the School of Euucation in 1924. Bavilanu Ball was uesigneu by the
univeisity aichitect to convey the authoiity anu piestige of the fielu of euucation thiough
neoclassical aichitectuie, anu it continues to impait to social welfaie stuuents touay that they gain
piestige by association with classical Westein cultuie. 0n the othei hanu, new geneiations of
stuuents may "ieau" stiuctuies in a mannei that uiffeis fiom that oiiginally intenueu, as meanings
change ovei time. Bavilanu's gianu staiiways, classical peuiments, anu foimal entiyways, meant to
celebiate anu emboluen Anglo teacheis in the 192us, may alienate stuuents of coloi puisuing social
woik uegiees in the twenty-fiist centuiy.
I chose to stuuy schools of law anu social woik because of the inteiesting contiast they piesent. As
noteu by Naitin, "A hiuuen cuiiiculum is always 31 some setting, anu theie is no ieason to suppose
that uiffeient settings will have iuentical hiuuen cuiiicula" (1994, 12S, emphasis in oiiginal). It was
the potential uiffeience in the hiuuen cuiiicula of the two schools that inteiesteu me. Law is a
tiauitionally male piofession anu social woik a tiauitionally female one; wealthy white males aie
oveiiepiesenteu among the legal client base while women, chiluien, people of coloi, anu especially
the pooi constitute much of the social woik client base. Bespite these uiffeiences, howevei, white
men fiom piivilegeu class backgiounus aie uispiopoitionately successful in the two piofessions,
although the effect is moie pionounceu at the law school anu in legal piactice. These puzzling facts
aie among those that the piesent analysis can help to explain. -4S-
4-66.7 89,,-89:* 2/ 34. J.33-7N
In the couise of my ieseaich, I attenueu classes with fiist-yeai stuuents at the Schools of Law anu
Social Welfaie as a paiticipant obseivei, anu uuiing the fiist confusing uays I was stiuck by the
impoitance of the physical settings. Befoie stuuents began to know theii piofessois anu peeis, they
got impoitant cues iegaiuing theii new piofessional ioles fiom the aichitectuie, uecoi, anu level of
maintenance of the facilities they enteieu. Latei, as stuuents became familiai with the school
facilities, they stoppeu paying as much oveit attention to theii suiiounuings, uiiecting theii attention
to peisonal inteiactions anu acauemic tasks insteau; howevei, the settings continueu to pioviue
socializing cues that the stuuents continueu to absoib. I will now analyze some of these cues by
compaiing in uetail seveial aspects of the school facilities: entiyways anu hallways, aitwoik, anu
.>@DYS&YC &>L 4&BBS&YC &@ +(&B@
Because the law school builuing in fact compiises an oiiginal coie anu two majoi auuitions
constiucteu on substantially sloping giounus, negotiating it can be peiplexing. An inuiviuual enteiing
the law school foi the fiist time is likely to feel iathei lost, finuing himself oi heiself uumpeu
unceiemoniously into one of many inteisecting hallways. A stuuent enteiing at giounu level thiough
the uoois facing the Boiuen Family Couityaiu can tiavel uownstaiis at the west enu of the builuing to
finu heiself oi himself on the giounu level of the oiiginal Boalt Ball facility, oi may tiavel upstaiis
anu eastwaiu to exit at giounu level once again fiom the Noith Auuition. The effect is uisoiienting.
Buiing the peiiou in which I caiiieu out my ieseaich, iooms in each section of the law school weie
numbeieu accoiuing to unielateu schemes, auuing to the confusion. The waiien of the Boalt hallways
seiveu to uiscomfit the uninitiateu while giving the initiateu a sense of masteiy as they moveu fiom
place to place with swift self-assuiance. uetting lost was initially a souice of embaiiassment anu
anxiety foi the fiist-yeai stuuents; latei, aftei they coulu negotiate the halls easily, the confusion of
neophytes was a souice of amusement foi them. 0ne stuuent jokeu to me when I askeu him foi
uiiections that "Boalt has been oiganizeu so as to cause the maximum possible confusion foi |fiist-
yeai stuuentsj" (Fielu note, August 2u, 1997).
Besiues confusing the novice, the hallways of Boalt seive to -46- impiess. The hallways of the oiiginal
builuing coie aie wainscoteu with a iich honey-toneu woou calleu %)-/$*".$" '&8)-#", impoiteu fiom
the west coast of Afiica (Epstein 1997, 2u7). The floois also give a gianu impiession, being
oinamenteu by linoleum paiqueteu in a stiiking checkeiboaiu pattein. Acioss fiom the majoi lectuie
halls, benches of %)-/$*".$" '&8)-#" aie inset into the walls foi the comfoit of waiting stuuents;
heating giilles cunningly set into theii bases waim the stuuents' feet. Luxuiies like these convey to
stuuents that theii status is high, waiianting eveiy convenience.
In auuition to giving an impiession of iichness, the hallways of the law school give an accounting of
wealth. Along the cential coiiiuoi between the iegistiai's office anu the libiaiy theie aie long panels
of uonative plaques, aiiayeu beneath a quotation fiom Rogei }. Tiaynoi ieauing: "|Tjhe law will
nevei be built in a uay, anu with luck it will nevei be finisheu." A bench is locateu acioss the coiiiuoi
so stuuents can contemplate the list of uonois at theii leisuie. The Capital Campaign Bonoi Wall
acknowleuges chaiity anu iewaius school loyalty, anu since it lists law school pations accoiuing to
the amounts of theii uonations, it also auveitises wealth. The laigest uonations aie listeu at the top of
the wall, conveying the message to stuuents that being willing anu able to give money is aumiiable,
anu being willing anu able to give a lot money is even moie aumiiable.
Reauing the names on the wall, stuuents also leain something about the natuie of aumiiable uonois:
they aie mostly male, anu appaiently mostly white. To give a typical example, theie aie foity-nine
listings in the $2S,uuu to $S4,999 uonation categoiy: thiity-nine of these aie male anu only one is
female (the iest aie couples oi law fiims); anu theie aie no Asian oi Latino last names among them
(Lobby, Nay 1, 1997). The uominance of the Capital Campaign Bonoi Wall by white males conveys
seveial messages to stuuents. The fiist is a ieminuei that the law has tiauitionally been a white male
pieseive. Even so, substantial numbeis of women anu¡oi people of coloi have giauuateu fiom Boalt
ovei the past quaitei centuiy, but veiy few appeai to have maue substantial (financial) contiibutions
to theii alma matei. Stuuents may suimise eithei that female alumnae anu alumni of coloi feel
alienateu fiom Boalt anu uo not uesiie to uonate money to it, oi that while they holu fonu feelings foi
Boalt in theii heaits, they have not achieveu the financial success of theii white male peeis who uo
uonate. Eithei possibility might give nontiauitional Boalt stuuents pause. -47-
The Capital Campaign Bonoi Wall is only one vehicle foi the acknowleugment of munificence at
Boalt. At the time in which I began my ieseaich, the auministiation was causing a viitual plague of
memoiial plaques to be visiteu upon the walls. Cential law school facilities have tiauitionally been
known by the names of key uonois who paiu foi theii constiuction: the law school itself beais the
name of }ohn Beniy Boalt, the libiaiy is nameu the uaiiet NcEneiney Law Libiaiy, anu the moot
couitioom is the Luke Kavanagh Noot Couit. But uuiing the iecent constiuction of the Noith
Auuition, pations of Boalt weie peimitteu to make smallei uonations in oiuei to have facilities
nameu aftei them, anu in 1996 it seemeu that eveiy ioom at the law school acquiieu a name. A small
sample of these woulu incluue the }ohn Stauffei Chaiitable Tiust Lectuie Ball, the Leo anu Nina
Piichei Seminai Room, anu the Cail }. Stoney Lobby (this last being a iathei pathetic shoit empty
coiiiuoi leauing fiom the libiaiy).
Noi weie classiooms anu coiiiuois all that hau uonois' names affixeu to them. Piofessois' offices
themselves weie subject to memoiializations such as "A uift of Naivin N. uiove in Bonoi of
Piofessoi Stefan Reisenfelu." Even inuiviuual libiaiy caiiels hau memoiial plaques attacheu. The
socializing messages emitteu by this piofusion of uonative plaques tenueu in two uiiections. 0n the
one hanu, they gave an impiession of wealth, piivilege, anu histoiical continuity. They suggesteu that
alumni uonois weie honoieu, anu that stuuents shoulu aspiie to achieve honoieu status by being
able to make a laige uonation to Boalt someuay. 0n the othei hanu, theii piolifeiation was iiiitating.
}ust as spoits fans feel that something sacieu has been commeicializeu when Canulestick Paik
becomes SCom Paik oi the 0iange Bowl becomes the FeuEx 0iange Bowl, stuuents who watcheu the
name plaques going up felt that they weie a vaiiety of sanctioneu giaffiti intiuuing into theii piivate
spheie. In an amusing piank, one stuuent lampooneu the plaques by pasting up pseuuomemoiial
signs in humoious places: the "Sheiyl Bowell Women's Bathioom," the "Bobby Nocklei Blank Wall,"
anu the "Baniel Tellahalian Family Tiust Big Biown Naible Beai" (Ballways, 0ctobei 29, 1996).
Biuuen cuiiicula coulu also be ieau fiom mateiials posteu by the auministiation on bulletin boaius.
0ne such set of bulletin boaius, maintaineu by Caieei Seivices, sent messages to stuuents about the
caieeis that weie intenueu foi them. The boaiu announcing hiiing by law fiims was full anu busy;
that announcing public seivice jobs was -48- spaisely populateu anu slow to change. This conveyeu
to stuuents that law fiims weie wheie the action was. In fact, even some of the flyeis posteu on the
public seivice jobs boaiu sought constiuctive engagement with the piesentation of law fiim jobs as
seiious anu public seivice jobs as "fluffy." The heauline on one ieau, "Not }ust Anothei Pietty Law
Fiim: The 0niteu States Bepaitment of }ustice . . . The Nation's Litigatoi" (Ballway, August 26, 1996).
In seeking to ieveise the genueieu polaiity of public anu piivate sectoi legal jobs by ueploying
macho language against a negatively valueu feminine image of law fiim piactice, this flyei conveyeu
to stuuents that a stiongly masculine habitus is paiamount in the iealm of law, even in the public
0thei bulletin boaius weie useu foi posting giaues. At fiist glance, the impoitance of these boaius
seems unueistateu: locateu aiounu the coinei fiom the main ciiculation path, the boaius list giaues
accoiuing to stuuent IB numbeis only. A ueepei examination ieveals that these obscuiing factois in
fact emphasize the impoitance of giaues by inuicating a neeu foi secuiity. This auministiative
asseition of a neeu to safeguaiu giaues is unueilineu by the fact that the giaue boaius aie encloseu
behinu lockeu Plexiglas panels. The implication is that if it weie not foi the tiiple level of piotection
pioviueu by location, enciyption, anu bolting, stuuents might be uepiiveu of ciucial infoimation, oi
have sensitive infoimation about them ievealeu oi even stolen in the fieice competition foi giaues.
An Asian stuuent eageily infoimeu me about the "commanueeiing" of anothei bulletin boaiu (Fielu
Note, Apiil 28, 1997). Foi yeais, stuuent oiganizations such as the Asian anu Pacific Islanuei Law
Stuuent Association (APILSA) anu Law Stuuents of Afiican Bescent (LSAB) hau hau bulletin boaius
assigneu to them in the basement of the oiiginal section of Boalt Ball. Buiing the Noithein Auuition
ienovations, these bulletin boaius weie iemoveu, supposeuly foi aesthetic ieasons. Stuuent activists
of coloi felt that this iemoval was politically motivateu, anu appiopiiateu a centially placeu bulletin
boaiu in the name of the "Coloi Coalition" (compiising APILSA, LSAB, La Raza, anu the Native
Ameiican Law Stuuent Association). "Coloi Coalition" was wiitten on a bannei in magic maikei anu
thumbtackeu to a bulletin boaiu neai the Noot Couit scheuuling boaiu. The contiast between the
neat, oiueily aiiays of the auministiative bulletin boaius anu the Coloi Coalition's iathei haphazaiu
aiiangement of flyeis anu slogans maue the auministiative boaius look foimal, official, anu -49-
enuuiing anu the commanueeieu boaiu look amateuiish, chaotic, anu ephemeial. The impiession
geneiateu was that stuuent politics aie pueiile.
.>@DYS&YC &>L 4&BBS&YC &@ @I$ J?I((B (K J(?A&B 1$BK&D$
The coiiiuois of the School of Social Welfaie conveyeu a hiuuen cuiiiculum with a natuie quite
uiffeient fiom that of the law school. If a novice enteiing the law school foi the fiist time gaineu an
impiession of wealth anu powei, an initiate enteiing the School of Social Welfaie foi the fiist time
ieceiveu an impiession of gianueui in uecline. Ascenuing Bavilanu's classical gianu staiicase, one
enteis a laige foyei of giacious piopoition÷anu coateu with peeling paint. Bavilanu Ball is a simple
yet elegant iectangulai builuing of foui floois, each with classiooms lining a cential coiiiuoi.
Besigneu by the univeisity aichitect, }ohn ualen Bowaiu, Bavilanu Ball was built in 1924 to seive as
the home of the School of Euucation. It is in essence a hanu-me-uown to the School of Social Welfaie,
inuicating the school's ielatively low status. When oiiginally occupieu by the School of Euucation in
1924 it was piobably quite lovely, anu its oiiginal beauty peisists in places such as the staiiwells,
with theii attiactively vaulteu ceilings anu wiought-iion oinamental iailings.
Foi the most pait, howevei, the bloom is off the iose at Bavilanu Ball. Its hallways offei a cautionaiy
tale about life liveu unuei institutional functionalism. The coiiiuois miiioi those of pooily
maintaineu public schools anu goveinment facilities eveiywheie: blanu beige walls, ceilings of
giaying acoustical tile, fluoiescent lighting, anu mismatcheu fuinituie. The uiffeience between the
linoleum floois at Bavilanu anu Boalt is emblematic. While the law school uecoiatois tiansfoimeu
linoleum into an elegant suiface by ciafting it into glossy paiqueteu checkeiboaius, the floois at the
School of Social Welfaie uisplayeu linoleum to its woist auvantage: biown anu beige speckleu tiles
weie selecteu to conceal uiit, but theii uingy coloi anu sciatcheu suiface left them appeaiing
constantly uiity anyway. The Bavilanu hallways conveyeu to stuuents the class message that they,
like theii clients, woulu neeu to value piagmatism iathei than luxuiy anu to conseive valuable
iesouices. In keeping with this iueology, theie weie no uonative plaques on the walls; they might
appeai in pooi taste to the social welfaie community because they valoiize wealth iathei than
substantive oi spiiitual contiibutions to the school. -Su-
Insteau of uisplaying beauty thiough iich mateiials oi impiessive foimalism, chaim was uisplayeu in
the hallways of Bavilanu thiough inuiviuual ieveient aesthetic gestuies. Foi example, the uooi of one
faculty membei was enliveneu by a coloiful collage of uiawings of women anu giils weaiing
tiauitional ethnic gaib anu laiu against a backuiop of boluly patteineu fabiic. This collage, cieateu by
the piofessoi heiself, seiveu not only to oinament anu beautify the uooi, but also to uisplay
appieciation foi women in all theii uiveisity. Compaiing this uooi with that of a typical law faculty
membei, it appeais that the coiiiuois of Bavilanu socialize stuuents to value self-expiession anu
political engagement, while Boalt stuuents aie socializeu to iespect oiuei, foimality, wealth, anu self-
Like the law school hallways, the coiiiuois of Bavilanu Ball containeu bulletin boaius uisplaying
scheuuling infoimation, book jackets fiom piofessoiial publications, employment infoimation, anu
the like. 0nlike the law school, the School of Social Welfaie's auministiative bulletin boaius uiu not
featuie neatly lasei-piinteu heauings anu scheuules. They moie closely iesembleu the Coloi
Coalition's commanueeieu bulletin boaiu: titleu by hanu anu coveieu with coloiful flyeis. In fact, the
stuuent oiganizational bulletin boaiu was moie iigoious in appeaiance: its titles weie computei
piinteu anu the infoimation it caiiieu methouically aiiangeu. Wheieas the contiast between
auministiative anu stuuent boaius at the law school suggesteu a hieiaichical ielationship between
the wealthy institution anu amateui stuuents, the auministiative bulletin boaius at the School of
Social Welfaie gave the impiession that the auministiation's iesouices anu capacities weie the same
as those of the stuuents. This analysis leaus to two conclusions: fiist, that the ielative status of the
piofessions of law anu social woik is appaient in the law school's gieatei iesouices; anu seconu, that
uisplays of hieiaichy valueu at Boalt aie uevalueu at the School of Social Welfaie.
0ne thing that was visible in the hallways of Bavilanu but not of Boalt was stuuent woik. The N.S.W.
stuuents weie occasionally iequiieu to make class piesentations accompanieu by visual aius, anu the
posteis they piouuceu weie uisplayeu in the hallways in a mannei ieminiscent of high school. This
high schoolish impiession was heighteneu by the giaphically naive style of the posteis, with theii
hanu letteiing anu cut-anu-paste collage assembly. If these posteis weie placeu in a coiiiuoi at Boalt,
they woulu look "unpiofessional" because they -S1- uo not aim to uisplay intellectualism, access to
iesouices, oi uppeiclass aesthetic sensibilities. What woulu seem "piofessional" at the law school
woulu appeai as gauche self-aggianuizement at the School of Social Welfaie. The fact that stuuent
woik was uisplayeu in the halls foi all to see unueilines the uiffeiing socialization messages sent to
stuuents about how they will be evaluateu by the two schools. At Boalt, the impoitance of
hieiaichical giauing by piofessois is emphasizeu by the giaues' enciyption anu piotection. At the
School of Social Welfaie, on the othei hanu, stuuent woik is put on uisplay foi all to see anu evaluate.
Rathei than a piivate anu hieiaichical piocess between piofessoi anu stuuent, the evaluation of
woik is a public community affaii. The uisplay of stuuent posteis at Bavilanu conveys to stuuents the
iueal that piofessional leaining anu woik aie a communal piocess.
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The coiiiuois of Boalt Ball weie uecoiateu not with stuuent posteis, but with fine aitwoik. Aitwoik
seives not only to oinament otheiwise blanu spaces, but also to convey messages about the
institution that uisplays it. By choosing to uisplay aitwoik in the fine aits tiauition, the law school
auministiation sent a message to stuuents "sustaining |uppeij class continuity" (BiNaggio anu
0seem 1982, 182). The coiiiuois of Boalt aie embellisheu with a numbei of poitiaits of iespecteu
alumni anu foimei piofessois. The inuiviuuals pictuieu aie geneially white males, accompanieu by
potent signifieis, incluuing juuicial iobes anu Latin epigiams such as "6$/8.): F$- .)7$#&' )-&($%&' "
($',$8&.$' ($.),%&'HP (This tianslates as "A simple man, an authoi anu scholai beloveu by his stuuents."
Like many phiases in the law, it sounus much moie impiessive in Latin.) These poitiaits convey to
stuuents that the law is a uomain of white male authoiity, which may make stuuents who aie not
white anu male feel like inteilopeis.
Buiing the peiiou in which I caiiieu out my obseivations, theie hung a single piominent poitiait of a
peison who was not both white anu male. In the coiiiuoi connecting the lectuie halls of the oiiginal
segment of the law school hung a poitiait of Elizabeth }osselyn Boalt, whose uonation in the name of
hei husbanu, the attoiney }ohn Beniy Boalt, leu to the founuing of the law school in his name. While
given piiue of place to honoi hei monetaiy geneiosity, the poitiait of Nis. Boalt incoipoiates a
numbei of signifieis senuing the message that she sits outsiue the iealm of law: she weais a uelicate
lavenuei uiess insteau -S2- of foimal iobes oi a uaik suit, anu is poseu in a uomestic setting, with a
piano anu floweis to give a suitably feminine touch. Thus while a poitiait of a woman hangs at the
heait of Boalt Ball, hei place outsiue the legal spheie is maue quite cleai.
Besiues the poitiaits, the law school hallways contain one sculptuie. This is an abstiact statue of a
ioaiing beai (the goluen beai is the mascot of the 0niveisity of Califoinia). Between its simple lines
anu its aggiessive postuie, it manages to embouy the lawyeily tiaits of asseitiveness anu iestiaint,
moueling the fact that the two tiaits aie not incompatible. The beai, sculpteu by Bufano, was uonateu
by the Class of 1948 to memoiialize one of theii membeis, Naitin Boiuin, a populai man who uieu
young (Epstein 1997, 184). It iepiesents an inteilinking of fiateinal love anu iespect with school
loyalty, chaiacteiizing the "olu boy netwoik" of Boalt alumni foi cuiient stuuents.
While the hallways aie spaisely oinamenteu with foimal poitiaits anu the maible beai, the innei
sancta of the law school aie uecoiateu with Boalt's collection of nineteenth-centuiy English legal
caiicatuies. These black-anu-white piints hang in uppei-level auministiative offices anu line the
walls of the faculty lounge. Bumoi is one of the key signifieis of a shaieu habitus, anu the uepictions
of English solicitois, baiiisteis, justices, anu clients constitute an elaboiate in-joke. I myself coulu not
see what was funny about the piints peihaps one-thiiu of the time, inuicating that my habitus was
not as ueeply attuneu to the lawyeily iueal as weie those of the Boalt piofessois who weie able to
ieau all the etchings easily. Such iaiefieu aitwoik is uifficult foi those unfamiliai with nineteenth-
centuiy English law to inteipiet; hence its uisplay pievents visitois to the innei sancta fiom feeling
they have penetiateu its mysteiies. Noieovei, it emphasizes anu (ie)enfoices the Anglo-Saxon anu
male oiigins of the legal tiauition.
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0pon ascenuing the gianu staiicase anu enteiing the impiessive main uoois, one's fiist impiession is
that Bavilanu Ball uisplays the same soit of aitwoik as uoes Boalt Ball. A poitiait of one Alexis F.
Lange, executeu on a heioic scale, takes up an entiie wall of the high-ceilingeu foyei. Like the foimal
poitiaits at the law school, it is a painting of a white man weaiing the impiessive uaik iobes of
acauemic authoiity. Iionically, like the classical facaue anu elegant staiicases of Bavilanu Ball, the
poitiait of Piofessoi Lange was hanueu uown fiom the SS- School of Euucation. The stuuents I
inteivieweu uiu not know that Piofessoi Lange was not a iepiesentative of the School of Social
Welfaie (Ballway anu Commons Room, Naich 1u anu 11, 1997). Foi them, the poitiait of an
unknown "B.W.N." (ueau white male, in stuuent pailance) was anothei aichitectuial tiope that
establisheu the builuing's iespectability. They unueistoou acauemic powei to be symbolizeu
foimulaically: "Boiic columns + wiought iion + laige poitiait of ianuom B.W.N. = iespectability."
Anu it is inteiesting to note that uespite theii cynicism, the stuuents' vision of ieputability woie a
white male face.
0thei than the poitiait of Lange, Bavilanu's oinamentation was laigely pioviueu by uisplays of
stuuent woik anu the staff's uooiway uecoiations. veinaculai ciaftwoik was featuieu iathei than
fine aits. Tiauitionally, ciafts aie consiueieu to be feminine, anu hence uomestic anu of lessei impoit
than the fine aits. Foi the stuuents, aitwoik such as the collage of women pieviously uesciibeu
conveyeu the message that the appiopiiate uemeanoi foi a social woikei is waim iathei than foimal,
expiessive iathei than impassive, anu appioachable iathei than uistant÷steieotypically feminine
Like the inuiviuual uecoiations on office uoois, the woiks of ait selecteu foi public uisplay by the
School of Social Welfaie weie viitually the inveise of the aitwoik at Boalt Ball. They uisplayeu
women, chiluien, anu people of coloi÷foi example, a painting of a biownskinneu woman spinning
thieau hung in the libiaiy anu a collection of photogiaphs of "Chiluien of the Woilu" hung in the
Social Welfaie Commons Room. This pictuiing of people othei than white men hau a numbei of
socialization functions: it inuicateu that such people aie ueseiving of iespect; it suggesteu that
women, chiluien, anu people of coloi constitute the social woikei's client pool; anu it moueleu how
social woikeis shoulu shape theii enviionment (e.g., thiough uisplays of aitwoik) to make theii
clients feel comfoitable.
It is impoitant to iecognize that white males neeu not be uiscomfiteu by theii omission fiom
iepiesentation among those poitiayeu in Bavilanu Ball aitwoik, because this aitwoik pictuieu the
social woik client base iathei than social woikeis themselves. The absence of Anglo-Saxon men
suggests that they aie unlikely to appeai as clients in neeu of social woikeis' piofessional seivices.
This heightens the status of white males, who in ieality uo ieceive seivices fiom social woikeis in
many settings (e.g., uiug anu alcohol tieatment piogiams, -S4- homeless shelteis, eluei caie facilities,
mental health centeis, etc.). The obscuiing of the status of white men as welfaie clients is the miiioi
image of the invisibility of women anu people of coloi as juuges anu attoineys at the law school. Both
(mis)iepiesentations heighten the status of white men, which is an essential element of the hiuuen
cuiiiculum at elite institutions.
8B&CCD((XC &@ +(&B@
In contiast to the institutional uisplay of aitwoik, intentionally fieighteu with symbolic cultuial
messages, the aiiangement of classiooms may appeai to be uictateu puiely by function. But the
aiiangement of classiooms liteially shapes the piocess of piofessional school socialization. At the
law school, the lectuie halls aie aiiangeu amphitheatiically oi, as Nichel Foucault woulu put it,
panoptically (1979). In the law school lectuie halls, the piofessoi stanus at a pouium on a stage, anu
the stuuents sit in iising aics of seats befoie him (oi, occasionally, hei). The piofessoi can see each
stuuent, but the stuuents' eyes aie fixeu fiont anu they cannot see one anothei well. In auuition,
elevateu position fiequently conveys social supeiioiity, so the lectuie halls' aiiangement establishes
a powei hieiaichy.
Stuuents in a law school lectuie hall sit in aics of assigneu numbeieu seats so that the piofessoi can
use a seating chait to call on them to speak. This aiiangement of a cential figuie of authoiity
oveilooking a peiipheiy iesembles Bentham's uesign foi a piison, the Panopticon, as uesciibeu by
Foucault: an annulai builuing iinging a cential obseivation towei. Accoiuing to Foucault:
Bentham laiu uown the piinciple that powei shoulu be visible anu unveiifiable. visible: the inmate
will constantly have befoie his eyes the tall outline of the cential towei fiom which he is spieu upon.
0nveiifiable: the inmate must nevei know whethei he is being lookeu at at any one moment; but he
must be suie that he may always be so. (1979, 2u1)
Like Bentham's inmates, law school stuuents aie lockeu into places wheie they aie unuei constant
suiveillance anu subject to examination at any time. As Foucault explains, this is an extiemely
efficient aiiangement foi the functioning of what he teims the "uisciplinaiy mechanism" (1979, 197),
which entienches powei anu hieiaichy at -SS- the same time as it tiains those who aie subject to its
woikings. Bence the veiy aichitectuie of the law school lectuie hall functions to instill uiscipline,
hieiaichical ielations, anu iespect foi powei anu authoiity in law stuuents.
Boalt Ball also contains a few iooms foi seminais, which aie open to uppeiclasspeisons (seconu anu
thiiu-yeai stuuents) only. Seminais covei substantive aieas on the peiipheiy of legal piactice, anu
attiact few stuuents when compaieu to coie uppei-uivision couises such as coipoiations oi tax law.
The seminai iooms aie uesigneu foi small gioups, but like othei law school classiooms they convey
to stuuents that they aie ueseiving of comfoits such as custom benches, swivel seats, anu thick
caipeting. What is stiikingly uiffeient is that while a uesk pouium is still pioviueu foi the piofessoi,
she oi he sits with the stuuents "in the iounu" in these classiooms, significantly ieuucing messages of
hieiaichy. This may be ieau as flatteiing to uppei-uivision stuuents who aie exploiing a legal
specialty, since it inuicates theii elevateu status by sitting besiue the piofessoi. Neveitheless, since
only a small peicentage of the teaching at Boalt occuis in seminai iooms, theii less hieiaichical
aiiangement appeais as a ueviation fiom the noim.
8B&CCD((XC &@ @I$ J?I((B (K J(?A&B 1$BK&D$
0nlike at the law school, wheie small ciiculai aiiangements of seats appeaieu as a ueviation fiom
the noim, at the School of Social Welfaie all classiooms weie aiiangeu this way. Theie weie two
vaiiants of the ciiculai aiiangement at Bavilanu Ball: classiooms in which stuuents sat aiounu
confeience tables, anu classiooms in which chaiis with small attacheu uesks weie aiiangeu aiounu
the peiipheiy of a ioom. In both cases the ciiculai setting conveyeu the nonhieiaichical socialization
message that what occuiieu in the classioom was a communal iesponsibility. Confeience tables
compiiseu iectangulai oi ihomboiu units that coulu be aiiangeu in uiffeient ways to facilitate a
vaiiety of community stiuctuies, fiom small gioups to class uiscussions. Since the confeience tables
weie fiequently ieaiiangeu fiom class to class, stuuents weie tiaineu to take iesponsibility foi
flexibility in social oiganization, leaining styles, anu piactice skills. This was a maikeuly uiffeient
message fiom the fixeu anu tiauitional hieiaichy conveyeu by the law school lectuie halls.
While the ieaiiangements of the confeience tables conveyeu a ceitain fluiuity to the stuuents at
Bavilanu Ball, this fluiuity was not -S6- without constiaint. The tables weie always aiiangeu at least
loosely in the iounu÷nevei into iows oi as ianuom inuiviuual tables÷stiuctuially suggesting that
the top-uown hieiaichy of iows anu the anaichic inuiviuualism cieateu by ianuom table placement
weie both unacceptable alteinatives. The ciiculai aiiangements stiuctuieu the opeiations of powei
in the social welfaie classioom in the piosciibeu way: communally.
Because the panoptically aiiangeu law school lectuie halls ueployeu uisciplinaiy mechanisms in such
a cleai anu obvious way, the iaie ciiculai aiiangement of law school seminai iooms seemeu less
infuseu with powei ielations. At the School of Social Welfaie, howevei, the ciiculai impeiative in
classioom aiiangements shapeu the ciicle, not as an absence of hieiaichical powei, but iathei as the
full piesence of hoiizontal powei ielations. Wheieas at Boalt each stuuent was constantly
iesponsible to the uisciplining gaze of the piofessoi, at Bavilanu each stuuent was continuously
iesponsible to the uisciplinaiy gaze of eveiy othei stuuent. If the law school classiooms weie
panopticons, the social welfaie classiooms weie omniopticons. The ciiculai aiiangement iemoveu
hieiaichy while shaping an even moie effective uisciplinaiy mechanism than the law school
amphitheateis coulu piouuce. Social welfaie stuuents employeu communal uisciplinaiy tactics such
as shunning to iefoim stuuents who uisplayeu an inappiopiiate habitus, which helps to explain why
social welfaie stuuents confoimeu to gioup noims to an extent even gieatei than that of theii law
Besiues conveying a message of gioup iesponsibility foi leaining, the aiiangements of confeience
tables weie evocative of buieauciatic settings, since buieauciacy anu confeience tables aie
inextiicably linkeu in oui cultuial imagination. The classiooms at Bavilanu Ball socializeu stuuents to
woik in buieauciatic settings, anu paiticulai buieauciatic settings at that. The mismatcheu tables
anu chaiis that sat in many of the classiooms cieateu an impiession of scant iesouices. While such
motley classiooms uiu not iesemble the boaiuioom of a wealthy coipoiate chaiity (such as a
museum of fine aits), they uiu beai a iesemblance to the confeience iooms of pooily-funueu
goveinment facilities anu public seivice oiganizations. Thus the built enviionment socializeu
stuuents to piofessional ioles anu loweieu expectations as to what they coulu iealistically expect to
encountei on the job. To compaie these iooms to the classiooms at Boalt, it is -S7- eviuent that the
law school socializes stuuents to expect a piofessional caieei of much gieatei wealth, authoiity, anu
piestige than uoes the School of Social Welfaie.
(>&B /&[email protected]
The hiuuen cuiiiculai lessons conveyeu by the coiiiuois, aitwoik, anu classiooms of the two schools
weie similaily insciibeu in theii othei facilities. Foi example, the contiast between Boalt's Belli
Commons anu the Social Welfaie Commons Room maue cleai the uispaiate social statuses of the two
piofessions. The Belli Commons was an elegant café wheie stuuents' tastes weie shapeu by a
Euiopean menu of lattés anu cappuccinos, cioissants anu foccacia sanuwiches; the Social Welfaie
Commons Room offeieu only mismatcheu fuinituie anu a few venuing machines. Similaily, the
libiaiies of the two schools sent contiasting messages to the stuuents ensconceu within them. The
law school libiaiy was impiessively laige, compiise seveial wings, each containing foimiuable
uisplays of legal tomes anu well-appointeu stuuy aieas. The libiaiy at Bavilanu, on the othei hanu,
was houseu in a single ioom, its once-gianu iion giillewoik anu classical plaques maiieu by uense
functional iows of steel bookshelves. In sum, whatevei facilities stuuents encounteieu confionteu
them with hiuuen cuiiicula, anu while each inuiviuual sign oi symbol might be subtle, the total effect
was poweiful inueeu.
A close analysis of the physical enviionments of the Boalt Ball School of Law anu Beikeley School of
Social Welfaie ieveals uistinct hiuuen cuiiicula embeuueu in biicks anu moitai, fuinituie anu
paintings. The hiuuen cuiiiculum at Boalt piepaies stuuents foi piivilege anu exclusivity. It socializes
them to auopt iole expectations of powei anu authoiity, wealth, comfoit, anu an appieciation of
uppei class cultuie. Thiough its aitwoik, it ieflects the taken-foi-gianteu assumption that the law
weais a white male face. The law school's built enviionment iepiouuces the expectation of piivate
sectoi woik, intellectual asseitiveness, emotional iestiaint, uiscipline, anu hieiaichy. These
socializing messages aie taigeteu to, anu much moie easily ieceiveu by, white male stuuents who
hail fiom a position of class piivilege. Stuuents such as uiant, quoteu at the beginning of this chaptei,
feel both -S8- empoweieu anu "at home" at Boalt Ball. Stuuents with uiffeient faces anu uiffeient
cultuial capital, howevei, may not feel the same sense of ease in the coiiiuois of the law school.
Some, like Cheiyl, feel like imposteis, anu otheis, like Wei, feel alienation oi a vague sense of unease.
The Bavilanu Ball facilities senu conflicting messages. 0n the one hanu, they senu a message about
the uignity of piofessional status anu the necessity of uiscipline in a mannei similai to that of the law
school thiough the builuing's classical aichitectuie anu heioic poitiait of an oluei, iobeu white man.
These factois tenu to auvantage white men fiom piivilegeu backgiounus in a mannei similai to the
impact of the law school setting. 0n the othei hanu, the Bavilanu Ball facilities senu messages about
limiteu iesouices anu class aspiiations, anu about the values of empathy, mouesty, toleiance, public
seivice, anu communal iesponsibility. These messages about limiteu iesouices anu a communal
oiientation aie associateu with the school's piivate (uomestic) spaces anu with aits anu ciafts
uepicting women, chiluien, anu¡oi people of coloi. Factois such as these make stuuents who uo not
have iace, class, genuei, oi othei piivileges feel at least somewhat "at home."
Closely examining the physical settings of two piofessional schools ieveals the cuiiicula that weie
hiuuen in plain sight, anu helps us to explain how the schools (ie)piouuce patteins of social
stiatification. The messages conveyeu by the settings help explain both the fact that white men fiom
piivilegeu class backgiounus aie uispiopoitionately successful at the two schools, anu the fact that
this uispaiity is moie pionounceu at the law school. Although they aie often unconscious of uoing so,
piofessional stuuents absoib the messages conveyeu by the built enviionments in which they finu
themselves, anu aie socializeu to confoim to the hiuuen cuiiicula thus conveyeu. The uispositions
they aie socializeu to auopt have little to uo with the knowleuge base oi oveit skills of the
piofessions, but like the foimal cuiiiculum, the hiuuen cuiiiculum must be masteieu in oiuei foi the
stuuents to finu success as attoineys anu social woikeis. -S9-
] ) 3I$ 4ALL$> 8=DDA?=B=X (K 6ACC$D@&@A(> *LHACA>E
Few wiiteis analyze hiuuen cuiiicula in unueigiauuate oi piofessional euucation, anu even fewei
examine giauuate schools fiom this peispective. In fact, giauuate schools offei seveial layeis of
moie-oi-less hiuuen cuiiicula, ianging fiom ielatively oveit iequiiements of the piogiam to
conventions of the uiscipline to moie coveit notions of what makes a goou stuuent. We might think of
the hiuuen cuiiiculum of the giauuate school as being like an icebeig, with the moie oveit
iequiiements above the watei anu the iest submeigeu, though visible to a keen eye oi with the
Stuuents entei giauuate school having uone well in theii piioi stuuies anu expect to continue
succeeuing. Nany aie piofounuly uisoiienteu by the gieatei uegiee of inuepenuence anu oiiginality
expecteu of them. Couise assignments aie fewei but biggei, assigneu ieauings moie uifficult,
piofessois less inuulgent, anu peeis moie competitive. Although many giauuate stuuents will not
become piofessois, the assumption that guiues much giauuate woik, especially at the uoctoial level,
is that stuuents aie in tiaining foi an acauemic caieei. The uegiee of uisoiientation uepenus on many
things, such as the quality of the unueigiauuate institution anu the cultuial capital possesseu by the
Because conventions in giauuate woik vaiy consiueiably fiom countiy to countiy, the liteiatuie on
giauuate euucation must be ieau with caie. Foi example, when wiiteis fiom Biitain oi Austialia
consiuei what is theie calleu postgiauuate euucation, they have in minu a -61- system wheie the
Ph.B. "ieseaich stuuent" begins woik on his oi hei uisseitation almost immeuiately, usually unuei
the guiuance of a single supeivisoi.In the 0niteu States anu Canaua, stuuents geneially enioll in
couises foi seveial yeais, take a majoi examination, anu then move on to the uisseitation stage. They
may neeu to obtain a mastei's uegiee oi satisfy equivalence iequiiements befoie becoming a
In all countiies, conventions goveining the uisseitation phase vaiy among subject fielus. These
incluue the likelihoou of the stuuent woiking on a pioject ielateu to the auvisoi's own ieseaich; the
extent to which she oi he can expect funuing; the iapiuity of piogiess thiough the uisseitation phase;
the toleiance foi peisonal naiiative in the wiitten account; the stiuctuiing of chapteis; the foimality
of wiiting style; the ease of publication of finuings; anu the ethics of incluuing the auvisoi's name in
publications. All these piactices have to be taught oi "caught" by stuuents in each fielu.
The uoctoial stuuent has to become attuneu to at least two aspects of socialization: the conventions
of the uiscipline anu the piactices of the uepaitment. Shaion Paiiy anu Naitin Bayuen (1999, S7) call
the two aspects the uisciplinaiy anu the oiganizational cultuies of the uepaitment. In the fiist case,
stuuents aie being socializeu oi "uisciplineu" into a ieseaich cultuie (uieen anu Lee 1999). Stuuents
aie leaining, in Pieiie Bouiuieu's (197S) phiase, the habitus of a paiticulai fielu÷the set of
essentially cultuial unueistanuings that allows them to consiuei themselves anu be consiueieu by
otheis to be bona fiue sociologists, oi anthiopologists, oi biologists. Bepaitmental piactices aie moie
akin to politics. What chaiacteiizes a "goou stuuent" in Bepaitment X. What, exactly, is iequiieu anu
how much flexibility is theie about it. This level of the cuiiiculum is lougeu within the ueepest level
of the icebeig. Some stuuents appeai to "catch on" anu uo what is iequiieu of a successful giauuate
stuuent, while otheis seem enulessly to flounuei (Ackei, Tiansken, Bill, anu Black 1994).
In this chaptei I focus on one specific aiea within the hiuuen cuiiiculum of giauuate euucation, the
piocess of what is usually calleu uisseitation auvising in the 0niteu States anu uisseitation oi thesis
supeivision in Canaua, Biitain, Austialia, anu New Zealanu.
Ny souices aie somewhat eclectic: the
ieseaich liteiatuie; my own expeiience as a univeisity teachei woiking in giauuate uepaitments of
euucation since 1972 in Biitain anu Canaua; a ieseaich pioject on supeivision in euucation anu
psychology caiiieu out with colleagues -62- in Englanu fiom 1989 to 1991;
anu a tapeu focus gioup
uiscussion with a gioup of eight giauuate stuuents anu ex-stuuents anu two faculty membeis in
euucation in a Canauian univeisity in 1997.
In the sections that follow, I consiuei two examples of the subtleties of the piocess of uisseitation
auvising: finuing an auvisoi anu negotiating with an auvisoi. Both aie examples that seem quite
obvious until closely examineu; both iaise questions about powei anu positioning. I then make some
iemaiks about the impact of uiffeient chaiacteiistics of stuuents anu theii location within the
/-76-7N *7 *60-J2,
In the Biitish stuuy, stuuents founu theii supeivisois thiough two quite uistinct piocesses, which we
came to call <"-/ oi ,3.( entiy. In the <"-/ entiy piocess, stuuents ieseaicheu the specialties of
uiffeient institutions anu inuiviuuals within them. Baving naiioweu the fielu to one oi moie
potential supeivisois, they woulu tiy to meet that inuiviuual oi inuiviuuals befoie applying foi
aumission. If the stuuent hau been pieviously eniolleu foi a bacheloi's oi mastei's uegiee in the
same institution, the stuuent anu pioposeu supeivisoi alieauy knew each othei. 0thei stuuents,
especially those puisuing theii stuuies paittime, simply eniolleu at a conveniently locateu institution
(,3.( )*%-4). Then a supeivisoi who most closely shaieu theii inteiests was assigneu to them.
The expeiiences of the Canauians in the focus gioup weie veiy uiffeient. In the institution wheie this
uiscussion was tapeu, the noim is foi stuuents to uo a yeai oi moie of couise woik, anu then have to
peisuaue a faculty membei to act as uisseitation supeivisoi. Nastei's stuuents neeu an auuitional
faculty membei anu uoctoial stuuents two otheis to make up a thesis committee. Foi pait-time
stuuents it might be quite a few yeais befoie this moment aiiives. Stuuents aie assigneu on aiiival to
what aie calleu auvisois, but these auvisois aie not necessaiily expecteu to supeivise theii
uisseitations÷a situation that sometimes causeu confusion.
Some stuuents hau been auviseu oi leaineu somehow that couise selection woulu be impoitant in
teims of sizing up anu establishing iappoit with potential supeivisois; otheis uiu not know this
infoimation oi figuieu it out too late. Seveial then hau the task of tiawling thiough faculty membeis
tiying to finu someone who shaieu theii 6S- inteiests oi woulu agiee to woik with them. It was cleai
that this seaich coulu be tiaumatic anu embaiiassing. 0ne stuuent expiesseu consiueiable bitteiness
in hei account (anu otheis ieflecteu hei sentiments to a gieatei oi lessei uegiee):
I'm inteiesteu in |names thiee aieasj. Anu I founu it so uifficult to finu someone who hau an inteiest
in most of those things. I mean, I went to all of those people who I thought woulu be theie, anu they
all saiu, "0h, I'm ieally inteiesteu in what you'ie uoing, but I just uon't have any time to be on youi
committee." So I went thiough I guess a month of continually phoning people, iunning aiounu the
builuing, anu it ieally is haiu on youi psyche. Even though some people weie nice anu some people
weie just uowniight "I uon't know you fiom Auam, I'm not taking anyone else on, anu I'm not
paiticulaily inteiesteu in what you'ie uoing" ... anu you feel just so ciucifieu. At the enu of it you'ie so
afiaiu to pick up the phone oi face somebouy again. You walk in anu you say, "I'm heie, I'm an
inuepenuent woikei. I uon't neeu much help. I won't take much of youi time. Please, just take me on.
You uon't even have to be theie foi the uefense. I have to have a supeivisoi!"... I thought that the most
uifficult pait was finuing someone to agiee to be my supeivisoi because you feel soit of like you'ie
Anothei stuuent confiimeu this view: "I think that's so tiue, though, what you'ie saying about feeling
like you'ie giovelling." She, anu otheis, questioneu whethei theie was not a iesponsibility on the pait
of the uepaitment, of the faculty membeis, to pioviue supeivision, given that they aumitteu these
stuuents in the fiist place. Although they hau some sympathy with faculty being oveiloaueu anu not
iewaiueu in tenuie oi piomotion teims foi taking on supeivision, that sympathy hau uefinite limits.
A uiffeient stuuent was sceptical about piofessoiial "busyness":
That's a big bone of contention foi me. It ieally buggeu me how piofessois constantly talk about how
busy they aie to a point wheie I peisonally uiun't want to ask anybouy foi anything, anu that
ultimately can holu you way back. It can ieally limit youi expeiiences because you feel guilty all the
time ... you have to think about it foi so long befoie you go anu ask foi a lettei of iefeience. -64-
At one point in the uiscussion, a faculty membei tiieu to explain how she expeiienceu stuuents tiying
to finu a supeivisoi:
I feel quite bau sometimes when people appioach me anu almost invite me to ieject them....
It's when you get a phone call fiom somebouy you've nevei heaiu of anu they leave a
message on youi voice mail. They uon't tell you what the topic is. They say, "I'm looking foi a
supeivisoi oi a committee membei, please phone me." Anu you think, "Why me. Why shoulu
I. I've got enough to uo. Who's this peison." Sometimes the soit of techniques people use
almost backfiie foi them.
Cleaily stuuents anu supeivisois stait fiom uiffeient positions anu inteipiet finuing a supeivisoi in
veiy uiffeient ways. Supeivising a stuuent, especially thiough a uoctoial uisseitation, is a long anu
aiuuous task, one faculty uo not want to agiee to unless they can pieuict a high likelihoou of success
without unuue stiess foi themselves. As Naigot Peaison (1996, Su7) commenteu, some uiscussions
of supeivision appeai to give the supeivisoi iesponsibilities that aie simply immense. They become
iesponsible not only foi helping stuuents oiganize theii woik anu giving them feeuback but foi
explaining institutional pioceuuies; tioubleshooting with the committee anu othei faculty; euiting
anu pioofieauing; pioviuing infoimation anu auvice ovei finances anu housing; inuucting the stuuent
into the piofessional cultuie of confeiences, netwoiks, anu publications; suppoiting the stuuent
thiough peisonal ciises; finuing a job foi the stuuent; anu iemaining an active mentoi foi yeais to
come.The notion of mentoiing is a concept laigei than the specific issues of supeivision I uiscuss
In pait, a confusion between mentoiing anu auvising may be at issue. Some stuuents expect too
much, while otheis expect too little. If faculty see a huge iesponsibility looming, they may feel that it
is impoitant not to take on moie stuuents than they can cope with. It is also likely that supeivision
will not "count," oi not count much, in uecisions ovei tenuie anu piomotion oi woikloau; anu even if
the quantity of supeivision is measuieu, the quality is piobably not (Ackei anu Feueiveigei 1996,
Bulbeit 1994). Foi faculty, the necessity foi stuuents to finu a supeivisoi may be seen as a sign of
theii piogiess thiough the system, an aspect of the paitially-hiuuen cuiiiculum oi a iite of passage
inuicating that the stuuent has been sufficiently socializeu into the -6S- uisciplinaiy anu
uepaitmental unueistanuings to mastei the piocess. But foi at least some of the stuuents, finuing a
supeivisoi is a humiliating iitual÷giovelling÷one that iequiies abasement anu extieme uefeience
on theii pait.
7.N23-*3-7N 1-34 34. *60-J2,
To oveisimplify a bit, the auvisoi's iole coulu be chaiacteiizeu as eithei managei¡uiiectoi oi
facilitatoi. In the fiist conception, the supeivisoi's main task is to keep the stuuent moving along the
stages of uisseitation ieseaich by telling him¡hei what to uo. In the seconu, the iole is less oveit; the
supeivisoi tiies to iesponu moie to what the stuuent wants anu neeus. The two main conceptions
match iespectively what coulu be seen as a technical-iational view of the piocess (it can be
pieuicteu, unueistoou, contiolleu, impioveu) anu a negotiateu-oiuei view (what happens is
emeigent anu uepenus on inteipietations anu stiategic iesponses). The managei¡uiiectoi
conception is the one founu in guiuebooks anu is a moie obvious pait of the hiuuen cuiiiculum. It is
helpful in so fai as both paities gain a cleaiei unueistanuing of ways they can pioceeu anu seek
consciously to impiove theii piactice. Bowevei, the seconu mouel is a moie insightful one in teims of
the actual uynamic ielationships involveu in auvising. This aigument is uevelopeu fuithei in Ackei,
Bill, anu Black (1994).
What is being negotiateu. We can stait by consiueiing, foi example, negotiations ovei pioceuuial
issues, such as how often auvisois anu stuuents will meet, what the typical content of a meeting is,
how much woik the stuuent will be expecteu to uo in what time fiame anu to what stanuaiu; how
much uiiection the auvisoi shoulu pioviue anu how much fuithei input such as ieauing anu euiting
chapteis he oi she shoulu give. Examples of uiffeient expectations, negotiateu moie oi less well, can
be founu in the Biitish ieseaich. Beie is a case wheie a stuuent wanteu the supeivisoi to be moie
focuseu in his meetings:
Sometimes they |meetingsj haven't woikeu because I've got eight things to talk about anu we talk
about the fiist one anu the houi has gone anu he's got anothei stuuent waiting outsiue. So I
sometimes say, "Befoie you say anything, Bill, theie aie eight things I was hoping to covei in this
session." So in a sense I've been moie foimal than he has, anu that's something I've leaineu to uo.
(male stuuent) -66-
In contiast to "Bill" (all names aie pseuuonyms), this supeivisoi tiieu to contiol eveiything that
That's the way I hanule all my meetings: what's oui agenua, what aie we tiying to achieve,
what's oui time line. Anu I woulu say, "0kay, I woulu like to get this on the agenua" anu then
we woulu go thiough whatevei it was anu then I woulu say at the enu something like, "Aie
we okay now." oi I might say, "Look I think we'ie piesseu foi time, I think we ought to wiap
this up. uiven what we saiu at the outset is theie anything we neeu to get uone befoie you
leave. Woulu you please make a note of what we've agieeu anu senu me a copy." (male
Anothei stuuent was cleaily unhappy with the meetings with hei supeivisoi but coulu not woik out
how to change the situation:
Theie's a feeling that I neeu to peihaps have some set time wheie I coulu say, you know, oi she coulu
say to me, "You have thiee quaiteis of an houi of my time" ... I'm feeling foi almost a clue foi hei to
say, you know, "I've hau enough of you now" oi "That's the enu of the session" anu theie isn't any.
Bespite theii typical lack of claiity, pioceuuies foi conuuct of meetings seem stiaightfoiwaiu when
compaieu to some of the othei questions that aiise (oi luik, unauuiesseu) uuiing the piocess of
auvising, such as how much shoulu be expecteu fiom an auvisoi oi how close the ielationship shoulu
be between stuuent anu auvisoi. Complications also aiise fiom the social location of the main
playeis÷both in teims of theii iuentification as "stuuents"oi "supeivisois" anu also in teims of
uiffeiential iesouices anu peispectives ielateu to genuei, class, iace, anu othei such attiibutes.
A paiticulaily uifficult question is how close the peisonal ielationship between the stuuent anu the
supeivisoi shoulu be. In geneial, both the faculty anu stuuents in the Biitish ieseaich saiu they
piefeiieu a piofessional ielationship, with some uistance, but in piactice some ielationships weie
close while otheis weie almost nonexistent. 0ne male supeivisoi tolu us: "I uon't actually see it as my
function to be theii suppoit anu soul mate anu someone who will get them thiough the next five
yeais of geneial living. I uon't think that's my job," while -67- anothei male supeivisoi went to the
opposite extieme: "They've all got my home telephone numbei. They come anu visit me . . . some stay
with me . . . I get veiy close with them."
0ne woman stuuent hau hopeu foi a closei ielationship with hei female supeivisoi, saying sauly,
"Theie was a time when we weie quite close, but then she ieally clouteu me away." Anothei woman
stuuent expiesseu similai hopes:
|In the meetingj we talkeu about Nelanie |the supeivisoij because she's been going thiough
a bau patch, so I think, but that felt goou because it felt like somehow I was getting a bit
closei to hei, that she was opening up a little bit to me, anu that was like a kinu of little self-
uisclosuie that maue hei seem ... a bit moie human as it weie. I felt much bettei.
A thiiu female stuuent hau a numbei of pioblems with hei supeivisoi, who seemeu to be inuiffeient,
uistiacteu, anu inaccessible. The alteinative to inuiffeience seemeu to be haiassment:
Fiona |anothei stuuentj is a bit uiffeient because she, I think they get on veiy well because
she's supeibly beautiful anu she's veiy chaiming anu I think when she aiiiveu Simon |the
supeivisoij was veiy inteiesteu in hei, anu so he got hei a ieseaich assistantship anu she's
uesigneu a piogiam anu he's been woiking veiy closely with hei. I think she has uiffeient
pioblems with him in that he will be calling hei up at all times of the uay anu even when
she's at home, anu wanting hei to woik, you know, all houis of the uay anu night.
Seveial commentatois point to the uifficulty managing the uegiee of potential intimacy in the
auvisoi-stuuent ielationship, especially when theie is a hint oi moie of sexuality. Colin Evans, in a
stuuy of univeisity foieign language uepaitments in Biitain, speculateu on the paiameteis of the
genuei imbalances common in univeisities. In mouein language uepaitments, the stuuents aie
mostly young women anu the faculty miuule-ageu men, but "the sexual elements of this ielation aie
almost nevei acknowleugeu. . . . The whole genuei question is an emotional anu intellectual no-go
aiea." Paiticipants ietieat, he suggesteu, into a fathei-uaughtei iole ielationship (Evans, 1988, -68-
1S4-SS). Calls to incoipoiate "caiing" moie centially into teaching (Nouuings 1988), easily extenueu
to supeivision, iequiie some attention to "the uelicate balance between too much anu too little loving
caie" (Booth 1994, S6).
Nost of the paiis in the Biitish uata consisteu of a male supeivisoi anu eithei a female oi male
stuuent. Female supeivisois (themselves a minoiity among the supeivisois) tenueu to supeivise
female stuuents; theie weie just a few cases of female supeivisois anu male stuuents. 0ne was
paiticulaily inteiesting as it seemeu to embouy the potential uifficulties anu contiauictions inheient
in this paiiing. The paiticipants seemeu unsuie of whethei they shoulu be acting as man anu woman
oi supeivisoi anu stuuent. The male psychology stuuent, }ohn, was unhappy that anothei piospective
supeivisoi hau left the univeisity anu Catheiine, the substitute, was cleaily seconu best in his eyes.
Bis inteiview was full of contiauictions. Be piaiseu Catheiine's intelligence anu gave hei cieuit foi
solving majoi pioblems with his woik. Then he compaieu hei to the supeivisoi who hau left, anu
saiu Catheiine uiun't ieally come up to that soit of stanuaiu: "It's haiu to uesciibe, you know, but in
times of ieal angei, I've soit of like, ieally felt uown anu you think oh uou, she's just so bloouy
stupiu." Be also hau othei ciiticisms of hei: she lacks humoi anu "is a veiy neivous chaiactei . . .
smoking cigaiettes, uiinking cans of Coke, uou knows how much . . . theie's always a can of Coke
theie, she must get thiough moie caffeine, uou knows."
}ohn saw Catheiine viitually eveiy uay: "I nevei let it go foi moie than, say, a couple of uays ieally. I
mean I always see hei, even socially, you know, go foi a uiink oi something." Be saiu he's been away
foi weekenus with vaiious people in the uepaitment anu she is incluueu in the gioup. Be uiscusseu
"a weekenu by the sea, anu we hiieu a cai anu I uiove up with Catheiine, anu we just hau a weekenu
theie . . . we useu to go foi a uiink occasionally . . . nevei just me anu hei, it was usually a gioup of
people, say, fiom the uepaitment . . . theie's ceitainly no uistance socially. I mean, I feel completely
ielaxeu with hei." Neveitheless, }ohn asseiteu that Catheiine is too busy anu not available enough:
"Like I say, she's a woikaholic, anu like a lot of the time I have to go thiough anu explain things to hei
which I've alieauy explaineu anu like she's foigotten about oi at least foigotten the gist of it." Be even
complaineu about hei ieluctance to come to his office: -69-
I'm on this flooi, I'm on the thiiu flooi anu she's on the seconu.... Anu you know, it's a case of,
I've only seen hei in my office twice oi something like that. Anu it woulu be nice, once in a
while, if she just poppeu in anu just saiu, "Bow's it going, what aie you uoing."
In tiying to make sense of this supeivisoiy ielationship, the genuei uynamics aie haiu to ignoie. Age
may also play a pait. }ohn is twentyseven, while Catheiine is about six yeais oluei. Bau she been still
oluei anu a moie commanuing figuie in hei fielu, some of the ambiguity might have been ieuuceu. As
it is, }ohn uoes not seem quite suie whethei Catheiine shoulu be iegaiueu as an authoiity figuie, a
giilfiienu, a fiienu, oi a mothei. We see heie the opeiation of contiauictoiy noims anu negotiations
aiounu powei, genuei, iecipiocity, anu intimacy.
Baibaia uiant anu Auele uiaham (1994, 16S) iefei to "unequal unueipinnings" of the supeivisoiy
ielationship, given that the uisseitation is "likely to be the stuuent's majoi woik focus while it is one
small aspect of the supeivisoi's cuiient woikloau." Like uiant anu uiaham, I think this mouel of
"soveieign powei," similai to a class conflict mouel, contains impoitant insights but is also
pioblematic÷ the auvisois themselves aie embeuueu in woik ielations that uo not necessaiily
empowei them, anu many of the stuuents themselves have an expectation of "upwaiu mobility" into
an acauemic position in time. Also, the stuuents anu auvisois aie uniteu in theii wish foi a successful
outcome. Wheie the mouel is helpful is to ieminu us that uiffeient paities aie uiffeiently locateu in
the stiuctuies that make up giauuate euucation, anu that theii peiceptions anu vesteu inteiests will
inevitably be coiiesponuingly uiffeient.
While acknowleuging the impoitance of locating peispective in "auvisoi" anu "stuuent" fiames, we
must move beyonu seeing all auvisois, oi all stuuents, as inteichangeable. This conceptualization is a
majoi flaw in the liteiatuie. Biveisity among stuuents can stem fiom iuiosynciatic chaiacteiistics oi
ways of inteipieting theii situation (Ackei, Tiansken, Bill, anu Black, 1994). It can also stem fiom
what I will call "iegistiation status"÷essentially whethei they aie full- oi -7u- pait-time stuuents. It
can stem fiom a myiiau of othei featuies of people's lives ielateu to the opeiation of genuei, iace,
class, age, anu othei attiibutes.
Below I expanu fiist on the impoitance of iegistiation status, mainly as it emeigeu in the Biitish
ieseaich pioject but with some suppoit fiom the Canauian focus gioup uiscussion. Then I look at
some of the complications that emeige when we take into account ielations of genuei anu othei
positions anu iesouices. In the piocess, we will see that "powei" no longei seems simply vesteu in
In the Biitish ieseaich, what stoou out in shaping stuuent peispectives, iathei to oui suipiise, was
whethei the stuuent was iegisteieu full-time oi pait-time, anu if the lattei, on what basis (Bill, Ackei,
anu Black 1994). Pait-time stuuents might be eithei "uetacheu"÷ usually woiking full-time outsiue
the univeisity anu whose contacts apait fiom the supeivisoi weie minimal÷oi "semi-uetacheu"÷in
the univeisity woiking full time, usually on a faculty membei's ieseaich pioject, anu simultaneously
iegisteieu as a pait-time stuuent.
0f couise the vaiiables weie not inuepenuent; foi example, fulltime stuuents weie moie likely than
the otheis to be young, in psychology iathei than euucation, anu to have funuing foi theii stuuies.
But theie was fai fiom a peifect coiiesponuence between iegistiation status anu othei
chaiacteiistics. The impoitance of iegistiation status was that it stoou as a iepiesentation of wheie
the stuuent was locateu vis-à-vis the acauemic woilu. It stiongly shapeu expectations foi supeivision
anu how stuuents copeu with inuiffeient supeivision if they encounteieu it. Full-time anu pait-time
"semi-uetacheu" stuuents weie moie likely to voice uissatisfaction than pait-time stuuents, even
though pait-time stuuents got little by way of mateiial benefits fiom the univeisity (they weie iaiely
given uesks, lockeis, oi access to othei facilities; they knew few othei stuuents oi faculty membeis).
Betacheu stuuents usually hau othei souices of self-esteem anu suppoit, howevei, anu they weie not
so uepenuent on supeivisois anu the giauuate stuuent expeiience foi valiuation. Some who weie
making little piogiess blameu themselves oi stiesseu how little the uegiee matteieu as they weie so
enjoying theii ieseaich expeiience. Full-time stuuents complaineu moie about not getting sufficient
supeivisoi time anu they often hau financial woiiies. Semi-uetacheu stuuents weie chaiacteiizeu by
theii maiginality in both the stuuent woilu anu the faculty one. -71-
Theii piogiess on uisseitations was impeueu by theii woik iesponsibilities; yet they weie not
accepteu as equals to faculty membeis anu many expiesseu uiscontent with theii ambiguous
I hau not expecteu similai issues to aiise in the Canauian focus gioup. Neveitheless, theie weie
paiallels. Some stuuents in the focus gioup talkeu about how uifficult it was foi them to finu a
supeivisoi oi know the iopes when they liveu at a uistance oi coulu not "be aiounu" foi othei
ieasons. 0ne stuuent commenteu:
When I look back theie was a ieal uifficulty, anu I think it's common to stuuents that uo theii
woik heie on a pait-time basis, anu that is that theie isn't a ielationship builuing among
stuuents anu among faculty. So you uon't know faculty that well anu they uon't know you
that well in teims of ueveloping bonus anu knowing wheie youi uiffeient inteiests anu
faculty inteiests aie.
Anothei stuuent explaineu that because she liveu in anothei piovince, she took couises foi two
consecutive summeis befoie she was able to uo hei iesiuence yeai. She stiesseu how uifficult it was
to meet people anu "it's ieally just by luck that you happen to encountei a couise wheie people aie
instiumental in fuitheiing you along youi way." She went on to say:
The pioblem when you come as a summei stuuent is that often the auvisoi that you have
been assigneu isn't theie in the summei. That was the case with me. I came foi two summeis,
but my auvisoi was nevei piesent in the summei. Anu he uoesn't answei E-mails, so when I
E-maileu him fiom |hei homej I nevei got any iesponse. So I just saiu well, maybe he's not
inteiesteu. I founu out subsequently that he just is not a goou E-mailei, he uoesn't like to
A thiiu stuuent auueu to the conveisation:
I think we unueivalue the |effects ofj being outsiue, like living in |subuibj, foi othei people
too who aie outsiue of |the city wheie the univeisity isj, you can't unueiestimate the value of
just being on the piemises, being seen, being able to be on these committees anu whatevei
else, anu getting to know people not just thiough couises but thiough a numbei of things. -
This uiscussion suggests piessing questions about wheie stuuents anu supeivisois aie locateu on
vaiious uimensions. The liteiatuie on giauuate stuuent supeivision has been iemiss in looking at
iace, class, anu age, foi example, anu almost as unlikely to notice whethei stuuents aie fully engageu
in theii stuuy oi aie pait of what Leonaiu Baiiu (199u) calls "the foigotten minoiity," those who aie
stuuying pait time. In wiitings by black feminists, theie aie ceitainly inuications that they suiviveu
giauuate school uespite, iathei than because of, the iesponse they founu theie (Banneiji 1991; Caity
1991; hooks 1988; see also Naigolis anu Romeio 1998). A stuuy of a laige 0.S. Niuwestein
univeisity concluueu that minoiity women hau fewei piofessional socialization expeiiences than
majoiity women; that is, they weie less likely to iepoit being mentoieu, holuing ieseaich anu
teaching assistantships, coauthoiing papeis with faculty oi being intiouuceu to wiuei acauemic
netwoiks by the faculty (Tuinei anu Thompson 199S; see also Naigolis anu Romeio, chaptei five). In
theii stuuy of twenty-six women stuuents of coloi in Ameiican giauuate sociology uepaitments, Eiic
Naigolis anu Naiy Romeio (1998) go fuithei in concluuing that not only aie the women
uisauvantageu by a socialization piocess baseu on a white, male mouel, but the entiie piocess
confiims anu iepiouuces social uiffeiences in the acauemy baseu on genuei anu iace.
An Ameiican stuuy of giauuate stuuents in engineeiing, histoiy, anu economics founu that stuuents
fiom the 0niteu States, with theii moie fluent English, weie moie likely than inteinational stuuents
to be teaching assistants, which gave them helpful expeiience foi the futuie as well as office space
(Fiieuman 1987). In engineeiing uepaitments, ieseaich associateships weie moie likely to go to the
stuuents fiom abioau, but auvantages weie not always appaient because they woikeu in gioups
wheie the piofessois uiu not give much inuiviuual assistance. Ameiican stuuents hau moie outsiue
souices of suppoit anu weie bettei integiateu with stuuent peeis. Nathalie Fiieuman's (1987) stuuy
as well as }oanna Channell's (199u) ieseaich in Biitain founu that faculty saw inteinational stuuents
as highly pioblematic, mainly because theii gieatei neeus anu expectations foi close supeivision
iesulteu in extia woik foi the supeivisoi. Similai sentiments weie expiesseu in oui Biitish
supeivision pioject inteiviews. Tanya Asplanu anu Thomas 0'Bonoghue's (1994) inteiviews with
five inteinational -7S- stuuents in Austialia founu that these stuuents weie uisappointeu anu
uisillusioneu about what they saw as inauequate supeivision. These stuuents paiu much highei fees
than othei stuuents anu some believeu they weie not getting "value foi the money." Piejuuices anu
ueeply embeuueu cultuial assumptions helu by supeivisois about "Asian women" also enteieu into
the ielationships (Asplanu 1999).
Age anu class featuie less often in the liteiatuie. Because many of the stuuents inteivieweu in the
Biitish stuuy weie oluei÷foi example, foimei oi cuiient school teacheis stuuying foi a highei
uegiee÷they weie awaie that acauemic caieeis might not be open to them, even when they uesiieu
them. It was cuiious to finu inuiviuuals in theii foities iefei to themselves as "geiiatiic" oi "olusteis"
(Ackei, Tiansken, Bill, anu Black, 1994). Nost, although not all, of the inteiviewees who maue such
iefeiences weie women, piobably ieflecting the ueeply iooteu combination of sexism anu ageism
that flouiishes in the acauemy as well as elsewheie (Caipentei 1996).
Tensions baseu on ethnicity oi social class seem even moie iaiely exploieu. }osephine Nazzuca
(2uuu) iepoits on the complex stiategies employeu by Italian-Canauian women giauuate stuuents to
negotiate (anu often segiegate) theii family anu stuuent lives. Nost iaiely spoke about theii families
to theii stuuent peeis. They also founu the inuiviuualism anu competitiveness of giauuate school at
ouus with the collective ethos encouiageu in theii communities. Similaily, stuuents who hail fiom
less auvantageu backgiounus may uownplay theii oiigins in oiuei to pass as pait of the elite in the
acauemy (hooks 1988; Smith 199S). Patiicia Claik Smith (199S, 1S2, italics in the oiiginal) iefeis to
looking aiounu suiieptitiously at acauemic functions wonueiing: O@!3S' !)-) <!3 <"'*S% #3-*
A*3<$*7 !3< %3 (3 %!$'TP
In the supeivision ieseaich in Biitain, a male psychology stuuent in his late fifties explaineu why he
uiu not want to join the acauemic woilu: "I've nevei been inteiesteu in acauemia as such because
acauemia smacks, to me, of a club, it's a bloouy club. When I went uown to that confeience it was a
miuule-class club . . . with eveiybouy telling eveiybouy else how wonueiful they weie. That's not foi
me." A woman psychology stuuent tiansfeiieu to a uiffeient supeivisoi aftei iepeateu conflicts with
the fiist one. She iesenteu the way he hau alteieu hei topic, his high-hanueu mannei, anu his
inclination to take iathei than give, uespite his "biilliant minu." She uislikeu his giving hei oiueis:
"uo anu ieau this, uo that, uo the othei," because "you -74- just felt like you weie soit of like an office
giil." She auueu: "Anu, you know, I'm a soit of woiking-class giil anu he's this soit of like piivate
school, you know, type lau, anu uo you know what I mean, he's just much moie aiticulate than I am."
In contiast, anothei woman stuuent got along well with the same faculty membei, with whom she
shaieu leisuie inteiests as well as a similai class backgiounu: "We uo most of the time get on. Be's
young foi a supeivisoi anu he still has an inteiest in spoit anu things so we can talk about a lot of
issues. It's veiy ielaxeu most of the time."
In the Canauian focus gioup, one of the stuuents iaiseu questions of class anu ethnicity:
I know it's impoitant, the peisonal, but a lot of oui behavioi is also influenceu by oui ethnicity, oui
class position. Anu if most of the faculty aie fiom, say, miuule class, can theie be tension because of
the uiffeient social stiuctuies that we come fiom. 0i uo we go back to the iuea that maybe it's a iite
of passage anu whatevei class we'ie fiom we have to leain soit of miuule-class kinu of behavioi in
oiuei to get the supeivisoi anu the committee membeis.
Anothei stuuent took up hei point:
I think it's tiue that it makes a uiffeience foi me, coming fiom a ceitain ethnic backgiounu, a
woiking-class backgiounu, but especially aiounu the ethnicity, wheie family is ieally cential.
So that I might in a conveisation mention something about that anu iight away feel like, "0h,
why uiu I uo that."
She tolu an anecuote about a gioup of stuuents being inviteu by a faculty membei into his home anu
how comfoitable she felt because although the specific ethnic backgiounu was uiffeient, it was also
one "wheie family anu community |aiej ieally impoitant." This faculty membei "has got his mothei
living theie anu two sisteis anu a biothei, anu it ieally is valiuating foi me. Be's okay with it. . . . It is
0f couise, it is uifficult to tease out inuiviuual chaiacteiistics that put a stuuent at ease oi otheiwise
with auvisois. We can suimise that a combination of chaiacteiistics÷class, age, genuei anu otheis÷
woik to piouuce comfoit oi uiffiuence. I have not exhausteu the list of possibilities. Foi example, I
have not uiscusseu stuuents who aie gay oi -7S- lesbian, who aie uisableu, oi who aie single paients,
all gioups who may feel uncomfoitable in ceitain supeivisoiy ielationships. Noi have I saiu much
about the chaiacteiistics of auvisois. Theie is some wiiting that points to uifficulties that faculty
fiom minoiity ethnic backgiounus have with stuuents who uo not iecognize theii authoiity in the
classioom anu about the ways in which they aie silenceu in the acauemy (e.g., Banneiji 199S;
Kaiamcheti 199S; Ng 199S). Ninoiity faculty aie also oveiwoikeu by effoits to mentoi minoiity
stuuents (Tieiney anu Bensimon 1996). Powei ielations aie not simply questions of O/) 1",&.%45 43&
'%&()*%HP uiant anu uiaham (1994) suggest we use a Foucauluian view of powei insteau. Stuuents
anu faculty aie inseiteu into vaiious uiscouises of the acauemy anu of social life moie geneially (as
we have seen most viviuly with the stoiy of }ohn anu Catheiine) anu thus the "iule of supeivisoiy
powei is neithei complete, noi is it unmeuiateu by the stuuents: both the stuuent anu the supeivisoi
aie acting subjects who may act on the actions of the othei" (uiant anu uiaham 1994, 168).
0ne theme in this chaptei has been that the giauuate stuuent expeiience is fai fiom homogenous. I
have given examples that focus on the paiticulai chaiacteiistics of the stuuent anu the auvisoi anu
the negotiation that takes place thioughout the ielationship. Theie is much moie that coulu be saiu
about the context in which those activities take place, which woulu involve fuithei stuuy of the
impact of uepaitmental cultuie, uisciplinaiy conventions, institutional type anu location, goveinment
ieseaich policy, anu the state of the economy anu the acauemic laboi maiket. Enough has been saiu
to show that the ielationship at the coie of piouucing a uoctoial uisseitation, that between stuuent
anu auvisoi, incluues aspects of both powei anu peuagogy anu cannot be maue entiiely pieuictable
oi homogenizeu. Stuuents anu auvisois shoulu unueistanu that they may opeiate fiom veiy uiffeient
peispectives that aie iooteu in theii stiuctuial location within the acauemy. Noieovei, these
peispectives aie fuithei influenceu, although by no means in simple fashion, by attiibutes such as
genuei anu class oiigin. The auvisoiy piocess is ceitainly impoitant to the piouuction of the
successful giauuate stuuent÷but it iemains elusive, mysteiious, anu ambiguous, well below the tip
of the hiuuen cuiiiculum icebeig. -76-
If being a giauuate stuuent involves extensive leaining of noims anu piactices that aie iaiely
explicitly shaieu, we may ask why the piocess is so mystifieu: What puipose uoes it seive. 0n the
whole, I agiee with Naigolis anu Romeio (chaptei five) that the piocess is one that ieplicates some
of the moie conseivative aspects of acauemic life. A peipetual insecuiity, a willingness to please even
thiough abasement ("giovelling"), anu a sense of one's own inauequacies pioviue a motoi that uiives
the junioi untenuieu acauemic, especially in ieseaich-baseu univeisities, to shape his oi hei woik
anu peisonality to match the uominant ethic in the institution. Acauemics who iock the boat iisk a
painful immeision in chilly wateis (Ackei anu Webbei, 2uuu). In contiast, those who can make the
habitus theii own aie moie likely to enjoy theii lives in acaueme. The hiuuen cuiiiculum in giauuate
school is goou piepaiation foi the hiuuen cuiiiculum of pietenuie acauemic life. By the time secuiity
is achieveu, any uige to uefy convention has piobably gone unueigiounu. Foi its faculty, as foi its
stuuents, univeisity life iemains a miciocosm of a class-, genuei-, anu iace-stiatifieu society.
1. In this chaptei, I use "auvising" foi geneial points, but "supeivising" when iepoiting on the
ieseaich conuucteu in Biitain oi Canaua, wheie the lattei teim was the conventional one.
2 . "Stuuents anu Supeivisois: The Ambiguous Relationship. Peispectives on the Supeivisoiy
Piocess in Biitain anu Canaua." In 6&8)-F$'$3* 31 D3'%7-"(&"%) K)')"-,! $* =(&,"%$3*. K)F$)< 31
K)')"-,! $* =(&,"%$3* R3H U, euiteu by A. Bolbiook anu S. }ohnston. 7S-94. Colustieam, victoiia,
Austialia: Association foi Reseaich in Euucation.
S. The stuuy, conuucteu by Sanuia Ackei, Tim Bill, anu Euith Black, was a funueu, two- yeai
pioject involving qualitative inteiviews conuucteu in 199u anu 1991, piouucing usable
tiansciipts fiom sixty-seven stuuents, fifty-six supeivisois, anu fouiteen "otheis," such as heaus
of uepaitment oi auministiatois. Thiee uepaitments in each uiscipline paiticipateu. Foi moie
uetails, see Ackei, Bill, anu Black 1994a; Ackei, Tiansken, Bill, anu Black, 1994b; Bill, Ackei anu
4. L)*%3-$*7 is moie fully investigateu in chaptei five by Naigolis anu Romeio who examine the
expeiiences of women of coloi in 0.S. sociology giauuate piogiams.
^ ) 5-> @I$ -X&E$ &>L :A%$>$CC RRR< - !7< =,$*7."$% >)$/*"7$; "$ *+, !"##,$ -).."/)0)1
Eiic Naigolis anu Naiy Romeio
Nentoiing has tiauitionally been an impoitant appientice mouel ueteimining the auvancement anu
success of giauuate stuuents. 0nlike the moie specific iole of uisseitation auvisoi uiscusseu in the
pievious chaptei, embeuueu in the concept "mentoi" aie a numbei of inteipeisonal ielations. Two
uecaues ago, Levinson, Baiiow, Klein, Levinson, anu NcKee summaiizeu the mentoi's uiffuse ioles:
- 9 %)",!)-, by enhancing an inuiviuual's skills anu intellectual uevelopment;
- 9 '83*'3-, by using influence to facilitate an inuiviuual's entiy anu auvancement;
- 9 !3'% "*( 7&$(), by welcoming the inuiviuual into a new occupational anu social woilu anu
acquainting the inuiviuual with its values, customs, iesouices, anu iole playeis;
- 9* ):)/8."-, by pioviuing iole moueling behavioi. (Levinson etal. 1978 citeu in Luna anu
Cullen 1996, 4)
Noie iecently, mentoiing has come to be seen as a panacea: empoweiing faculty, ietaining stuuents,
impioving cuiiiculum anu the quality of highei euucation, anu offeiing paiticulai benefits to
minoiity stuuents anu women (}ohnson 1989; Renuon anu }ustiz 1989; Pounus 1989; Renuon 1992;
Luna anu Cullen 1996; Faison 1996). A few scholais have appioacheu the topic ciitically, waining of
potential uiawbacks to the mentoiing ielationship: it may be oveily piotective, stifling, egocentiic,
exploitative of the piotégé (Levinson et al. 1996; -79- Fuiy 1979); may limit the piotégé to a single
ielationship (Fuiy 1979); anu may benefit the mentoi moie than the piotégé (Rawles 198u;
Ncuinnis anu Long 198u citeu in Niiiiam 198S, 17u). Bespite the notice of possible uiawbacks, most
wiiteis pioceeu fiom the peispective of the institutions of highei euucation to emphasize ways that
mentoiing helps stuuents (Luna anu Cullen 1996). Bowevei, mentoiing as an institutional piactice
has iaiely been examineu stiuctuially oi analyzeu ciitically.
Blinuness to stiuctuial significance anu the stuuent's peispective extenus to the peculiai homage
paiu in the liteiatuie to the etymology of the woiu /)*%3-H The woiu /)*%3- has come to mean a
tiusteu guiue anu auvisoi to the young. Attention has been given to the psychosocial aspects anu
ways that mentoiing involves the "whole peison" (cf. Eiickson 196S; Levinson et al. 1978). Almost
eveiy wiitei on the issue comments on the oiigin of the woiu in Bomei's V(4'')4 (Luna anu Cullen
1996; }ohnson 1989; Knox anu Ncuovein 1988). In that epic, the gouuess Athena uisguiseu heiself as
"Nentoi," a nobleman fiom Ithaca, to act as guiue anu auvisoi to 0uysseus's young son while
0uysseus was away; howevei:
To him, on uepaiting with his ships, 0uysseus hau given all his house in chaige, that it shoulu
obey the olu man anu that he shoulu keep all things safe. (Bomei, V(4'')4, Book 2, line 22S)
No authois giaspeu the uual natuie in Bomei's uesciiption of mentoi: to be counseloi; to take chaige
of the householu whose uuty it was to obey "the olu man." In fact, fifteen uefinitions of "mentoiing"
culleu fiom the liteiatuie of highei euucation, business, anu uevelopmental psychology by }acobi
(1991) uo not mention the functions foi the institution. Bowevei, as we shall uemonstiate,
mentoiing is all about the maintenance anu iepiouuction of existing hieiaichy anu the status quo;
the piimaiy beneficiaiy is the institution. Nentois aie fiist anu foiemost agents of socialization; it is
this iepiouuctive aspect of mentoiing, essential to the activity, that is ignoieu by most wiiteis on
Pioceeuing fiom }anet Egan's (1989, 2uu) assessment of giauuate school as a socialization piocess,
we examineu the stiuctuial consequences of mentoiing in giauuate school. Insteau of beginning with
institutional conceins like matiiculation, supeivision, anu account- -8u- ability, we auopteu the
peispective of those being "socializeu"÷the women of coloi giauuate stuuents that we inteivieweu.
The piesent analysis focuses on the stiuctuial aspects of mentoiing as an essential element of the
legitimation anu iepiouuction of acauemia.
The ieseaich iepoiteu on heie is baseu on open-enueu inteiviews with twenty-six women of coloi
giauuate stuuents in sociology. The uetails of the sampling pioceuuie anu methous aie uiscusseu in
Romeio anu Naigolis (1998) (see also Romeio anu Stoiis 1994; Naigolis anu Romeio 1999; anu
Naigolis anu Romeio 2uuu). In-uepth, open-enueu, tape-iecoiueu telephone inteiviews iangeu
wiuely to exploie the foimal anu infoimal social stiuctuies of giauuate piogiams. Inteiviews
incluueu uiscussions of financial anu mentoiing suppoit; ielationships between faculty anu giauuate
stuuents; ieseaich, publishing, anu teaching oppoitunities anu expeiiences; anu factois that
influenceu uecisions to select piogiams anu shape caieei plans. We askeu open-enueu questions
about mentoiing expeiiences, incluuing questions about the subject anu about theii peiceptions of
the expeiiences of othei stuuents in theii piogiam÷a piocess that left the women fiee to uefine
mentoiing as they saw it.
If theie is a mastei naiiative in giauuate school it is the iepiouuction of acauemia itself with its ivoiy
towei, valoiization of theoietical knowleuge, uisciplinaiy stiuctuies, emphasis on uiscouise anu
methou, anu hieiaichies of knowleuge anu iank. Nentoiing uesciibes the piocess wheieby people of
powei embeuueu in the system peisonally select anu gioom theii successois÷successois who will
in theii tuin safeguaiu the noble house.
Fiom this peispective, the mentoiing function is peihaps
the most singly impoitant element of the hiuuen cuiiiculum in highei euucation. Bighlighting the
uifficulties in mentoiing ielationships anu the expeiiences of women of coloi sheus light on the
inteipeisonal uynamics anu institutional stiuctuies that woik against the stuuents who aie uiffeient
fiom the faculty in the uepaitment in some key chaiacteiistics. As Niiiiam (198S, 167) noteu in hei
ieview of the mentoiing liteiatuie, "successful but unmentoieu men anu women aie laigely ignoieu
in these stuuies as aie othei possible explanations foi success." This chaptei is an investigation of the
iole of conflict anu uissent in the socialization of giauuate stuuents, specifically the impoitance of
opposition anu iesistance in intellectual uevelopment. It concluues with an examination of
alteinative noims anu values cultivateu thiough conflict anu uissent. -81-
-73.,#.,J27*: 6P7*;-8J *76 -7J3-393-27*: J3,9839,.J
Bespite attempts to institutionalize mentoiing piogiams (Luna anu Cullen 1996), mentoiing iemains
outsiue the institutional iules anu it is iaiely pait of faculty accountability. No faculty can be foiceu
to mentoi a paiticulai stuuent, oi to mentoi them well. Nentoiing is not enfoiceable anu cannot
easily be monitoieu, anu neithei stuuent noi faculty can be helu accountable foi mentoiing oi not
mentoiing. The tiuth of this is captuieu in one stuuent's obseivation: "It's just that theie aie stuuents
that piofessois woulu iathei woik with, iathei help, iathei make commitments towaiu anu so foith."
The piesumption of choice anu assoitative mixing between mentois anu stuuents makes it look like a
faii anu equitable piocess; but theie will nevei be a mentoi foi eveiy stuuent. Because pait of the
game of miiiois that is mentoiing is foi the mentoi to shine by ieflection, many tenu to avoiu the
uifficult stuuents anu select stuuents who aie alieauy ieflections of themselves (Roth 19SS; Plutzei
1991). Two points that captuie the essential basis foi mentoiing come fiom an inteiview with a veiy
peiceptive Afiican Ameiican woman completing hei uisseitation at a piivate eastein univeisity:
I think they uisciiminate on the basis of class, one, anu the seconu thing is inteiest. Ny peispective is
so uiffeient fiom theiis that they know that we uon't shaie enough in common to have a goou soliu
woiking ielationship with one anothei. It's just my bias is not the same as theii bias. I think the
institution oi the people who iepiesent the institution iesponu to you anu make oppoitunities foi
you if they think that you'ie going to use them anu make them look goou.
Fiom the peispective of the institution the mentoi contiols the gates to social iepiouuction. The
explicitly peisonal natuie of the ielationship between mentoi anu stuuent means that heie the
acauemic system woiks outsiue the foimal cuiiiculum anu without iegaiu to objective
measuiements like giaues anu test scoies, oi the laws anu iules goveining affiimative action anu
civil iights. Chailes Lawience anu Naii Natsuua (1997, 1uu-1) ieminu us of the pitfalls of the
subjectivity anu peisonalism that aie the hallmaiks of the mentoiing ielation: -82-
|Sjubjective evaluation invites piejuuice. At one law fiim, the evaluation sheet foi associates
askeu: "is this oui kinu of peison." When insiueis look foi someone who "seems like the type
of peison who uoes well heie," they tenu to look foi someone like themselves, missing the
valuable talents of people who aie uiffeient.
Noieovei, uecisions not to mentoi aie an essential way that the system piouuces loseis. Thus, as in
the law fiim uiscusseu by Lawience anu Natsuua, this is wheie the hiuuen cuiiicula of acauemic
institutions incoipoiate subjective juugments in a poweiful way. The ieal conflict in finuing a
common giounu foi potential mentoi anu piotégé lies in value uiffeiences anu commitment to the
institutional stiuctuie÷acauemia, the uiscipline, the giauuate piogiam.
Five of the women that we inteivieweu uesciibeu mentoiing ielations that they hau with uepaitment
faculty anu each fit a tiauitional acauemic mouel. The stuuents weie single, young, anu eniolleu full-
time, anu embiaceu the caieei goal of a tenuieu acauemic position in a univeisity sociology
The majoiity of the women that we inteivieweu uiu not fit this mouel anu weie not
mentoieu by faculty. Some weie inteinational stuuents. 0theis weie oluei, hau establisheu caieeis
inotheisettings,anuappioacheugiauuateeuucationwithauiffeientset of expectations. These oluei
women of coloi weie fiequently fiom bluecollai, woiking-class backgiounus: they hau uiffeient sets
of life expeiiences; they hau helu full-time jobs foi long peiious of time; been maiiieu (anu often
uivoiceu); hau chiluien anu iaiseu families; anu a few hau seiveu in the aimeu foices. Inteiviewing
nontiauitional stuuents gives us ausefulwinuowonstuuent-facultyielationsinhigheieuucation.
The unmentoieu stuuents in oui stuuy weie keenly awaie that they violateu many of the
expectations helu by faculty; they attiibuteu this violation to theii failuie to attiact mentois. A Latina
fiom a woikingclass backgiounu blameu hei lack of a mentoi on hei own failuie to unueistanu the
No one in my family has evei been to college. I uiun't unueistanu what giauuate school was about. In
a lot of ways I uiun't unueistanu that one has to kinu of affiliate oneself to a piofessoi anu establish a
ielationship |becausej that piofessoi is in tuin iesponsible foi getting financial suppoit foi the
stuuent oi foi auvising the stuuent to uo this, that oi the othei thing. -8S-
0npiepaieu to seek a mentoi, this Latina stuuent uiu not position heiself to be uiawn into a
mentoiing ielationship. 0nfamiliaiity with the impoitance of mentoiing anu how the ielationship
opeiates in highei euucation may iesult in stuuents missing oppoitunities.
Bowevei, not having a mentoi may also be a piouuct of not neeuing one. When we askeu if she hau a
mentoi, one Afiican Ameiican woman explaineu:
No. Piobably because I uiun't know that I neeueu one. I've been a 4.u stuuent thioughout
school. Anu I just uiun't think I neeueu one. I'm suie that if I wanteu one I coulu get one. We
have a mentoi piogiam at the univeisity.... You must iemembei, now, I'm a veiy matuie
stuuent. I woikeu thiity-foui yeais befoie I evei went to school; anu so what they woulu
offei me might not be what I coulu use.
Some of the non-tiauitional stuuents aie alieauy in acauemic caieeis that aie peiceiveu as having
low status by giauuate faculty in the ieseaich-oiienteu institutions, namely those in positions at
univeisities oi community colleges. A Native Ameiican stuuent who nevei hau a mentoi founu the
hieiaichy stifling but peiseveieu in oiuei to acquiie knowleuge to help hei in hei job:
I think the fact that I'm a little bit oluei, I'm not a young giauuate stuuent. Bau I been
youngei, I woulu've uioppeu out. I woulu've uefinitely left if I hau been in my twenties. But
luckily I was in my thiities when I got into the piogiam. I was alieauy teaching at a college. I
hau tenuie at anothei college.
It was typical that these women came to school with a well-uevelopeu ieseaich agenua:
Ny uisseitation topic is something that I've been thinking about fiom uay one. Anu a lot of
the woik that I've uone foi vaiious classes, whenevei I've been able to, ielateu it to my
uisseitation topic oi some foim of it. I have been collecting mateiials anu talking to people
anu thinking about it foi a long time.
I staiteu thinking, I shoulu be able to uo what I want to uo. I'm a giown-up. I'm foity some yeais olu.
If I want to wiite a uisseitation -84- about |Xj, then by uou, I shoulu be able to uo that. Anu so that's
what I ueciueu I was going uo.
These women iecognizeu that mentois uo not seive eveiyone anu that the faculty uecision to mentoi
oi not was giounueu in faculty anu stuuent chaiacteiistics, incluuing: age, iace, class, genuei, ability,
anu sexual piefeience as well as political anu peisonality issues. An Afiican Ameiican woman
completing hei uisseitation at an east coast univeisity maue the link between mentoiing anu
iepiouucing the status quo:
Nentoiing ielationships in this uepaitment. Yes. It actually uoes occui. Theie's this one
piofessoi who basically is one of the olu guaiu who uoesn't evei want to change his iacist
attituues oi his attituues about smoking in the classioom. Be basically opeiates on this olu
system of you know one piofessoi, one stuuent. Be has a lot of stuuents that woik with him
but yeah I mean it's ieally kinu of the olu fashioneu way. You basically uevelop a woiking
ielationship with this peison anu you'ie his piotégé in a way. So all his stuuents actually
have this kinu of ielationship with him anu he's piouucing somebouy who's gonna be like
This stuuent's assessment of the mentoiing ielationship biought to light the inequities of mentoiing
ielationships that weie not offeieu to eveiyone, oi opeiateu to iepiouuce the olu uiscipline anu its
827/:-83V 2##2J-3-27V *76 34. /9783-27 2/ ;.732,-7N
Nuch of the liteiatuie on mentoiing eithei ignoies conflict anu uissent oi implicitly assumes a
teaching-centeieu mouel of leaining. In boiiowing concepts fiom business mouels, uiscussions of
mentoiing fail to examine what must be coie issues in acauemia: stuuent agency, the uevelopment of
intellect, anu the connection to the gieat chain of cultuial symbols that is scholaiship. Nentoiing
iepiouuces specific mouels of acauemic enueavoi, but conflict anu opposition aie essential to the
uevelopment of new foims of thought anu paiauigms. In the piocess of intellectual stiuggle,
mentoiing has at best a suspect iole. Scholaiship is -8S- not all about getting thiough giauuate school
oi getting an acauemic job. Noieovei, as Petei NcLaien anu Beniy uiioux (1994, 26) noteu in a
uiffeient context: "Nental uevelopment can take place unuei both favoiable anu unfavoiable
conuitions. . . . people uevelop cognitively often uuiing attempts to iesist÷to oveicome
uisauvantageous ciicumstances." This was cleaily eviuent in one woman's statement:
The thing that I got out of Yale was my stiuggle against the institution, my stiuggle against how
sociology was taught theie anu I think I leaineu a lot about being ciitical by stiuggling against what I
thought was inequitable in the uepaitment.
The situation faceu by women of coloi giauuate stuuents makes an impoitant example because it
involveu not simply integiating into acauemia, but changing acauemic theoiies, piactices, anu
institutions in piofounu ways that the institutions anu institutional powei stiuctuies piohibiteu anu
sought to pievent. The acauemic caieeis of these women weie pait of inteisecting anu not always
congiuent piojects stemming fiom the social movements of civil iights, feminism, anu the gay
movement, anu fiom insuigent theoietical peispectives like Naixism, postmoueinism,
multicultuialism, ciitical peuagogy, anu ciitical iace theoiy. The women that we inteivieweu enteieu
the acauemic woilu at a paiticulai histoiic moment in the late 198us anu eaily '9us. Theii piesence, a
piouuct of couit oiueis anu affiimative action piogiams as well as the encouiagement of the
pieceuing geneiations of acauemics of coloi, was pait of an opening weuge that began cleaving
acauemia in the 196us anu is not uone yet. Anu the incieasing piesence of such non-tiauitional
stuuents in giauuate school poitenueu auuitional change in sociology.
In the uiscussions that follow, we tuin to an analysis of iesistance anu opposition to the hieiaichical
iegimes of giauuate school that incluue the status of iank anu uiscipline; patiiaichy; anu iacial,
ethnic, anu national suboiuination.
In oui stuuy, -)'$'%"*,) seems to fall into the categoiy of feelings that "I uon't want to giow up to be
like you." An Afiican Ameiican woman in an Ivy League univeisity gave this ieaction to one of the
membeis of hei committee: -86-
I always felt veiy suspicious of his suppoit because some of it came unpiompteu anu hau a
weiiu iing to it. Anu as it tuins out, I sat in on his class anu he anu I hau a big falling out,
basically because we funuamentally uisagieeu on a lot of things anu he finally was able to
say, "look, I'm neoconseivative." Anu that uiun't come out until I took his couise, so I felt like
he was soit of uoing a goou ueeu, you know, by encouiaging me. Anu the pioblem with that
is I uiun't ieally feel like he honestly iespecteu my woik. I felt like he was, you know, "this is
my civic uuty to suppoit this minoiity giauuate stuuent." Anu I finu that pietty insulting.
An A.B.B. Asian Ameiican giauuate stuuent in an Ivy League univeisity was fiom time to time inviteu
to luncheons wheie faculty mentois anu theii chosen stuuents inteiacteu. She iecalleu these
ielationships with scoin:
The foui othei male stuuents, it was like, you know, when we hau these lunches, it was theii
oppoitunity to shine foi the piofessoi anu they weie extiemely competitive. You know, they
weie extiemely aiiogant. I also got a sense of how they tieateu theii stuuents, you know, so
it was all veiy, soit of, authoiitaiian anu, you know, this is an oppoitunity to impiess the
The peisonalizeu powei ielationship of mentoi-piotégé may be paiticulaily unacceptable to non-
tiauitional stuuents÷incluuing those who aie woiking-class, people of coloi, women, anu oluei
stuuents. Foi some stuuents such closeness iepiesents illegitimate authoiity, an unwelcome anu
conuescenuing paiental figuie, a sexual thieat, oi a huiule to be oveicome oi ciicumventeu. An oluei
Afiican Ameiican woman giauuate stuuent obseiveu:
I like to keep uistance in those ielationships. I uon't want to auu too much peisonality into it.
Because sometimes people can get into aiguments on a peisonal level that they woulun't get
involveu with on an acauemic oi piofessional level. Anu I've seen that. I've alieauy seen a
couple of my female cohoits get into this kinu of fathei-uaughtei thing, anu it might be moie
uifficult.... But I ieally uon't want to get involveu in that uynamic. I have a fathei anu I have
enough with the one that I have. -87-
Thiee of the stuuents we inteivieweu÷an Asian Ameiican, an Afiican Ameiican, anu a Native
Ameiican÷iejecteu the tiauitional taken-foigianteu powei ielations of giauuate school. As one
I uiun't want to go get myself lockeu into place wheie they say come in, take sixteen couises,
we tell you what sixteen. Anu uo a thesis. We tell you what thesis, anu also you'ie gonna
woik on youi piofessoi's pioject while you'ie at it. I ieally iesenteu that.
In some cases iesistance was giounueu in a piofounu uislike of faculty: a uistiust of theii politics anu
a waiiness of peisonal ielations within oi acioss genuei, iacial, class, anu nationality lines. In othei
cases, the tiauitional acauemic iituals of suboiuination weie uenieu legitimacy.
As pait of the uevelopment of feminist anu nonwhite paiauigms foi sociology, women of coloi
giauuate stuuents anu faculty opposeu elements of the giauuate cuiiiculum anu the uiscipline itself.
A black woman spoke foi many of oui iesponuents when she ciiticizeu the abstiact theoietical thiust
of hei piogiam:
I mean they place a much highei value anu piemium on things that aie puiely theoietical
types of stuuies. Anu things like that than they uo things that I consiuei moie piactical anu
policy oiienteu. I think that the histoiical backgiounu of Black women÷that we aie
inteiesteu in things that we feel like can make a uiffeience in the ieal woilu.
A Native Ameiican woman's ciitique not only pointeu out the essentialist Euiocentiism of the
uiscipline but the peculiai foim of logocentiism embeuueu in the tyianny of piint meuia:
It was like saying that all the thinking in the woilu comes fiom Euiope. People in othei paits
of the woilu uon't have any iueas. Anu a lot of it has to uo with the fact that you'ie always in
competition with the wiitten woiu. Anu what's wiitten uown is uou. You know it's ieifieu in
papei so theiefoie how can you question this. -88-
The vast majoiity of the women that we inteivieweu uefineu themselves anu theii intellectual
caieeis in opposition to the uepaitment anu the types of knowleuge that weie being piivilegeu anu
They liveu theii giauuate school pioject in opposition to the uominant foims of
knowleuge anu to the existing hieiaichy. Each iuea put foith by theii piofessois coulu not be
accepteu at face value, but hau to be testeu against an iuentity uiffeient fiom "white sociology." They
hau to biing iace into the centei of sociological uiscouise even though it was nevei cential to the
Being in opposition uoes not simply mean confionting abstiact iueas; fiequently anu most
uncomfoitably it means confionting one's piofessois:
I have nevei tieateu these faculty membeis like they weie gous oi anything like that. Some
stuuents aie just teiiifieu of actually confionting them about what we uon't like about theii
woik, oi what we uon't unueistanu, oi what we think neeus to be uevelopeu moie fully, oi
what have you.
Foi these women, one pioblem with having a mentoi is becoming beholuen to that peison. At
national meetings, associations set up an employment seivice÷colloquially known as the meat
maiket. Fiequently one sees piotégés all uiesseu up anu tiailing behinu theii mentoi with iespectful
anu hopeful looks on theii faces. Among some of the women, making it without mentois oi assistance
became a point of piiue: "You know that on some level I uon't feel beholuen to them foi anything
because othei than aumitting me to the piogiam they haven't given me anything. So of couise I was
veiy outspoken about my expeiience." }oyce Launei set foith the challenge to futuie geneiations of
sociologists of coloi with hei 197S volume I!) W)"%! 31 @!$%) 63,$3.374H She began with the
following epigiam fiom Leione Bennett, I!) 2!"..)*7) 31 J.",A*)'' (1972,SS-S6),which saiu, in pait:
It is necessaiy foi us to uevelop a new fiame of iefeience which tianscenus the limits of
white concepts. It is necessaiy foi us to uevelop anu maintain a total intellectual offensive
against the false univeisality of white concepts, whethei they aie expiesseu by William
Styion oi Baniel Patiick Noynihan. -89-
Whethei the goal of killing white sociology is unueistoou in Kuhnian teims of scientific ievolutions,
oi as the oeuipus¡electia complex that iequiies killing the fathei¡mothei figuie, eaining theii
uoctoiates without help, oi in spite of the faculty, was an impoitant foim of opposition. In the
account below, this woman explains the iacial climate in acauemia that leu hei to wiite aiticles anu
senu them out to jouinals #)13-) showing them to hei piofessois:
If I faileu I wanteu it to be my failuie. Anu I was willing to accept that. Anu if I succeeueu at it, I
wanteu it to be my success because pait of what happens, being a minoiity stuuent, you spenu so
much time in anothei woilu÷you soit of stait questioning youi own intelligence. Anu you stait to
wonuei what iueas aie youis, anu what aie somebouy else's. Anu so I uiu not give it to anybouy to
look at. I sent it in anu you know I sent in my fiist two aiticles totally. 0nce they came back with the
acceptance anu I uiu the coiiections anu got them in, that's when my piofessois saw them foi the
These foims of oveit political opposition aie unavoiuable anu aie cleaily a boon to self-esteem but
have peisonal anu piofessional costs foi the stuuent. In one Native Ameiican stuuent's expeiience:
If you uon't jump in as a woman of coloi anu stait playing theii game anu tuining out white sociology
then it just takes you foievei. Anu then you get a ieally bau ieputation as well as a tioublemakei anu
Failuie to show uefeience anu a willingness to engage in political aiguments also contiibutes to the
inability of these stuuents to finu mentois among faculty who may finu this behavioi thieatening.
The following statements by two stuuents finishing theii uisseitations, one Asian Ameiican at a
southein univeisity anu one Latina at an eastein univeisity, uemonstiate this:
I am veiy vocal anu I am veiy political. So I hau pioblems fiist with my political beliefs. I'm
consiueieu what you can call piobably a piogiessive peison. Anu I face pioblems with piofessois
because of my political beliefs. Anu of couise that's ielateu to what I am. A Filipino woman. In one
paiticulai class, foi example, I hau to even to iewiite -9u- a papei because the piofessoi thought that
it was too Naixist oiienteu oi too, you know, "left" foi him.
Any type of ieseaich is a political option you uo anu uepenus on youi peispective.... What I'm tiying
to say is that they will be inteiesteu |in youi woikj as long as it expiesses theii own views, too. But as
long as it contiauicts what they stanu foi, they uon't suppoit it, noi uo they see it as valiu anu so
that's a political issue.
These patteins of opposition illustiate the extent to which non-tiauitional stuuents aie fai less
accepting of the powei uiffeientials of acauemia, incluuing the mentoi-piotégé ielationship. Some
women fiom communities of coloi oi woiking-class backgiounus may have cultuial beliefs anu
piactices antithetical to those piomulgateu in acauemia.
The iejection of mentoiing anu faculty guiuance is a complicateu issue because these inuepenuent
women weie simultaneously awaie that they weie missing impoitant elements of theii giauuate
euucation. An Afiican Ameiican woman attenuing a majoi Niuwest state univeisity explaineu that no
one infoimeu hei of funuing oppoitunities, taught hei how to wiite a pioposal, oi maue any
suggestions about how to get hei woik publisheu. She put it iuefully:
No, I've nevei ieally hau a mentoi. Anu I've ieally misseu that. You know theie aie some
stuuents who get the oppoitunity to woik on a publication oi ieseaich pioject with anothei
faculty membei. That hasn't happeneu to me. I'm not suie why that is. Pait of it may just be
that I'm not the kinu of peison that asks a lot of othei people. Naybe they |mentoieu
stuuentsj weie moie aggiessive oi moie asseitive oi something. I guess I feel a little
slighteu. Theie aie some stuuents that have that mentoi-stuuent ielationship anu I've nevei
manageu to have that at all. I've always felt like I was kinu of out theie on my own.
Eveiybouy's been peifectly nice anu helpful anu complimentaiy, but as fai as someone who
just ieally took me unuei theii wing, showeu me the iopes so to speak, oi that kinu of thing
|it uiun't occuij. I feel like it's been a ieal inuiviuual pioject foi me.
Resistance anu opposition is likely a situation to which one is conuemneu÷
castintobygenuei,cultuie,age,anuiace.Ceitain stuuents live theii giauuate caieei in iesistance oi
opposition because it is the only -91- choice in a system that was not maue foi them. Bonilla, Pickion,
anu Tatum (1994), in theii piofounuly oppositional essay on peei
mentoiingamonggiauuatestuuentsofcoloi,uiiectustowaiusomealteinatives to acauemic mentoiing
as usually piacticeu. These thiee giauuate stuuents in euucation woikeu togethei to shepheiu each
othei thiough the uisseitation piocess, anu in ieflecting on this expeiience uesciibe many of the
things that faculty mentois cannot pioviue. Like the stuuents we inteivieweu, they uesciibe feelings
of feai, fiustiation, angei, anu vulneiability anu the neeu to question acauemia itself. They
iecognizeu that "|tjhe majoi uiffeience lies in the powei anu status ielationship of the faculty-
stuuent ielationship veisus thee quality inheient in the peei mentoiing ielationship" (Bonilla,
Pickion, anu Tatum 1994, 112).
Similai alteinative suppoit netwoiks weie iepoiteu by numeious women we inteivieweu. 0ne of
oui inteiview subjects, an oluei Latina fiom Southein Califoinia, ieflecteu on a suppoit gioup she
tuineu to aftei being tolu by hei chaii that: "people like you uon't finish the piogiam. It's a waste foi
the univeisity anu foi you anu youi time. You shoulu go back to youi family anu just foiget about
I coulun't believe it. I was in shock. I iealizeu that, "wait a minute, you know, all these people,
the whole faculty aie my enemies. They aie not heie foi me oi in the same way that they aie
heie foi the youngei stuuents." But what I uiu insteau of going anu ciying on my own÷we
useu to have a women's gioup, suppoit gioup of women. It was mostly Anglo women, a lot of
lesbian women. Piobably theie was something that they coulu unueistanu because they
coulun't come out in that uepaitment, in that enviionment. They knew that they |facultyj
woulu punish them in the same way that they weie punishing me foi being Latina.
While it muuuies the conceptual wateis to call foimal anu infoimal oiganizations of giauuate
stuuents "mentois" oi "peei mentois," giauuate stuuent political oiganizations anu affinity gioups
aie essential both in aiuing giauuate stuuents anu in ieshaping acauemia to be moie inclusive anu
less hieiaichical. In oiganizing, stuuents can move fiom inuiviuual iesistance to the kinu of oiganizeu
opposition that piouuces change. At one univeisity, the concept has been institutionalizeu by
giauuate stuuents, as one of oui iesponuents iecalleu: -92-
We cieateu a position in the uepaitment foi a giauuate stuuent who is a mentoi to minoiity
giauuate stuuents anu he has been in the uepaitment foi the last two yeais. Anu that was
thanks to the piessuie we put on them |facultyj. The giauuate mentoi has to be a peison of
coloi because that peison is going to be sensitive anu is going to know how to ielate to his
own oi hei own expeiience, what these minoiity stuuents might face. We uon't want them
|new stuuentsj to go thiough the same things that we hau to face.
A Native Ameiican woman attiibuteu hei peisistence in the piogiam to a peei ielationship with
anothei Inuian giauuate stuuent:
I almost quit. 0ne time because I just got so feu up with just the whole system.... Theie weie
some othei people at the univeisity that weie fiienus of mine that I went to see. Anothei
Inuian giauuate stuuent who hau a ieally veiy similai expeiience in anothei uepaitment
who hau giauuateu hau always tolu me, "You'ie gonna uo it in spite of the univeisity." So it's
like being in a little÷you know metaphoiically÷it's like being in a wai.... That's soit of the
mentality that I took on. That I'm going to uo this anu I'm not going to let them soit of bieak
me oi I'm not going to give up.
Peei ielationships among stuuents with similai backgiounus anu political commitments confiim anu
enhance the women of coloi giauuate stuuents' iuentity as scholais, teacheis, anu ieseaicheis. These
ielationships cieate a cultuie of coopeiation iathei than competition anu may seive as the keinel of
change in the uiscipline anu acauemia.
Fiom the vantage of the stuuent theie aie a numbei of pioblems that cannot be auuiesseu by moie
effective mentoiing piogiams. The unciitical auvocacy of mentoiing piogiams uoes not iecognize
- Nentoiing has specific iepiouuction functions that may not benefit oi be appiopiiate foi some
- Nentoiing empoweis the institution anu the faculty at the expense of the stuuent anu uoes not
iecognize stuuent agency oi iesistance;
- Nentoiing is not a cuie foi stiuctuial iacism; -9S-
- Nentoiing offeis no meaningful way to change the system;
- Business mouels baseu on hieiaichy may not be appiopiiate foi acauemia wheie the life of the
minu uepenus on ciiticism, opposition, anu iesistance as much as on "leaining the iopes";
- Nentoiing functions as an inuiviuual path to upwaiu mobility. It is a uiffeient mouel fiom a
civil iights oi gioup conflict appioach of gioup ielations;
- Nentoiing assumes that stuuents anu faculty shaie common goals. Some faculty anu stuuents
ieject the hieiaichical position oi paiental affiiming anu enhancing iole.
Embeuueu in the constiuction of mentoiing aie two cential issues: (1) the function of mentoiing is a
uevice to iepiouuce existing systems anu institutions; anu (2) the failuie to iecognize that women
anu minoiity scholais piofounuly changes the cultuie of acauemia, foi they cannot simply be
socializeu into acauemics like theii white male pieuecessois. The movement of women, people of
coloi, anu gays has been an oppositional movement, not one of inclusion. This pioject is in opposition
to mentoiing to iepiouuce the institution. In I".A$*7 J",A, bell hooks (1989, S8-S9) analyzeu hei
giauuate school expeiience in English, similai in eveiy way to the accounts iepoiteu by the sociology
stuuents in oui stuuy:
Buiing giauuate school, white stuuents woulu tell me that it was impoitant not to question,
challenge, oi iesist. Theii toleiance level seemeu much highei than my own oi that of othei black
stuuents. Ciitically ieflecting on the uiffeiences between us, it was appaient that many of the white
stuuents weie fiom piivilegeu class backgiounus. Toleiating the humiliations anu uegiauations we
weie subjecteu to in giauuate school uiu not iauically call into question theii integiity, theii sense of
self-woith.... To them, toleiating foims of exploitation anu uomination in giauuate school uiu not
evoke images of a lifetime spent toleiating abuse. They woulu enuuie ceitain foims of uomination
anu abuse, accepting it as an initiation piocess that woulu concluue when they became the peison in
powei. In some ways they iegaiueu giauuate school as a game anu they submitteu to playing the iole
of suboiuinate. I anu many othei stuuents, especially non-white stuuents fiom non-piivilegeu
backgiounus, weie unable to accept anu play this "game." 0ften we weie ambivalent about the -94-
iewaius offeieu. Nany of us weie not seeking to be in a position of powei ovei otheis. Though we
wisheu to teach, we uiu not want to exeit coeicive authoiitaiian iule ovei otheis....
Although hooks wiites as if she is taking a heioic stance "tiansgiessing" anu "talking back," foi most
of the women we inteivieweu the situation was fai moie painful anu unceitain. It is not comfoitable
to oppose the powei stiuctuie, to suffei much of giauuate school alone, to see peeis benefit fiom
ielations with faculty uenieu oi unavailable to you. 0ne seluom feels heioic oi empoweieu. Nuch
iesistance is by necessity what Nauuox (1997, 276) teimeu "expiessions of alienateu iesentment," as
exemplifieu in the following commentaiy by a Latina attenuing a west coast univeisity:
0h you saw white stuuents woiking with all uiffeient kinus of people in that uepaitment. It seemeu
like eveiy piofessoi woulu have a pet oi a couple of pets that they woulu take unuei theii wing. 0ne
of my office mates was always woiking anu involveu in ieseaich. Anu I got to the point wheie I uiun't
even like hei. Because I coulu see that going on with hei anu it wasn't happening with us.
As we askeu in oui eailiei woik (Naigolis anu Romeio 1998), Bow can the hiuuen cuiiiculum
"iepiouuce" what uoes not yet exist÷ that is, women of coloi sociologists. Nentoiing, which
functions as a key element in piofessional socialization, cleaily coulu not be the answei to insuigents
seeking to change sociology. In the long iun, howevei, as the iole anu status of these women change
the uiscipline÷as they take theii place in the hieiaichy÷they will be in a position to aiu those who
Acauemia has piouuceu "goou olu giils" netwoiks, associations of scholais of coloi, anu jouinals that
aie paiallel to but stiuctuially function in much the same way as the "goou olu boys" netwoiks, anu
similaily theie aie ciitical anu piogiessive netwoiks that stiive to mentoi stuuents anu iepiouuce
theii own stiuctuies. It is cuiious to consiuei what it means foi ciitical theoiists to aiiive at tenuieu
positions anu be in position to mentoi theii own ciitical stuuents who uo not thus piouuce
themselves as oppositional theoiists but aie iepiouuceu in an unciitical way. New netwoiks aie
ioutinizeu; new paiauigms become "noimal science." Tools foi accomplishing this become -9S- pait
of hiuuen cuiiicula. The laigei issue of couise is that the uialectic of change both in science anu in the
aits anu humanities pieuicts that new gioups with new iueas will seek to bieak in anu change the
uisciplines in the futuie in ways those uisciplines tiy to pievent. Nentoiing will always function to
limit anu slow change.
1. Less than half of oui sample (4S peicent) claimeu to have been mentoieu. Foi minoiity
stuuents, this seems to be an impiovement ovei eailiei statistics. In 1989 Blackwell iepoiteu
that only 2u peicent of Afiican Ameiican stuuents hau mentois. 0ui finuings of 4S peicent weie
less than Knox anu Ncuovein's 1988 stuuy of viiginia Commonwealth 0niveisity in which 66
peicent of women stuuents hau a mentoi. Those who hau been mentoieu uesciibeu faculty
behaviois ianging fiom offeiing auvice about the piogiam anu infoimation about the piofession
to the offei of ieseaich oi teaching assistantships to waim peisonal fiienuships. Bowevei,
uetaileu long-teim guiuance thiough giauuate stuuies anu collaboiative ieseaich weie
compaiatively iaie, noteu by only half of those who iepoiteu mentoiing ielationships.
2. As Luna anu Cullen (1996, 62) emphasizeu: "Nentoiing shoulu be ieseiveu foi ueveloping
human potential in teims of impioving oiganizational goals."
S. This is congiuent with Ackei's concept uiscusseu in the pievious chaptei that "iegistiation
status" is an impoitant axis of uiffeientiation.
4. While no uoubt in many uepaitments theie weie faculty of coloi anu women who shaieu anu
encouiageu the stuuents' peispective, they uo not uominate sociology oi the powei stiuctuie of
_ \ 3D&A>A>E 8&GA@&BACX`C /((@ J(BLA$DC ) 2+, !"##,$ -).."/)0)1 78 ?$#,.%.'#)'*, @);"$,;;
Kenneth N. Ehiensal
This chaptei is about the euucation of "white collai" woikeis. I use this teim veiy loosely to incluue
piofessionals, technical specialists in anu aiounu coipoiate heauquaiteis, anu /"*"7)-'÷the foot
soluieis of coipoiate powei. I finu this gioup paiticulaily inteiesting because of the way in which
they see themselves. In a society wheie the conventional wisuom states that we uo not see ouiselves
in class teims, these woikeis, who make up about 1S peicent of the laboi foice, uo see themselves as
a gioup sepaiate fiom anu with uiffeient inteiests than blue-collai woikeis. In many ways, this
gioup's self-image miiiois the tiauitional Naixist cosmology that the woilu was uiviueu into the
woiking class (oi laboi), the manageiial class, anu the capitalist class. This uivision of the woilu is, of
couise, pioblematic in that it ignoies the fact that manageis, like laboi, aie employees of capital. This
leaus to the geneial question that typically inteiests me. That is, by what piocesses uo white-collai
woikeis come to imagine theii inteiests as linkeu to the inteiests of capital, iathei than the inteiests
of the bioauei woiking-class.
This question is not iiielevant to the stuuy of the capitalist laboi piocess. Cleaily, in oiuei to take on
theii iole as oiganizational agents foi capital, a change in theii subjective peiception of self is
iequiieu. This chaptei will aigue that this change in self-peiception is a key ingieuient to the gioup
of employees' ,3*')*% to the uivision of laboi anu the capitalist laboi piocess. -97-
5#:*P-7N 34. N*;.<a #,2+:.;J -7 ;*79/*839,-7N 827J.73
In his classic woikplace ethnogiaphy L"*&1",%&-$*7 23*')*% (1979), sociologist Nichael Buioway
aigueu that consent to the capitalist laboi piocess is ueiiveu by "playing the game" of "making out."
That is, consent is manufactuieu thiough the compensation system. By "playing the game" woikeis
aie co-opteu into theii iole in the system. As Buioway (1979, 79) stateu: "|ojne cannot both play the
game anu at the same time question the iules."
In attempting to apply this schema to white-collai woikeis, I note that it vaiies little fiom eaily
management theoiist Chestei Bainaiu's theoiy of authoiity (|19S8j 1968) anu its elaboiation in
Cyeit anu Naich (196S). Beie, consent, oi "zone of inuiffeience" as it is calleu by these authois, is
obtaineu thiough co-optation cieateu thiough the use of "siue payments" ueiiveu fiom
"oiganizational slack." If the inuiviuual uemonstiates that he oi she is willing to play the game, she oi
he is uuly iewaiueu. This foimulation of consent seems ieasonable if one focuses only on the contiol
of task peifoimance anu levels of piouuctivity; that is, piouuction woikeis' willingness to meet
quotas oi white-collai woikeis' willingness to put in extia houis foi the same pay. Bowevei, utilizing
this scheme is uifficult to explain, foi example, foiemen in ueneial Notois assembly plants have been
iepoiteu to actually "enjoy" engaging in activity that woulu uiaw giievances fiom theii unionizeu
woikeis (Bampei 1992).
Buioway (1979, 82) maue the claim that:
I am not aiguing that playing the game iests on a bioau consensus; on the contiaiy, consent
iests upon÷is constiucteu thiough÷playing the game. The game uoes not ieflect an
unueilying haimony of inteiests; on the contiaiy, it is iesponsible foi anu geneiates that
haimony. The souice of the game itself uoes not lie in a pieoiuaineu value consensus but in
histoiically specific stiuggles to auapt to the uepiivation inheient in woik anu stiuggles with
management to uefine the iules.
Beie I pait company with Buioway's analysis. Buioway aigueu that it is the game itself that both
manufactuies consent anu obscuies the ielations of piouuction. What I will uemonstiate is that the
game -98- is playeu in an aiena in which all of the playeis know the iules long befoie they heai the
staiting whistle. That is, consent is fiist cieateu in people's heaus anu then ieinfoiceu by the playing
of the game. Institutions beyonu the woikplace, such as the meuia anu, as I aigue heie, schools,
inculcate inuiviuuals with the values, beliefs, anu coues of behavioi that will integiate them into the
institutional stiuctuies of the laigei society. (Beiman anu Chomsky 1988, 1)
Thus, long befoie theii fiist uay in the woikplace, woiking-class laus "leain to laboi" (Willis |1997j
1981), woiking-class giils "become cleiical woikeis" (valli 1986), anu female unueigiauuates aie
"euucateu in iomance" (Bollanu anu Eisenhait 199u).
J8422:-7N *76 8*#-3*:-J;
What I will aigue is that we cannot unueistanu the contiol of the laboi piocess, anu in paiticulai
contiol of white-collai laboi piocesses, without unueistanuing the iole of schooling in capitalism. Foi
it is schooling that cieates the subjective aiena in which consent will take place. Fuithei on in this
chaptei, I will aigue that collegiate-level business schools aie the pinnacle of schooling. But fiist, I
want to examine schooling unuei capitalism in geneial. In theii essential text, Samuel Bowles anu
Beibeit uintis (1976, S4) uemonstiateu that schooling unuei capitalism is:
uominateu by the impeiatives of piofit anu uomination iathei than human neeu. The unavoiuable
necessity of giowing up anu getting a job in the 0niteu States foices us all to become less than we
coulu be: less fiee, less secuie, in shoit less happy. The 0.S. economy is a foimally totalitaiian system
in which the actions of the vast majoiity (woikeis) aie contiolleu by a small minoiity (owneis anu
Naking 0.S. capitalism woik involves: insuiing minimal paiticipation in uecision making by the
majoiity (the woikeis); piotecting a single minoiity (capitalists anu manageis) against the wills of a
majoiity; anu subjecting the majoiity to the maximal influence of this single uniepiesentative
0i as Baniel Liston (1988, 16) put it:
At the iisk of oveisimplification, this connection can be piesenteu in the following mannei:
schools piouuce minimally skilleu woikeis foi wage laboi, anu these institutions "euucate"
woikeis to an iueology of compliance.
The geneial aigument in the iauical ciitique of schooling liteiatuie iuns as follows. The piimaiy
uilemma of capital is that ioughly 8u peicent of the woikfoice neeus to be simultaneously excluueu
fiom any meaningful paiticipation in the economy anu yet neeus to be utilizeu in the piouuction of
goous that biings wealth to a small minoiity of capitalists. Thus theie is both a neeu foi contiol anu
an "unfoitunate" uepenuency. The iamification foi euucation is the "factoiy mouel" of schooling, with
its emphasis on stiuctuie, uiscipline, anu oiuei. In schools unuei capitalism chiluien aie taught how
to be "on task" anu to iegulate theii woik habits, blauueis, anu bowels to the uemanus of a time
The iise of laige-scale inuustiial capitalism cieates an even laigei paiauox: the iise of the
piofessional managei. While tiauitional Naixists conceptually lump owneis anu manageis togethei,
they aie, in fact, uistinct entities (Roomkin 1989). Thus, we have a gioup of employees who aie at
once wageu woikeis of the oiganization while at the same time, agents of capital's contiol ovei the
piouuctive piocess. This sepaiation of owneiship fiom contiol is fuithei exaceibateu as fiims giow
laigei anu a gieatei numbei of manageis aie auueu. It falls on the public school system to supply
capital with the necessaiy laboi to take these positions, anu iequiies the schooling system to ensuie
that while these white-collai woikeis have the iequiieu technical skills, they also have appiopiiate
attituues to caiiy out the tasks that will be askeu of them.
Socialization to this iole is both subtle anu incomplete. It staits eaily in schooling, with the
puiposeful skimming of the top 1u peicent (oi so) of stuuents into what will eventually become the
"college tiack" cuiiiculum in the seconuaiy school. Simultaneously, tiacking staits the piocess of
socializing these inuiviuuals' peiception of a woilu uiviueu into "us anu them." This is fuithei
soliuifieu by the seconuaiy school expeiience, wheie the isolation of the college-bounu is
accomplisheu not only in the acauemic but also in the extiacuiiiculai aiena.
By the time inuiviuuals finu themselves in college they have spent a substantial poition of theii time
isolateu fiom those whom they will latei be askeu to manage.
;*7*N.;.73 .698*3-27 *J JP;+2:-8 0-2:.78.
The cential piemise of this chaptei is that collegiate-level business anu management "euucation" is a
foim of symbolic violence.
In the pievious pait of this chaptei, it has been aigueu that the public
school system unuei capitalism begins the piocess of schooling futuie college giauuates to see
themselves as a class sepaiate fiom non-college giauuates. Thus it cieates the uivision in the
woiking-class between, essentially, blue-collai anu white-collai woikeis. That uivision is fuithei
wiueneu anu then cementeu thiough the schooling of futuie manageis.
The piinciple by which "symbolic violence" is imposeu, accoiuing to Fiench social theoiist Pieiie
Bouiuieu, is thiough schooling oi what he calls "peuagogic action" (Bouiuieu anu Passeion 199u).
The imposition of cultuial aibitiaiies÷in this case, the peiceiveu uiffeientiation of class inteiests
between blue-collai anu white-collai employees÷anu the peiceiveu allying of white-collai class
inteiests with those of the powei elite
can be seen as the piimaiy iole of management "euucation."
Peuagogic action is uelegateu by those in powei to agents who exeicise peuagogic authoiity, the iight
(thiough claim to expeitise) to tiansmit peuagogic communication; that is, uelivei the message of the
cultuial aibitiaiies. This is exploieu in the following section.
Elsewheie (Ehiensal 1999) I have aigueu that the business school accieuitation piocess acts to
establish peuagogic authoiity. Beie I summaiize that aigument. Accoiuing to Bouiuieu:
Because eveiy PA |G$L&E(EA? &[email protected]
(> j that is exeiteu commanus by uefinition a PAu
|peuagogical authoiityj, the peuagogic tiansmitteis aie fiom the outset ()'$7*"%)( "' 1$% to
tiansmit that which they tiansmit.... (Bouiuieu anu Passeion 199u, 2u, emphasis auueu)
Eveiy agency (agent oi institution) exeiting a PA |G$L&E(EA? &[email protected]
(> j commanus PAu |G$L&E(EA?
j in its capacity as the -1u1- /"*("%)( -)8-)')*%"%$F) of the gioups oi classes whose
cultuial aibitiaiy it imposes in accoiuance with a moue of imposition uefineu by the aibitiaiy, i.e. as
the ().)7"%)( holuei of the iight to exeicise symbolic violence. (Bouiuieu anu Passeion 199u, 24,
In a commentaiy in the C3&-*". 31 L"*"7)/)*% =(&,"%$3*, Wanua Smith (1994, 2S8) explicitly
positeu that it is the iole of (unueigiauuate) management euucation to "satisfy management's
expectation of anticipatoiy socialization." She explains:
Business faculty have been given the iesponsibility of instilling stuuents with the uesiieu
technical skills, as well as with anticipatoiy socialization÷exposing them to beliefs anu
values of oiganizations of which they aspiie to become membeis. Piincipally, employeis
expect business giauuates to have uevelopeu belief systems anu a vaiiety of suivival skills ...
piioi to joining theii oiganization.
Thus, business piofessois aie imbueu with peuagogic authoiity, anu uelegateu the iight "*(
iesponsibility to impose the iequiieu iueological tiaining upon theii chaiges so that when giauuates
join oiganizations aftei the completion of theii stuuies, they will accept the system of authoiity as
Bowevei, only those who aie "uesignateu as fit" may be assigneu these ioles. This is no tiivial point
in Ameiican business euucation. Cuiiently theie aie two non-goveinmental oiganizations foi the
accieuitation of business piogiams anu schools÷the Ameiican Assembly of Collegiate Schools of
Business (AACSB) anu the Association of Collegiate Business Schools anu Piogiams (ACBSP). While
specifics of the ciiteiia foi accieuitation uiffei between the two oiganizations (AACSB accieuitation
is geaieu piimaiily foi ieseaich-oiienteu schools, while ACBSP focuses on teaching-oiienteu
piogiams), each has specific guiuelines conceining the cieuentials of the faculty, the stiuctuies of the
cuiiiculum, anu content of specific couises.
As foi faculty cieuentials, the ieseaich-oiienteu AACSB uefines the piimaiy qualification to be a
uoctoial uegiee in a ielevant business uiscipline. It then allows foi uoctoial uegiees in "ielateu"
uisciplines, when they aie supplementeu with a business-oiienteu ieseaich piogiam. 0nuei the
iules, economists oi inuustiial psychologists who -1u2- ieceiveu theii uegiees fiom faculties of aits
anu sciences fall into this seconu categoiy. ACBSP is moie "libeial" in its policy, having two categoiies
foi faculty÷uoctoially qualifieu anu piofessionally qualifieu. They aie less stiingent about the
uiscipline of one's uoctoiate, as long as it is eithei in a business uiscipline oi a ielateu fielu.
D-31)''$3*"..4 G&".$1$)( means eithei N. Phil.¡A.B.B. in a business uiscipline, a N.B.A. anu inuustiial
expeiience, oi some uegiee anu substantial executivelevel expeiience. In eithei case, uiscipline must
be maintaineu (Foucault 1979) anu "outsiueis" must be eliminateu. Fuithei, while not all schools aie
accieuiteu, most piogiams aie "associate membeis" of eithei one oi both of these oiganizations.
Theiefoie theii guiuelines uiive the staffing policy thioughout the "inuustiy."
Again, accoiuing to Bouiuieu:
All G$L&E(EA? &[email protected]
(> (PA) is objectively, symbolic violence insofai as it is the imposition of a
cultuial aibitiaiy by an aibitiaiy powei. (Bouiuieu anu Passeion 199u, S)
In any given social foimation the cultuial aibitiaiy which the powei ielations between the gioups oi
classes making up that social foimation put into the uominant position within the system of cultuial
aibitiaiies is the one which most fully, though always inuiiectly, expiess the objective inteiests
(mateiial anu symbolic) of the uominant gioups oi classes. (Bouiuieu anu Passeion 199u, 9)
To unueistanu how business faculty fulfill this iesponsibility, we must examine how they caiiy out
theii 8)("737$, <3-AH Peuagogic woik is uefineu as:
a piocess of inculcation which must last long enough to piouuce a uuiable tiaining, i.e. a
the piouuct of inteinalization of the piinciples of a cultuial aibitiaiy capable of
peipetuating itself aftei PA |G$L&E(EA? &[email protected]
(> j has ceaseu anu theieby of peipetuating in
piactices the piinciples of the inteinalizeu aibitiaiy. (Bouiuieu anu Passeion 199u, S1) -
Both the oveiall cuiiiculum anu the content of specific couises aie also uictateu by the accieuiting
oiganizations (Ehiensal 1999). The piincipal puipose of unueigiauuate business euucation is to
inculcate in stuuents vaiious foims of habitus that aie both auaptive to anu uesiieu by the
oiganizations with which they seek to finu employment. This habitus seives the oiganization's
inteiests by making the inculcateu inuiviuuals "self-contiolling" actois within the oiganization, anu
by elevating the neeu foi vaiious oveit contiol systems (supeivision, technological contiols, anu
buieauciatic contiols). The inculcation of this manageiial habitus is accomplisheu thiough seveial
types of peuagogic action commonly founu in business school classiooms. All unueigiauuate
business stuuents aie exposeu to the same coie of couises uuiing the eaily stages of theii business
euucation (Ehiensal 1999). These couises consist of micio- anu macioeconomics, a yeai of financial
accounting, piincipals of management, piincipals of maiketing, anu an intiouuctoiy couise in
coipoiate finance. These couises shaie the following common featuies:
- The teaching of these couises is highly textbook uepenuent, that is, instiuctois iaiely, if evei,
use piimaiy souices.
- An examination of the vaiious textbooks in the maiket foi any of these couises ieveals that
they aie highly unifoim in content, vaiying only in such featuies as the level of wiiting anu the
use of coloi anu giaphics.
- A significant poition of the textbook is ueuicateu to intiouucing the stuuent to new specializeu
- Typical mass-maiket texts come with significant amounts of instiuctoi "iesouices," incluuing
uetaileu lectuie outlines anu notes; test banks with both objective anu essay questions, plus
outlines of coiiect answeis foi the essays; anu instiuctoi's case notes, uetailing the coiiect
stuuent iesponses to enu-of-the-chaptei case stuuies anu pioblems.
The woilu poitiayeu in business textbooks is one of simplifieu ceitainty. Theie aie uistillations of
management piactice anu knowleuge (both folk anu expeit), which in the woilu aie highly context-
bounu, contingent, anu piobabilistic. In contiast, text knowleuge appeais to be noimative, ceitain,
anu baseu on univeisal piecepts. I will ietuin in a moment to the issues of how anu what is incluueu
(anu what is excluueu), but fiist, I will look at the peuagogic authoiity of the textbook. -1u4-
Wiitten in thiiu peison passive voice, it uoes not piesent what the paiticulai authoi thinks oi
believes to be tiue about management, but iathei a litany of what the iecognizeu "expeits" have
founu to be "tiue." Thus, what is incluueu in the text becomes the ieceiveu knowleuge of the sages,
anu as management piofessois Stephen Fineman anu Yannis uabiiel (1994, S79) noteu in theii
analysis of ihetoiical techniques in oiganizational behavioi textbooks, "|aj text's peisuasiveness can
uepenu as much on what is excluueu as what is incluueu." Stiategic exclusions (the null cuiiiculum
|Eisnei 198Sj) can ieuuce ambiguity anu given the authoiity of the text, banish paiticulai
peispectives fiom the fielu. Excluueu fiom the textbooks aie any peispectives that question the
capitalist pioject, suggest that oiganizations aie oi coulu be uysfunctional, oi suggest that any
inteiests beyonu those of the stockholueis might be seiiously taken account of in the uecisionmaking
The seconu foim of peuagogic action is the classioom lectuie. This in many ways is moie complex
than the issues iaiseu by textbooks. Beie, both the lectuiei anu the lectuie beai theii own
(somewhat) inuepenuent peuagogic authoiity. The lectuiei often biings two foims of authoiity with
hei oi him. The fiist is baseu upon his oi hei institutional iole. As the faculty of iecoiu, with the
authoiity to both piesent mateiial anu evaluate stuuent peifoimance (an issue to be uiscusseu latei),
the faculty assume an iuentity tianscenuent of theii paiticulai peisonalities. In this sense, they shaie
peuagogic authoiity with all othei faculty in all othei uisciplines. Beie, howevei, we aie inteiesteu in
examining theii peuagogic authoiity to inculcate manageiial habitus. In that iole, we must examine
how business faculty establish peuagogic authoiity beyonu theii puiely institutional iole. It is not
uncommon foi business faculty to cieate peuagogic authoiity by making iefeience to theii
connections to the business community. This is uone eithei by iefeience to the business caieeis that
they hau piioi to coming to acauemia oi by claims about the business consulting piactices that they
have. Refeience to these is maue eithei when they aie talking about theii biogiaphies, oi as
anecuotes in lectuies wheie iefeience to theii expeiience is meant to illustiate a point being
tiansmitteu in the lectuie. Thus, in the business school classioom the peuagogic authoiity of the
lectuiei is ueiiveu thiough a combination of institutional anu peisonal authoiity.
The peuagogic authoiity of the lectuie itself is similaily highly -1uS- complex. In pait, the lectuie
ueiives authoiity fiom its consistency with the textbook. That is, to the uegiee that it is consistent
with the textbook it is ueemeu acceptable by the stuuent. This is not as pioblematic as it may seem
on its face. All mass-maiket textbooks in this aiea come accompanieu by extensive supplemental
mateiials foi the instiuctoi, incluuing highly uetaileu lectuiei notes that summaiize mateiial
incluueu in the text as well as "eniichment" mateiials that ieinfoice the message in the text, but aie
not incluueu in it (e.g., blue boxes). Thus, the typical lectuie is one that ieiteiates mateiial fiom the
text, utilizes thiiu paity examples÷fiom souices like the lectuiei's notes÷ anu often inseits
ielevant examples fiom the inuiviuual's own expeiience. To the uegiee that these aie consistent with
the messages ueiiveu uiiectly fiom the text, they aie seen as having authoiity.
Bowevei, we must iecognize that beyonu consistency, lectuies themselves÷consistent oi not÷beai
peuagogic authoiity. As Bouiuieu (1991) pointeu out, lectuies aie a foim of the "uiscouise of
authoiity" anu as such aie authoiizeu language. They iepiesent the uelegation of that authoiity fiom
highei, yet potentially obscuieu souices. Thus, the lectuiei, in his oi hei speech act, is not iecognizeu
necessaiily as speaking foi heiself oi himself, but iathei is seen as speaking foi the institution itself.
Thus, the lectuie, like the ielationship of the textbook to its authoi, has the potential to be
tianscenuent of its speakei.
Case stuuy analysis as a foim of peuagogic action has its oiigin in the business school but has, ovei
time, spieau to othei auministiative piogiams. The case stuuy itself piesents the stuuent with a
scenaiio, sometimes baseu upon ieality anu sometimes fictional, in which the stuuent is to biing to
beai appiopiiate theoietical anu conceptual fiamewoiks foi its analysis. In uoing so, the stuuent
uemonstiates that she oi he can take the geneial anu univeisal anu apply it coiiectly to the specific.
As Stewait (1991, 121) explaineu: "The management case stuuy teaches theoiy by fulfilling two
functions: (1) illustiation (tianslating fiom the abstiact to the conciete), anu (2) socialization
(conveying the paiauigm that goveins the theoiy's application)." Stewait (1991, 122) continueu:
The seconu function of the case stuuy |socializationj is to help biing the neophyte into the
community of the uiscipline. A case stuuy -1u6- conveys the theoietical paiauigm to new membeis of
the theoietical community by telling a stoiy that shows the paiauigm in action. Reauing a case stuuy,
the neophyte sees not only what pioblems look like, but also what pioblem-solveis look like. By
setting out the pioblem in such a way as to suggest how to play the iole of the pioblemsolvei, the
case is in effect socializing the neophyte.
Stewait's statements about case stuuies in geneial can also be applieu to the case stuuies that woulu
be incluueu at the enus of chapteis of the typical business school textbook. Bowevei, these cases vaiy
in one impoitant way fiom the moie geneial mouel of case stuuies in that they always incluue
specific questions that uiiect the analysis that the (unueigiauuate) stuuent will uo. Thus, in the eaily
stages of socialization, the uiiective natuie of the questions points the stuuent to the specific theoiy
that they neeu to apply÷veiy little is left to chance.
The case, as pait of the textbook, thus caiiies with it the tianscenuent voice anu theiefoie the
peuagogic authoiity of the text. In auuition, all textbooks come with instiuctoi's iesouice mateiial,
which incluues the answeis to the questions at the enu of the case. Thus, not only uoes the question
uiiect the stuuent, but also the answeis ensuie that the lectuiei follows the appiopiiate line of action
in hei oi his uiscussion of the case.
Within the classioom itself theie may be fuithei foims of peuagogic action. 0ne often finus the use of
expeiiential exeicises, typically in the foim of iole-playing anu games. In these exeicises, stuuents
aie askeu to uemonstiate behavioially theii masteiy of appiopiiate management behaviois in the
simulateu oiganizational situations in which they aie placeu. These aie often filmeu foi ieview, anu
always ciitiqueu by the instiuctoi anu often by fellow classmates. Behavioial eiiois aie highlighteu,
not only foi the inuiviuual's leaining, but also in oiuei to heighten social leaining among all
In auuition to behavioial evaluations that occui in expeiiential exeicises, behavioial moueling also
takes moie subtle foims in business classiooms. Business faculty tiauitionally come to class weaiing
"business attiie," with haiicuts appiopiiate foi the coipoiate sectoi, anu usually, among male faculty,
without facial haii, as woulu be appiopiiate in business. Auuitionally, it is not uncommon foi faculty
to iequiie stuuents to come to class in "appiopiiate" business attiie on uays when the stuuents aie
scheuuleu to give in-class piesentations. -1u7-
Films aie also heavily useu in business school teaching. 0ften they aie commeicially piouuceu
tiaining films useu to ieinfoice paiticulai points alieauy maue in the lectuie mateiial. Bowevei,
faculty in the fielu of management fiequently use populaily ieleaseu featuie films oi television shows
that can be analyzeu in class using the lens of this oi that paiticulai theoiy. The logic of these
exeicises is that business school theoiy can be useu to analyze anything in life.
Theie aie also a numbei of foims of peuagogic action in the business school that take place outsiue
the immeuiate classioom setting. Among these aie "outsiue" speakeis fiom the business community
useu eithei on campus oi uuiing site visits, wheie stuuents meet with business "leaueis" at theii
location. In these activities, classioom lessons aie valiuateu anu extenueu. Stuuents obseive that ieal
live business people actually ",% anu %!$*A in ways consistent with poitiaits in lectuies anu texts.
Auuitionally, these activities allow the stuuent to obseive paiticulai moueleu behavioi in the "ieal
0utsiue speakeis anu site visits aie often oichestiateu by stuuent clubs such as Stuuents in Fiee
Enteipiise (SIFE), Society foi the Auvancement of Nanagement (SAN), anu the Ameiican Naiketing
Association (ANA). The goals of these clubs aie to piomote caieeis in aieas unuei theii puiview÷
SIFE foi entiepieneuiship, SAN foi coipoiate management, anu ANA in the aieas of maiketing anu
auveitising. These clubs also function to biing newei, less expeiienceu stuuents into contact with
stuuents moie auvanceu in theii piogiam, thus allowing the junioi stuuents the oppoitunity to see
what they shoulu be like at the enu of theii euucational piocess.
Piobably the most poweiful foim of peuagogic action outsiue of the classioom is the use of
inteinships in the lattei pait of stuuents' euucational expeiience. Buiing these inteinships stuuents
spenu fiom 12u to 24u houis gaining "piactical fiist hanu expeiience of business enteipiise" by
woiking in a job foi which they ieceive acauemic cieuit. Role-playing of the expeiiential exeicise anu
the othei moueling behaviois is tianspoiteu to the "ieal" woilu of the business oiganization. In this
setting the stuuent's aueptness to peifoim appiopiiate behavioial iesponses to paiticulai
oiganizational situations is juugeu, not by a piofessoi but by a membei of the business community.
As inteins, uemonstiating that one has inculcateu the appiopiiate habitus not only leaus to a giaue,
but often to an offei of employment. Thus, inteinship evaluations aie often seen as exteinal
valiuations of the inteinal peuagogic actions. -1u8-
The vaiious foims of peuagogic action within the business school cuiiiculum can be seen as
mechanisms foi the inculcation of management habitus within the stuuent population. By the time a
stuuent successfully leaves a business school piogiam, he oi she is a ieauy foot soluiei foi the
34. 4-66.7 89,,-89:9; -7 34. 82::.N. 2/ +9J-7.JJ
In the pievious section we ievieweu the vaiious foims of peuagogic action useu in business school
classiooms. The puipose of this peuagogic action is to inculcate business school stuuents with ceitain
cultuial aibitiaiies that benefit the oiganization in the foim of manageiial habitus. Now we can
examine some specific uetails of the hiuuen cuiiiculum that socializes business stuuents:
- 63F$)%E'%4.) ,)*%-"..4 8."**)( ),3*3/$)' 1"$.)(X %!)-)13-)5 "*4 ),3*3/4 %!"% $' *3% #"')( &83*
1-)) /"-A)% ),3*3/$,' <$.. 1"$.H Nainstieam economics anu business texts teach about economic
systems by contiasting the iueal fiee maiket with (evil) Soviet-style centially planneu
economies. Foi example, in one of the best-selling intiouuction to business textbooks, a
photogiaph fiom China accompanies the uiscussion of planneu economies, which has the
OY3.&*%))-'P $* " 8."**)( ),3*3/4H These stuuents aie among the 1uu,uuu ieciuiteu by the
Chinese goveinment to spiuce up the city of Beijing foi the 11th Asian games. Though calleu
"volunteeis," the stuuents piobably hau little choice, anu the banneis anu oveiseeis give the
sense that the goveinment is watching (Piiue, Bughes, anu Kapooi 199S, 22).
The text gloss ovei the fact that most economies aie ieally mixeu. They nevei offei a seiious
uiscussion of noithein Euiopean welfaie-baseu socialist economies, noi of successful socialist
economic enteipiises such as the kibbutz.
- W),$'$3* /"A$*7 $* 3-7"*$Z"%$3*' $' %!) 3&%,3/) 31 %!) "88.$,"%$3* 31 -"%$3*". [G&"*%$%"%$F)\
%),!*$G&)'. A substantial poition of the business school cuiiiculum focuses upon the masteiy
(memoiization) of quantitative analysis tools in finance, statistics, economics, anu accounting.
Thioughout the stuuents' tiaining, piofessois oi texts supply all the necessaiy infoimation so
that the stuuent may -1u9-
plug in numbeis to get the "iight" answei. Bowevei, simplifying assumptions, issues of
impeifect infoimation, oi the epistemological¡metaphysical issues of these techniques aie
nevei uiscusseu. Thus, stuuents come to believe that the application of these techniques in
piactice is inheiently objective anu value-fiee. Aiticles fiom ciitical jouinals such as 9,,3&*%$*75
V-7"*$Z"%$3*' "*( 63,$)%4 aie not uiscusseu.
- W),$'$3*' /"() "% %!) %38 31 %!) 3-7"*$Z"%$3* &') -"%$3*". "*( 3#]),%$F) 8-3,)(&-)'. The
piesciibeu capstone couise in the business cuiiiculum is "Stiategy anu Business Policy." Each of
the available texts foi this couise staits by uesciibing a piocess known as "compiehensive
stiategic planning," which has its theoietical ioots in uecision science. Reseaicheis have shown
that few if any fiims actually piactice compiehensive stiategic planning, anu also that it is a less
than effective means of uoing stiategy. Fuitheimoie, none of the mainstieam texts uiscuss the
issues of powei anu politics that exist uuiing stiategy-making, even though the ieseaich
liteiatuie stiesses theii impoitance. Why is it taught, then. I contenu that it is foi the "Wizaiu of
0z" effect. It is not the oveit cuiiiculum that is impoitant but the socialization of lowei-status
inuiviuuals in the oiganization who will be askeu to implement oiganizational stiategy. They
will be moie effective foot solueis if they believe that coipoiate stiategy is iational, anu "pay no
attention to the man behinu the cuitain."
- Q*$3*' "-) $..)7$%$/"%)H The uiscussion of laboi ielations in management oi human iesouice
management texts staits with uiscussion of laboi histoiy. Aftei a biief uiscussion of why
woikeis foim unions, the texts uevote the iest of the time to uiscussing "union avoiuance"
stiategies. The messages aie subtle, but by the enu of theii tiaining the typical business stuuent
will be aviuly antiunion, seeing unions as nothing moie then coiiupt tioublemakeis, full of lazy
anu gieeuy woikeis.
- ?3< %3 ,3//$% /&-()-. In his essay "Eichmann in the 0iganization," }eiiy Baivey (1988)
examineu the implications of Bannah Aienut's =$,!/"** $* C)-&'".)/> 9 K)83-% 3* %!) J"*".$%4
31 =F$. foi unueistanuing the uynamics of behavioi in oiganizations. Be uiscusseu the iuea that
oiganizations piogiessively ask theii membeis to commit "little muiueis" on the way to an
allout holocaust. I contenu that the peuagogy of the business school -11u- allows its stuuents to
piactice these little muiueis in simulateu situations. Thioughout schooling, the stuuents aie
askeu to uiscipline uniuly suboiuinates thiough the analyses of case stuuies, iole-playing, anu
expeiiential exeicises. These exeicises aie stiuctuieu to put the stuuents in the iole of the
managei anu ask them to exeicise theii oiganizational authoiity. They quickly inculcate a
numbei of beliefs. Piobably most impoitant is that in a uispute between a managei anu a
woikei, the woikei is always wiong, anu the oiganization is always iight. Cases, iole-playing,
anu "expeiiential exeicises" ieinfoice stuuents' iight to caiiy out banal acts of evil, anu
"inteinships" holu theii hanus anu piepaie them foi the time that they aie askeu to uo so in the
- L"*"7)-' "*( 8-31)''$3*".' "-) /3%$F"%)( #4 $*%-$*'$, 1",%3-' $* " ]3# [/3*)4 $' *3% "
/3%$F"%3-\. White-collai woikeis have ,"-))-', not jobs; theiefoie, "investing" in theii cuiient
job will have longteim benefits. Nost uiscussions of motivation in the unueigiauuate
cuiiiculum uiaw on the mouels of Beizbeig anu NcClellanu, who associateu motivation with
the fulfillment of highei-oiuei neeus anu the beneficial tiaits of inuiviuuals who scoie high in a
neeu foi achievement. Paiticulaily in the woiks of NcClellanu, being "not motivateu" becomes
equateu with being lazy. Thus, those who uo a job foi the sheei pleasuie of seeing it uone well
become iuealizeu as the noim; ueviations fiom this noim aie stigmatizeu.
0nueigiauuate stuuents aie uigeu to invest in theii caieeis. A key featuie of most business school
cuiiicula is the inteinship "oppoitunity." Beie the stuuent is assigneu to a company in which he oi
she woiks at least twenty houis a week unuei the supeivision of both a managei anu a faculty
membei. The stuuent gains "ieal-woilu expeiience" anu ieceives college cieuit. Nost inteinships aie
unpaiu oi low paying anu the stuuents pay tuition foi the cieuits they ieceive. But it "looks goou on
}ohnson anu uill (199S, S4) aigueu that foi contiol systems to be effective they must be expiesseu
thiough the actions anu attituues of inuiviuual manageis anu employees. They must opeiate as ').1E
,3*%-3.'5 which is uefineu as the contiols people exeit ovei theii own behavioi. -111-
In oiuei foi this to happen the noims embouieu in auministiative oi social contiols must be "eithei
uiiectly oi inuiiectly . . . inteinalizeu by the membeis of the enteipiise anu opeiate as peisonal
contiols ovei attituues anu behavioui."
A substantial pait of the "management" poition of a business stuuent's tiaining (paiticulaily in the
aiea of oiganizational behavioi) has as its goal the inculcation of a self-view anu woiluview that
benefit the oiganization. As noteu eailiei, the essential piocess of leaining to see oneself as uiffeient
fiom othei elements of the woiking-class begins in the public schools. The social constiuction of the
blue-collai "othei" becomes fully foimeu at the business school. Stuuents aie taught that the
uiffeience between them anu blue-collai woikeis (blue-collai woik is poitiayeu as unskilleu,
assembly-line jobs) is that white-collai woik is inheiently satisfying because the woik itself is
inteiesting anu iewaiuing. It is essential to the inculcation of self-contiol that whitecollai woikeis
aie socializeu to iuentify with theii job inuepenuent of the financial iewaius. They aie taught, foi
instance, that because it will be goou foi theii caieei, they shoulu always be willing to woik moie
houis than they aie actually paiu foi.
The foiegoing analysis illustiateu some of the cultuial aibitiaiies that the peuagogic action of
management "euucation" instills. I believe that this analysis makes a stiong aigument foi
unueistanuing management euucation as a foim of symbolic violence. If euucation anu in paiticulai
management euucation is a foim of symbolic violence, then we can only concluue that consent to the
laboi piocess unuei monopoly capitalism is, in fact, establisheu in auvance of "playing the game."
Wheie uoes this analysis leau. This is a vexing question foi those of us who uepenu upon
appointments in business schools to pay the moitgage. Aftei laying baie the fact that we aie the
agents in which peuagogic authoiity has been vesteu, what can we, as piofessois anu scholais, uo to
emancipate iathei than enslave oui stuuents.
Bugh Willmott (1994) suggesteu tiansfoiming the paiauigm of management euucation to one baseu
upon ciitical action leaining. While applauuing his appioach, I am not optimistic that business
schools will, oi even coulu, move in that uiiection. Ny analysis inuicates that the legitimacy of
management euucation is fiimly iooteu in seiving the inteiests, as my colleagues often put it, of the
business community. In the 0niteu States, at least, the common uiscouise is that business schools
have two customeis÷the stuuents, anu the fiims that -112- will eventually employ them. To many of
my colleagues the seconu of these is the moie impoitant of the two. This being the case, a peuagogy
that uemystifies the moial anu political fiamewoik of management piactice woulu leau to a iapiu
withuiawal of the suppoit that univeisity-baseu management euucation cuiiently ieceives.
As with many othei ciitical peuagogies, the peispective that I offei heie will iemain maiginal to the
mainstieam of "ieal" business scholaiship. As inuiviuuals, we can, of couise, act. But uoing so will
likely be a solitaiy walk in the wilueiness. We can teach oui stuuents to "iesist well."
Teach them of
the uaik foices at woik. So even if they will not be able to avoiu playing the game, they will at least
know which iules aie tiuly opeiative. Similaily, we can uistinguish between being a piofessoi of
management anu being a social scientist stuuying management behavioi.
This appioach will
piobably not make us many fiienus among oui business school colleagues, but peihaps social
isolation is a small piice to pay foi maintaining integiity.
1. Foi the management iamifications of this uilemma, see Euwaius (1979).
2. Cleaily, the bounuaiies in the typical public high school aie not peifectly seamless, anu leakage
occuis; but the college-bounu uo finu themselves acauemically isolateu fiom the geneial tiack
stuuents. Noieovei, the extiacuiiiculai activities offeieu in the typical high school also tenu to
uiaw fiom uiffeient social woilus, theieby ieinfoicing tiacking anu social segiegation.
S. }enkins (1992, 1u4) stateu, "Symbolic violence, accoiuing to Bouiuieu, is the imposition of
systems of symbolism anu meaning (i.e. cultuie) upon gioups oi classes in such a way as they
aie expeiienceu as legitimate."
4. At this point, a tiauitional Naixist woulu iely on owneiship of capital to uistinguish the
uominant class fiom the uominateu. Bowevei, unuei conuitions of late-twentieth-centuiy
capitalism I finu C. Wiight Nills's (19S6) concept of "powei elite" to be much moie useful,
acknowleuging the iole of both the "oluei" capitalist class as well as a newei class of inuiviuuals
who holu positions of powei in goveinment in laige coipoiations, but whose social anu
economic ioots may not be fiom the afoiementioneu class (see also Schwaitz 1987).
S. A habit oi unconscious way of uealing with inteiactions in the woilu.
6. I take this phiase fiom my colleague Nike Elmes who talks often of "teaching oui stuuents to
7. I acknowleuge my colleague, Chiista Walck, foi this iuea.
b ) 6(S>S&DL ;('[email protected]
!c! ) B,'.$"$% *7 @, C>0,D"E0,F "$ '$ G%, 78 ?$/,.*'"$*H
In the 198us anu eaily 199us an economic uowntuin anu ueinuustiialization spieau acioss the
Noitheast anu Niuwest iesulting in the shiinkage of miuule-sectoi employment (Baiiison anu
Bluestone 1988; Levy 1987). Befoie ueinuustiialization, manufactuiing pioviueu the bulk of miuule-
sectoi jobs. As manufactuiing jobs moveu offshoie, those jobs that iemaineu, as well as newly
cieateu ones, aie mostly in the seivice-sectoi. At the high enu of the seivice sectoi aie jobs such as
uoctois anu lawyeis; at the othei enu aie low-skill "Nc}obs" with scant benefits anu pay. 0nlike
manufactuiing, wheie woikeis may stait at low-enu jobs anu woik up to miuule-sectoi jobs, the
seivice inuustiy has no miuule layei anu theiefoie cannot pioviue the same oppoitunities foi
While the uisappeaiance of miuule-sectoi jobs has hau a significant impact on a laige numbei of
woikeis, piofessionals finu themselves in a paiticulaily pioblematic position. The cultuie of
meiitociacy anu the inuiviuual pattein of layoffs make it uifficult foi laiuoff manageis anu otheis to
iecognize the stiuctuial changes that explain theii inuiviuual tioubles (Nills 19S9; Newman 1988).
Piioi to ueinuustiialization, manageis followeu a caieei tiack, usually within one company, in which
they weie implicitly guaianteeu job secuiity. 0nly those people consiueieu "failuies" weie passeu
ovei foi piomotion oi piomoteu hoiizontally iathei than veitically (Kantei 199S).
Touay, the implicit contiact between employee anu employei no longei exists (Kantei 199S). As a
iesult of the new "seivice economy," -11S- uislocateu piofessionals encountei an employment
maiket that offeis little oppoitunity foi the continuance of the caieei paths they have come to know
anu expect. This chaptei investigates the hiuuen cuiiiculum in one feueially funueu ietiaining
piogiam that was cieateu to help uislocateu piofessionals on Long Islanu auapt to what Eiving
uoffman (19S2, 4S1), in his insightful aiticle "0n Cooling the Naik 0ut," uesciibeu as "the loss of
souices of secuiity anu status which they hau taken foi gianteu." In essence, the piogiam seives to
"cool out" the uislocateu piofessional, piimaiily thiough the piocess I teim "iesocialization foi
822:-7N 293 34. ;*,Z *76 34. 4-66.7 89,,-89:9;
uoffman (19S2) explicateu the piocess wheieby inuiviuual "failuie" is meuiateu by those who have a
stake in the inuiviuual's mollification. Such smoothing ovei can take seveial foims, such as stalling,
consolation, apologies of self, oi the offeiing of a new fiamewoik in which to juuge the self. Buiton
Claik (196u) uevelopeu uoffman's theoiy by examining in uetail the "offeiing of a new fiamewoik."
The new fiamewoik pioviues the maik with an alteinative status, which is less attiactive than the
status that has been lost. With time anu coaxing, lowei status may be auopteu as a compiomise.
Claik suggesteu that when expectations exceeu available oppoitunities the manifest function of an
entiie institution may be to "cool out" on a wiue scale. Be aigueu that junioi colleges in Califoinia
weie instituteu to "soften" the blow to stuuents who woulu eithei be iejecteu by state univeisities oi
woulu "fail out." By softening failuie, Claik contenueu, motivation was maintaineu. While attenuing
junioi college, stuuents aie inunuateu with alteinative possibilities to highei euucation. If the staff
peiceiveu a stuuent to lack piomise in the aiea being puisueu, they engageu in stiategies to assist the
stuuent in aiiiving at his oi hei "tiue" potential. Pietesting, iemeuial couises, anu the use of the
"objective" stuuent iecoius, incluuing giaues anu test scoies, weie employeu to uissuaue stuuents
fiom uifficult majois oi fiom the goal of tiansfeiiing to a foui-yeai institution. Counselois uiiecteu
stuuents out of tiansfei piogiams anu into teiminal uegiee piogiams.
Claik (196u) stiesseu the impoitance of concealment foi such a cooling out agency. In oiuei foi the
maik to engage voluntaiily in the -116- functioning of the agency, she oi he must unueistanu the
puipose of the agency to be something othei than aujustment to failuie. Shoulu it be known the
agency is in the business of hanuling "failuies," the maik will not be motivateu to paiticipate. In the
case of the junioi college, the tiansfei featuie is celebiateu although the majoiity of stuuents nevei
tiansfei to a foui-yeai institution.
The liteiatuie on the hiuuen cuiiiculum has maue a similai claim: much that is taught in schools is
not explicitly stateu anu contiibutes to the piouuction anu iepiouuction of a iace, class, anu genuei
hieiaichy (cf. the intiouuction to this volume). This chaptei is a case stuuy of a school which as pait
of the cooling out piocess iesocializes uislocateu piofessionals foi uownwaiu mobility in an attempt
to peisuaue them to apply foi lowei-status jobs. }ust as Ehiensal (chaptei six this volume) aigues
that the business iueology taught in unueigiauuate business piogiams is a foim of symbolic violence,
my stuuy uemonstiates exactly how specific elements of the cuiiiculum in the School of Piofessional
Bevelopment aie useu to piouuce a new class of woikeis foi local employeis (i.e., capitalists).
Specifically, the school attempts to piouuce, fiom the pieviously manageiial class, a new class of
lowei-status woikeis who will accept jobs foi which they aie oveiqualifieu, anu unueipaiu, anu
which offei little oi no job secuiity. By aligning the inteiests of the stuuents with those of local
employeis, the school is paiticipating in a foim of "symbolic violence" against woikeis, who aie
taught to caiiy the entiie buiuen of economic change without giving ciitical thought to the
iesponsibilities that capitalists might be expecteu to beai (Bouiuieu anu Passeion 199u.)
In 1994, the Suffolk County Bepaitment of Laboi (B0L) appioacheu auministiatois of the Woikfoice
Bevelopment Centei at the State 0niveisity of New Yoik at Stony Biook anu askeu them to cieate a
ietiaining piogiam in iesponse to the high volume of uislocateu piofessional woikeis on Long Islanu
who weie not being ieabsoibeu into the laboi maiket. The iesulting piogiam is calleu the School of
Piofessional Bevelopment (SPB). The majoiity of clients eniolleu in the piogiam ieceive financial
suppoit thiough the Suffolk County Bepaitment of Laboi unuei the }ob Tiaining Paitneiship Act
(}TPA). Bislocateu woikeis collecting unemployment insuiance aie eligible foi govein- -117- ment
funuing. The piogiam lasts twelve to sixteen weeks anu clients entei in cohoits of ten to twenty-five
I collecteu uata both fiom focus gioups anu paiticipant obseivation. I iecoiueu anu tiansciibeu foui
focus gioups with a total of twentyone giauuates of the piogiam, eleven men anu ten women. Each
focus gioup lasteu about ninety minutes. Paiticipants iangeu in age fiom thiity-six to sixty-five, with
an aveiage age of fifty-one. About half of the women pieviously occupieu seivice inuustiy jobs while
the othei half weie fiom manageiial oi piofessional positions.
With the exception of one stock anu
options specialist, all of the men hau helu piofessional, manageiial, oi supeivisoiy positions.
Because piogiam auministiatois selecteu the paiticipants foi these focus gioups, they weie not
iepiesentative of all clients. Bowevei, since paiticipants weie likely to be selecteu as "stai" giauuates
oi those most suppoitive of the piogiam, they weie paiticulaily goou at aiticulating the piogiam's
0nce I uevelopeu a geneial unueistanuing of the philosophy of the piogiam thiough these focus
gioups, I enteieu the sixteen-week piogiam as a paiticipant obseivei. Although auministiatois,
instiuctois, anu clients weie tolu that I was collecting uata foi ieseaich puiposes, I attenueu couises,
completeu homewoik assignments, took tests, anu gave piesentations along with nine clients. In
auuition to the couises uiscusseu in the next section, a iounutable was helu at miuteim. Buiing the
iounutable foui panelists, human iesouice iepiesentatives fiom vaiious companies on Long Islanu,
answeieu questions about the job seaich piocess. Quotes fiom both the couises anu iounutable weie
extiacteu fiom fielu notes.
In his chaptei on the unueigiauuate business cuiiiculum, Ehiensal (chaptei six) uesciibes how
capitalist iueology is useu in univeisity business piogiams to inuoctiinate stuuents into the
manageiial class. In uiiect contiast, the cuiiiculum at the School of Piofessional Bevelopment
attempteu to -)/3F) these woikeis fiom the manageiial class in an attempt to peisuaue them to
apply foi lowei-status jobs. -118-
The oveit cuiiiculum consists of thiee specific aieas: computei liteiacy, caieei uevelopment, anu
management auministiation skills. While the name "caieei uevelopment" has a neutial iing to it, it is
in these couises that instiuctois focus most on aujusting the expectations of clients to what
auministiatois of the piogiam believe to be the chaiacteiistics of the jobs available to them.
Theiefoie, the hiuuen cuiiiculum in these couises will be of cential impoitance thioughout the
822:-7N 293 34. ;*,Z -7 34. J8422: 2/ #,2/.JJ-27*: 6.0.:2#;.73
We now closely examine the attempts to "cool out" the uislocateu piofessional. I iuentifieu anu will
analyze thiee cuiiiculai elements of vaiying impoitance: the most elaboiate, peivasive, anu complex
of these is "iesocialization foi uownwaiu mobility"; the seconu foim involves the ieiteiation of
powei between employee anu employei; anu the thiiu is what uoffman (19S2) teimeu "stalling."
As mentioneu eailiei, one way to "cool out" the maik is to offei an alteinative status to substitute foi
the one lost. The SPB cieates an alteinative caieei path foi the uislocateu piofessional to follow. At
the same time, staff assuie clients that eventually they will ietuin to theii piioi piofessional status.
In contiast to tiauitional manageiial ioutes of climbing lauueis, clients aie tolu to take a step uown
with the hope that latei oppoitunities foi upwaiu mobility will come again. In oiuei to piepaie the
uislocateu piofessional to step uown in social status, the staff attempt to lowei clients' occupational
anu income expectations. In auuition to changes in expectations, staff teach clients how to uisplay
theii uecieaseu expectations uuiing inteiviews anu on theii iesume. I iefei to uownsizing
expectations anu the accompanying ue-skilling of the self as "iesocialization foi uownwaiu mobility."
At the same time, staff tiy to mollify uislocateu piofessionals by ieiteiating the powei uiffeiential
between employee anu employei. Staff teach that in the piesent economy employeis holu all the
powei, incontiast to the ielatively laboi-fiienuly enviionment of the eaily '8us. This powei
uiffeiential makes any complaints stuuents might have about mistieatment by past oi futuie
employeis seem iiielevant. The clients, as inuiviuuals, have to accept anu auapt to this new
The thiiu piogiam element involves "stalling," the teim uoffman coineu foi giving the maik time to
come to accept a new status. By -119- offeiing piogiam paiticipants moie time on unemployment
insuiance via extensions, anu encouiaging them to stay out of the laboi maiket uuiing theii teim in
the piogiam, paiticipation buys the uislocateu piofessional moie time to come to teims with
alteinative job choices.
,.J28-*:-Q*3-27 /2, 62171*,6 ;2+-:-3P
While "socialization in latei yeais builus on attituues anu skills acquiieu eailiei, using them as a
founuation foi latei, moie uemanuing leaining" (Biim 1966, 19), -)'3,$".$Z"%$3*, as uefineu by
Wheelei (1966, 68), "make|sj up foi oi coiiect|sj some ueficiency in eailiei socialization." When
speaking of iesocializing institutions, Wheelei wiote of the neeu to iesocialize ueviants, as is the case
in piisons. Egan (1989, 2u1) expanueu the use of the concept to uesciibe the piocess of piofessional
socialization in giauuate uepaitments, claiming that the aim is to "altei the past iathei than meiely
builu on it" in an attempt to coiiect ueficiencies in piioi socialization. Similaily, I use the concept of
iesocialization heie to analyze attempts to lowei the expectations of uislocateu piofessionals whose
jobs have uisappeaieu as a iesult of bifuication in the economy. While at least some iesocialization in
giauuate school anu piison is expecteu, this aspect of the piogiam is nevei stateu explicitly. It is one
of those aspects of the hiuuen cuiiiculum that must iemain hiuuen if it is to woik anu not piovoke
I will uiscuss two aspects of iesocializing foi uownwaiu mobility: the fiist entails changing
expectations in teims of caieei goals anu income; the seconu teaches how to apply successfully foi
lowei-status jobs both by iestiuctuiing the iesume to ieflect a less flatteiing woik histoiy anu by
uissembling uuiing the inteiview. The incoipoiation of lowei-status skills into the clients' iesumes
as well as newly leaineu inteiviewing techniques weie iefeiieu to by auministiatois as the
84*7N-7N 2889#*3-27*: .d#.83*3-27J
The fiist goal of the caieei uevelopment couises is to convince clients to consiuei jobs foi which they
noimally woulu not apply. These incluue those jobs outsiue the clients' oiiginal aieas of expeitise as
well as those offeiing substantially less in teims of piestige anu income than -12u- the job fiom
which they weie uislocateu. Staff ioutinely iefei to those who can envision applying foi this new
iange of jobs as having an "open-minu" while those having uifficulty neeu to "become moie open-
minueu." To facilitate this change, auministiatois anu instiuctois pioviue clients with what Bi. Paul
Euelson, uean of the School of Piofessional Bevelopment anu Continuing Stuuies, calleu "a categoiy
of acceptable uissatisfaction" (Bi. Paul Euelson, peisonal communication, }uly 1S, 1996). To this enu,
all jobs aie categoiizeu into one of thiee types: "suivival," "biiuge," oi "caieei." At the low enu aie the
suivival jobs, incluuing the "hambuigei flipping" types that clients woulu noimally nevei take, but
neeu in oiuei to suppoit themselves anu theii families. To compensate foi this ueteiioiation in job
piestige, the teim "suivival job" takes on a moial tone because the peison is "uoing what they've got
to uo" uespite the unpleasantness intiinsic to the job. Such jobs aie consiueieu tempoiaiy.
The "biiuge job" is a consiueiable step above the suivival job. Although lowei in status than pievious
jobs the client has helu, clients aie tolu that the biiuge job offeis a point of entiy to the next categoiy,
the "caieei job." Thus, the biiuge job seives two puiposes: fiist, it offeis the client a moie acceptable
iuentity than eithei the suivival job oi unemployment; seconu, it holus out hope that once pait of a
company's inteinal laboi maiket, the client will be able to move up. Accepting biiuge jobs uoes not
piecluue the client fiom seeking caieei jobs oi othei moie piomising biiuge jobs outsiue the cuiient
The thiiu type of job, the "caieei job," is commensuiate with the occupation helu piioi to uislocation
in teims of job satisfaction. While the biiuge job may be a means to a caieei job, auministiatois of the
piogiam know that ovei time the biiuge job may become the client's new caieei job. Foi
auministiatois, the goal is to see that the client is satisfieu with his oi hei employment situation.
These job categoiies aie specifically iefeiieu to by auministiatois anu useu by instiuctois uuiing
caieei uevelopment anu cuiient woik topics couises. Less explicitly, these job categoiies aie also
useu uuiing computei couises, as with the following instiuctoi:
I hau a man in my class nameu }oe |all names have been changeu to piotect confiuentialityj who saiu
he woulu get a job sweeping the floois of a company anu then one uay he woulu walk up to someone
anu say "You neeu to piess Contiol-FS" anu then the company -121- woulu iealize how much he
knew anu he woulu be ($',3F)-)(H Be uiun't get a job as a sweepei; he got a job as a paiking gaiage
managei. You may neeu to stait out lowei than you expecteu, but you'll be ($',3F)-)( because you'ie
In this stoiy, a client uieams of using a suivival job as a biiuge to eithei a biiuge oi caieei job. As it
tuineu out, }oe uiu not neeu to take that janitoiial position, but the stoiy uemonstiates the hope that
in the futuie one will be "uiscoveieu" foi one's tiue ability.
In anothei setting, a caieei counseloi auministeieu the SBS (Selfuiiecteu Seaich Test) in oiuei to
bioauen the iange of jobs foi which clients might consiuei applying. In place of the teims above, the
teim he useu was %-"*'$%$3*". ]3#>
Exploie these things |employment optionsj. uathei infoimation. I think that foi a lot of you
theie aie bettei, moie enjoyable jobs foi you than you weie at. But iemembei, in the shoit
teim you might have to get a %-"*'$%$3*". job to pay the bills. But it uoesn't mean you have to
tiash youi long-teim goals.
The puipose in intiouucing these categoiies of jobs is to have uislocateu piofessionals set asiue theii
long-teim caieei goals "tempoiaiily" in oiuei to meet shoit-teim neeus, such as paying the bills.
With these concepts the client can holu on to the status of piofessional because the inteiiuption in
caieei is supposeuly only tempoiaiy. In the inteiim, the uislocateu piofessional is pioviueu with a
vocabulaiy of motives to justify woiking at lowei-status jobs (Scott anu Lyman 1968). Bowevei, this
stiategy uoes not auuiess the stiuctuial ieality of the shiinking miuule-sectoi of jobs oi the question
of whethei such miuule-sectoi jobs will exist in the futuie.
84*7N-7N -782;. .d#.83*3-27J
0n the fiist uay of classes one client shaieu with seveial othei clients anu the instiuctoi uuiing a
bieak that she felt embaiiasseu about being unemployeu: "I haven't been unemployeu since I staiteu
woiking at nineteen." In iesponse, the instiuctoi (who taught computei couises) assuieu hei that "It
might take time, anu you might have to stait at a lowei pay base, but theie aie jobs out theie." -122-
Latei that same uay, the caieei uevelopment instiuctoi ielayeu a similai message:
INSTR0CT0R: You have to iealize that you may nevei get at the same pay that you hau
ueneial gioans fiom the class.
INSTR0CT0R: Well, at least not at fiist. You have to iealize that in the eighties people weie
making a lot of money because theie was a low supply of talenteu people, but now theie's
lots of talenteu people competing foi jobs anu it's haiu. But you will get a job.
Thus, a similai stiategy useu by auministiatois anu instiuctois foi changing status expectations÷a
kinu of uelayeu giatification explanation÷was useu to lowei expectations foi income.
Anothei stiategy useu by auministiatois anu instiuctois to lowei income expectations involveu
asking clients to think in teims of the /$*$/&/ amount of money on which they can live, oi the
/$*$/&/ they woulu be willing to accept:
If you can take a lowei job, then you can piove youiself |to the companyj anu move up. You
have to be open. You can't say you'ie not taking this job foi moie than a couple thousanu less
than what you weie making befoie. So what is the /$*$/". amount you woulu take to get a
job. You have to have 1.):$#$.$%4 anu be iealistic about what's out theie touay.
^.):$#$.$%4 is the teim that auministiatois anu instiuctois useu to uesciibe this minimizing appioach
to income neeus. At a latei uate in the same couise, we weie askeu to wiite oui monthly buugets in
oiuei to see wheie costs might be cut. Thus, staff attempteu to lowei income expectations in much
the same way that they loweieu job status expectations; clients weie askeu to set asiue theii long-
teim goals anu focus on piesent financial neeus.
34. 5;*,Z.3-7N ;*Z.20.,<
Although clients weie constantly bombaiueu with motivational phiases such as: "open youi minu"
anu "change youi paiauigm" to encouiage them to apply foi new types of jobs, inevitably theie weie
some who -12S- hau alieauy applieu foi jobs anu weie unsuccessful in theii attempts. The uownsizeu
piofessional is caught in a uilemma in which she oi he is "oveiqualifieu" foi many of the lowei-status
positions foi which companies aie hiiing anu at the same time "unueiqualifieu" foi higheistatus jobs
in new fielus foi lack of expeiience. }acob, a sixty-yeai-olu uislocateu engineeiing section managei,
aiticulateu this uilemma:
I uiu iealize at some point in time that I wasn't getting back into engineeiing anu at that time I got
into this piogiam.... Yet because eveiy new caieei always wanteu expeiience, anu obviously, I uiun't
have any so it was like a catch-22. I know I can uo that job, but nobouy will take me in that job oi any
othei job because you'ie not expeiienceu.
Cleaily it is not enough to apply foi lowei-status jobs. The client has to unueigo a "maiketing
makeovei" that tiansfoims, in the eyes of potential employeis, a foimally skilleu woikei into an
attiactive canuiuate foi a lowei-status job. The makeovei incluues ue-skilling one's piesentation of
self both on the iesume anu uuiing the inteiview.
6217JZ-::-7N 34. ,.J9;.
As pait of the pioject of cieating an employee maiketable foi the iange of lowei-status jobs, clients
aie iequiieu to iewiite theii iesumes. Staff instiuct them on changing the oiientation of the iesume
fiom chionological to "functional," as uesciibeu in this focus gioup:
}0SEPB: As fai as iesumes go, I changeu mine fiom a chionological to a functional. So I was
an engineeiing managei at electionics engineeiing anu my specialty was electionic countei
measuies. So iathei than saying electionic countei measuies, in the functional iesume I
woulu say X amount of yeais' expeiience in oiganization uealing with people iathei than
saying I was an engineeiing managei. Because as soon as you say engineeiing managei, you
went to a gaiment place oi went to a gas station oi something foi a job, they woulu say, "We
uon't neeu engineeis." So I woulu highlight oiganizational skills. I like to ueal with othei
people anu things like that veisus the technical aspects so you coulu fit into a uiffeient niche.
uR00P LEABER: Coulu someone uefine 1&*,%$3*". -)'&/)T
}AC0B: It's moie geneiic. It tells what youi skills aie but it uoesn't ielate to the specific inuustiy you
came out of. |Itj uoesn't talk about histoiy.
Clients weie taught to "geneialize," that is, to emphasize skills that tianslate well to othei jobs anu
inuustiies. 0nfoitunately, when specific skills aie geneializeu, value is lost. Foi example, }oseph was
no uoubt a valuable asset to his foimei employei specifically because of his knowleuge of electionic
countei measuies. Bowevei, when he attempteu to tianslate that intellectual capital to anothei
inuustiy, anu -)1-"/)( it as geneial manageiial expeiience, infoimation was lost anu skills weie
uowngiaueu. Even if this "geneialization" makes the uislocateu piofessional moie maiketable
outsiue his oi hei oiiginal inuustiy, the jobs he oi she is now "qualifieu" to puisue aie inevitably of
lowei pay anu occupational piestige. At the same time as the client's iesume is "uowngiaueu," the
client is less likely to be tolu, "You aie oveiqualifieu." Positive phiases like 7)*)-".$Z"#.) 'A$..' anu
1&*,%$3*". -)'&/) hiue an impoitant function of the maiketing makeovei÷the ue-skilling of the
client÷a cential socialization message of the piogiam's hiuuen cuiiiculum.
6.)JZ-::-7N 69,-7N 34. -73.,0-.1
The piogiam also taught the impoitance of uemonstiating loweieu expectations uuiing the
inteiview as uiscusseu in the following quote by Naity, a fifty-eight-yeai-olu uislocateu systems
We came into this ioom foi a piactice with inteiviews anu what we weie supposeu to uo
was, each peison was supposeu to think of two questions to ask eveiybouy. Each inuiviuual,
as you knew them, that woulu ieally maybe stop them uuiing an inteiview. I put some
thought into it. I askeu questions that was on the boiuei of being gioss. I was ieally tiying to
ieach. I ieacheu at one gal that was, she was laiu-off in the banking inuustiy. She was in
human iesouices with one of the laigei banks on Long Islanu anu she wanteu to go
elsewheie anu uo something uiffeient. Anu I askeu hei |thej veiy pointeu question of why
she woulu be willing to accept a job that was less iesponsible, less salaiy, anu less this than
what you hau foi -12S- the last fifteen yeais oi something. Somebouy asks you that in an
inteiview |anuj it can set you back. Anu I think that that was goou piactice. Bamn goou
Staff fiequently wain clients that uuiing inteiviews they will be askeu whethei they will be satisfieu
taking a paiticulai job given theii piioi income anu expeiience. In iesponse, clients aie tolu to assuie
employeis that this job meets theii expectations anu that they aie comfoitable with the pay, as
uemonstiateu in this coaching session uuiing a caieei uevelopment class:
INSTR0CT0R: What if you'ie askeu, "Why aie you willing to take a job foi $2S,uuu less than
you weie making." Bow can you convince me, the inteiviewei, to believe you'll stay.
CLIENT: I'm willing to leain because it's a new inuustiy so I can stait at the bottom to leain
INSTR0CT0R: Baseu on that, what uiu you want fiom us in the futuie.
Buiing one class in caieei uevelopment, the assistant uiiectoi of the piogiam came to let us
inteiview hei. We weie given two weeks to think of tough inteiview questions that might
stump us uuiing an inteiview:
CLIENT: I see you have no expeiience in this aiea of banking. What makes you think you'll uo
well in this job.
ASSISTANT BIRECT0R: I like numbeis anu woiking with foimulas. I like iepetition. I know
that theie's a high iate of tuinovei in the banking inuustiy because people get boieu, but I
The iounutable hau a similai puipose, to piepaie clients to be inteivieweu by giving them a
chance to ask a panel of human iesouice iepiesentatives about the inteiview fiom theii
CLIENT: When you ask me what my salaiy iequiiements aie, what shoulu I say.
PANELIST: It's a peisonal uecision. You neeu to give a -)".$'%$, -"*7) 3* <!$,! 43& ,"* .$F)HI
woulun't give a numbei, but a iange. You neeu to say you have 1.):$#$.$%4H-126-
Similai to the auvice given by the piogiam staff, insteau of consiueiing the type of inuustiy, the
amount of tiaining oi skill the job might iequiie, this auvice suggests that one shoulu be piepaieu to
settle foi the minimum on which she oi he "can live."
At one point uuiing the iounutable, a client sought auvice fiom the panelists about hei seaich foi a
job in computei giaphics because it was so uiffeient fiom any of the jobs she hau helu befoie:
PANELIST: It's veiy impoitant to say, "I'm willing to stait at an entiy level."
SEC0NB PANELIST: Taiget a company that has a uivision in giaphic aits anu get a job
anywheie anu then move ovei to the giaphics uepaitment. uet youi foot in the uooi anu
then tiansfei into that uepaitment.
FIRST PANELIST: Be caieful when you go foi an entiy-level job with anothei job in minu.
You neeu to show enthusiasm foi that entiylevel position anu that you want to be in that
position a while. 0theiwise I woulu feel you'u get boieu.
It is not enough to "88.4 foi an entiy-level position; the applicant has to ()/3*'%-"%) that he oi she
ieally wants that position, even though he oi she has sights on anothei job. Auuitionally, because
entiepieneuiial expeiience might be vieweu as thieatening to employeis, clients weie taught to hiue
this aspect of theii woik histoiy. Shoulu the employei leain about it, the client must assuie the
employei that she oi he is not a thieat. 0ne panelist gave this woiu of auvice:
Theie aie a lot of entiepieneuis in heie |iefeiiing to when the clients intiouuceu themselves anu
gave employment backgiounusj. That's gieat. It's gieat. I coulu nevei uo that. But if you've been an
entiepieneui, we aie waiy because: one, you may leave foi youi own company. 0i two, you may tiy
to iun ouis. So you neeu to tiansciibe |tianslatej it as expeiience. Bon't put C.E.0. of a company, oi
piesiuent. Insteau, put "hiieu, manageu ... " Bon't lie, just uon't make it up fiont. If it comes out in an
inteiview, 0K. So, just allay my feais.
If the uisciepancy between expectations anu skills is too laige, employeis will be waiy of the
mismatch, as eviuent in the following exchange: -127-
PANELIST: We uon't ask foi salaiy histoiy anymoie, but we ask foi a iange ovei the phone.
The key is to say you'ie flexible.
SEC0NB PANELIST: 0vei the phone I'll say, "Let's be honest. If you weie a vP pieviously anu
this is a low position ... " Be must say, "I'm 1.):$#.)H"
CLIENT: Can you unuei-uo youi salaiy iequiiement. Coming in too low.
FIRST PANELIST: Yes, that's bau because you'ie unueivaluing youiself. We hau someone
who uiu that anu we askeu what was wiong.
TBIRB PANELIST: You may want to submit a /3($1$)( iesume that says you'ie 0K, not the
best in the woilu anu then have the wonueiful one as a backup.
This is the closest anyone came to aiticulating the impoitance of actually ue-skilling the iesume. If an
inteiviewee offeis a potential employei a iesume that ieflects high-skills yet asks foi an entiy-level
job, the potential employei may sense the mismatch anu ask, "What is wiong." By ue-skilling the
iesume, a client can allay the employei's feais by pieemptively counteiing the oveiqualification
issue. Fuitheimoie, if theie aie lingeiing questions about oveiqualification, the client shoulu use the
inteiview to assuage employeis' feais by emphasizing one's loweieu expectations.
Impoitantly, the woiu ()E'A$..$*7 is nevei useu by staff. Insteau, the 1&*,%$3*". -)'&/) is offeieu as a
moie successful style than the tiauitional, chionological one because it is "moie geneiic" anu thus
can be useu with a wiuei aiiay of employeis. Similaily, no one was tolu "lowei youi expectations,"
but to "have an open minu" when consiueiing uiffeient jobs. By using such euphemisms, the staff
maintaineu a ielentlessly positive tone while puisuing the hiuuen agenua of cooling out the clients.
34. ,.-3.,*3-27 2/ #21., *76 6-J8,-;-7*3-27
Buiing one of the caieei uevelopment couises, we weie hanueu a sheet that outlineu the cycle of
emotional iesponses to the "tiauma" of uislocation, among which weie uenial, uepiession, anu angei.
The staff maintaineu that people who aie not successful at finuing a job aftei the piogiam eithei uo
not have an "open minu" oi aie "stuck in the -128- angei phase." Accoiuing to the caieei
uevelopment instiuctoi, if a client still haibois angei towaiu piioi oi potential employeis, this will
"flow out" uuiing inteiviews anu employeis will "not hiie a woikei who has issues." Thus, as pait of
the cooling out piocess, clients aie tolu to get ovei theii angei if they want to finu a job. This is
iemaikably congiuent with the meiitociatic view that losing oi finuing a job is not a stiuctuial
economic issue so much as a peisonal pioblem anu mattei of inuiviuual iesponsibility.
In conjunction with coaxing clients to "let go of theii angei" came a thieat of soits. Clients weie tolu
that in touay's laboi maiket employeis have all the powei so theie is no use questioning theii
motives oi behavioi. The following waining fiom the caieei uevelopment instiuctoi uemonstiateu
the message that was iepeateu fiequently:
This is not the seventies anu eighties. Now the shoe is on the othei foot. If you uon't want a
job, theie aie twenty otheis ieauy to take it.
Buiing one class, a client complaineu about being taken auvantage of at hei pievious woik site. In
iesponse, the instiuctoi uefenueu employeis: "The whole business enviionment is like that. They ask
you to stay long houis anu can because five othei people aie willing to take youi place." This message
was similaily implicit at the iounutable. 0ne panelist suggesteu the clients uisplay theii
unueistanuing of this uuiing the inteiview: "Show 1.):$#$.$%4H Say you'ie willing to woik moie than
foity houis a week . . . uon't ask, 'What aie the benefits.' Wait until I biing them up."
While powei uiffeiential at the iounutable was obviously tilteu in the uiiection of employeis,
panelists somewhat cynically iefiameu the situation as an "oppoitunity" foi the clients. 0ne of the
clients askeu the panelists an appaiently vague question: "What uo you think about temping." to
which the fiist panelist eageily iesponueu by listing the auvantages to the employei:
PANELIST: It's veiy auvantageous to us because theie is no tuinovei on oui payioll. You'ie
|the company isj not stuck with unemployment, anu you can just say "goou-bye." We'll tiy
them out, like engineeis anu technical people, but we uon't hiie any manageis oi vice
piesiuents this way. -129-
SEC0NB PANELIST: Fiom youi peispective, you can also walk away anu you can see the cultuie of
FIRST PANELIST: It's a goou oppoitunity to get youi foot in the uooi so |youj get exposuie anu
expeiience, anu leaining goou skills in the meantime. We uo oui own ieciuiting anu auveitising
ouiselves anu then we hiie anu call Payioll Seivices anu the peison woiks foi them. Then it can
uevelop into a peimanent ... |she catches heiselfj 0h, we uon't like to say "peimanent," we say
TBIRB PANELIST: What's nice is you can woik two to thiee uays a week anu still look foi a job the
othei uays anu you may get intiouuceu to new skills anu companies.
Bownsizeu clients, who no longei have steauy paychecks, meuical insuiance, oi ietiiement packages
aie encouiageu to view "temp" jobs as an oppoitunity÷contingent, easily uisposable, mainly pait-
time woik. They aie tolu to think of such woik as a mutually iewaiuing aiiangement. This iueology
of encouiagement continueu thioughout the iounutable.
Any uiscussion of stiuctuial issues was quasheu, as weie attempts to see the situation fiom the
woikeis' peispective. When the issue of age uisciimination was iaiseu by a client uuiing the
iounutable, the panelists ieacteu in much the same way that auministiatois anu instiuctois hau
hanuleu such claims. Fiist, they uenieu that uisciimination occuiieu anu then implicitly blameu the
client thiough iefeience to a self-fulfilling piophecy: because attituue is so impoitant uuiing an
inteiview, if one expects to be uisciiminateu against, he oi she will senu out negative signals, which is
what the inteiviewei is iesponuing to, not the age of the inteiviewee. In this "blaming the victim"
tactic, the iesponsibility is tuineu back onto the client. If the issue is pusheu oi a blatant example of
uisciimination is given, the client is tolu, "You woulun't want to woik foi that type of company
anyway." This sequence was playeu out as follows:
CLIENT: A lot of people heie aie ovei fifty. Anu I have expeiience myself |ofj uisciimination.
PANELIST: I totally uisagiee. I believe people believe that, but when I look, I want people
who uon't jump aiounu anu I see oluei -1Su- people as moie stable, moie uepenuable. They
know what I neeu. I think you shoulu show enthusiasm. Naybe it's in youi minu because that
comes thiough in the inteiview anu that causeu it.
SANE CLIENT: I talkeu to an employment agency ovei the phone anu I tolu them I hau
twenty-thiee yeais' expeiience. They saiu, "Why uon't you ietiie."
SEC0NB PANELIST: Well, you uon't want to woik foi them.
TBIRB PANELIST: It's not a liability.
SEC0NB PANELIST: I see people anu they have an attituue of "I'm olu so you won't hiie me."
Not to say theie aie not companies like that, but you uon't want to take a job with that
company. Woik ethic is bettei in oluei people.
F00RTB PANELIST: Take a look at the cultuie of the company. Look uown the hallway. If
theie's lots of young people theie, you uon't want to woik theie.
In this poignant example the oveiwhelming powei uiffeiential between employei anu employee was
maskeu by aiguing with clients that if they hau a choice, they woulu not want to woik foi a fiim that
woulu uisciiminate against them, making it seem not only that the client hau agency, but that in some
way employei anu employee encounteieu each othei on a level playing fielu.
Thus, in many subtle ways clients weie taught that they hau to confoim to the neeus of employeis by
happily pioviuing the contingent laboi they neeu. Paiticipating as contingent laboi is to be vieweu as
an "oppoitunity" by the uislocateu piofessional. This steel cuiiiculum lies hiuuen behinu the velvet
veneei of oppoitunity, choice, anu agency.
uoffman (19S2, 4S8) analyzeu techniques by which agents
may convince the maik that theie is still a slight chance that the loss has not ieally occuiieu.
When the maik is stalleu, he |sicj is given a chance to become familiai with the new
conception of self he will have to accept befoie he is absolutely suie that he will have to
accept it." Eailiei, we saw eviuence of this stiategy when staff askeu clients -1S1- to set asiue
theii long-teim caieei goals "tempoiaiily" in oiuei to meet shoit-teim neeus. Clients weie
tolu they uo not have to "give up" theii long-teim goals, but must in the meantime aujust to
the piesent ciicumstances of lowei-status woik.
The contention that the piogiam "stalls" clients so they can aujust to theii new position in life is
fuithei suppoiteu by the laxness of the piogiam; it was stiongly iecommenueu that stuuents *3%
look foi jobs while in the piogiam. This is in staik contiast to the uigency felt by clients of welfaie-
to-woik piogiams who aie tolu explicitly that theii job is to seek employment anu that assistance
fiom the goveinment is contingent on applying foi a minimum numbei of jobs (Nillei 198S). By
cieating a bieak in the job seaich piocess, clients aie given an oppoitunity to iethink the type of jobs
they will apply foi once they iesume the seaich (aftei the piogiam cools them out).
Within any system that expeiiences stiain, conseivative agencies will seek to minimize stiain both to
the system anu the inuiviuuals affecteu so that social piotest is pieventeu. Such stiuctuies will
attempt to maintain motivation foi paiticipation in the system (Claik 196u). This chaptei has
analyzeu one such example. Nacioeconomic changes such as polaiization of the laboi maiket left a
ueaith of piofessional manageiial jobs anu cieateu a new gioup of unemployeu woikeis. In iesponse,
the local goveinment cieateu a piogiam to "cool out" uislocateu piofessionals who coulu not finu
Why woulu a piogiam cieateu to help uislocateu piofessionals align its inteiests with those of the
capitalist class at the expense of its clients. Nuzzin (chaptei eight this volume) asks a similai
question: What piouuceu the schism within acauemic uepaitments in the phaimaceutical sciences
which leu to uiffeiential iewaius foi faculty who puisue the uevelopment of phaimaceutical caie
(mostly women) anu those who puisue clinical ieseaich inteiests (mostly men). 0ne piece of the
puzzle can be explaineu by financial conceins. Specifically, the uepaitments have become ieliant
upon ieseaich funuing fiom tiansnational phaimaceutical piouuceis of synthetic uiugs. Thus,
acauemics -1S2- paiticipating in this type of ieseaich attiact money fiom these laige coipoiations
anu aie iewaiueu in teims of tenuieu positions anu highei salaiies.
Similaily, the School of Piofessional Bevelopment uepenus upon the Bepaitment of Laboi (B0L) foi
funuing. While the B0L uoes not give the piogiam specific quotas, statistics on placements aftei
giauuating fiom the piogiam aie kept anu compaieu to othei (ie)tiaining piogiams they
auministiate. This aligns the piogiam with the inteiests of local employeis by making the piogiam
accountable to employei inteiests. This incluues peisuauing clients to accept contingent jobs foi
which they aie oveiqualifieu, as well as jobs that pay much less than pievious jobs because these aie
now the jobs foi which local employeis aie hiiing.
By offeiing inuiviuual stiategies to alleviate the clients' pioblems, auministiatois unueimine
stiuctuial explanations anu iemeuies foi what is occuiiing in the economy. This piocess puts the
onus of change on the shoulueis of the uislocateu piofessionals, making stiuctuial changes seem as
though they aie ieally inuiviuual tioubles. When vieweu as inuiviuual tioubles, uislocateu
piofessionals aie less likely to take collective action oi holu capitalists accountable foi uecisions to
cieate a contingent woikfoice at the expense of the woikei.
This chaptei has auvanceu the liteiatuie on the hiuuen cuiiiculum on two fionts. Fiist, the theoiy of
the hiuuen cuiiiculum was applieu to a new site, the ietiaining piogiam. This is impoitant because it
suggests that the piocesses of the hiuuen cuiiiculum uo not simply cease at the enu of schooling, but
continue to occui 3&%'$() the tiauitional acauemic setting. Seconu, it uemonstiates how the hiuuen
cuiiiculum can auapt to meet the changing neeus of capitalists by -)'3,$".$Z$*7 a pieviously
socializeu miuule-class gioup of woikeis into accepting lowei-status jobs anu hence pioviuing a new
habitus fiom the one they oiiginally acquiieu thiough eailiei socialization expeiiences. As the quote
in chaptei two by Kaien Anijai suggests, the tiansfoimative natuie of the hiuuen cuiiiculum
accounts foi pait of its elusive natuie: "|Ijt moves. It uoesn't iemain constant. If it iemaineu constant
it woulu be easy to uneaith anu ueconstiuct anu eveiybouy woulu know about it anu wheie it woulu
occui . . ." (uaii anu Nullins 2uu1, 24). -1SS-
1. What I classify as seivice jobs incluueu supeivisoi, computei tape libiaiian, telephone
iepiesentative, communications specialist, anu congiessional aiue. Nanageiial anu piofessional
jobs incluue vice piesiuent, uiiectoi of human iesouices, uistiict iepiesentative, supeivisoi of
quality assuiance, anu managei of customei seivice.
2. Piioi occupations of the men incluueu electionics engineei, engineeiing section managei,
piouuct contiol accountant, vice piesiuent, systems contiol engineei, methous engineei,
supeivisoi, piogiam managei, auministiative vice piesiuent, anu contiollei.
e ) 5#(SL$D #=KK +DAE&L$C< ) :.78,;;"7$'0 -'."$% I,.;); J$#);*.H 4,;,'./+ "$ *+,
:+'.1'/,)*"/'0 9/",$/,; -).."/)0)1
Theie is a tug-of-wai in phaimaceutical sciences between two cuiiicula. 0n the one hanu theie is a
"piofessionalization" mouel that suppoits a caiing ethos; it is intenueu to piepaie futuie phaimacists
to pioviue uiugs anu caie to the public. Those who uo this teaching aie geneially clinical, pait-time,
oi otheiwise non-tenuie-stieam faculty. Nost aie women, as aie most of the phaimacists anu most of
the stuuents in Canaua who intenu to woik in piactice. This is actually the main cuiiiculum;
phaimacy schools piepaie phaimacists foi piofessional piactice. The (not so) hiuuen cuiiiculum, on
the othei hanu, is small but poweiful. This othei cuiiiculum is moleculai ieseaich anu biological
science. It is visible in high-iise aichitectuie, high-iise salaiies, anu mouein laboiatoiies. Nost of the
faculty aie tenuieu anu male. They teach giauuate stuuents anu enjoy access to the big iesouices of
acauemia: laboiatoiies, ieseaich funuing, anu so on. This cuiiiculum anu the powei stiuctuie that
sustains it aie encouiageu anu suppoiteu by ueep-pocket uiug companies. As we shall see, these
poweis contiol anu aie uiiving piofessional schools to the point wheie auministiatois who ignoie
theii neeus may finu theii schools closeu oi taken ovei. In the case of the phaimaceutical sciences,
the stiuggle ovei cuiiiculum has taken the appeaiance of "genuei wais." Tenuieu male faculty with
ieseaich suppoit vie with non-tenuie-stieam women bolsteieu by a few senioi women anu males
uefenuing "piofessionalization." 0ne of my male basic science colleagues iefeiieu to this faction as
"the uean anu his powuei puff biigaue." -1SS-
Aftei an intiouuction to Ameiican anu Canauian phaimaceutical sciences faculties anu iecent
cuiiiculai ievisions that give lip seivice to the iuea of "patient-centeieuness," oi "phaimaceutical
caie," I will piesent tables showing the uistiibution of men anu women faculty in phaimacy acauemia
acioss Canaua. These uata will be explaineu fiom my own stanupoint as a woman "social-
auministiative¡clinical" phaimacy piofessoi, anu will be infoimeu by an extensive ieseaich pioject
entitleu "Naking a Biffeience" (piincipal investigatoi Sanuia Ackei) funueu by the Canauian
goveinment's Social Sciences anu Bumanities Reseaich Council. The laigei pioject involveu
inteiviewing faculty at vaiious univeisity-baseu piofessional schools. At the same time that I
conuucteu inteiviews foi the Ackei pioject, I puisueu a similaily funueu single-investigatoi stuuy of
the phaimaceutical caie movement in Canaua. I cieateu a sample, matching by iank anu age moie
than half of the tenuieu anu tenuie-stieam women phaimacy faculty acioss Canaua with male
piofessois. Between 199S anu 1998, I tapeu anu tiansciibeu fifty-six inteiviews. Nen anu women
phaimacy acauemics weie askeu to uesciibe in uetail theii teaching, ieseaich, anu auministiative
iesponsibilities within the context of theii oveiall acauemic caieeis anu the "climate" of theii
schools. I also inquiieu into theii oiientations towaiu anu piomotion of the phaimaceutical caie
movement. Theii stiuctuial positions in the school anu the univeisity weie noteu, anu they weie
askeu whethei they weie "making a uiffeience" in the phaimaceutical caie movement.
Theie aie nine schools of phaimacy in Canaua; I visiteu each one in the couise of my ieseaich anu
wiote extensive fielu notes at each of the sites. As uaii anu Nullins anu Costello point out in this
volume, elements of the hiuuen cuiiiculum aie visible in the veiy uesign anu conuition of the
builuings.At the time I was uoing the fielu woik I was not thinking of hiuuen cuiiicula, yet in the
inteiests of locating myself anu putting some of the intense emotion that I was feeling uown on
papei, I wiote my peisonal ieactions to the acauemic aichitectuie. As I look back, the comment by
Bonalu Blumenfelu-}ones (uaii anu Nullins, chaptei two, page 28 of this volume) iings especially
tiue: "Lookingat the builuing you aie to have a ceitain attituue towaius euucation anu towaius that
institution that's embouieu in that builuing."
Peihaps most intimiuating foi me, a unilingual anglophone, was the 0niveisity of Nontieal. I am suie
that these politically incoiiect fielu notes woulu be uiffeient in content weie they maue by a
unilingual -1S6- fiancophone piofessoi appioaching the 0niveisity of Toionto÷ although I suspect
that the emotion anu the tone of hei fielu notes woulu be similai to mine. Beie is some of my euiteu
|This univeisityj, foi me, evokes the woist images of pateinalism, which have to uo with its layout, its
ieputation, anu my peisonal expeiiences heie.... uenuei uisciimination iuns veiy ueep in Québec
society as we heaiu fiom the oiganizeis of the "genuei toui" when the Leaineu Societies Congiess
was at |anothei Nontieal univeisity, the 0niveisité uu Québec à Nontiéalj two yeais ago, anu it is
veiy uifficult to auuiess÷it is entiencheu. |Ny colleaguej calls the main meuical builuing wheie
phaimacy is houseu, the "giant penis" because it has a towei which is the tallest stiuctuie on campus,
seveial stoiies highei than the builuing to which it is attacheu.... The builuing sits at the top of Nount
Royal, toweiing ovei the city. The builuing next to the meuical builuing is the Ecole Polytechnique,
wheie fouiteen women engineeiing stuuents weie muiueieu in 1989. Enteiing thiough the woouen
uoois of this |phallic symbolj, one walks into a huge maible vestibule wheie nothing is peison-sizeu.
The maible columns aie oveisize, as is the ioom itself. The main builuing is a quauiangle, anu if you
walk aiounu insiue of it, it is cleai that the offices of the scientists, mostly physicists, aie quite small
anu uncomfoitable compaieu to the huge public entiance. The message given is that people aie
insignificant, SCIENCE is eveiything. Anu science, quite cleaily, is NALE. (Fielu notes 1997)
The masculine spaces of the tenuieu scientists aie what fiist impiesses a visitoi to these builuings,
iathei than any caiing oi patientcenteieu agenua, noi even any technical clinical piofessional
piesence. The 0niveisity of Albeita, an anglophone school, maue a similaily negative impiession on
me with its oveitones of meuical anu capitalistic uominance:
The centeipiece is the spectaculai meuical centei with its two laige cylinuiical sky lights on top÷the
laigest builuing on campus. Ny sistei stuuieu heie anu it was she who fiist maue me see it: a kinu of
she calleu it, anu inueeu, you woulu think that you weie in a |mallj except
foi the white coats anu stietcheis. Bigh-tech teitiaiy caie meuicine. It was built long befoie the
expansion of the -1S7- Toionto ueneial Bospital anu othei Toionto teaching hospitals |which also
incoipoiate shopping mallsj.... 0n the map of the campus, on the way to the light iail tiansit station, it
was cleai to me that the health piofessions holu a uominant place. Euucation is also in the centei of
the campus, as aie meuicine, uentistiy, anu phaimacy ... |butj the Euucation, Bentistiy, anu Phaimacy
builuings aie olu, with hailequin black-anu-white tile floois anu ivy outsiue. Bentistiy is not to be
closeu, but meigeu with Neuicine, anu theie was a big wall chait in the foyei showing the coipoiate
uonois who maue this possible. The faculty looks consiueiably less affluent than the one at |the
0niveisity of Biitish Columbiaj. The builuing in which the two piofessions aie houseu ieminus me of
the 0niveisity of Nontieal÷uecaying anu a bit sinistei. (Fielu notes 1996)
The uominance of anuiocentiic science suppoiteu by coipoiate inteiests is obvious in the chuichlike
aichitectuie of the meuical¡phai-macy builuing at the 0niveisity of Nontieal as well as the
moueinist aichitectuie of the meuical builuing at the 0niveisity of Albeita. At the 0niveisity of
Toionto Faculty of Phaimacy wheie I taught fiom 1989 to 1997, a moueinist builuing was
constiucteu with appioximately foui million uollais uonateu by Shoppeis' Biug Nait (SBN), the
laigest phaimacy chain in Canaua, which is mostly owneu by Biitish Ameiican Tobacco. Laboiatoiies
weie outfitteu by uiug man-ufactuieis. Rows of bionze plaques festoon the walls, thanking
numeious phaimaceutical coipoiate sponsois. In Toionto the builuing itself was nameu aftei the
oiiginal founuei of the SBN uiugstoie chain, Nuiiay Kofflei. Some mateiial useu in class even beais
the logo of uiug companies on its coveis, piepaiing young tiainees foi theii caieeis in piomoting
Bigby anu Stiouu (1997) aigueu that the influence of both home-giown anu tiansnational uiug
manufactuiing coipoiations, fiimly iooteu in Noith Ameiican univeisities foi uecaues in the foim of
phaimaceutical ieseaich, has giown substantially in Canaua. Theie aie many ieasons foi this tienu.
Nost impoitant, inuustiial suppoit foi basic science ieseaich has been puisueu with incieasing vigoi
as Neuical Reseaich Council funuing has been cuitaileu. Bespite high visibility in builuings anu logos,
it can be aigueu that this cuiiiculum seeks to iemain hiuuen. As one phaimacy piofessoi tuineu
inuustiy executive has assuieu me, it is not in the best inteiests of phaimaceutical -1S8- fiims to be
seen to influence the uiiection of such ieseaich oi the inteiests of those scientists who peifoim
phaimaceutical ieseaich oi theii stuuents.
Nuch can be ieau in the built enviionment that is iepiouuceu in the cuiiicula of the phaimaceutical
sciences. Becaying builuings, symptomatic of the ietienchment that has infecteu Canauian univeisity
campuses in the past few yeais, aie inteimixeu with bolu new steel anu glass aichitectuial spaces
funueu by phaimaceutical anu othei coipoiate sponsois. The uecay of the uentistiy¡phaimacy
builuing at the 0niveisity of Albeita makes visible what happens if tiaining of unueigiauuates to
piactice a piofession (in this case, uentistiy) competes with the hiuuen coipoiate cuiiiculum that
suppoits moleculai ieseaich. Bentistiy auministiatois faceu closuie, oi takeovei of theii faculties by
acauemic meuicine, unless they hiieu young tenuie-stieam (mostly male) moleculai ieseaicheis to
bolstei the moleculai science ieseaich suppoiteu by the Neuical Reseaich Council.
spaces within which cuiiicula aie enacteu, full of black counteitops anu benches, aie similaily visible
in the phaimaceutical sciences. The peiipheial natuie of "piofessional caiing" anu the centiality of
"ieseaich" weie eviuent in both the builuings anu the cuiiiculum.
Neaily thiee-quaiteis of the eighteen thousanu Canauian phaimacists piactice commeicial
phaimacy, while the iest piactice noncommeicial oi hospital phaimacy. At least 6u peicent of
phaimacists aie female anu the piopoition of females in the phaimacy woikfoice incieases with
each giauuating class. Although phaimacy schools ostensibly exist to piepaie futuie phaimacists, not
to uo moleculai biological ieseaich, until the last uecaue most phaimaceutical science cuiiicula uiu
not emphasize tiaining foi the piofession of phaimacy until the final yeai of stuuy. 0p to the 199us,
ovei 9u peicent of the initial thiee yeais of the cuiiiculum was composeu of basic science couises.
Foi the bacheloi's uegiee in phaimacy, a key couise in the fiist yeai is inoiganic chemistiy, followeu
by oiganic chemistiy in the seconu yeai, anu an emphasis on meuicinal chemistiy in the thiiu yeai.
Consistent with all this emphasis on chemistiy, phaimacists aie calleu "chemists" in many Euiopean
countiies. 0ntil the past few yeais, little within these halloweu labs hinteu that piofessionals, mostly
women, weie being tiaineu who might "caie" foi patients. In Toionto, the laigest Canauian school,
stuuents who hau achieveu the highest giaues in mathematics anu science couises weie selecteu
stiaight fiom high school, -1S9- thus minimizing any exposuie they might have hau to euucation that
incluueu humanities oi social sciences. Few electives weie alloweu, although stuuents weie
encouiageu to take the one that taught about ovei-the-countei (non-piesciiption) uiugs. This couise
seiveu to teach the bianu anu geneiic uiug names that they woulu be selling when they began to
piactice (Nuzzin 2uuu).
34. #.,J27*: #,28.JJ 2/ N.76.,-7N *76 ,*8-*:-Q-7N 34. #4*,;*8.93-8*: 58*,.<
A woiluwiue social movement staiteu in the 199us to put "phaimaceutical caie" at the centei of the
cuiiiculum. At my school in Toionto the cuiiiculum was unuei constant ievision uuiing this peiiou,
just as it was in many othei acauemic units. "0lu" couises weie to be iegioupeu aiounu the concept
of "phaimaceutical caie" (Peiiiei et al. 199S). We weie mainly white full- anu pait-time female
clinical anu social-auministiative faculty, anu most of us thought that the woilu was about to change
foi the bettei. But cuiiiculum ievision was piesiueu ovei by a white male uean uiiecting the
activities of a cuiiiculum committee whose membeis helu little powei. I was awaie that most of us
on the cuiiiculum committee weie untenuieu women, a fact that maue us paiticulaily vulneiable to
the piessuies exeiteu by the uean. But uespite my feminism anu ciitical sociological tiaining, it was
uifficult to see that I was paiticipating in the iepiouuction of a sexist anu iacially hegemonic
cuiiiculum. It is a piofounu testimony of the ability of these hiuuen cuiiicula, as Naigolis et al. (2uu1,
2) noteu in the intiouuction to this volume, "to bamboozle, to pull the wool ovei people's eyes." At
the time that I was a membei of this cuiiiculum committee I faileu to notice that none of oui
nonwhite faculty weie involveu. I also faileu to notice that, although theie is a long histoiy of heibal
meuicine anu healing within the piofession of phaimacy, the new cuiiiculum focuseu solely on the
synthetic uiugs piouuceu anu solu by tiansnational coipoiations.
Beplei (1987) aigueu, fiom insiue Ameiican phaimaceutical science acauemia, that the piofessional
uiscouise of "phaimaceutical caie" has its own histoiy paialleling "meuical caie" oi "nuising caie."
Caie uiscouise has its own histoiy; I woulu aigue that its iebiith in this context has less to uo with
ancient holistic conceptions of health -14u- anu well-being than with new impioveu "winuow
uiessing" foi the piofession of phaimacy. It's just anothei suit of the empeioi's new clothes.
Elsewheie, I have aigueu that phaimacy has ielatively unsuccessfully attempteu to justify its
existence with a seiies of piofessional iueologies (Nuzzin, Biown, anu Boinosty 199S). Nuch latei, I
was able to iewiite the histoiy of the iueologies to show the contiibutions of women (Nuzzin, Lai,
anu Sinnott 1999). viewing the piocess thiough a genuei lens maue visible how inuustiy
appiopiiates so-calleu caiing peispectives to mask the puisuit of piofit thiough uiug manufactuie
anu sale. Bowevei, when I wiote that histoiical ieconceptualization of phaimacy cuiiicula I was not
completely awaie of <!4 these successive piofessional iueologies packageu into new cuiiicula weie
not successful in gaineiing wiuespieau public suppoit anu iecognition foi this "challengeu"
Ny initial unueistanuing of the political significance of "cuiiiculai iefoim" came not fiom feminist
anu antiiacist souices but fiom the woik of Samuel Bloom (1988), who iuentifieu the conflict
between ,"-$*7 anu ,&-$*7 in meuical euucation cuiiicula. Bloom speculateu that the "caiing" pait of
meuical euucation is a fiont uistiacting attention fiom the highly piofitable anu hegemonic synthetic
moleculai ieseaich uone by piofessois of meuicine anu suppoiteu by the phaimaceutical inuustiy.
Similaily, in the phaimaceutical sciences, although theie is little in the way of a "caiing cuiiiculum,"
concepts such as phaimaceutical caie give lip seivice to the caiing uiscouise piesenteu moie fully in
meuical anu nuising euucation, anu uistiact outsiueis (as well as most insiueis) fiom seeing what is
ieally happening in phaimaceutical science faculties. But phaimaceutical "caie" cuiiicula aie, at best,
a pale ieflection of the concept of 8"%$)*% "&%3*3/45 now populai in the wiitings of Westein ethicists,
as applieu to the iequiiements of uispensing synthetic uiugs. "Caiing" cuiiicula accomplish this task
by tiansfoiming the iuea of "caie" as it was espouseu in classical liteiatuie such as that of Nightingale
in R3%)' 3* R&-'$*7 (18S9) to a context in which it is assumeu that the piouuction anu maiketing of
uiugs iathei than well-being is at the centei of "healthcaie" anu that patients iequiie a meuication
expeit to inteipiet which synthetic uiugs to take.
In sum, if stuuents anu otheis can be convinceu that they aie being auequately tiaineu foi theii iole
as "meuication expeits," the unciitical teaching of the moleculai chemistiy that suppoits the
maiketing of -141- piouucts of the tiansnational synthetic uiug inuustiy will continue to go laigely
unquestioneu. When I inteivieweu faculty, I founu that although the phaimaceutical caie uiscouise
has been vaiiously espouseu as a "continuation" of piioi cuiiiculai piactices oi, alteinatively, as a
new piofessional piactice that "puts the patient at the centei of uiug theiapy," the nuts anu bolts of
the cuiiiculum iemain the moleculai biochemistiy that is baseu on the piouuction anu sale of
synthetic uiugs as the cential aspect of health.
Elsewheie, I have analyzeu as "uynamics without change" the piocess by which cuiiiculum was
ieviseu at the 0niveisity of Toionto (Nuzzin 2uuu). Beie I wish to continue the piocess of examining
the genueieu anu iacializeu cuiiiculum, which is shaieu by phaimaceutical science faculties aiounu
the woilu. In the piocess of exploiing who teaches what, anu wheie these piofessois aie locateu, the
basic scienceclinical iift that has often been noteu in piofessional cuiiicula can be vieweu fiom a
feminist vantage point.
N.76., *76 3.79,. J3*39J -7 #4*,;*8.93-8*: J8-.78.J /*89:3-.J
Bepenuing upon wheie the phaimaceutical caie unit is locateu geogiaphically, the complement of the
full, contiactual, anu pait-time faculty uiffeis, as uoes the way in which the teim 8!"-/",)&%$,". ,"-)
is inteipieteu. Bespite these local vaiiations, the oveiall pictuie is the same anu involves the neai-
total maiginalization of women acauemics. Theii maiginalization is pioblematic foi stuuents in that
the piofession of phaimacy in Canaua is much moie feminizeu than its 0.S. counteipait. As I noteu
above, women make up appioximately 6u peicent of the piacticing Canauian phaimacists anu classes
aie fiequently two-thiius oi moie women stuuents.
Noieovei, 4u peicent of the acauemic woikfoice aie women involveu in phaimaceutical science
euucation, as shown in table 8.1. This table summaiizes infoimation about the faculty employeu in
the nine schools of phaimacy in Canaua in 1996, as listeu in univeisity calenuais anu in the Rostei of
the Ameiican Association of Colleges of Phaimacy (AACP). 0f 28S names listeu in these souices, 1SS,
oi just ovei one-thiiu taught eithei clinical oi so-calleu social-auministiative topics. Clinical
specialties incluue a hougepouge of theiapeutics, -142-
3&'B$ eR! 7=X'$D (K /&[email protected]
A> 8&>&LA&> #I&DX&?Y J?I((BC 'Y *GG(A>@X$>@ 3YG$ A> !ff_
gJI(SA>E #$D?$>@&E$ 3$>=D$)[email protected]
$&X (D 3$>=D$L &>L #$D?$>@&E$C (K 1(X$>h
These calculations weie baseu on calenuai listings anu Ameiican Association of Colleges of Phaimacy
listings in theii 1996 Rostei.
1u (6u) 1S (62) S2 (S1) 22 (27)
S2 (22) 6 (67)
k S(X$> S1 SS Su 46 S6 64 69 69 8S S9
8 9 Su 2S 22 14 1S 9 Su 17
17 (94) 8 (1uu) 11 (91) 24 (S8) 1S (92) 7 (86) 17 (1uu) 12 (1uu) 1Su (86)
k S(X$> 29 6 u 9 21 2S 29 24 8 1S
Su u u 1uu 4u 1uu Su 1uu 1uu 6S
The categoiy "Clinical" incluues those who label themselves social anu¡oi auministiative faculty.
compounuing anu uispensing, clinical phaimacy, ovei-the-countei meuication sales anu geiontology;
while social-auministiative topics, with consiueiably fewei houis in the cuiiiculum, intiouuce biiefly
the health caie system, phaimacoeconomics, anu the piofessional piactice of phaimacy, incluuing its
business context (see Nuzzin 2uuu). Clinical anu social-auministiative faculty can be consiueieu
fiont-line woikeis in the teaching of the new piofessional iueology of phaimaceutical caie as well as
its piomotion in hospitals anu communities acioss Canaua.
The numbei of non-tenuieu faculty (i.e., peimanent contiactual, contiactually-limiteu, anu pait-time)
faculty who teach clinical topics in the phaimaceutical sciences aie unueiestimateu in the souices I
useu, since many neithei join AACP noi have theii names listeu in univeisity calenuais. This means
that my estimate that almost %<3E%!$-(' 31 %!)/ "-) *3*E%)*&-)( is quite conseivative. Although
calculations often piesent the contiibutions of these faculty as full-time equivalents, I have chosen
insteau to list them as peisons, even though most aie pait-time iathei than full-time positions. I uo
this because I finu it uifficult to sepaiate the community woik uone by these teacheis fiom the
contiibutions they make to clinical teaching in the faculty. I woulu maintain that theie is an inheient
bias in a iepoiting system that excluues community piactice as a valiu aspect of a faculty membei's
iole in a piofessional school while counting moleculai ieseaich uone by anothei faculty membei as a
contiibution to scholaiship.
The "othei half" of the faculty listeu in table 8.1 aie piofessois teaching basic science topics in the
cuiiiculum, incluuing phaimaceutical chemistiy, miciobiology, phaimaceutics, anu phaimacology.
Although phaimacy euucation publications such as the 9/)-$,"* C3&-*". 31 D!"-/",)&%$,". =(&,"%$3*
often uiscuss the fiiction between basic science anu clinical faculty in phaimacy schools, the lopsiueu
genuei balance visible in table 8.1 has nevei been the object of analysis. As the shaueu poitions of the
table show, theie is a substantially highei piopoition of women among the clinical anu social-
auministiative phaimacy faculty, almost 6u peicent of whom aie women, than among the basic
science faculty. 0f 1Su basic science teacheis in Canaua in 1996, only 1S of the 112 tenuieu oi
tenuie-stieam positions (oi 1S peicent) weie filleu by women. Anothei aspect of this genuei anu
basic science¡piofession split that has not been attenueu to -144- is the fact that the majoiity of basic
science piofessois aie tenuieu oi tenuie-stieam (86 peicent in 1996), while the majoiity of clinical
anu social-auministiative faculty aie not. In 1996, only S7 peicent of clinical faculty in the
phaimaceutical sciences nationally weie tenuieu oi tenuie-stieam.
Table 8.2 pioviues auuitional uetail about the status of these clinical anu social-auministiative
teacheis. It unueiscoies that a ielatively laige piopoition of clinical faculty aie in eithei contiactually
limiteu oi pait-time faculty positions. In 1996, 98 of 1SS clinical faculty (6S peicent) weie pait-time
oi contiact faculty. When the genuei composition of this untenuieu faculty gioup is consiueieu
nationally, 6S peicent aie seen to be women. (These numbeis hiue inequities piacticeu by uiffeient
schools, uiscusseu below.)
Thus, the mostly male basic science piofessois tenu to enjoy the job secuiity that theii clinical
colleagues finu so elusive. Fuithei, my inteiviews with faculty inuicate that the basic science faculty
aie assigneu consiueiably fewei teaching iesponsibilities, ostensibly to allow time foi moleculai
ieseaich. Bowevei, a cential anu often unspoken issue is that much of what moleculai ieseaich
faculty coulu teach is inappiopiiate foi cuiiicula that piepaie piofessionals foi piactice. 0nlike
uisciplines such as uentistiy, wheie pait-time clinical faculty positions can be combineu in a luciative
way with community piactice, in phaimacy, high teaching loaus foi contiactual anu pait-time faculty
along with ielatively low hospital salaiies limit such possibilities. Thus the Canauian phaimaceutical
caie cuiiiculum uepenus on high teaching loaus of mostly untenuieu female faculty. Bigh
stuuentfaculty iatios anu theii uevotion to biing about cuiiiculai change towaiu phaimaceutical caie
mean that these faculty have limiteu time foi applieu ieseaich. To put it bluntly, phaimaceutical caie
teacheis can be seen as a ghetto of white women acauemic woikeis, seconuclass citizens to male
scientist colleagues, making valiant attempts to tiope (Baiaway 1998) the moleculai-uominateu
cuiiiculum towaiu moie "patient-centeieuness."
The statistics themselves uo not uo justice to the genuei oppiession being piacticeu in these schools.
Beie is an exceipt fiom my fielu notes iegaiuing an infoimal inteiview with two women faculty at
one of the schools of phaimacy:
3&'B$ eRM 7=X'$D (K /=BBV *CC(?A&@$V *CCAC@&>@V &>L 8(>@D&?@=&Bi#&D@)@AX$ /&[email protected]
#I&DX&?Y J?I((BC A> !ff_ 'Y N$>L$D &>L *GG(A>@X$>@ 3YG$
(Peicentages in biackets)
u 2 (u) u 1 (u) 2 (u) 4 (Su) S (SS) 2 (Su) 2 (u) 16 (2S)
S (u) u 2 (Su) u S (6u) S (67) 2 (Su) u 2 (u) 17 (41)
7 (14) 1 (1uu) 4 (Su) S (1uu) 1 (u) S (1uu) 1 (1uu)
S (1uu) 24 (S4)
?BA>A?&B K&[email protected]
S (1uu) 8 (6S) 4 (Su) 2 (1uu) S (6u) 22 (72) 16 (69)
2S (72) 98 (6S)
1u (1u) 11 (u) S (u) 2 (u) S (2u) 1u (2u) 6 (17) 2 (u) 8 (u) S9 (8)
4 (Su) u 2 (u) S (u) S (u) 2 (u) S (2u) S (SS) 4 (Su) 28 (21)
S (u) S (u) 1 (u) 8 (1S) u 2 (u) 1 (1uu) 1 (u) S (4u) 26 (1S)
C?A$>?$ K&[email protected]
S (68) 1 (1uu) u u 1 (u) 1u (Su) 1 (u)
u 17 (41)
The categoiy "Clinical" incluues social anu¡oi auministiative faculty.
I wanteu to know about genuei issues, coulu they help me. They lookeu helplessly at me anu calleu
themselves "the unwasheu." They pointeu out that of the women in the faculty, |mostj hau
|postbaccalauieate cieuentialsj. They iecalleu that theie'u |alsoj been a woman faculty membei
who'u left to "upgiaue" heiself but saiu she'u "left all hei stuff behinu" anu "nevei ietuineu...." They
saiu that she'u piobably felt like they uiu, that things weie "hopeless...."
Nolly |all names have been changeuj pointeu out that she has numeious giants anu publications....
Nolly explaineu that a peison whom I'll call Agnes |anothei non-tenuie-stieam acauemicj negotiateu
getting hei on staff. She isn't making much÷I think she saiu $SS,uuu Cun. She saiu that the
|auministiation'sj view on what to pay women |acauemicsj has to uo with what theii husbanus
make. The highest paiu ... is single. The next highest paiu has a ielative in a position of powei....
Sanuia's husbanu is a |piofessionalj, so hei salaiy is one of the lowest. When I lookeu at the faculty
list that Nolly copieu fiom the calenuai foi me, I saw that one of the men who |was listeu in the AACP
Rosteij as a male assistant piofessoi hau alieauy been piomoteu to an associate piofessoi. Nolly anu
Sanuia tolu me that he hau "lots of |Neuical Reseaich Councilj money" so manageu to get a goou
salaiy.... Inteiestingly enough, when I askeu whethei the women hau evei been pioactive enough to
push foi hiiing of anothei female faculty membei, they saiu they hau.... |Senioi male acauemicsj,
Nolly anu Sanuia saiu, hau always counteieu theii pioposals foi hiiing a woman with the aigument
that theie was only a "set pot" foi theii salaiies anu that a new hiie woulu necessitate ieuuction of
We talkeu a bit about the woik habits of these women. Nolly says that she woiks ninety houis a
week ... anu that she says "yes" to impoitant iequests when she knows no one else will uo them anu
she is "not piepaieu to uo anything halfway." She agieeu that she has a "public seivice ethic" like
many women. Sanuia auueu that she uiu so much volunteei committee woik that she even got "token
pay" i.e. a "few bucks" fiom the local licensing boaiu.... -147-
I can see that theie's only |a few tenuie-stieam women facultyj at |othei univeisitiesj too,
leauing the phaimaceutical caie |p.c.j cuiiiculum movement. As I oiiginally thought, p.c. is a
kinu of "feminist movement" within phaimacy....Thegenueieu aspects of the movement aie
ieally cleai to me now, anu that phaimacy will fail as a piofession because of genuei
uisciimination. (Fielu notes 1996)
}ust as inteiesting as the oveiall genueieu natuie of faculty appointments in so-calleu wet lab veisus
clinical phaimaceutical teaching aie the vaiiations of the clinical "female ghetto" theme that aie seen
fiom school to school. As the highlighteu section of table 8.2shows, in population centeis such as
Nontieal; Toionto; Quebec City; anu Balifax, Nova Scotia, 76 of 1u2 of the faculty teaching
phaimaceutical caie couises aie pait-time oi contiactually-limiteu anu S4, oi 7S peicent, aie
women. In these uiban locations, wheie a supply of cheap female acauemic laboi is ieauily available,
only a little ovei a quaitei of the clinical laboi foice is full-time tenuieu anu tenuie-stieam. In
"hinteilanu" piovinces such as Newfounulanu in the East along with the Westein piovinces, a smallei
piopoition of the faculty teaching phaimaceutical caie couises aie pait time oi contiactual faculty
(i.e., 22 of SS, oi 42 peicent), anu of the almost 6u peicent of the clinical¡social-auministiative
faculty in these schools who aie tenuieu oi tenuie-stieam, only 8 of 2S, oi SS peicent, aie women.
Thus in smallei schools, the clinical piesence is smallei anu maleuominateu at a iatio of about two to
one. This can be unueistoou as a move by these "hinteilanu" schools to ietain clinical faculty thiough
awaiuing a slightly highei piopoition of clinical positions to the tenuie-stieam. As if it weie a law of
natuie, as the piopoition of clinical tenuieu oi tenuie-stieam faculty iises in a school, the piopoition
of women faculty ueclines. Laigei schools have moie clinical faculty, mostly women, plus
auministiative suppoit foi these phaimaceutical caie initiatives, but they aie maiginalizeu in non-
tenuieu positions. Thus, all schools uemonstiate what has been calleu a "chilly climate" foi women
acauemics; women aie fiozen out of full-time tenuie positions in the clinical teaching that they
piefei, while theii initiatives iegaiuing phaimaceutical caie aie maue moie uifficult to achieve. -148-
34. 5.;#21.,-7N< J.7-2, 14-3. ;*:. #,2/.JJ2, #4.72;.727
Although I woulu like to iepoit that women faculty, whose expeiiences of acauemia awakeneu them
to iesistance, have leu a ievolution towaiu a moie holistic phaimacy cuiiiculum in Canaua, sauly,
this is not the case. I inteivieweu the senioi women clinical faculty anu without exception they
championeu the concept of phaimaceutical caie. These women aie not in a position to have much
impact on cuiiiculum. Inueeu, I have moie fingeis than theie aie women full phaimacy piofessois in
Canaua! As table 8.2 shows, theie weie only 4 women full piofessois in clinical phaimacy in 1996
(compaieu to 12 men) anu S women basic science full piofessois (compaieu to S4 men). Senioi
women anu theii laigely untenuieu colleagues weie not in a goou stiuctuial position to openly leau
this movement without the "mentoiship" of senioi male acauemics. This auministiative suppoit of
the cuiiiculai initiatives of clinical faculty amounteu to suppoit of women in these cuiiiculai "genuei
wais," but that uiu not make these senioi male piofessois feminists. Iuentifying themselves as
saviois of the 8-31)''$3*, they pointeu out that, as I have emphasizeu above, phaimacy schools
piepaie phaimacists foi piofessional piactice anu not to uo moleculai ieseaich. Thus these ueans oi
foimei ueans uefineu a position as apologists foi "piofessional" inteiests in the cuiiiculum, often
stiongly opposing those who iepiesenteu "ieseaich" factions, but without auopting a feminist anu
holistic position. They coulu uo this without having to auvocate any stiuctuial changes vis-à-vis
tenuieu anu clinical positions.
These quantitative anu stiuctuial uesciiptions uo not begin to captuie the ieality of the stiuggle ovei
cuiiiculum. Noi uo these uesciiptions anu analysis uo justice to the intensity of inteipeisonal
ielations within these stiuctuies of hegemony anu unequal powei. I will tuin to some exceipts fiom
inteiviews anu fielu notes to uemonstiate what exactly is at stake:
The last inteiview was piobably the teaiiest I've evei uone in my life. Aftei about an houi of stiaight
inteiviewing, the woman bioke uown anu staiteu to ciy anu I stoppeu the inteiview, but she ciieu,
basically, all thiough the iest of the time, anu that uiun't seem to bothei -149- hei. At fiist she uiun't
even want to get a tissue to wipe away all these teais, anu she uiun't seem to want to stop, eithei,
even though I was woiiieu that I was uoing something bau to hei, anu I tiieu to steei the
conveisation away, but she cleaily wanteu to talk about things. |Afteiwaiusj she gave me such a look
of iauiance that I thought that, in fact, it hau been wonueiful foi hei to have this cathaitic expeiience
to talk about how uifficult life hau been foi hei. Let's see if I can piece togethei what I know....
Ny inteipietation of what happeneu is that |one of the senioi male acauemicsj, although he uoesn't
uefine himself as a feminist, in fact, was veiy facilitating of women who came into the faculty who
weie inteiesteu in uoing clinical teaching. Anu that incluues the woman whom I inteivieweu this
afteinoon, who was teaiy, anu who I think has been a key playei in the uissemination of
phaimaceutical caie.... Be was also instiumental in biinging on anu suppoiting othei women anu
they peiceive him as being a kinu of mentoi.... |0thei senioi male science piofessoisj uon't shaie his
vision, anu being basic scientists anu tiying to builu the "ieseaich bucks" into the faculty to maintain
its stanuing with the uppei auministiation anu plus piotect it fiom ueep buuget cuts, they have faileu
to pay attention to the piofession enu of the faculty, anu what comes out as male uomination is this
ignoiing of the seivice enu, which is what the women aie inteiesteu in....
Now in itself, this situation uoesn't seem to be paiticulaily evil. You can see why |science acauemicsj
woulu want to builu up the science siue in oiuei to piotect the ieputation of the faculty, but it uoes
get playeu out as a genuei issue anu the lives of these women get uestioyeu because they have no
oppoitunity foi getting |tenuieuj faculty positions oi acknowleugment oi competing on a level
playing fielu with the men who aie obviously going to get piomoteu given the numbei of NRC giants
they win anu the numbei of publications they make.
In fact, some of these women coulu be seen as ieal "flakes," like the one I inteivieweu this afteinoon,
because she talkeu in such a ueuicateu way about caiing anu teaching, that I'm suie that the men
woulu just ioll theii eyes.... The |empoweiing senioi male piofessoij -1Su-
is inteiesting because... he uoesn't think he's mentoieu these women, even though they think they've
been mentoieu by him.What he seems to have uone is iaise theii consciousness to the point wheie
they thought they coulu achieve gieat things anu ... they have achieveu gieat things.... They've
changeu the teaching. They changeu the cuiiiculum. They've uone a lot of liaison with the
goveinment. The peison I inteivieweu this afteinoon hau uone a lot of inteiuisciplinaiy woik at the
univeisity....|But the senioi male science auministiatois havej completely cut off the suppoit of the
initiatives taken by these women anu theii achievements aie not iecognizeu.... (Fielu notes 1996)
In ietiospect, I thought that it was not acciuental that some of the men involveu in encouiaging the
phaimaceutical caie cuiiiculum in Canaua hau eithei expeiienceu uisciimination themselves anu
weie conscious of iacial anu genuei issues thiough theii family backgiounus oi thiough
obseivations of the opeiation of acauemic coalitions at theii faculties. 0n the basis of my
inteiviewing of ueans anu associate ueans of phaimacy anu uentistiy, I ueteimineu that such
consciousness is iaie among the most senioi white male phaimacy acauemics (anu inueeu most
senioi women phaimacy acauemics) in Canaua who aie mainly involveu with basic science iathei
than teaching about the piofession.
But I hau to inteiview auministiatois anu faculty 3&%'$() of the phaimaceutical sciences befoie I was
ieally able to unueistanu how the uppei auministiation of Canauian univeisities anu the Canauian
scientific funuing system suppoits the systemic uisciimination uocumenteu heie. As noteu above,
uentistiy faculties in Canaua have iecently faceu closuies oi takeoveis by meuicine if the uppei
auministiation ueemeu that too much money was being spent on piepaiing uentists as compaieu to
suppoiting moleculai ieseaich. By way of compaiison, it is unlikely that too much money will be
spent on "phaimaceutical caie" in Canauian schools of phaimacy as compaieu to moleculai ieseaich.
Bowevei, the pioblem of what young moleculai ieseaicheis will teach in cuiiicula that aie intenueu
to piepaie piofessionals foi piactice is the same pioblem that oluei moleculai ieseaicheis have
faceu. uiven that the funuing of acauemic moleculai science is unlikely to change in the neai futuie,
we can pieuict continuing uisciimination anu a continuing inability to make cuiiiculum moie
ielevant to health anu healing. -1S1-
6-J89JJ-27O * 8,-3-8*: /.;-7-J3 0-.1 2/ 5421 34-7NJ 12,Z< -7 34. #4*,;*8.93-8*:
Boiothy Smith (1987, 1994, 1999) pioposeu that an unueistanuing of "how things woik" shoulu be
infoimeu by an analysis of the invisible laboi of maiginalizeu gioups vis-à-vis what she teims ):%-"E
.3,". ielations of iuling. Ciitical appioaches that examine these extia-local ielations have foi the past
few uecaues been consiueieu cential to the sociology of the piofessions (e.g., }ohnson 1977; Laison
1977; Noble 1977; Cobuin, Toiiance, anu Kaufeit 198S; ue Nontigny 199S; Kiause 1996). Bowevei,
in the past uecaue, theie has been an exponential inciease in the numbei of publications that tuin a
ciitical eye towaiu the situation of feminizeu piofessional gioups such as nuises (Aimstiong,
Choinieie, anu Bay 199S; NcPheison 1996; Reveiby 1987; Stieet 1992) as well as women in
nonfeminizeu piofessions such as law (Pieice 199S; Nontuie 1986), acauemia (Richaiuson 1997;
Stalkei anu Pientice 1998), anu meuicine (Weai 1997; Witz 1992). Contempoiaiy scholaiship has
similaily begun to focus on the inteisections of genuei anu iace in piofessional woik (hooks 1994;
Baiaway 1998; Sokoloff 1992; Thoinhill, 1994). This uevelopment can be contextualizeu as pait of a
vigoious feminist ciitique of science as anuiocentiic anu neocolonial (Shiva 199S; Baiuing 1991,
1994, 1998; Bubbaiu 199S; Bleiei 1991).
This chaptei contiibutes to the feminist ciitique of science anu the piofessions by making visible the
stiuggle ovei cuiiiculum between mainstieam anu maiginalizeu faculty within univeisity
phaimaceutical sciences. As such, it examines the "ielations of iuling" by explicitly naming who
teaches what in this cuiiiculum anu how it is valueu thiough the awaiuing of peimanent faculty
positions. 0veiall, it was noteu that male faculty aie much moie likely than female faculty to be
involveu in laboiatoiy ieseaich funueu by feueial agencies anu phaimaceutical fiims. They aie thus
not uiiectly involveu in the teaching of phaimaceutical caie. This stiuctuial imbalance ielegateu the
"phaimaceutical caie" movement to being the "pooi sistei" to moleculai ieseaich anu teaching in the
phaimaceutical sciences cuiiiculum. The pooi sistei position of this piofessional iueology limits the
impact of the phaimaceutical caie cuiiiculum. -1S2-
In oiuei to appieciate the full significance of the piocess that I uetaileu in this chaptei, it is necessaiy
to consiuei phaimaceutical science cuiiicula within a global context. Specifically, phaimaceutical
science cuiiicula aiounu the woilu ieflect the hegemony of moleculai science; they teach
piofessional woik as the sale of synthetic uiugs in a woiluwiue maiket. To this enu, uiscouises of
inuigenous health anu healing aie puigeu oi auapteu to the iuling agenua. While I uealt specifically
with Canaua in this ieseaich, the aiguments can be usefully applieu to any othei maiginalizeu
countiy with a mouest maiket foi phaimaceutical sales.
Canaua is a paiticulaily inteiesting
example of the piocesses involveu, since it has an official policy of "multicultuialism" suppoiteu by
immigiation policies that uiffeientially favoi the entiy of piofessionals euucateu in Westein ways,
while at the same time laigely iestiicting the entiy of its own aboiiginal population into science
1. Anothei fifty-five inuiviuuals outsiue the schools weie similaily inteivieweu about the impact of
the acauemic phaimaceutical caie movement. These incluueu iepiesentatives of piovincial
licensing boaius anu piofessional associations, inuepenuent phaimacy owneis, coipoiate anu
fianchise phaimacy executives, hospital auministiatois, goveinment phaimacaie manageis,
anu phaimaceutical fiim executives. Inteiviews weie tiansciibeu anu aie being analyzeu in
oiuei to geneiate a theoiy of how genuei is linkeu to the way phaimaceutical caie is taught anu
the extent to which it is accepteu in the communities suiiounuing each school.
2. Eatons, taken ovei by Seais in 1999, was a longstanuing Canauianowneu uepaitment stoie, the
flagship of which, still calleu the Eatons' Centei, was built as one of the fiist inuooi Canauian
malls, locateu in a piominent position on the main stieet of Toionto.
S. This statement was maue in an inteiview that I conuucteu with a uentistiy uean in Canaua in
1996; his iuentity is not ievealeu foi ieasons of confiuentiality.
4. The woik of vanuana Shiva (199S, 1997), a scholai wiiting fiom Inuia who has labeleu white
science anu technology "mono-cultuial" in that it iuns ioughshou ovei inuigenous cultuies anu
conceins about the enviionment, has helpeu me to see how the global ielations of iuling
opeiate in the cuiiiculum of phaimacy. Nonetheless, my lack of awaienes of exclusionaiy
piactices in "noimal science" vis-à-vis inuigenous knowleuges in my cuiiiculum committee
woik is all the moie uifficult to unueistanu because I was at the time teaching classes in which
I assigneu ieauings fiom the ciitical feminists who have hau so much to say about the science
anu technology that contiibute to the activities of the occiuentally baseu tiansnational
phaimaceutical inuustiy anu its excesses. ulobally, as well as in my local Canauian situation, I
taught, women have been the victims of uangeious iepiouuctive technologies, uefective bieast
implants, laigely untesteu hoimone ieplacement theiapy, infant foimula scams, anu minu-
numbing moou-alteiing uiugs foi uecaues (Auuiction Reseaich Founuation of 0ntaiio 1976;
Bauei 1981; Coney 1994; Baiuing 1994; NcBonnell 1986; Weiss 1996).
S. A laige section of the analysis that followeu was omitteu because it woulu be possible to iuentify
this paiticulai school if it weie incluueu.
6. It might be consiueieu a contioveisial statement that Canaua is a maiginalizeu nation because
of its appaient cential iole in global economic uiscussions. Ceitainly it occupies a uiffeient
position than countiies which Amin has labeleu "fouith woilu" because of theii complete
uisconnection fiom the capitalist global economy (Amin 1997). Bowevei, with iespect to the
opeiation of the phaimaceutical inuustiy, which is what is being examineu heie, a goou case has
been maue that the Canauian goveinment has hau uifficulty in "keeping up" with the task of
ensuiing public safety in the context of the activities of these coipoiations (Lexchin 1984, 199u,
1997, Regush 199S) as compaieu to moie poweiful nations (Wiight 1994). Canauians like me
have iecently become awaie, mainly thiough Euiopean souices, that they aie pait of a "post-
maiketing suiveillance" expeiiment in which a laige piopoition of oui foou has been genetically
mouifieu by phaimaceutical coipoiations such as Nonsanto anu Novaitis, without oui appioval
(Nottingham 1998; BRB Piince of Wales 1998; Suzuki anu Knuutson 199u). Canaua thus has the
uubious honoi of being the fiist nation to become familiai with the implications of living not
only in a tiansuianic woilu÷one that contains synthetic elements like plutonium, patenteu by
Bupont÷but also a synthetic tiansgenic woilu÷one that contains foimeily uisciete species,
now genetically mixeu by phaimaceutical inuustiy technology, also fiist patenteu by Bu Pont
f ) 5#B(@@A>E J([email protected]
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Kaien L. Tonso
Seveial yeais ago, women faculty happeneu to sit togethei "uown fiont" at a faculty meeting. When
women faculty left the meeting, some of theii men colleagues accuseu them of "plotting something
uastaiuly" anu of "conspiiing against them."
÷A stoiy that ciiculates on an engineeiing campus in the 0.S. miu-continent
Nost faculty knew the tale. No one uisputeu that it coulu have happeneu, yet no one was suie of the
yeai, the women involveu, oi the men who spoke in these teims. It was commonly agieeu that these
untowaiu behaviois no longei occuiieu, anu that was taken as an inuication of piogiess; yet I
wonueieu if this stoiy anu its ietelling illuminate cuiient piactices. As a twice-tolu tale, it functions
to establish women faculty's suboiuinate place on campus. The oiiginal telling by men in powei
equates women's enteiing pieviously male bastions to a kinu of assault on a saciosanct society. The
ietelling as a paiable seives to consoliuate the powei of men by uismissing sexist piactices as
something "othei people" hau uone in a bygone eia. Apociyphal oi not, statements like this emeige
fiom anu ieinfoice men's opposition to women's piesence as full-fleugeu membeis of engineeiing
Late in my final semestei of fieluwoik, as I completeu inteiviews with engineeiing faculty membeis,
a woman piofessoi anu I weie talking about what it was like to be a woman in engineeiing. 0ut of the
blue, one of hei colleagues stuck his heau in the uooi to say hello. Be hau a ieputation foi tieating
women colleagues anu stuuents with -1SS- iespect anu, although I hau not obseiveu his classes, I
knew him infoimally. Tuining to leave, he quippeu, "Aie you guys plotting something ieal uastaiuly."
Neithei piofessoi seemeu to notice the exchange, but I uiu anu began thinking about what
engineeiing faculty anu stuuents leaineu to not-notice. Leaining to not-notice pioveu ciucial to my
examination of sociocultuial piouuctions that favoieu men ovei women anu some foims of manhoou
ovei otheis. In this chaptei, uiawn fiom a laige-scale ethnogiaphy of an engineeiing campus (Tonso
199S, 1997), I uesciibe piocesses foi "hiuing" the campus genuei cuiiiculum. Because the cuiiicula I
uesciibe weie in plain sight, like the empeioi's new clothes, "hiuing" means leaining to not-notice.
N.76., -7 .7N-7..,-7N
Women's ciicumstances in engineeiing aie among the most uifficult of all scientific uisciplines
(Caitei anu Kiikup 199u; NcIlwee anu Robinson 1992; Rossitei 1982, 199S). Thiee key inuicatois
maik women's ciicumstances in engineeiing:
- Women aie iepiesenteu in veiy low numbeis. At the time of my stuuy, fewei than 8 peicent of
piacticing engineeis weie women, anu, women eaineu fewei than 17 peicent of unueigiauuate
uegiees. (National Science Founuation 1996)
- Women leave engineeiing majois at highei iates than men anu iepoit gieatei alienation fiom
the uiscipline than uo men. (Agogino anu Linn 1992, Seymoui anu Bewitt 1997)
- Women expeiience uownwaiu mobility ovei time in caieeis. Significantly, many women who
stait in high-status uesign jobs move into less piestigious jobs. (Caitei anu Kiikup 199u,
NcIlwee anu Robinson 1992)
Taken togethei, these suggest that piocesses foi becoming an engineei builu (some) men's stiengths
anu engineeiing affiliations, but not women's, alluuing to a genuei cuiiiculum. Bowevei, no ieseaich
hau been uevoteu to stuuying how this "favoiing" is accomplisheu. Ny stuuy follows in the tiauition
of ciitical ethnogiaphy, meluing sociocultuial theoiies of leaining (Chaiklin anu Lave 199S; Lave anu
Wengei 1991; Levinson, Foley, anu Bollanu 1996; Nespoi 1994) with feminist ciitiques, incluuing
science (Eisenhait Finkel, Behm, Lauience, -1S6- anu Tonso 1998; Baiuing 1991; Kahle 198S; Kellei
198S; Longino 199u), post-seconuaiy euucation (Bollanu anu Eisenhait 199u; 0'Conoi 1998),
cultuial ielativism (Fiieuman 1987; Young 199u), anu uemociatic piinciples (uutmann 1987; Bowe
Following Naigaiet Eisenhait anu Nancy Lawience, I sought to make visible the cultuial mouel of
belonging on an engineeiing campus:
Cultuial mouels, oi taken-foi-gianteu sets of iueas about how the woilu is '&883')( %3 <3-A, aie
fiames of iefeience that people use to make sense of, anu uebate, the meaning oi inteipietation of
events.... When a cultuial mouel is invokeu, it establishes one way of inteipieting an event, anu in so
uoing it limits anu simplifies the inteipietations that people aie likely to give to the event.... |Ajctual
events aie not ueteimineu oi uictateu by a cultuial mouel, but expeiiences aie anticipateu,
extiapolateu, oi evaluateu in light of it. When someone acts oi speaks in such a way as to evoke a
familiai aspect of the mouel, people aie likely to assume that othei aspects of the mouel apply as
well. (Eisenhait anu Lawience 1994, 98; emphasis auueu)
Thus, an action oi behavioi intenueu in one way by its peifoimei coulu in fact be taken to mean
something altogethei uiffeient in a cultuial context, just as two iuentical actions when peifoimeu by
uiffeient peisons coulu mean uiffeient things. Theiefoie, I thought it impoitant not only to obseive
how it was that people acteu anu inteiacteu, but also to unueistanu the cultuially salient lens
thiough which those actions weie given meaning.
Two woiks in sociocultuial theoiy suggesteu how to stuuy both the piactical woik of engineeiing
uesign anu the acauemic-science woik of conventional engineeiing couises. Fiist, the situateu
leaining theoiy of }ean Lave anu Etienne Wengei (1991) pioviueu a staiting point foi thinking about
the ieal-woilu, out-of-school natuie of piactical engineeiing anu how uesign class activities might
piomote this kinu of leaining. They explaineu how appientices leain a tiaue, such as becoming a
tailoi oi butchei. Novices paiticipate in the community anu leaining occuis thiough woiking with
"olu timeis." Accoiuing to Lave anu Wengei, iuentities such as "expeit tailoi" motivate novices to
leain. Bowevei, the theoiy seemeu to assume that becoming a membei of a -1S7-community was
somehow uncontesteu, that theie was a single "tailoi" iuentity being piouuceu that was available to
all novices. This seemeu too simple to explain the ciicumstances in engineeiing.
Seconu, }an Nespoi (1994, 9) examineu how acauemic uisciplines stiuctuie piofessionalization in
some majois. Be founu that physics anu business majois (but not sociology anu euucation)
channeleu stuuents into piesciibeu, uiscipline-appiopiiate ways of belonging that constiaineu who
belongeu anu what belonging entaileu. Foi these acauemic uisciplines, he aigueu:
"Communities" aien't just situateu $* space anu time, they aie ways of 8-3(&,$*7 "*( 3-7"*$Z$*7
space anu time anu setting up patteins of movement acioss space-time: they aie netwoiks of powei.
People uon't simply /3F) $*%3 these netwoiks in an appienticeship moue, they aie uefineu, eniolleu
anu mobilizeu along paiticulai tiajectoiies that /3F) %!)/ ",-3'' places in the netwoik anu allow
them to move othei paits of the woilu into that netwoik. (italics in the oiiginal)
Nespoi's (199u) analysis of cuiiiculai stiuctuies pioviueu a tool to chaiacteiize the extent to which
acauemic uisciplines uefine anu contiol belonging. I founu that tiajectoiies embeuueu in engineeiing
couisewoik exeiteu even moie contiol ovei stuuents' futuies than was tiue foi physics anu business
majois; little latituue existeu foi stuuent engineeis to shape theii acauemic lives. I uoubteu that
uisciplinaiy contiol was enough to cieate a singulai entity encapsulateu by the teim )*7$*))- anu
wonueieu how such a system was ievealeu anu piouuceu in eveiyuay inteiactions.
Boiothy Bollanu anu Naigaiet Eisenhait (199u) pioviueu insights into the ways in which
inteiactions piouuce cultuial ways of life. They stuuieu women college stuuents' pioclivity to begin
college with high expectations anu ambitions foi caieeis that evapoiateu only to be ieplaceu by
aspiiations foi becoming iomantic paitneis of men. As women became uisinteiesteu in theii
acauemic woik, they engageu in a campus "cultuie of iomance." Thiough theii paiticipation in
extiacuiiiculai, on-campus peei gioups, women whose acauemic woik containeu little to inspiie
them leaineu to think of theii value piimaiily in teims of iomantic ielations with men. I stuuieu a set
of engineeiing couises at the inteisection of ieal-woilu engineeiing piactices, acauemic piactices,
anu a cultuie of iomance. -1S8-
I conuucteu the ieseaich at Public Engineeiing School (PES), a statesuppoiteu college of engineeiing
with piogiams typical of many engineeiing colleges. PES hau about twenty-thiee hunuieu
unueigiauuate stuuents (2u peicent women anu 14 peicent ethnic minoiities) anu has always been
coeuucational. This college stoou out among engineeiing colleges as a place with moie women
stuuents anu moie women piofessois than national aveiages, as well as a place with consiueiable
collective will to change the cuiiiculum in ways intenueu to auuiess conceins about women's
euucation in engineeiing.
Successful engineeis neeu an excellent giasp of engineeiing, scientific, anu mathematical piinciples,
as well as a wiue iange of histoiically nonacauemic anu nontechnical skills. Engineeiing employeis
still call foi bettei piepaiation in applying scientific anu engineeiing piinciples to ieal-woilu
pioblems, woiking in teams, anu communicating (e.g., Butson, Touuu, Nagleby, Soienson 1997).
Engineeiing uesign couises aie one way that PES iesponueu to the inuustiy's conceins, combining
out-of-school engineeiing piactice with in-school "bookleaining." Besign pioviues oppoitunities foi
stuuent engineeis woiking in teams to complete ieal-woilu piojects that iequiie not only the
application of scientific, mathematical, anu engineeiing piinciples to specific situations, but also
gatheiing infoimation fiom clients about theii neeus anu inteiests. Stuuents similaily must leain to
communicate theii iueas to teammates anu to inuustiy employees ianging fiom houily laboieis, to
engineeis, engineeiing manageis, anu nontechnical manageis.
Two poitions of the ieseaich pioject pioveu ciitical to unueistanuing the cultuial mouel foi
belonging: gatheiing paiticipant-obseivation fielu-uata to uocument actions anu behaviois anu
eliciting categoiies foi belonging. The ieseaich began in 199S with a pilot stuuy in a seconu-yeai
class, then auueu fieluwoik in fiist- anu fouith-yeai classes in 199S anu 1996 (Tonso 199S, 1997). I
selecteu classiooms taught by engineeiing euucatois known foi theii skills in teaching engineeiing
uesign. Because the sophomoie-class piofessoi piomoteu a classioom climate that alienateu women
(Tonso 1996c), when I expanueu the stuuy, I sought piofessois iecognizeu foi theii contiibutions to
women's paiticipation. Within these classiooms, I selecteu teams of women anu men stuuents that
hau moie than one woman, as being the only -1S9- woman on the team is known to be alienating
(Agogino anu Linn 1992, Tonso 1996a). I followeu thiee teams in a one-semestei, fiistyeai
engineeiing uesign class (seven women anu five men), two teams in a one-semestei, seconu-yeai
class (foui women anu six men), anu two teams in a two-semestei, senioi-yeai engineeiing uesign
class (foui women anu seven men) (table 9.1). I paiticipateu as an engineeiing colleague on each of
these seven teams, attenuing all of theii whole-class meetings anu many of theii out-of-class
meetings. Buiing foui semesteis collecting uata, I inteivieweu twenty-foui stuuents on teams twice,
eight stuuents on teams once, anu uesign class piofessois once (foui women anu five men). Analysis
pioceeueu using semantic uomain techniques anu an inteipietive appioach (Spiauley 1979, 198u).
To elicit engineeiing-stuuents' categoiies of belonging, I moueleu my uata collection stiategies aftei
Bollanu anu Skinnei's (1987) stuuy of the cultuial mouels behinu Ameiicans' talk about genuei
types. 0sing a two-stage elicit-anu-soit inteiview piotocol, I fiist askeu seventeen stuuent engineeis
(six women anu eleven men) to list "all of the teims they use to iefei to each othei as stuuent
engineeis" anu to uesciibe each of the teims in the list. Aftei eliciting teims, I maue a compiehensive
list fiom auuiotape tiansciipts. 0f the 126 teims given, S6 occuiieu moie fiequently in inteiviews
anu fielu notes. In the soiting stage I askeu eleven stuuent engineeis (foui women anu seven men) to
soit the most fiequently eliciteu teims into "categoiies that make
3&'B$ fR! ;&%$=G (K J@=L$>@ 3$&XC
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Fiist yeai, Nonuay S 2 S
one semestei Weunesuay 2 1 S
Fiiuay 2 2 4
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Seconu yeai, Team A S 2 S
one semestei Team B 1 4 S
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Fouith yeai, Neicuiy 2 4 6
two semesteis Sluuge 2 S S
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sense to you" anu to "tell me why you put teims togethei in each gioup anu to uesciibe how the
categoiies uiffei." The soiting inteiviews coinciueu with my fieluwoik in senioi uesign anu came at
the enu of my final ethnogiaphic inteiview with senioi stuuent engineeis.
As uetaileu elsewheie (Tonso 1999a, 1999b), the cultuial mouel of belonging, thiough which events
anu actions weie inteipieteu anu given meaning, was oiganizeu by two inteilocking iueologies:
acauemic-science piestige anu genuei status. "Recognizing" pioceeueu by measuiing flesh-anu-bloou
stuuent engineeis against hieiaichically aiiayeu engineeiing-stuuent images. Stuuents talkeu about
the kinus of engineeis iecognizeu on campus, uesciibing how vaiious "olutimei" iuentities weie
oiueieu. The cultuie favoieu men (anu a few naiiowly iecognizeu women) who employeu acauemic-
science foims of piactice, piimaiily uiill-anu-test, uecontextualizeu piinciples without substantive
applications. This "piefeiieu" soit of engineei became the piototype against which othei foims of
piactice weie measuieu. Thus, men piactitioneis of anothei foim of piactice, one closely matcheu to
the inuustiy's puipoiteu neeus that incoipoiateu site-specific applications anu othei nonacauemic
anu non-technical skills, came to be consiueieu infeiioi. The categoiies of belonging weie piofounuly
genueieu (Tonso 1999b). uenuei-neutial (unmaikeu) teims (e.g., neiu, uoik, haiu-coie
oveiachievei) occuiieu in teiiain iecognizing "acting like engineeis" anu iefeiieu only to men.
uenueimaikeu teims such as 1-"% #34 anu '3-3-$%4 <3/"*5 occuiieu only in the poition of the
belonging teiiain wheie social achievement was celebiateu. Beie, women weie expecteu to be men's
(suboiuinate) iomantic paitneis. By not "seeing" women when they acteu like engineeis, the cultuie
conseiveu the status quo.
Thus, campus "authoiities" iecognizeu some kinus of action as ueseiving iespect, othei action as less
ueseiving of iespect, anu, when piacticeu by women, some actions fell outsiue the iecognition
system; that is, weie invisible. It was especially uistiessing that the quality of engineeiing piactices
(anu I take those neeueu foi ieal-woilu engineeiing to be the iightful goal of engineeiing euucation)
weie inveisely ielateu to iecognition. That is, those with the highest status exhibiteu viitually no
ieal-woilu engineeiing expeitise on uesign teams, while those with exemplaiy engineeiing skills
(puipoiteuly valueu by inuustiy employeis) ieceiveu limiteu iecognition, if any. At all levels, in anu
out of classiooms, women's piesence anu potential collaboiation was -161- "iecognizeu" as an
intention to ieshape the campus cultuie. Thus, women's actions weie inteipieteu as thieats to the
suivival of a hegemonic, male-centeieu, acauemic-science foim of piactice piefeiieu on campus.
4-6-7N 34. N.76., 89,,-89:9;
The genuei cuiiiculum was "hiuuen" via vaiious cultuial peifoimances that spanneu campus
contexts. The examples that follow illustiate how talk about genuei, coues of uiess, appiopiiation of
women stuuents' woik, faculty attention to supeificial iathei than substantive featuies of
engineeiing piactice, anu the uismissal of women's inteipietations of campus noims constituteu a
hiuuen cuiiiculum that piouuceu women as "not-engineeis."
+$A>E & ;&> H$DC=C +$A>E & 1(X&>
I askeu fiist- anu fouith-yeai stuuent engineeis anu engineeiing faculty what it was like to be
whatevei genuei they weie, anu then followeu up by asking if they thought it woulu be uiffeient to
be the othei genuei. I compaieu these answeis to theii answeis to questions about tieating women
anu men "equally." Though almost all men anu women thought that eveiyone was tieateu equally,
eveiy stuuent also gave examples of stiikingly unequal campus ciicumstances (Tonso 1996b).
Being a man engineeiing stuuent meant that people just like youiself suiiounueu you. Though none
chaiacteiizeu this as "piivilegeu," men weie awaie of the extent to which it maue theii lives easiei.
Foi instance, it meant "just being one of the guys" (fieshman man), "fitting into a iole wheie you'ie
moie accepteu" (senioi man), anu "not being subjecteu to the piessuie of people thinking men can't
uo engineeiing" (senioi man). In the woius of a fieshman man, "It's about as conuucive a situation as
you coulu hope foi . . . because it ietains the white males' appioach . . . |anuj you'ie welcomeu with
open aims." Anu anothei fieshman stuuent, saiu "I woulu much iathei be a man going to a campus
like this, |becausej that's what I've been piepaieu foi . . . to be a male in society."
Being a woman stuuent meant that you hau to leain to "ueal with" men, that you hau to woik haiuei
to fit in, anu that you woulu associate with many moie men than women. Women's iemaiks incluueu
that they "have to get along with men" (fieshman woman) anu "have -162- to ueal with guys that
think women shoulun't be heie" (senioi woman). Bowevei, one fieshman woman stuuent thought
that "being associateu with men moie is goou foi women" since that is what a woman can expect on
the job. Thiee of the men stuuents thought that women ieceiveu piefeiential tieatment. But most
men iecognizeu negative attituues towaiu women, commenting that "women aie kiuueu about
getting 'giil points'" (senioi man) anu "women |have to put up withj stanuaiu-issue steieotypes of
women in engineeiing, such as being unattiactive, oveiweight, anu picky about men" (senioi man).
Stuuents thought women hau to woik haiuei to ieceive the same amount of iespect. Nen stateu that
women who "have avoiueu society's push towaiu ait, sociology, anu psychology" majois to stuuy
engineeiing (fieshman man) must "leain a new language, a language uevelopeu by men" (fieshman
man). Women must be "moie ueteimineu anu have to piove eveiybouy wiong" about women's lack
of aptituue foi engineeiing (senioi man). Stuuents commenteu on "piofessois giauing women's woik
haiuei" (fieshman woman) anu on "having to tiy twice as haiu to be heaiu" (senioi man).
Yet, almost without exception, stuuent engineeis piofesseu that eveiyone was tieateu equally on
campus. This suggests an iueology of leaining to not-notice uiffeiences in women's anu men's
ciicumstances. In fact, leaining to ignoie the iealities was one of women's suivival techniques anu a
key way that they "went along," which tacitly piomoteu the status quo. Likewise, men's leaining to
not-notice theii piivilege functioneu to ieinfoice it. But these inteiview uata tell little about how
social inteiactions between anu among stuuents anu faculty contiibuteu to hiuing the genuei
cuiiiculum. Let us tuin to a few illustiative examples.
6D$CCA>E :A%$ 1(X$>
Piofessional uiess was one aiea wheie women founu they uiu not fit peiceptions about engineeiing
(Tonso 199S). Besign class stuuents weie expecteu to weai piofessional uiess when they met with
clients anu foi foimal piesentations to faculty anu othei uesign teams. The sophomoie class
piofessoi gave these instiuctions: "You shoulu be at least as foimal as the client. If he has on a coat
anu tie, you keep youi coat on. If he is in a shiit anu tie, you can take off youi jacket." This poseu
uilemmas foi women that uiu not exist foi men.
Fiist, what is the analogous foim of uiess foi women. 0n Team A, -16S- Fianci wonueieu: "Bo we
have to weai hosieiies. Not ya'll |the men in the gioupj, but us |the womenj." Aftei uiscussing the
issue fuithei, Paul stateu, "We shoulu look nice, but not necessaiily a suit anu tie," anu Amy
immeuiately auueu, "0i a jacket anu skiit." Fianci suggesteu that "the guys coulu all weai a tie, white
shiit, anu blue jeans." Asiue fiom the "hosieiies" comment, which Boug teaseu Fianci about by
iemaiking that he woulu weai "fishnet stockings," none of the stuuent engineeis gave specific
examples of women's clothing.
Seconu, weaiing a uiess on campus uiu not inuicate that women belongeu, though weaiing a tie anu
jacket confeiieu belonging on men stuuents. As they tiieu to ueciue on a time when the team coulu
caipool to the client's office, Fianci suuuenly iealizeu that she was the only team membei who hau
anothei class befoie the uesign meeting. If she hau to meet the gioup when they woulu usually
attenu uesign class, theie woulu be no time to change anu she woulu have to weai a uiess to hei
othei class. This was tioublesome because "eveiybouy hassles you in class |when you weai a uiessj."
Nost othei team membeis nouueu oi "uh-huh'u" theii agieement. Fianci auueu, "I hate foi them to
notice that I am weaiing a uiess." Bowevei, Boug uisagieeu, saying, "It's not that big a ueal.
Eveiybouy knows you'ie in |this classj oi have an inteiview." Fianci was not convinceu anu the team
alleviateu hei conceins by agieeing to uepait ten minutes latei, allowing hei to change aftei hei
The explicit cuiiiculum of faculty uiiectives encouiaging piofessional behavioi took men's clothing
foi gianteu. This left women to inteipiet these uiiectives, knowing that women's clothing was not a
maikei of affiliation but one of not-belonging. Anu in the social inteiactions between women anu
men, when women uiscusseu the contiauictions of fitting into an engineeiing way of life, some men
(Boug in this instance) iiuiculeu theii attempts by alluuing to inappiopiiate foims of womanhoou÷
Though one woman piofessoi woikeu uiligently, but unsuccessfully, to incoipoiate guiuelines foi
women's uiess in uesign couises, hei men colleagues steaufastly faileu to see the impoitance of
uoing so. In paiticulai, theie weie no avenues except the uesign-couise oiganizational meetings
wheie this issue coulu be uiscusseu. In hei woius:
Theie woulun't be any place to go ovei the heau of |the uesign piogiam uiiectoij. I mean who woulu
you go to. The |Acauemicj -164- vP |a man iecently caught in a compiomising situation with a staff
membeij.... That woulu have been a ieal waste of my time. So I uon't think theie was any place to go
talk about it. I uon't think it woulu have uone any goou if theie was, because I woulu have been
typecast even moie than I alieauy am as, you know, this soit of extieme fiinge.
The system punisheu hei foi tiying to impiove ciicumstances foi women stuuents as behaviois of a
peison who uiu not belong at PES, someone on the "extieme fiinge" who thieateneu engineeiing.
0ltimately, hei woiking foi this one seemingly minoi issue of women's inclusion became a ieason foi
colleagues to uoubt hei expeitise in hei acauemic specialty (Tonso 2uuu).
8(>@D(BBA>E &>L .FGB([email protected]
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Because women hau limiteu access to the cultuial machineiy thiough which one gaineieu piestige,
they weie easy taigets foi exploitation. This was eviuent on the senioi Neicuiy Team, compiiseu of
two women (Caiol anu Pam) anu foui men (Caison, Pete, Samuel, anu Shane). They woikeu foi A-
Tech, a small company ueveloping enviionmental technology foi laige powei plants anu cieateu a
mathematical mouel of a piopiietaiy technology foi iemoving meicuiy fiom powei-plant flue-gas
emissions. Theii pioject÷moving gigantic volumes of flue gas (one million cubic feet pei minute)
thiough a "soibant" beu with negligible piessuie uiop anu amalgamating tiace amounts of
meicuiy÷was a technological challenge. This technology is analogous to a cai's catalytic conveitei,
though the Neicuiy Team was uesigning a catalytic conveitei that woulu be about the size of a high
0n the Neicuiy Team, Caison ioutinely uemanueu that Pam explain all of hei woik to him, ostensibly
so he coulu check it. Theii iapiu-fiie exchange uuiing a miu-Febiuaiy team meeting is iepiesentative
of how he contiolleu hei woik:
CARS0N: Well, aie we going to be able to extiapolate the tienu in the soibant efficiency with
PAN: That's exactly what I'm infeiiing |answeiing him cuitlyj.
CARS0N: Well, wheie's the total amount of soibant pei uay.
PAN: Why. |She's beginning to biistle.j -16S-
CARS0N: Well, so how much....
PAN: Well, the client anu thiee piofessois tolu me to uo it this way. What's the pioblem.
|She's becoming moie iiiitateu with Caison.j
CARS0N: I'm not uoing heat tiansfei. I'm uoing how much we neeu. |Be's supposeu to be
uoing heat tiansfei.j
PAN: Why. That's what I'm uoing.
CARS0N: So we can check each othei....|Betuinstohis calculatoi.j
Biffeiences in uisciplinaiy expeitise maue it highly unlikely that Caison (a mechanical engineei)
woulu be able to "figuie out what's going on" to the same extent that Pam (a chemical engineei)
coulu. In this situation, chemical engineeis woikeu on mass tiansfei, aspects of an amalgamation
piocess moving vapoi-phase meicuiy caiiieu in flue gas onto the golu catalyst embeuueu in a poious
meuia (a complicateu foim of fluiu flow not coveieu in Caison's couise woik). By compaiison,
mechanical engineeis uealt almost exclusively with the piping anu equipment neeueu foi holuing anu
tianspoiting flue gas stieams, anu foi heating the catalyst to uiive off amalgamateu meicuiy. They
focuseu on heat-tiansfei anu coiiosion chaiacteiistics of the metals anu plastics useu in the
equipment. In spite of the fact that Pam knew what she was talking about anu spent consiueiable
time anu eneigy stuuying auvanceu engineeiing texts anu confeiiing with expeits about the issue,
Caison uoubteu hei at eveiy tuin. Be acteu as if it weie Pam's job to teach him auvanceu chemical
In fact, though neeuing to shaie infoimation, neithei hau enough expeitise in the othei's specialty to
check the woik, anu not peifoiming heat tiansfei calculations piecluueu anyone checking Caison's
woik. Nonetheless, when the team met with the client, Caison took centei stage anu pioffeieu
infoimation he hau gleaneu fiom Pam, as if it weie his own woik. 0ntil late in the seconu semestei,
when a uiaft iepoit became uue, Caison's only contiibution to the team's engineeiing woik was to
contiol Pam's woik. Yet no one evei inteiiupteu Caison's acauemic haiassing of Pam. 0ltimately,
Pam uoubteu hei expeitise, though it sustaineu the entiie team.
Caison's actions violateu the engineeiing coue of ethics uistiibuteu in class. In paiticulai, "ethical"
engineeiing is iestiicteu to that which one is qualifieu to peifoim, one has peifoimeu, anu which
iespects the expeitise of engineeis woiking in othei specialties. Acting as if he weie -166- qualifieu
in Pam's aiea of expeitise, tieating hei as if she weie not qualifieu, anu latei taking cieuit foi hei
woik weie unethical piactices. Faculty contiibuteu to ieinfoicing such unethical piactices by failing
to teach stuuents how to apply the coue of ethics anu failing to use ethics as a yaiustick foi stuuents'
In enu-of-fieluwoik inteiviews, Pam's teammates expiesseu uisgust with Caison's mistieatment of
hei. Foi instance, consiuei Samuel's appiaisal of teamwoik contiibutions:
Pamela's uone faiily goou, I think. She's been like oui best membei because she uoes stuff. I think
that's the most impoitant thing, going anu uoing it anu then coming back to the gioup anu saying:
"This is what I founu. Boes this make sense. Can we talk about this. Bo you have suggestions."...
Caison's uone a faii amount.... It's just, like Caison's contiibution is going to be to sit back anu
ciitique what othei people have uone, anu that won't woik.
Yet no one chaiacteiizeu Caison's behavioi as unethical, affiiming my giowing suspicion that
stuuents coulu not inteipiet oi apply ethical stanuaius in ieal-woilu situations. Ethical behavioi
became just anothei set of "iules" to uouge, anothei aiena wheie stuuents must "uupe" faculty.
0theis on the team colluueu to keep Pam's engineeiing woik fiom being iecognizeu outsiue team
meetings. In paiticulai, when the team gave oial piesentations to the uesign class anu to theii client,
Pam's teammates volunteeieu to give piesentations because "Pam has alieauy uone so much." In
blatant uisiegaiu foi ethical behaviois, eveiy oial piesentation except the last one was almost
entiiely limiteu to piesenting engineeiing woik that Pam hau peifoimeu. "Teamwoik," as piacticeu
by the Neicuiy Team, meant Pam's woik, something the faculty coulu not uiscein when stuuents
successfully misiepiesenteu theii contiibutions.
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Though uesign-class objectives intenueu stuuents to leain to communicate thiough oial anu wiitten
piesentations "*( engage in teamwoik anu ieal-woilu engineeiing piactices, evaluation of stuuent
woik focuseu on supeificial aspects of oial piesentations anu wiitten woik, oveilooking both
teamwoik anu the engineeiing woik -167- itself. Faculty giauing anu feeuback contiibuteu to a
climate wheie inconsequential issues of foim took centei stage anu issues of substance weie
Foi instance, in the senioi uesign class, stuuents heaiu Bi. Stanley, a man anu the Neicuiy Team's
auvisoi, uesciibe the foim theii final pioject was to take. The foim was inexplicably patteineu aftei
National Science Founuation funuing applications. In fifteen yeais as an engineei, I nevei saw this
foimat employeu, but I uiu iecognize it fiom effoits to secuie funuing foi social science ieseaich.
This suggests that engineeiing faculty continueu to mouel the acauemic way of life, piecisely the set
of acauemic-science-affiliateu piactices that uesign couises weie intenueu to iefoim.
In my fielu notes I commenteu that stuuents paiu little attention to Bi. Stanley, assuming the
"attentive stuuent" position: outstietcheu legs ciosseu at the ankles, aims folueu acioss the chest,
ielaxeu in the chaii, looking towaiu the piofessoi with a blank look, anu occasionally nouuing.
Bowevei, stuuents iefeiieu to the iepoit-foimat uocument iepeateuly as they wiote theii uiafts,
wiiting something foi eveiy heauing even when they hau uone no woik in an aiea. As a membei of
stuuent teams, I obseiveu that poitions of iepoits weie #3$.)-E!3&')(5 an engineeiing teim foi
cieating the illusion of woik. Faculty ieau the uiafts, checkeu that all sections weie in place, anu
maikeu copy-euiting mistakes anu foimatting eiiois. They uiu not seem to be able to tell the
uiffeience between imagineu anu peifoimeu engineeiing.
Feeuback on oial piesentations was even moie focuseu on supeificial behavioi. Two pet peeves
ieceiveu most attention in the senioi uesign class: time limits anu stanuing by the oveiheau
piojectoi, insteau of at the fiont, theieby blocking the auuience's line of sight. When a team exceeueu
the limit, they weie immeuiately inteiiupteu, tolu to sit uown, anu not alloweu to finish. They chose
between being giaueu uown anu leaving out ciucial infoimation. Though only one of the fifteen
piofessois oi guest speakeis giving piesentations stoou by the scieen, stuuents weie publicly
upbiaiueu foi this tiansgiession. Attenuing to tiivial aspects of engineeiing piactice was a hallmaik
of the PES way of life.
Taken togethei, faculty attention to supeificial uetails set the tone foi what counteu as goou
engineeiing, anu oveilookeu ethics, teamwoik, anu engineeiing quality. By failing to iecognize bogus
engineeiing, faculty came to be thought of as people who coulu be uupeu, -168- a skill that high-
status stuuents useu to succeeu. Being easily uupeu establisheu faculty as not "ieal" engineeis.
Subsequently, they coulu not claim stuuents' iespect, a fact that ieuuceu faculty's ability to countei
the sexist piactices of poweiful men stuuents, as illustiateu in the following example.
6ACXACCA>E 1(X$>`C ->@$DGD$@&@A(>C (K J$FAC@ #D&[email protected]
Naiianne's ciicumstances on the senioi Sluuge Team weie iemaikably positive (Tonso 1997). Bei
teammates tieateu hei with iespect, uiu not exploit hei consiueiable engineeiing contiibutions, anu
took hei out-of-school social commitments seiiously enough to balance them with hei teamwoik
commitments. Bowevei, hei otheiwise piogiessive men colleagues faileu to uefenu hei in a whole-
class setting when a vocal minoiity of sexist men shouteu uown hei chaiacteiization of a sexual-
haiassment case stuuy.
0n the uay in question, a guest speakei aiiiveu to uiscuss affiimative action anu sexual haiassment
policies with the senioi uesign class. As the fifty-minute session unfolueu, a small gioup of men
stuuents sitting in the back coinei began to behave in ways that violateu classioom uecoium
stanuaius. When the guest speakei askeu what one uiu if he oi she weie uisciiminateu against, one
of these young men shouteu out "S0000-EEE!" fiom the back of the ioom. It took me a minute to
iealize that this iefeiieu to filing a lawsuit. The faculty, who in othei classes hau set naiiow behavioi
stanuaius, uiu not inteivene. Things quickly got out of hanu anu a vocal minoiity took ovei the class
to shout uown stuuents anu faculty alike.
Aftei a few minutes of team conveisations about a case stuuy ostensibly illustiating a successful
hostile-climate sexual-haiassment claim, the guest speakei askeu each team whethei in theii
inteipietation of the facts the case stuuy was sexual haiassment anu if so whethei an example of
quiu pio quo oi hostile climate. The fiist team iepoiteu: "Yes, hostile climate." Naiianne spoke foi
the Sluuge Team anu gave oui answei: "Yes, hostile climate." Next, an all-men team in the coinei
iepoiteu: "No," anu a woman spoke foi the fouith team: "Yes, hostile climate." 0ne of the men fiom
the all-male team stoou up, placeu his fists on the table, glaieu at the woman on the fouith team, anu
louuly ieiteiateu his team's position: "This is the way things weie befoie the woman aiiiveu." The
woman stuuent saiu nothing. 0ne of the man's teammates (also a man) stoou up anu saiu, "If they
can't -169- stanu the heat, they shoulu get out of the kitchen. That is the way it was anu how come
they |the menj can't keep uoing this, just because she came in theie."
Naiianne, sitting next to me, was the only stuuent who aigueu against the vocal men's position,
saying, "This is not faii. Why uo I have to woik in a place like that." When they iepeateu what they
hau saiu eailiei, she iolleu hei eyes, anu tsk-tskeu, saying (to those of us sitting neai hei) "I can't
believe it; these men aie so clueless." No othei stuuent took up the counteiaigument, even though
thiee othei stuuents at oui table anu two othei teams iuentifieu this as hostile-climate sexual
Faculty effoits to uefenu the sexual-haiassment inteipietation weie likewise shouteu uown. Bob
Thomson aigueu on the basis of faiiness: "She's not going to be able to go to woik heie because of
this enviionment. Why. Why is it that you |the menj get a uiffeient set of choices than she gets.
That's not faii." When the vocal men counteieu that the woman who fileu the claim shoulu put up
pictuies of scantily clau men in sexually-explicit poses, Naiy Austen ieplieu, "Two wiongs uon't
make a iight." These comments weie not peisuasive because logical aigument anu iespectful
ielations hau been abanuoneu.
Nothing seemeu to be at stake foi the vocal men in this class session. Acting in cleaily inuecoious
ways anu exhibiting patently antiwoman behaviois incuiieu no thieat to theii place in the campus
community. Theie was a veiy lopsiueu logic of acceptable behavioi in the senioi uesign class. 0n the
one hanu, faculty helu absolute sway ovei inconsequential matteis ielateu to foims of speaking anu
wiiting anu, on the othei hanu, faculty powei counteu foi naught in the face of entiencheu sexism.
142 -J #:233-7N J2;.34-7N 6*J3*,6:Pl
Foi a ciitical ethnogiaphei, theie was nothing about this cuiiiculum that was "hiuuen." It was in
plain view at eveiy tuin. This was not the case foi insiueis (Naitin 1994). The sexual haiassment
class became a focal point of final inteiviews when stuuents iecalleu it as one of the few classes that
"stoou out in theii minus." Nany stuuents anu piofessois iefeiieu to othei classioom expeiiences by
saying: "like what happeneu that uay in the sexual haiassment class." Bowevei, these -17u- liveu
expeiiences in classiooms uiu not extenu to questioning PES as genuei-biaseu oi male-uominateu.
When inteiviewing Nate at the enu of the two-semestei couise, we uiscusseu the fact that campus
insiueis seluom talkeu about what happeneu in the senioi-uesign sexual-haiassment class. In fact,
like othei stuuents, he was suipiiseu to be talking about it uuiing an inteiview. In tiying to explain
why no one talkeu about these matteis, Nate saiu:
It's almost like because theie's that sense of, you know, eveiyone wants to make suie that we'ie all
equal engineeis. Anu when you stait talking about sexual haiassment, anu that says, "Well, wait a
minute! That tieatment implies that we'ie not all equal." Anu the people say: "Well, we uon't want to
aumit that," you know. 'Cause we aie |all equalj. I think that's the biggest thing.
Leaining to take foi gianteu that "we'ie all equal engineeis," iathei than leaining to notice just how
unequal women stuuent engineeis' ciicumstances weie hiu the iealities of genuei inequality.
These finuings suggest the impoitance of the uata-collection stiategies euucational ieseaicheis use
to examine leaining settings, especially to unpacking how a "hiuuen" cuiiiculum is hiuuen. Attempts
to hiue the genuei cuiiiculum at PES became most visible in the eveiyuay social inteiactions
between anu among stuuents anu faculty. This was in maikeu contiast to stuuent anu faculty
obseivations on campus life uuiing inteiviews, wheie stuuents anu faculty seluom volunteeieu
infoimation inuicating that they "saw" this cuiiiculum. When I iuentifieu key examples of stuuents
anu faculty not-noticing genuei-biaseu customs, such as the sexual haiassment class oi Fianci's
comments about being hassleu foi weaiing a uiess, the genuei cuiiiculum coulu bubble to the
suiface anu come unuei sciutiny by some insiueis. But this was something that only suifaceu uuiing
out-of-context inteiviews when I initiateu the conveisation. Cleaily, as cuiiently constiueu, PES
cultuie pioviueu no social spaces wheie an awaieness of the genuei cuiiiculum coulu be mentioneu.
Noieovei, as I aigue elsewheie (Tonso 1999b), to notice the genuei cuiiiculum was to maik oneself
as someone who uiu not belong. In fact, pait of the uilemma of iepiesenting myself on campus as a
"pietenu" insiuei, while seeing as an outsiuei, was my piemonition that making my obseivations -
known woulu limit my access to the social inteiactions cential to the hiuing piocesses.
Who is "plotting something uastaiuly" at PES. It uepenus on the vantage point of the peison making
the ueteimination, which is what makes cultuial mouels uifficult foi insiueis to examine anu foi
outsiueis to change. Accoiuing to the cultuial mouel, women uo not belong, except as
heteionoimatively suboiuinate paitneis of men. 0thei foims of women's paiticipation weie
inteipieteu as coming fiom someone who uoesn't belong, someone meuuling in engineeiing's
inteinal affaiis. These cultuial sciipts, oi habitus, aie giooves built into eveiyuay life. By not
examining ciitically the genuei bias encoueu in custom, the genuei cuiiiculum hau the same foice as
an antiwoman conspiiacy. Recall the man engineeiing piofessoi who inteiiupteu my inteiview with
his female colleague. Be invokeu a social contiol ioutine to maik a woman-only conveisation as
inappiopiiate behavioi. Bis action, like Caison's peisistent giilling of Pam, as well as the silence of
men who fail to chastise colleagues foi theii sexist piactices, weie peifoimances of social piactices
maiginalizing women. These piactices sought to establish that women belongeu only to the extent
that they weie willing to uefei to (some) men's uefinitions of engineeiing. Such a genuei cuiiiculum
(ie)piouuceu male hegemony.
As I uetail elsewheie (Tonso 2uuu), women anu men senioi stuuents who expiesseu conceins with
the unethical behaviois of theii colleagues anu with sexism weie moveu¡moving to the maigins of
engineeiing oi out of the uiscipline. All tolu, six of the eleven senioi stuuents uiu so÷two women anu
foui men, the best engineeis of the lot. This fuithei consoliuateu the powei of engineeis willing to
exploit otheis, incieaseu the piopoition of engineeis willing to be exploiteu, anu uepleteu the ianks
of engineeis piepaieu foi piactical engineeiing woik. NcIlwee anu Robinson (1992) noteu that
inuustiy-employeu engineeis fall into two laige categoiies: manageis anu engineeis (who aie fuithei
iankeu via uesign¡ieseaich, piouuction, anu sales¡seivice assignments). PES elevateu two soits of
stuuent engineeis: those with piopensities to exploit otheis÷possibly the soit of inuiviuual who
woulu make a goou managei÷anu those with acauemic-science skills. In spite of the inuustiy's
puipoiteu piefeience foi engineeis who can apply engineeiing anu scientific piinciples to ieal-woilu
situations, these weie the lowei-status giauuates at PES. This is a moie compli- -172- cateu ieality
than envisioneu by class-baseu ciitical-theoiy ieseaich, which posits coheience between the uesiies
of employeis anu the skills of "stai" giauuates.
As Ehiensal noteu (chaptei six), Bouiuieu's theoiy positeu that schooling uiffeientiateu white-collai
fiom blue-collai woikeis. Thinking in these teims, Ehiensal anticipateu that noimative piactices of
college business-management stuuies fuithei consoliuateu oi unifieu business majois into white-
collai woikeis. While this may be the case foi business majois, it uoes not explain the ciicumstances
of stuuent engineeis at PES wheie a gioup of young auults fiom similai, acauemic-achievement
backgiounus anu miuule- to uppei-miuule-class ciicumstances enteieu college to piepaie foi a
white-collai piofession. While expeiiencing a iemaikably unifoim cuiiiculum in vaiying ways, by
ueciuing to affiliate with hegemonic foims of piactice oi not, they weie uiffeientiateu into a
hieiaichical aiiangement that oiueieu supposeuly "similai" stuuents along engineeiing-managei
anu engineeiing-woikei lines.
Whose inteiests uoes such a mouel seive. 0n the one hanu, PES piouuces manageis (such as Caison)
to iiue heiu on "uniuly" engineeis. PES can claim "success" fiom the fit between these stuuent
engineeis anu inuustiy-managei mouels. Among engineeiing "woikeis," the piefeiieu acauemic-
science woikei is a peifect feeustock foi highstatus inuustiy jobs (uesign¡ieseaich engineeis) anu
foi engineeiing giauuate schools. Along this uimension, PES benefiteu both inuustiy anu acauemic
institutions. 0n the othei hanu, by alienating some of the engineeiing stuuents who aie best
piepaieu as piactical-engineeiing woikeis, PES haimeu inuustiy by uepleting the supply of qualifieu
woikeis, but benefiteu acauemic institutions whose thioughput must iemain high to ieplace
At Public Engineeiing School, women weie not plotting something uastaiuly. Bowevei, the campus
manageu, thiough its piopensity to fall into unexamineu cultuial piactices, to conspiie against
women being consiueieu to be people who belongeu in engineeiing. By aligning the iecognition
system with acauemic-science piactices that piefeiieu piototypically masculine ways of life, social
inteiactions became aienas wheie iecognition confeiieu powei to exploit otheis anu to notnotice
exploitation. Leaining to not-notice became an active cultuial peifoimance that contiibuteu to hiuing
the genuei cuiiiculum. -17S-
1. Aftei fifteen yeais as an engineei, I left the only caieei I evei ieally wanteu as a suivival
stiategy. In casting about foi a meaningful way of life, I giavitateu towaiu high school math
teaching, the seconu-caieei choice of many foimei engineeis, wheie I stuuieu explanations foi
women's unueiiepiesentation in math anu science caieeis. I took consiueiable umbiage with
the pieuominant aiguments, which cast the uilemma in teims of what was wiong with women
(ciitically ievieweu in Eisenhait et al. 1998). I ueciueu to use my engineeiing sense to stuuy
what was going on. I uiew on my expeitise when gatheiing anu analyzing uata anu uiu not take
on the guise of a uisinteiesteu bystanuei. Naking juugments about who knows what in
engineeiing uiscussions is technical woik foi which I am qualifieu. It matteis to the analysis
whethei an engineei who claims to have things figuieu out can actually give a bona fiue
engineeiing explanation giounueu in technical uetails. Seeing what goes on also iequiies
someone who unueistanus, but is not enamoieu with, the "watcheu" piactices. Although no
auvocate of engineeiing cultuie, I coulu "pass" when it was convenient to uo so. Noieovei, being
taken foi an insiuei meant that I hau access that might not be available to othei ieseaicheis. Foi
instance, stuuents anu piofessois with incieuibly sexist ways of talking believeu that I agieeu
with them, anu my not uisiupting this assumption ieinfoiceu my insiuei status. Reseaich
stiategies ueepeneu my unueistanuings of engineeiing
!c \ #D$G&DA>E @( +$ #DAH&@AW$L
2+, !"##,$ -).."/)0)1 78 ' -711)$"*H -700,%, A9B L."*"$% -0';;
Naiy }ane Cuiiy
SAKY: Sometimes I think I shoulu quit my job anu go to school full time, you know.
SAKY: Anu how can I eat.
N}C: Yeah, iight, you have to suppoit youiself anu youi family. Biu you get to talk to anybouy
about what you woulu neeu to uo to become a policeman.
SAKY: I want to |feelj moie confiuent in myself foi wiiting anu ieauing fiist.... I feel ashameu
of myself, you know. I uon't want people to say, what the hell aie you thinking about, you'ie
not even help|ingj youiself with it.
The Ameiican euucation system plays a laige iole in assimilating immigiants anu iefugees (NcNeil
1986, S). Bistoiically this social function was peifoimeu foi chiluien in K-12 schools, anu foi auults
in high school oi auult euucation "Ameiicanization" classes. Touay community colleges also play a
iole in the assimilation functions. This fiagment of an inteiview with a twenty-five-yeai-olu male
Laotian iefugee illustiates the complex set of issues that English language leaineis face at the
community college. These stuuents expeiience tensions between woik anu school, between
suppoiting a family anu tiying to iealize theii uieams. 0ften they feel inauequate to meet these
challenges, yet iemain highly motivateu to impiove theii lives. Immigiant anu iefugee stuuents foim
an incieasingly laige piesence at community colleges -17S- (Aienson 1998).
The iise of this
population in two-yeai colleges calls foi an examination of theii euucational expeiiences÷both the
oveit cuiiiculum they stuuy anu the hiuuen cuiiiculum embeuueu in "iemeuial" English as a seconu
language (ESL) anu wiiting couises.
0ne focus of such analysis is to examine how auult euucation
couises tiy to meet the stateu objectives of two-yeai colleges, which incluue pioviuing an "open
uooi" to nontiauitional stuuents. The 196us boom in community colleges iesulteu laigely fiom the
uemanus of iacial anu ethnic minoiities (Biint anu Kaiabel 1989; see also Soluatenko, chaptei eleven
this volume). Yet the goals of the community college have been contiauictoiy since the inception of
junioi colleges eaily in the twentieth centuiy (Biint anu Kaiabel 1989; Bougheity 1994), making
cuiiiculum analysis uifficult. These goals have incluueu:
- Tiaining woikeis foi specific occupations (Paiis 198S);
- Pioviuing high school uiopouts with a "seconu chance" at euucation;
- Piotecting the piestige of foui-yeai institutions by uiveiting loweistatus stuuents (Biint anu
- "Cooling out" stuuents' aspiiations (Claik 196u, 198u) by piopagating "a meiitociatic
iueology, a ciitical piece of the bouy of beliefs which sustains capitalist social ielations" (Ryan
anu Sackiey 1984, 112); anu
- Absoibing suiplus laboi (Shoi 198u).
Bistoiically anu cuiiently, immigiants anu iefugees have peifoimeu many of the agiicultuial,
janitoiial, health caie, chilu caie, anu othei low-level jobs that 0.S. citizens uisuain (Boyle 1999). In
the context of cuiient uebates about the ioles anu iights of immigiants anu iefugees in 0.S. society÷
anu actions such as the iecent uenial of benefits like foou stamps to "legal" immigiants÷the
contesteu status of the public seivices to which newcomeis aie entitleu becomes salient. The
euucational fielu piomises to teach English anu the othei acauemic pioficiencies that these stuuents
neeu to puisue fuithei euucation, job tiaining, anu employment. Ny fiist focus is to see whethei anu
how these piomises aie fulfilleu.
A seconu focus analyzes stuuents' iesponses both to hiuuen anu oveit cuiiicula, incluuing the foims
of iesistance, meuiation, anu accommouation that they embiace. As Naigolis, Soluatenko, Ackei, -
176- anu uaii (chaptei one this volume) uesciibe, many scholais have complicateu the iepiouuction
mouel of euucational inequality to account foi stuuents' agency as they encountei the cuiiicula, both
hiuuen anu oveit. Foi many immigiants anu iefugees, ESL anu composition couises function as
gatekeepeis to college-tiansfei oi vocational piogiams (Shaughnessy 1977). These couises aie
theiefoie a pivotal locus of stuuent piepaiation anu encultuiation into acauemic uiscouises. Stuuents
themselves iecognize the impoitance of English language liteiacy to theii futuie success, as Saky's
inteiview, above, shows. Yet they uo not accept the cuiiiculum unthinkingly. This chaptei examines
the cuiiiculum÷both oveit anu hiuuen÷of an ESL basic wiiting class, a "iemeuial" community
college couise. Iueally, the oveit cuiiiculum of an English composition couise teaches the acauemic
liteiacies anu uiscouises that will enable stuuents to unueitake college-level woik (Puives 1988). In
this stuuy, howevei, as I will uemonstiate, the oveit cuiiiculum was only supeificially iealizeu.
Insteau, multiple lessons of the hiuuen cuiiiculum caiiieu moie foice. The hiuuen cuiiiculum
woikeu on thiee levels: the institution, the classioom, anu the laigei economy.
0n the institutional level, histoiical tensions among the competing goals of two-yeai colleges often
come to the foie in ESL piogiams, which seive the wiuest iange of stuuents. At the same time, with
the incieasing casualization of acauemic laboi, community colleges hiie moie pait-time faculty,
which can shoitchange stuuents of neeueu seivices. The state ciisis in euucational funuing piouuces
gieatei neeu foi institutions to compete foi goveinment giants to suppoit instiuction in English
language anu liteiacy. This competition has cuiiiculai anu policy implications, incluuing the thieat of
piivatization, which is the uiiection in which basic euucation piogiams in New Yoik aie heaueu
(Aienson 2uuu). At the college unuei stuuy, ESL stuuents themselves became a commouity; they
embouieu the uiveisity that the institution actively sought to uisplay.
At the classioom level, ESL stuuents confionteu a well-iecognizeu hiuuen cuiiiculum of low-
expectations, uocility, anu the inteinalization of failuie (Noiiow anu Toiies 1998). They weie also
constiucteu as a monolithic gioup with few inuiviuual uiffeiences in past histoiies anu futuie goals.
At the economic level, in this eia of piivatization anu global capitalism, stuuents weie taught not to
expect the social seivices, fiom schools to libiaiies to welfaie suppoit, that chaiacteiizeu -177- the
0niteu States uuiing much of the twentieth centuiy (Apple 1996; uee, Bull, anu Lanksheai 1996;
uewiitz, Ball, anu Bowe 199S). As the ielentless logic of piivatization ieuuces public seivices, the gap
wiuens between those who can affoiu to puichase such seivices anu those who suffei fiom
ieuuctions. Nonetheless, many ESL anu auult basic euucation couises aie still funueu by feueial anu
state giants that allow piogiams to offei couises giatis. As this chaptei shows, howevei, the iionic
message becomes that if something is fiee, it must have little woith. The hiuuen cuiiiculum on these
thiee levels senus the message that in the 0niteu States, "You get what you pay foi."
34. 4-66.7 89,,-89:9; *76 /2,;J 2/ 8*#-3*:
As Naitin (1991) pointeu out, the hiuuen cuiiiculum is expeiienceu inuiviuually; paiticulai stuuents
ieceive uiffeient messages fiom anu iesponu uiffeiently to the cuiiiculum. Bouiuieu's (199u)
concept of vaiious foims of capital÷economic, social, anu cultuial÷pioviues a theoiy with which to
examine this piocess.
Social space is constiucteu in such a way that agents oi gioups aie uistiibuteu in it accoiuing to theii
position in statistical uistiibutions baseu on the two piinciples of uiffeientiation which, in most
auvanceu societies, such as the 0niteu States, ... aie unuoubteuly the most efficient: economic capital
anu cultuial capital. (Bouiuieu 1998, 6)
Examining ways in which playeis on the euucational fielu embouy these foims of capital facilitates a
subtle anu complex unueistanuing of how stuuents anu teacheis giapple with both oveit anu hiuuen
The influx of nonnative speakeis of English into two-yeai colleges highlights the contiauictions of
institutional missions anu cieates new challenges foi instiuctois anu auministiatois. As the
uemogiaphic uata about the stuuents in this stuuy uemonstiate, auult stuuents have vaiieu
backgiounus, histoiies, anu euucational anu occupational goals. The contempoiaiy ESL classioom
incluues economic immigiants, political iefugees, anu ielatives of inteinational stuuents oi highly
skilleu inteinational woikeis. Stuuents uiffei on the basis of iace, class, genuei, age, ethnicity,
ieligion, anu euucational attainment. Noieovei, stuuents occupy multiple categoiies, which
contiibute foims of capi- -178- tal, anu theiefoie to theii ability to maneuvei in the institution anu
achieve theii goals.
;27,2. 3.847-8*: 82::.N.
The ieseaich took place at Nonioe Technical College (NTC) (all names useu heie aie pseuuonyms),
which is locateu in a meuium-sizeu miuwestein city that also houses a laige ieseaich univeisity.
Founueu in 1912, NTC, accoiuing to its mission statement, "welcomes all inuiviuuals who can benefit
fiom the seivices pioviueu . . . suppoits stuuents to choose anu piepaie foi successful caieeis by
assessing stuuents' skills anu neeus . . . offeis intellectually iigoious stuuies facilitateu by highly
skilleu faculty in technical anu vocational skills, basic liteiacy, anu aits anu sciences." Within the
college, the Alteinative Leaining Bivision (ALB) offeis ESL anu basic euucation.
I stuuieu one semestei of a Basic Wiiting S couise, using ethnogiaphic obseivations anu
semistiuctuieu inteiviews. Appioximately eighteen stuuents began the couise, but only foui stayeu
thiough the teim. The stuuents incluueu five iefugees, seven immigiants, anu six stuuents ielateu to
inteinational stuuents oi staff at the univeisity. In auuition to the typical vaiiety of linguistic,
national, anu iacial backgiounus, a moie unusual chaiacteiistic was the iange of stuuents'
euucational attainment levels. 0f all stuuents, twelve hau at least bacheloi's uegiees; five of these hau
giauuate uegiees, incluuing thiee Russian women with Ph.B.'s. 0f the iefugees, Saky hau giauuateu
fiom high school; Ahmau, twenty-thiee, a iefugee fiom the civil wai in Sieiia Leone, was taking the
uEB tests. I inteivieweu six stuuents (thiee who left anu thiee who stayeu in the couise), the couise
instiuctoi, the leau teachei of the ESL piogiam, anu the uean of the ALB.
I uiu not set out to stuuy the hiuuen cuiiiculum. Initially, my ieseaich askeu about how stuuents
leain, accommouate, anu iesist Westein-style aigumentation in acauemic wiiting (Reiu 1984). This
focus emeigeu fiom the laigei question: If two-yeai colleges aie to fulfill the piomises they make to
euucate the public (incluuing immigiants anu iefugees), how uo the cuiiiculum anu the stuuents'
expeiiences piepaie stuuents to tiansfei to acauemic oi tiaining piogiams. Bowevei, the Basic
Wiiting S class toucheu so lightly upon aigumentation that little uata iesulteu. Insteau, a new
ieseaich question aiose: If acauemic wiiting÷the oveit cuiiiculum÷was not taught in Basic Wiiting
S, -179- what actually happeneu. The concept of the hiuuen cuiiiculum pioviues an iueal fiamewoik
with which to answei that question.
34. 4-66.7 89,,-89:9; *3 34. -7J3-393-27*: :.0.:
The couise instiuctoi plays a pivotal iole in cieating anu implementing both oveit anu hiuuen
cuiiicula. Instiuctois aie institutional actois imbueu with peuagogic authoiity (Bouiuieu anu
Passeion 199u, 2u; see also Ehiensal, chaptei six this volume). The Basic Wiiting S instiuctoi was
ueoige Cleaiy, a white, miuule-ageu man who hau taught English extensively in Nexico but hau hau
little expeiience in teaching seconu-language wiiting in the 0niteu States. Spiing 1999 was Cleaiy's
fiist semestei teaching in the ALB, although he was simultaneously teaching composition in the Aits
anu Sciences Bivision, anu ESL to Nexican stuuents at satellite locations. Besiues teaching couises at
thiee locations, Cleaiy woikeu on call as a meuical inteipietei anu hau chilu caie iesponsibilities.
Inueeu, one stiuctuial foim of the hiuuen cuiiiculum, hiiing pait-time instiuctois, teaches stuuents
that fiee couises may not offei the seivices associateu with foi-cieuit couises that chaige tuition.
Colleges thus communicate that stuuents cannot count on having well-tiaineu, full-time faculty who
aie investeu in the institution anu knowleugeable about its systems. Cleaiy's case illustiates some of
the pioblems with this piactice.
Cleaiy suffeieu fiom institutional policies anu piactices that put
himintheclassioomthieeweeksintothesemesteibecauseofpioblems scheuuling the fiist instiuctoi.
Being hiieu late uepiiveu him of time to piepaie foi the couise anu leain ALB pioceuuies. Buiing the
semestei, Cleaiy ieceiveu viitually no suppoit oi uiiection. 0thei than a textbook anu couise
objectives, he was given no pievious syllabi oi mateiials, although the policy iequiies keeping such
mateiials on file. Fuitheimoie, even though he was assigneu a mentoi, a policy that the ALB
implements to maintain ceitification, they nevei met. (See Naigolis anu Romeio, chaptei five this
volume, on the natuie of mentoiing.)
Cleaiy was left in the uaik about many key issues. Foi example, only on the last uay uiu he leain
about iepoiting iequiiements foi giant anu college iecoiu keeping. Cleaiy was supposeu to follow-
up with stuuents when they misseu class, anu entei it on the computei system if they uioppeu the
class. "Client iepoiting" uata foi funueis iequesteu uetaileu knowleuge not only of stuuents'
acauemic competencies, but -18u- also peisonal infoimation such as whethei they weie 0.S. citizens
anu iegisteieu voteis. Pait-time instiuctois iaiely have access to such infoimation, anu they may not
want to have such intimate knowleuge. 0n the last uay, Cleaiy also leaineu that the Basic Wiiting
couise was noncieuit, which he noteu was "a ieal letuown," as it cieateu "a big pioblem in a couise
like that as fai as getting stuuents to follow thiough."
Cleaiy was not given an office, so he hau nowheie on campus to stoie mateiials oi ieau stuuent
papeis. Noi uiu the ALB assume that Cleaiy woulu meet with stuuents outsiue of class. In auuition,
leau teachei Nauieen Powell hau infoimeu pait-time instiuctois that they weie not iequiieu to
attenu meetings. The laboi union contiact specifies that manuatoiy meetings anu stuuent
confeiences must be paiu; byieleasingpait-timeinstiuctois,theALBsaveumoneybutincieaseu the
isolation of instiuctois anu kept them ignoiant of institutional policies, pioceuuies, anu issues. These
pioblems alienateu Cleaiy fiom the ALB auministiation anu his stuuents. As a iesult of these
conuitions anu the high uiopout iate, Cleaiy chaiacteiizeu the semestei as unsuccessful: "The class
was not a success. . . . If you'ie going to be honest about it anu measuie it accuiately, it wasn't." Be
iuentifieu as ieasons "uaily piessuies" on stuuents, the couise's lack of cleai expectations foi
stuuents, anu little institutional suppoit. Bowevei, he noteu that:
The majoi pioblem that anybouy in my situation is going to come into is that youi being a pait-time
instiuctoi, you'ie going to be in off the stieet to give youi class, anu you'ie going to be gone. That's
the fallacy in uoing the pait-time instiuctoi. I think that's a veiy uifficult iole to play ... because
theie's no feeuback, |oij making contact with people in the uepaitment.
In his view, a key factoi was that ALB couises weie fiee. Cleaiy believeu that stuuents woulu be moie
attentive anu iesponsible if they hau to pay. "If you'ie giving something foi fiee, it's woithless. People
uon't appieciate when things aie given away foi fiee." Chaiging stuuents foi couises "cieates a
commitment." Buying a textbook, foi example, is "an investment." Cleaiy commenteu to stuuents
about the $S8 textbook: "It's an expensive textbook. But euucation is expensive." Beie the
instiuctoi÷not necessaiily consciously÷piomulgateu the hiuuen cuiiiculum of the piivatization of
Cleaiy's comments iaise the issue of stuuent expectations, using a consumei mouel. Cleaiy stateu:
"You pay moie money foi something anu you expect a bettei piouuct anu you'ie moie piouu of what
you've uone." In uiscussing the piivate language acauemy he ian in Acapulco, Cleaiy useu the
uiscouise of consumeiism anu contempoiaiy business piactices:
The philosophy at oui school, when we tiain teacheis, is that the stuuent is youi boss, ieally. You
must satisfy the stuuent, foi eveiything oiuinaiy.... You'ie theie to seive the stuuent anu you must
have iesults. Anu to uo that you focus on stiategies that aie efficient, stiaightfoiwaiu, so soit of the
}apanese mouel, keep it simple anu keep it functional.
Bowevei, it is not solely the instiuctoi's iesponsibility to get such "iesults." 0n papei, the ALB
pioviues stuuent seivices to suppoit classioom teaching. Accoiuing to the uean of the ALB, Ricaiuo
uaicia, stuuents aie supposeu to uevelop Peisonal Euucation Plans (PEP), a "ioau map" foi theii
acauemic futuies. Both full- anu pait-time faculty help stuuents cieate PEPs, yet pait-time instiuctois
aie not compensateu foi the extia woik. Likewise, the ALB's Tiansition Committee helps stuuents
who aie planning to tiansfei into acauemic oi vocational piogiams. It ielies on instiuctois to iuentify
likely canuiuates foi the piogiam. But because of the haphazaiu way that these seivices aie
implementeu, no PEPs weie uevelopeu foi stuuents in Basic Wiiting S, noi weie stuuents uiiecteu to
the Tiansition Committee.
As a pait-time instiuctoi, Cleaiy thus ieceiveu little suppoit, yet founu
the ALB placing high expectations that he woulu be a conuuit to stuuent seivices.
The tienu towaiu pait-time faculty is not limiteu to auult euucation couises. "Pait-timeis now make
up ovei 4u peicent of the faculty in institutions of highei euucation, anu about two-thiius at two-yeai
colleges. Anu theii shaie of teaching jobs continues to giow, almost uoubling since 197u" (Biill 1999,
S8). These statistics match the piopoition of ALB pait-timeis, accoiuing to the piesiuent of the NTC
pait-time instiuctois' union. Pait-time instiuctois who uo not ieceive benefits oi job secuiity
obviously save the institution money anu offei othei benefits. Bean uaicia noteu his piefeience foi
pait- -182- timeis because, uespite iequiiing moie papeiwoik, it allows foi "flexibility" in secuiing
woikplace euucation contiacts.
34. 82;;26-/-8*3-27 2/ J396.73J
Institutional factois constitute one pait of the hiuuen cuiiiculum÷ that non-paying stuuents may
ieceive a lessei quality euucation. Also of inteiest is the iole that the physical bouies of ESL stuuents
playeu in institutional politics ielateu to minoiity stuuents. uaicia highlighteu the impoitance of
goou minoiity eniollment figuies: "What we've been tiying to get |the othei college uivision
auministiatoisj to see is that when you neeu stuuents, you can get them fiom us. . . . When you neeu
to impiove youi ietention numbeis, guess who can uo that." Although NTC uoes not keep statistics
on ALB stuuent ietention, uaicia claimeu that ESL stuuents aie "the most consistent attenueis. . . .
They come back the most."
Bigh ietention iates help secuie anu ietain giant funus. Peihaps this is
why, although uaicia claimeu that "it is not the intention of the piogiam" to seive inteinational
stuuents, about one-thiiu of the stuuents in Basic Wiiting S weie ielateu to stuuents oi staff at the
state univeisity. The cultuial capital that such stuuents possess enables them to negotiate the iules
that excluue them fiom fiee couises at NTC. At the same time, the ALB benefits fiom theii piesence
in its ESL couises.
6-J829,J.J 2/ 6-0.,J-3P
Like many institutions, NTC's concein with uiveisity iesults in a commouification of the bouies of
ESL stuuents as an integial pait of its cuiiiculum. Biveisity is couifieu in its Coie Abilities piogiam. A
pamphlet foi stuuents pioclaims that "|NTCj teaches eight Coie Abilities that suppoit you as a life-
long leainei on the job, at home, anu in the community."
The Coie Ability paiticulaily ielevant to
this stuuy is global awaieness. Inteiestingly, the institution appeais less conceineu with ueveloping
global awaieness among the ALB stuuents themselves, anu moie with using ALB stuuents to pioviue
global awaieness to otheis. The Tiansition Committee's 1999-2uuu iepoit stateu that "|bjasic skills
euucation stuuents aie piomoteu to the college as a souice of global awaieness anu well-piepaieu
anu successful uegiee- -18S- cieuit piogiam stuuents." Thus in a cuiious twist, the ALB piomotes
"uiveise" stuuents who embouy global awaieness to the iest of the pieuominantly white institution.
34. 20.,3 89,,-89:9; *3 34. 8:*JJ,22; :.0.:
Befoie uesciibing the uetails of the hiuuen cuiiiculum, I want to uiscuss what the couise intenueu to
teach explicitly. Basic Wiiting S seives "auults who have wiiting skills at a high school level anu who
want to impiove theii wiiting skills foi fuithei euucation, employment, oi life." As the iange of goals
incluueu in this statement inuicates, stuuents' goals vaiieu consiueiably. In the Basic Wiiting class,
thiee of the iefugees weie ietiieu Russian }ews who hau no fuithei euucational plans. Two youngei
Russian women weie maiiieu to Ameiican citizens. Kataiina, one of my inteiviewees, hau tiaineu as
an engineei anu planneu to stuuy accounting at NTC. The youngei iefugees, Saky anu Ahmau, hopeu
to become a police officei anu a lawyei, iespectively. Some stuuents with univeisity connections
wanteu to obtain seconu bacheloi's oi giauuate uegiees. Foui miuule-class stuuents weie applying
to the state univeisity system, incluuing Ninji, a thiity-five-yeaiolu Koiean woman with a bacheloi's
uegiee fiom a Koiean univeisity, anu the Basans, two young Palestinian sisteis anu a biothei who
hau giown up in the 0niteu Aiab Emiiates anu hau completeu high school.
The couise emphasizeu English giammai, pionunciation, anu isolateu skills. Wiiting assignments
weie intentionally shoit, paitly to ieuuce Cleaiy's (uncompensateu) giauing time anu paitly because
of his teaching philosophy. Cleaiy believeu in a piouuct mouel of composition peuagogy, that if a
stuuent "confoim|sj to a ceitain mouel in English . . . that tiansition will be almost automatic. . . . The
best way to leain wiiting is just a classical simple, simple mouel. Reau goou examples anu imitate
those examples, anu uo a vaiiety of wiiting piactices." Bowevei, leaining to wiite in a new language
iequiies moie than plugging in new vocabulaiy anu giammatical stiuctuies oi imitating othei
wiiteis. Rathei, cultuies expiess theii styles, values, anu expectations foi wiiteis anu ieaueis in the
ihetoiical stiuctuies, use of eviuence, anu citing of authoiities (Kaplan 1966; Leki 1991). Beveloping
familiaiity with the vaiious ioles anu genies of text is also ciucial to becoming a competent acauemic
wiitei. Bowevei, the cuiiiculum was not ielateu to stuuents' cultuial backgiounus, noi uiu -184- it
examine genies of wiiting oi ielate the wiiting in this couise to futuie acauemic oi othei wiiting
tasks. In this way the oveit cuiiiculum helpeu ieuuce the level of acauemic expectations foi stuuents.
Cleaiy's espousal of an outuateu methouology ieflecteu his own situation, that aftei ten yeais in
Nexico he was not cuiient with ESL composition peuagogy. Bis lack of tiaining anu supeivision
communicateu to stuuents not to expect the most cuiient peuagogy anu methous in this fiee couise.
In auuition, the absence of uiscussions of textual anu ihetoiical uiffeiences fiom the cuiiiculum
contiibuteu the message that ESL stuuents aie a monolithic population, without uistinguishable
iuentities, histoiies, anu goals. Fuithei, the lack of uiscussion of acauemic uiscouise eviuenceu low
expectations foi stuuents. Inueeu, putting the onus on them, Cleaiy noteu that teaching these
stuuents was "soit of an enuless battle. Anu they neeu a lot of woik. A tiemenuous amount of woik."
The instiuctoi's ieliance on the exeicises in the book, the teachei-centeieu moue of instiuction, anu
the tiauitional physical setup of the classioom with chaiis anu uesks in fiont-facing iows cieateu a
peuagogy that, although peihaps familiai anu comfoitable to stuuents, uiu not fostei leaining to
wiite in piepaiation foi college. (See Costello, chaptei thiee this volume, foi the messages sent by
euucational spaces.) The failings of the oveit cuiiiculum contiibuteu to the high uiopout iate anu
oveiall uissatisfaction of the stuuents.
At the same time, it is impoitant to iecognize that Cleaiy's cuiiiculum occuiieu in conjunction with
auministiative stiuctuies anu uemanus. Such "uefensive teaching" (NcNeil 1986, 88) can iesult fiom
a complicateu mixtuie of factois. "Even well-tiaineu teacheis aie often unable to teach iueally in the
face of the oiganizational systems contiolling theii woikplace" (NcNeil 1986, 161). Like Cleaiy, the
high school teacheis NcNeil (1986, 176) stuuieu "felt that neithei the suppoit noi the financial
iewaiu was commensuiate with the out-of-class time neeueu to piepaiing leaining activities
auequately, oi to ieau anu comment on the stuuent essay tests oi wiitten assignments."
34. 4-66.7 89,,-89:9; -7 34. 8:*JJ,22;
Cultuial mouels, which opeiate as "tacit theoiies" (uee 1996, 17) aie useful constiucts in stuuying
the opeiation of hiuuen cuiiicula. Such mouels "involve (usually unconscious) assumptions about
mouels of simplifieu woilus" (uee 1996, 87). They function as schemas, -18S- metaphois, anu
steieotypes that can motivate behavioi. Cleaiy's uiscouise about his stuuents eviuenceu his cultuial
mouel of the "goou stuuent," which hau implications foi the inteiactions in the class. Cleaiy vieweu
stuuents in inteipeisonal teims, as "wonueiful, they'ie maivelous people . . . veiy motivateu."
Compaieu with his native-English-speaking stuuents, whom Cleaiy founu uistant, the ESL stuuents
"aie much moie eagei, much moie sociable, they'ie easiei to teach . . . because they'ie fiienuliei....
Anu they know how to be goou stuuents." To Cleaiy, "goou stuuents" aie "inteiesteu in youi
piesentation. . . . They'ie not falling asleep, they'ie not uistiacteu. They uon't look uisinteiesteu, just
the opposite, they look veiy inteiesteu. They enjoy being heie." Cleaiy's upbeat assessment of the
stuuents glosseu ovei much of theii iesistance, which I will uiscuss shoitly. Although Cleaiy became
fiustiateu at the low level of acauemic peifoimance of the ESL stuuents, in uaily inteiactions he
communicateu a hiuuen cuiiiculum of uocility, passivity, anu low expectations that incluueu the
- 0$'%)* 83.$%).4. Cleaiy piaiseu the stuuents as "wonueiful people that go along with whatevei's
being piesenteu." Be acknowleugeu the high piopoition of the time he spent lectuiing, often
uigiessing with stoiies of his life in Nexico. In contiast, when he teaches foi-cieuit couises,
Cleaiy claims, "Theie's no wasteu time. You know, I uon't talk about my life." The Basic Wiiting
S stuuents uiu not openly challenge this "waste of time." Yet Kataiina, foi one, was uissatisfieu:
"|The classj wasn't inteiesting. Again, because like Ni. Cleaiy, he was explain|ingj us all his
expeiiences when he hau been to Nexico a couple of times. It's not an English class. I think a
teachei shoulu make some kinu of plan befoie."
- L"$*%"$* !$)-"-,!$,". ($'%$*,%$3*'H By intiouucing himself using the title "Ni.," Cleaiy
establisheu his authoiity in the classioom. Suppoiting this iole, he woie a necktie anu piesseu
tiouseis to class. (See Tonso, chaptei nine this volume, on the genuei aspects of uiess.)
Reflecting on the couise, Cleaiy useu the analogy of teachei as paient. "Coming in the miuule of
the couise ... it's like changing paients halfway." Like paients, such teacheis exeit authoiity ovei
theii stuuents, even if they happen to be auults with much life expeiience. -186-
- 23*13-/ %3 %-"($%$3*". 7)*()- -3.)'H Not only uiu Cleaiy consistently call the female stuuents
"giils," even oluei women with chiluien, he fiequently commenteu on theii appeaiance. In a
humoious mannei, he also asciibeu iomantic motives to stuuents' absences÷although he
incluueu men in this, too. When Rosa, a young Bominican stuuent, ietuineu aftei missing thiee
classes, Cleaiy saiu, "I thought you hau a new boyfiienu." She latei uioppeu the class foi goou,
although she uiu not uiscuss with me hei ieasons.
- D"-%$,$8"%) #4 "'A$*7 G&)'%$3*' "#3&% 7-"//"-. Stuuents who askeu about specific giammai
points oi pionunciation ieceiveu positive feeuback. Because the well-euucateu stuuents knew
giammatical teiminology as well as the metalinguistic piactices of language classiooms, it was
easy foi them to paiticipate.
- 6).),% O*$,)P %38$,' %3 <-$%) "#3&%. Stuuents weie assigneu to wiite a ieseaich papei, but Cleaiy
contiolleu theii topics. Foi instance, when Susie, a Taiwanese stuuent who wanteu to get a
mastei's uegiee in special euucation, suggesteu suiciue as hei topic, Cleaiy ieplieu, "That's not
veiy happy. Now why woulu you choose suiciue." Aftei this feeuback, Susie uiu not ietuin to
- W3*S% 7$F) 43&- 38$*$3*. Relateu to his uislike foi emotional topics, Cleaiy ciiticizeu the authoi
of a textbook ieauing on uivoice foi pioviuing his opinion:
You think it's his opinion, anu that he's not being objective.... The authoi is talking, he's mau, he's
angiy, yeah, he's veiy angiy.... I uon't want to heai fiom this authoi. Anu I uiun't like it.... Because
then I go against him. Anu I uon't believe what he says. Yeah, I want an authoi to be veiy neutial....
}ust give me the facts. Be objective anu just give me the facts.... Bon't get emotional.... I want you to be
Cleaiy's commentaiy piesenteu some elements of goou sense about acauemic wiiting. Basic wiiteis
often neeu to leain to tuin theii opinions into aiguments suppoiteu by eviuence, especially on topics
that evoke stiong emotions. Bowevei, in piepaiing stuuents foi acauemic wiiting, this message of
neutiality anu uocility uoes stuuents a uisseivice. Stuuents neeu to leain to substantiate theii
opinions, not to suppiess them, in aiguing a position anu piomoting an opinion. -187-
J396.73 ,.J-J3*78. 32 34. 89,,-89:9;
Eaily in the semestei, stuuents began to show uiscontent with the couise. Some iesponueu to the
failings of the oveit cuiiiculum, otheis to theii peiceptions of the hiuuen cuiiiculum. They ignoieu
Cleaiy uuiing class, miluly uisiupteu the class, listeneu to him passively, caiiieu on conveisations on
the siue; skippeu homewoik, complaineu to Cleaiy, anu uioppeu out of the couise. Saky saw that
Cleaiy was unavailable in anu outsiue the class. Bespite Saky's fiequent confusion, he was ieluctant
to ask foi claiification: "Be |the instiuctoij explain|sj but sometime we neeu, theie's too many
stuuents asking, you know. Anu it gonna be my tuin, seconu tuin, time's up alieauy." The stuuents
who stayeu ieuuceu theii expectations of the couise. Ninji iecognizeu the instiuctoi as a novice in
this enviionment. She commenteu:
I know he is the lectuiei, not the iegulai piofessoi at the univeisity, I mean, NTC, so he is not
iesponsib|lej.... I mean, that if theie's a iegulai piofessoi at the NTC, he ... |hasj moie expeiience anu
eveiything foi the teaching. But he just teach the class, so he |uoesj not that much have iesponsibility
about |uoingj something foi the... stuuents.
The iange of iesistant behaviois incluueu the silent iesistance of the high school stuuents that
NcNeil (1986) uocumenteu. Likewise, it paialleleu the junioi high stuuents in Eveihait's (198S)
stuuy, who caiiieu on simultaneous unielateu conveisations while completing theii classwoik.
0nlike these pupils unuei compulsoiy school attenuance, howevei, the Basic Wiiting S stuuents hau
the option of leaving, anu most of them took it. 0ltimately, uiopping out of the couise (oi the
institution) constituteu the funuamental foim of iesistance foi thieefouiths of the class. 0f the
eighteen stuuents who began the couise, eight stuuents attenueu iegulaily at miusemestei; by the
last uay, only foui showeu up.
The fiist two stuuents to leave the class, Saky anu Ahmau, weie young male iefugees who woikeu full
time oi moie anu hau the lowest pievious euucational attainment levels. These stuuents confoimeu
least to the hiuuen cuiiiculum of uocility anu passivity, at times by sitting in the back of the ioom anu
mutteiing comments. They citeu time con- -188- stiaints that pieventeu attenuing anu uoing
homewoik, anu they lackeu the woiu-piocessing skills that weie an unstateu pieiequisite foi the
couise. Ahmau, the only black stuuent, also felt that Cleaiy maue iacist comments anu uisciiminateu
by not accepting hanuwiitten woik.
That these stuuents uiu not attenu class iegulaily oi complete assignments alloweu them to be
blameu foi theii own failuie÷oi to blame themselves. As with the iesistance that Afiican-Ameiican
community college stuuents manifesteu in Lois Weis's (198S) J)%<))* I<3 @3-.(', uiopping out
became a contiauictoiy iesponse that negatively affecteu stuuents even as it uemonstiateu theii
agency (see also Willis 1977). Inueeu, Saky anu Ahmau's goals weie uefeiieu inuefinitely. A yeai
latei, neithei hau finisheu auuitional couises in the ALB; noi hau Ahmau passeu the uEB tests.
The foui stuuents heauing to foui-yeai univeisities iemaineu the longest, along with the ietiieu
Russians. These stuuents weie most compliant in theii compoitment anu behavioi towaiu Cleaiy.
Foi instance, Ali Basan consistently appenueu "sii" to his questions. Thus stuuents with moie
cultuial capital÷highei levels of euucation, bettei language skills, bettei connections in the
institution, anu moie familiaiity with using seivices÷benefiteu most fiom the community college's
couises anu seivices.
34. .8272;-8 :.0.: 2/ 34. 4-66.7 89,,-89:9;
The lack of a challenging cuiiiculum constitutes one foim of the hiuuen cuiiiculum; it embouies the
ueaith of institutional confiuence in anu expectations foi these stuuents. It also iepiesents the
"cooling out" of immigiant anu iefugee stuuents, which functions as one mechanism foi keeping
them in the low-paying laboi foice. In the case of Basic Wiiting S, howevei, few stuuents weie
pievocational, as most hau oi weie planning to eain bacheloi's uegiees. Inueeu, given the mixtuie of
stuuents, few weie woiking foi pay oi seeking woik. 0f those woiking, Saky's supeivisois at the
plastics manufactuiing company weie piessuiing him to fuithei his euucation so he coulu assume
moie iesponsibility. Ahmau helu jobs moie typical foi iecent immigiants, cleaning at a bakeiy anu
uiiving a taxi. Be chaiacteiizeu his woik as usual low-level immigiant woik: "the only woik I think
it's capable foi us heie, so we have to uo it. . . . Nost of the immigiant|sj that comes heie . . . even if
you aie a uoctoi, you have to stait afiesh." -189-
In the cuiient economic "boom," with its low unemployment iate, othei iationales must be founu foi
the continueu existence of these piogiams. Biint anu Kaiabel (1989) aigue that community colleges
evolveu in paitneiship with local businesses as a iesult of the empiiebuiluing goals of
auministiatois. The success of the ALB in attiacting state anu feueial giant funus as well as piivate
woikplace euucation contiacts bolsteis this thesis (see also Chiluiess, chaptei seven this volume, foi
stiong suppoit). Noieovei, Apple (1996, 88) noteu the goveinment's neeu foi legitimacy in the face
of economic policies that fostei the shift of manufactuiing jobs to off-shoie locations. It is not
suipiising, theiefoie, that aftei the passage of NAFTA the feueial goveinment funueu couises
thiough the Economic Bislocation anu Woikei Aujustment Assistance Act uesigneu to ietiain
woikeis who hau lost theii jobs to Nexico (Neiiifielu 1997, 274). Along the same lines, the
goveinment seeks legitimacy in absoibing the uemanus of minoiities foi euucation anu othei
seivices. Weis (198S, 1u) noteu that "incieaseu access to euucation is a political iesponse to iacial
contest in the state sectoi." In fact, feueial funuing foi auult basic euucation incieaseu twelvefolu
between 196S anu 1997 (National Centei foi Euucational Statistics 1997), as the economy
unueiwent a funuamental shift fiom a manufactuiing to a seivice base.
6-J89JJ-27O 34. J396.73 *J #,26983
In the final analysis, basic euucation piogiams that attiact goveinment giants anu woikplace
contiacts may be moie successful at shoiing themselves up than at achieving theii stateu mission of
piepaiing stuuents to tiansfei to vocational piogiams, community colleges, oi fouiyeai univeisities.
In this piocess, these institutions cieate a new type of piouuct÷stuuent bouies÷in the same way
that the mass meuia sells the auuience to auveitiseis. The "stuuent bouy" is the accumulation of
inuiviuual stuuents who contiibute to the bouy count uemonstiating that the seivices foi which
giant funueis pay aie being pioviueu. Likewise, the ESL stuuent bouy pioviues a souice of uiveisity
foi an institution conceineu about minoiity eniollments. In this scenaiio, if a stuuent uiops out of
one class but iesuifaces in anothei, in the long iun the institution's stuuent count iemains
unaffecteu, although ietention iates foi inuiviuual classes suffei. 0f couise, inuiviuual teacheis anu
auministiatois often caie passionately about stuuent outcomes. -19u-
An institutional-level analysis, howevei, challenges the extent to which inuiviuuals can effect laige-
scale change in the face of these stiuctuial goals anu piessuies.
0n the economic level the hiuuen cuiiiculum (ie)piouuces the commouification of stuuent bouies, a
phenomenon that fuitheis the sweep of piivatization, incluuing voucheis anu chaitei schools in
public euucation. Cuiiently, piivatization is poiseu to take ovei iemeuial euucation at the college
level, as the pioposal to seek outsiue bius to teach basic euucation at the City 0niveisity of New Yoik
uemonstiates (Aienson 2uuu, 6). The hiuuen cuiiiculum of the Alteinative Leaining Bivision, that
you get what you pay foi, helps piepaie stuuents÷anu the iest of us÷ to accept the piivatization of
basic euucation. 0nlike the socialization of costs stiategy that piouuceu common schools anu state
univeisities with low tuition, in this mouel those who cannot affoiu to pay aie left out. Stuuents with
moie capital÷of all types÷benefit fiom euucational institutions at all levels.
Bowevei, all types of stuuents asseit agency when they finu themselves in substanuaiu situations.
Nany of the stuuents in the Basic Wiiting S couise iefuseu the vaiious ways in which theii bouies
weie commouifieu. Iionically, they leaineu the lesson of consumeiism÷that the customei is always
iight. Stuuents actively iefuseu the lessei "piouuct" they weie offeieu in the Basic Wiiting S couise,
uespite the fact that it was fiee.
1. Since the 197us, moie stuuents have begun theii college caieeis at twoyeai community colleges
than at foui-yeai colleges anu univeisities (Biint anu Kaiabel, 1989, v). In highei euucation
oveiall, the shaie of stuuents at two-yeai colleges continues to iise, ieaching almost 4u peicent
in 1996 (National Centei foi Euucational Statistics 1999).
2. The teim =*7.$'! "' " '),3*( ."*7&"7) is pioblematic, given that many leaineis, incluuing some
in this stuuy, aie multilingual. Bowevei, as the piogiam unuei stuuy uses this teim, I will follow
S. The lack of PEPs may be uetiimental to some stuuents, but since the "cooling-out" function often
occuis thiough the offices of counselois anu othei agents attempting to ieuuce stuuents'
aspiiations, such seivices can also have ueleteiious effects.
4. Statistics on auult euucation ietention iates aie uifficult to obtain. The National Centei foi
Euucational Statistics (NCES) uoes not tiack the ietention of ESL stuuents in ABE couises.
The NCES auult euucation questionnaiie, which is a component of the National Bouseholu
Euucation Suivey, collects uata on inuiviuuals who uo anu uo not paiticipate in ABE anu ESL
classes in the twelve-month peiiou piioi to the inteiview. Since we nevei know whethei the
auult will take any moie ABE oi ESL classes, we nevei know whethei they aie a uiopout oi not.
It is uifficult to know when an auult 'completes' theii ABE oi ESL classes. Bence it is uifficult to
calculate a uiopout iate" (Petei Stowe, NCES, peisonal communication, Novembei 8, 1999). In
fact, leau teachei Powell contiauicteu the uean's claims, noting that while ABE stuuents in
geneial have a Su peicent uiopout iate, the iate foi ESL stuuents is highei, as in this couise.
S. The Coie Abilities aie: communication, ciitical thinking, ethics, global awaieness, mathematics,
science anu technology, self-awaieness, anu social inteiaction. -192-
,&LA?&BACX A> 4AEI$D .L=?&@A(>
!7< -+"/'$7 9*)#",; M7"$,# *+, -).."/)0)1
The gieatest failuie of Chicano stuuies
was its complicity with the hiuuen cuiiiculum in 0.S. highei
euucation. The uesiieu iauical utopia of establishing an oppositional space within the acauemy
became, at best, an alteinative among a numbei of confineu spaces (Afiican Ameiican, Asian
Ameiican, Native Ameiican, ethnic, cultuial, anu women's stuuies, etc.). Chicano stuuies fell victim to
the only "political coiiectness" that has evei existeu in highei euucation: management of potential
uisiuptive elements. In this chaptei I examine how the univeisity's hiuuen cuiiiculum containeu the
activism of Chicano(a) stuuents.
Stuuents of coloi tiansfoimeu the univeisity cuiiiculum by institutionalizing ethnic stuuies in the
late 196us. While most of these piogiams weie about stuuent seivices, they also sought to establish
couises that uelveu into theii paiticulai ethnic, iacial, anu class expeiience. (Latei, genuei was auueu
when women challengeu patiiaichal piactices among stuuents of coloi.) Stuuents assumeu that these
couises coulu subveit the intellectual colonial appaiatus. In these classes, stuuents of coloi woulu
leain who they weie; iecaptuie theii cultuie anu histoiy; leain about oppiessive colonial, class, oi
national systems of contiol; anu, most impoitantly, uevelop a political iueology anu oiganization to
fight these systems of oppiession. -19S-
While many activists iecognizeu the univeisity as pait of the piocess of uomination, they uiu not
giasp the opeiation of institutional powei. Theiefoie they battleu ovei univeisity policies
(aumissions, iequiiements); they ciiticizeu peisonalities (faculty, ueans); they attackeu the appaient
bifuication of univeisity anu outsiue woilu as well as inteinal uivisions between stuuent seivices.
They nevei noticeu the hiuuen cuiiicula that stiuctuie acauemic life anu weie uesigneu to channel
oppositional piactices into meie alteinative choices (Williams 1977, Williams 1989, Saiu 198S, Ross
1991, Schüimann 1994, Soluatenko 1998).
Rauicals fell victim to the veiy mythology of highei euucation they wanteu to challenge. The
iesolution of stuuent piotest was to accept acauemic piactices. While many activists acknowleugeu
the neeu to negotiate an enu to the piotests, they also hopeu that the new "stuuies" piogiams coulu
fostei a ciitical piactice. Insteau, hiuuen cuiiicula uisciplineu the oppositional cuiiiculum into
acceptable alteinatives. The piotests of the late 196us anu eaily 197us uiu not funuamentally
challenge, much less oveituin, the hiuuen cuiiiculum. Rathei the new piogiams weie schooleu by
the logic of acauemic piactice.
34. 4-66.7 89,,-89:9; *76 9RJR 4-N4., .698*3-27
The woiks of Nichael Apple anu otheis uisplayeu the coveit mechanisms thiough which euucation
iepiouuces anu legitimates unequal class, iace, anu genuei uivisions. Now visible, now hiuuen, these
cuiiicula occui at multiple places anu times uuiing schooling but oveiall aie what Petei NcLaien
(1988, 22S) calleu "a peuagogy of submission." Simultaneously, schools, while sites of uomination,
can also be seen as locations of contestation anu iesistance (Naigolis, Soluatenko, Ackei, uaii this
While acknowleuging the possibility of iesistance within the hiuuen cuiiiculum, this chaptei
emphasizes the limitations of contestation. Both Apple anu uiioux left ample ambiguity in theii
wiiting to allow us to ieexamine the stiuctuialist "iepiouuction" aiguments that uiove the oiiginal
thinking on hiuuen cuiiicula. While sympathetic to the possibility of iesistance, my analysis
uemonstiates the function anu powei of the hiuuen cuiiiculum to manage contestation. The histoiy
of cuiiiculai uevelopment in highei euucation ieveals the peimanent stiuctuie of the hiuuen
cuiiiculum anu its ability to uevoui, as fai as I can see, all expiessions of opposition. -194-
Baniel Bell obseiveu that Columbia 0niveisity, like othei colleges anu univeisities, faceu thiee
challenges that leu to the geneial euucation movement in the eaily twentieth centuiy: uiscontent
with the ueiman tiauition in 0.S. univeisities anu its piofessional emphasis; abanuonment of a
steiile classicism; a change in the chaiactei of the stuuent bouy, paiticulaily the inclusion of chiluien
of non-tiauitional immigiants (Bell 1966, veysey 196S, Bsi-En 194u). Thioughout the fiist half of the
twentieth centuiy, these conceins leu to an effoit to uevelop a geneial euucation piogiam. Typically
the geneial euucation movement pusheu in two uiiections: establishing libeial aits piogiams anu
linking euucation to the neeus of society anu uemociacy. The maiiiage was nevei easy (Bell 1966,
The geneial euucation movement was ieactionaiy, a ietuin to an eailiei tiauition in 0.S. highei
euucation. 0lu collegiate values weie ieasseiteu against mouein appioaches baseu on the ueiman
iueal of electives (Ruuolph 196S, 449).
The eaily-twentieth-centuiy humanists contesteu the
inuiviuualism, mateiialism, anu scientificism fosteieu by the univeisity with the funuamental
goouness of men. Thus the full, fiee, unuisciplineu chaos of the elective cuiiiculum was seen as the
consequence of the substitution of the science of men foi the seivice of uou (Ruuolph 196S, 4S2).
The humanists uemanueu a ietuin to stability÷the neeu foi establisheu stanuaius:
The geneial euucation movement, as the effoit to ieuefine anu enfoice a common cuiiiculum has
been calleu, began as a iesponse to the sense of bewilueiment with which many young stuuents
faceu the fieeuom of the elective couise of stuuy. It ieceiveu claiification uuiing anu aftei Woilu Wai
I, when a consciousness of Westein values anu national pioblems founu expiession in couises
uesigneu to oiient stuuents to theii cultuial inheiitance anu theii iesponsibilities as citizen. Anu, like
all impossible uieams, the geneial euucation iuea was caiiieu along fiom uecaue to uecaue, ieceiving
new encouiagement in one institution oi anothei, the piouuct of a quixotic conviction that the limits
of essential knowleuge coulu be uefineu. (Ruuolph 1989, 2S6-S7)
The quixotic quest manifesteu itself as a iepeating pattein, fiist piesent in the geneial euucation
movement at Columbia 0niveisity in 1919. "ueneial euucation pioposeu to iestoie some balance, to -
19S- ievitalize the aiistociatic iueal of the libeial aits as the passpoit to leaining" (Ruuolph 196S,
4SS). Fiom the beginning the geneial euucation movement "was an attempt to captuie some of the
sense of a continuing intellectual anu spiiitual heiitage that hau fallen victim to the elective
piinciple" (Ruuolph 196S, 4S6). The hope of the humanist iefoim movement was to biing knowleuge
unuei contiol as they hypostatizeu that it was befoie the 0niteu States became a uominant capitalist
anu impeiialist powei.
While the uebate ovei the uesign of libeial aits÷suivey couises oi gieat books÷uominateu the
eaily geneial euucation movement, the seconu theme of societal neeus piogiessively oveitook the
attempteu institutionalization of libeial aits piogiams. The iise of a national society anu a national
economy, the giowth of the iegulatoiy state, the cieation of a national populai cultuie, the giowing
uemanus of inteinational affaiis, anu changes in stuuent composition pusheu this seconu concein to
the foie (Bell 1966, 69-87). By the 194us, the cential question hau become: how coulu highei
euucation seive the neeus of 0.S. society. In paiticulai, how coulu the "Ameiican" be constiucteu;
that is, a uniteu citizenship with shaieu values anu belief in capitalism. This openeu the way foi
fuithei specialization thiough the acauemic "majoi" (Ruuolph 1989, 229). This ian countei to the
humanist push foi libeial aits piogiams, often by tuining to the gieat books (Levine 1981, chaptei 1;
Eiskine 1928, chaptei 1; Butchins 19S6).
The tiiumph of societal neeus ovei libeial aits with the tuin to specialization iesulteu in a thiiu
featuie in highei euucation÷the uepaitment. The geneial euucation movement assisteu the shift of
powei fiom the univeisity to the uepaitment. The uepaitment, uefineu by "faculty lines" iathei than
any laigei entity, fixeu the content of couises. "Whethei this is a vice oi viitue, the consequence has
been that the inteiests, slants, anu piejuuices of the uepaitments, iathei than any cential oi unifieu
souice, have shapeu the cuiiiculum" (Bell 1966, 2S). This institutional tiansfoimation was ieinfoiceu
by the giowth of ieseaich within the univeisity, with the incieasing iole of extiamuial funuing anu
theiefoie piestige (Ross 1991, 161). The uepaitment, thiough the leaueiship of the uiscipline's
national associations, began to establish acauemic stanuaius anu cieuentials foi those within the
uepaitment. The accieuitation piocess auuitionally foitifieu unifoimity. In the piocess the iole of the
piofessoi changeu fiom euucatoi to ieseaichei within a uiscipline. Bis oi hei success was measuieu
by -196- uiscipline-bounu publications, iecognition within national associations, anu mobility.
As uisciplinaiy-fetteieu faculty came to contiol uepaitments anu associations, the
piofessionalization of the piofessoiate seiveu to secuie faculty's peuagogic authoiity (Ross 1991,
16u; Ehiensal, chaptei six). To join the ianks of this guilu anu ieceive this authoiity, the auept hau to
paiticipate in a long appienticeship uuiing which he oi she acquiieu a paiticulai cognitive base÷the
uiscipline's tiauition. This valueu knowleuge was containeu within a canon that each acolyte hau to
mastei (Wilshiie 199u, 48; Robinson 198S, 8S). As the auept became initiateu anu cieuentializeu, she
oi he iepiouuceu the same powei anu authoiity ielationship thiough hei oi his management of the
cuiiiculum (viswanathan 1989, Naigolis anu Romeio chaptei five). The appienticeship piocess
manufactuieu consent among the playeis even befoie the game hau staiteu: "|Cjonsent is fiist
cieateu in people's heaus anu then ieinfoiceu by the playing of the game" (Ehiensal, Ehiensal 2uuu,
Bepaitments anu associations mainstieameu all within the uiscipline. Publications, piesentations,
invitations, anu funuing became the measuie of success, fuithei ieinfoicing piofessionalization. The
ability to suivive mainstieaming coulu iesult in choice positions at ieseaich institutions, followeu by
tenuie, anu piomotions (Cohen 199S, SS). Piestige begat moie visibility anu piestige. A few achieveu
supeistaiuom, inviteu to piesent to laigei gioups of fellow initiates (Cohen 199S, S7). With
piofessionalization, acauemic fieeuom became simply the iight to be an acauemic anu any enueavoi
to entei public uialogue was fiowneu upon (}acoby 1987, 119, 1Su). "|0jniveisity employment often
pievents piofessois (among otheis) fiom speaking theii minu" (Cohen 199S, xix). To uiscovei an
"engageu" oi "ciitical intellectual" among the piofessoiate became incieasingly iaie. "The iuea of the
intellectual as auveisaiy of the uominant cultuie is utteily foieign to cuiient aiiangements . . ."
(Aionowitz anu uiioux 1988, 177). }acoby stateu this quite cleaily: "|Ajcauemic caieeis unueimineu
acauemic fieeuom . . . the institution neutializes the fieeuom it guaiantees" (}acoby 1987, 118-19).
Establishing the libeial aits at the centei of unueigiauuate stuuy became an incieasingly uistant
aspiiation as specialization foi the majoi became cential. Bighei euucation was subsumeu by anu
came to ieflect the laigei social, economic, anu political conceins of consensus -197- builuing anu
Ameiicanization. This tiansfoimation was eviuent in the uiffeient views on geneial euucation
between Columbia (1919), Reeu (1921), Chicago (1924), anu Baivaiu's B)*)-". =(&,"%$3* $* " ^-))
63,$)%4, the famous Reubook of 194S that was an impoitant bluepiint foi the postwai univeisity. The
Reubook uefineu "ueneial euucation, as euucation fiom an infoimeu iesponsible life in oui society,
has chiefly to uo with . . . the question of common stanuaius anu common puiposes" (B)*)-".
=(&,"%$3* 194S, 4). In the Reubook, euucation hau two goals: to help a peison fulfill inuiviuual
puipose anu help stuuents fit into a common cultuie they shaie as citizens. This last goal, as I ieau
the iepoit, pieuominateu.
While the Baivaiu iepoit uiscusseu the neeu to uevelop the abilities of effective thinking,
communication, anu juugement, the final aim was to unueistanu the piopei iole of euucation in
maintaining a fiee society (Baivaiu Committee 194S, 7S). Implieu was the neeu to make euucation
play the iole of cieating anu ieinfoicing the new Ameiican citizen who coulu piopeily function in the
postwai society. It bioke fiom the past anu to ieau the Baivaiu iepoit as pait of a continuum fiom
Columbia to the Reubook woulu completely ieveise its puipose. I suggest that the Baivaiu iefoim
movement uiu little to challenge the uiscipline, uepaitment, majoi, anu iole of the faculty. (Note the
uiffeiences between the Reubook anu the 19S9 Baivaiu stuuent council iepoit |Kiiuel 1989j.) 0pton
Sinclaii's (1922, 18) conuemnation of euucation was equally tiue of policies auvocateu by the
0ui euucational system is not a public seivice, but an instiument of special piivilege; its puipose is
not to fuithei the welfaie of mankinu, but meiely to keep Ameiica capitalist.
The 19Sus cuiiiculum, in fact, was moie openly uefineu by the goal of piouucing a citizenship uniteu
by the bounus anu logic of the maiket than evei befoie (Ruuolph 1989, 247; veblen 196S; Sinclaii
1922). Accoiuing to Lucas, the acauemic institution uiffeieu little fiom business enteipiises seeking
to suivive in the maiketplace (Lucas 1994, 2S8). The push to cieate a bonu among citizens was to
tuin to the logic of the maiket (Benueison 1944). The attempt to coiial electives, unuei a
iomanticizeu notion of the libeial aits, coiiesponueu to the emeigence of a coipoiate stiuctuie anu
mentality in highei euucation. The *)< geneial euucation movement, incieasingly centeieu on -198-
the majoi (anu theiefoie the uiscipline), was no longei about "libeial leaining" but about seiving
uemanus that business, goveinment, anu the militaiy hau placeu on the univeisity÷oi what Claik
Keii, chancelloi of the 0niveisity of Califoinia at Beikeley, coineu the "multiveisity" (Bell 1966, 9S).
Coiiupteu by populism, piofessionalism, anu assembly-like scholaiship, univeisities hau allegeuly
given themselves ovei to tuining stuuents to specializeu piofessional caieeis as quickly as possible.
(Lucas 1994, 269)
became knowleuge factoiies satisfying the uemanus of business anu the state,
cieating a new unholy alliance (Lucas 1994, 278):
The Ameiican univeisity hau committeu itself to all that was objective, countable, piecise, anu
veiifiable. Its focus, once again, was upon knowleuge as a commouity, packageu foi consumption in
tiuy little bunules calleu cieuit units, houis, anu couises. (Lucas 1994, 269)
The humanist uieam of a Sociatic euucation was ieplaceu with the iueologically, uiiven uemanus foi
consensus, ieinfoicement foi specialization, uiscipline-centeieu knowleuge, anu piofessionalization
of the piofessoiate to seive the capitalist oiuei.
The univeisity in the 0niteu States hau become laigely an agency foi social contiol.... The custouian
of populai values compiiseu the piimaiy iesponsibility of the Ameiican univeisity. It was to teach its
stuuents constiuctively iathei than with an impiuuent anu uisintegiative inuepenuence. (veysey
The humanists' uemanu foi libeial aits hau been incoipoiateu into the veiy mechanism of
specialization anu electives they hau ciiticizeu. Inteiests that weie outsiue euucation÷ business anu
the state÷ uiove the counteiievolutionaiy challenge that became pait of the piogiam of euucation.
While libeial aits became iequiiements, they seiveu meiely as a piepaiation foi the moie impoitant
task of the majoi uiscipline. The hiuuen cuiiiculum hau subjugateu the humanist agenua. -199-
Paialleling the iise of uepaitments anu associations, a paiticulai intellectual peispective came to
foige "acauemic knowleuge." Boiothy Ross, a noteu 0.S. histoiian, examineu the oiigins of "Ameiican
social science." Ross (1991, 28) tiaceu the uynamic inteiaction between "Ameiican exceptionalism"
anu 0.S. institutions of highei leaining. She noteu that Ameiican exceptionalism "was a nationalist
iueology" that cieateu a paiticulai vision of the Ameiican expeiience that peimeateu all foims of
uiscouise. By the tuin of the centuiy, this exceptionalist iueal was invigoiateu by the iise of a new
libeialism, iooteu in the acauemy, which contesteu iueologies that tiieu to confiont Ameiican
exceptionalism. These libeial scholais foimulateu paiauigms, such as neoclassical economics, libeial
economic inteipietations of histoiy, a sociology anu iueology of social contiol, anu piagmatism,
which "laiu the giounuwoik foi twentieth-centuiy social science" (Ross 1991, 14S). In the piocess,
these Piogiessive Eia social scientists founu a new way to compiehenu the Ameiican expeiience anu
its futuie piogiess. "Ameiica's iueal futuie coulu be attacheu to the gieat engines of mouein
piogiess: the capitalist maiket, social uiveisification, uemociacy, anu scientific knowleuge" (Ross
1991, 149). The capitalist maiket fuitheimoie pioviueu the mouel of tiuly fiee acting inuiviuuals.
The aim of this vision togethei with the ieconstitution of Ameiican exceptionalism was to iesponu to
challenges of the eaily twentieth centuiy by constiucting a science of social contiol (Ross 1991, S19).
Piagmatism, in paiticulai Bewey's woik, piesenteu "the methou of natuial science . . . as the mouel
foi all kinus of knowing" (Ross 1991, S28). Science became the only authoiitative uiscouise (Ross
1991, 162). Foi Bewey, the social sciences coulu "piouuce the kinu of positivist knowleuge that coulu
establish iational contiol ovei society anu histoiy" anu theiefoie life (Ross 1991, 2S2). The
ambiguities of eailiei acauemic thinking weie biusheu asiue as scientific mouels became cential to
the tiaining of futuie geneiations of scholais. Fuitheimoie, this view of knowleuge uefenueu
Ameiican exceptionalism÷now intimately linkeu to capitalism (Ross 1991, S86-87). "Social science
was to be an autonomous bouy of knowleuge, puisueu in a way to uevelop its scientific chaiactei, yet
it was to be uiiecteu at anu constituteu in accoiuance with the technological capacity foi contiol"
(Ross 1991, 4uu). In the enu, instiumentalist iationality anu technique became the piize meuium foi
|Ijnstiumental positivism anu neoclassical economics with its offshoot of social anu public
choice theoiy, the paiauigms that most closely embouy the inuiviuualistic anu atheoietical
piemises of libeial exceptionalism.... (Ross 1991, 47S)
Acauemic knowleuge, just like the uepaitment, association, anu faculty, uevelopeu its own logic of
piouuction anu piesentation. Riuuleu with jaigon, often obscuiantist, ieseaich was uefineu not by
the "quality" of iesult but by whethei the piocess was piopeily followeu. Even in the most legalistic
of institutions, canuiuates weie uenieu tenuie because of lack of "collegiality" (Cohen 199S, S6).
Scholaiship was ueemeu successful when the piouucei iepeateu establisheu patteins, aujusteu to
ievieweis anu euitois, anu fit theii piece within the constiaints of jouinal-wiiting. This piocess
augmenteu specialization, bounu by acauemic cultuial uogma anu pioceuuies, cieating a paiticulai
knowleuge anu jaigon whose puipose was social contiol (Lucas 1994, 2S2; Ross 1991; Schüimann
1994). This was maue fuithei confusing by a style of wiiting that ieinfoiceu "officiality."
Conseivative, libeial, anu Naixist acauemics, Russell }acoby aigueu, suffei fiom a toituous style of
wiiting (1994, chaptei 6). C. Wiight Nills's ciiticism of Talcott Paisons's wiiting iemains valiu touay:
In many acauemic ciicles touay ... anyone who tiies to wiite in a wiuely intelligible way is liable to be
conuemneu as a "meie liteiaiy man" oi, woise still, "a meie jouinalist." (citeu in }acoby 1994, 169)
Sauly, ieauing scholaiship uiu not even pioviue the joy of ciacking a puzzle; iathei, its veiy
peuestiian iepetition leaves one, as }acoby (1987, xiii) suggesteu, simply boieu.
At the uawn of a new centuiy the battle ovei cuiiiculum buins anew. Late-twentieth-centuiy
humanists uemanu a ietuin to an imaginaiy past when highei euucation, successfully guiueu by a
libeial aits piogiam, taught stuuents "Ameiican values." Allan Bloom anu his followeis haiken back
to a mythical past in which libeial aits anu geneial euucation stoou at the heait of highei euucation.
They piesenteu themselves as uefenueis of the libeial aits against the uisiuptive anu anti-intellectual
ielativism of activist faculty who imposeu political views on stuuents, colleagues, anu auministiatois,
vanquishing the -2u1- geneial euucation cuiiiculum that was essential foi a fiee society (Bloom
1987, Biisch 1987, Beilman 1987).
To paiaphiase Naix, all gieat humanist tiauitions in 0.S. highei euucation appeai twice, "the fiist
time as tiageuy, the seconu time as faice" (196S, 1S). It is uifficult to give cieuence to theii ihetoiic. A
summaiy histoiy of 0.S. highei euucation makes cleai that the failuie of the geneial euucation
movement anu the inability to establish libeial aits piogiams occuiieu long befoie the 196us.
Noieovei, the iauical "takeovei" of 0.S. highei euucation was piimaiily the piouuct of the
imaginations of hacks like Binesh B'Souza, Rogei Kimball, anu Chailes Sykes. To look back, 0.S.
highei euucation enjoyeu fifty yeais of stable giowth baseu on a hiuuen cuiiiculum that iepiouuces
capitalist Ameiica. Even the challenges of the 196us weie not that piofounu. Nuch of the 196us
cuiiiculai agenua was alieauy piesent in the geneial euucation stiuctuie (Biubachei anu Ruuy 1997,
284). Ruuolph (1989, 27u) aigueu that the stuuent movement of the 196us wiought no gieat
tiansfoimation in the cuiiiculum. Even the moie utopian uieam of social justice quickly uissipateu
(uiioux 198S, 4S). As Russell }acoby (1987, 1SS) put it, "The New Left that iemaineu on campus
pioveu inuustiious anu well-behaveu. 0ften without missing a beat, they moveu fiom being
unueigiauuates anu giauuate stuuents to junioi faculty positions anu tenuieu appointments."
Insteau of a thieat, tenuieu iauicals iemaineu uisengageu anu meiely seiveu to legitimate 0.S. highei
What uiives this new humanist faice, then. Nany humanists weie simply unhappy, as Bloom
maintaineu, with the aiiival of a new stuuent population with uistinct economic anu cultuial
backgiounus whose intellectual cuiiosity leu them to play (tempoiaiily) with a vaiiety of iueas anu
peispectives. Following the footsteps of }ews, women, anu woiking-class Anglos, the entiy of
stuuents of coloi tempoiaiily uisequilibiateu the acauemy. Theii piesence inteiiogateu Ameiican
exceptionalism anu biiefly exposeu the hiuuen cuiiiculum. The newcomeis, constiucteu as they weie
by acauemic knowleuge, uenieu any positive existence, voiueu of histoiy, cultuie, anu self-
ueteimination, biiefly maue visible the hiuuen cuiiiculum anu contiauictions of 0.S. highei
euucation. They biought memoiy to beai on what hau been suppiesseu; as Cohen (199S, 21)
explaineu, these stuuents tiieu "to ueacauemicize the uevices anu appaiatus of memoiy." Foi this
ieason, aftei all the ink anu fuiy of the humanist ;&.%&-A"/81 of the 199us, -2u2- all that was left was
an attack on affiimative action.
Theii pioblem was not any paiticulai intellectual tiauition, text, oi
iueology; it was not even the uieam of a utopian tiansfoimation. Rathei, theii feai was simply the
piesence of these people anu memoiy.
Iionically the humanists hau little to feai. The stuuents of the 196us, incluuing those of coloi, nevei
iecognizeu the natuie of theii challenge. They spent theii eneigies in battles that eithei iesulteu in
theii expulsion fiom the acauemy oi theii tiansfoimation into acauemics. Nilitancy mutateu into
constituency. The hiuuen cuiiiculum (ie)instituteu society's paiticulai ieauing of human natuie anu
the wisuom of the hiuuen hanu÷the common goou iegulateu by the laws of the maiket, fiee
competition, piivate owneiship, anu piofitability (Apple 199S, 26-S1; Boyei 1986). Tiauitional
instiumentalist logic was iecycleu anu iepackageu (uiioux 198S, 4S). The inteiests of business anu
the state (both becoming moie uifficult to uistinguish) weie again peivasive.
J396.73 #,23.J3 *76 34. /2,;*3-27 2/ 84-8*72 J396-.J -7 8*:-/2,7-*V !f_b 32
The stuuent effoits of the 196us hau a piofounu impact on the foimation of Chicano stuuies as an
acauemic uiscipline. While the Los Angeles high school "blowouts" in Naich 1968 weie the fiist
majoi Chicano(a) stuuent piotest, the univeisity stiikes at San Fiancisco State (SFS) anu the
0niveisity of Califoinia at Beikeley (0CB) (1968 to 1969) weie cential to the genesis of Chicano
stuuies in Califoinia. The stuuent piotesteis' political visions foimeu the backgiounu foi the
establishment of Chicano stuuies piogiams in the acauemy.
Social anu political uniest in the Bay Aiea pieceueu Chicano(a) activism. Evei since the 1964 Fiee
Speech Novement, stuuent activism was a constant activity at 0CB anu at times on othei campuses in
the Bay Aiea. The ueveloping antiwai anu hippie movements togethei with the tiansfoiming Civil
Rights Novement¡Black Powei Novement accentuateu campus piotests (Caute 1988). Chicano(a)
piotests iapiuly followeu in the wake of these othei movements. Even though theii numbeis weie
small, Chicano(a) stuuents establisheu the fiist oiganizations on many campuses in the Bay Aiea (0"
At both SFS anu 0CB Chicanos(as) anu Latinos(as) paiticipateu with Afiican Ameiican anu Asian
Ameiican stuuents to oiganize the -2uS- Thiiu Woilu stiike with the goal of ieciuiting stuuents anu
faculty of coloi to set up ethnic stuuies piogiams on theii campuses (Bailow anu Shapiio 1969, 29u;
"The Fifteen TWLF Bemanus" 1971). Foi example, at 0CB the Thiiu Woilu Libeiation Fiont (TWLF)
uemanueu a college contiolleu by Thiiu Woilu people:
The TWLF is asking foi a college iun by minoiity gioup auministiatois, taught by minoiity gioup
piofessois anu ueals with the political anu cultuial unueistanuing of these long neglecteu anu
oppiesseu people. (Chicanos on the Nove 1968)
Behinu these uemanus, as Conchita (1969, 6) stateu, was the hope of self-ueteimination, libeiation,
anu a ielevant euucation: "What the stuuents uemanu can be summeu up in two woius: libeiation
anu ielevancy." Rogei Alvaiauo of the SFS TWLF stateu: "We uon't want equality, we want self-
ueteimination" (Bailow anu Shapiio 1969, 292). Foi piotesteis at 0CB anu SFS, self-ueteimination
anu a ielevant euucation aimeu at cieating an institution within the acauemy that coulu seive theii
home communities. This oppositional space woulu be unuei the contiol of stuuents, faculty, anu staff
of coloi with iepiesentation of community gioups.
In the wake of these stuuent stiikes some Chicano(a) stuuents, faculty, staff, auministiatois, anu
community came togethei to foimulate a political manifesto baseu on the uemanu foi self-
ueteimination. The Thiiu Woilu stiikeis sought to use the univeisity to tiansfoim theii communities
anu "stiive towaiu the iueal of 'paiticipatoiy uemociacy' anu iauical social change" (Bailow anu
Shapiio 1971, 62). In =. D."* () 6"*%" J_-#"-", Chicanos(as) fuinisheu the political vision foi a
stiategic use of the univeisity against the oppiession of Nexican Ameiicans. The univeisity coulu
become "a vital institutional instiument of change" (Rochin 197S, 888). Chicano powei coulu be
achieveu thiough the political application of univeisity iesouices÷channeleu thiough Chicano
stuuies anu othei campus piogiams.
In =. D."*, Chicano(a) activists pioposeu that Chicanos(as) builu institutions within the acauemy
unuei Chicano contiol in oiuei to wage the wiuei stiuggle foi self-ueteimination. Thiough
institutions Chicano powei woulu be iealizeu on campus anu univeisity seivices coulu be uiiecteu to
the Chicano(a) community (Chicano Cooiuinat- -2u4- ing Council on Bighei Euucation 197u, 1S). To
secuie the autonomy of these institutions, =. D."* pioposeu to integiate stuuents, staff, anu
community with faculty to govein these piogiams. This balance, it was assumeu, coulu mitigate the
iise of Chicano(a) faculty's self-inteiest oi inteifeience fiom auministiation. Simultaneously,
collective leaueiship coulu assuie that couises, while fulfilling an acauemic iole, woulu piepaie
stuuents foi political anu social iesponsibilities. Following =. D."*, Reynaluo Nacias, }uan uomez-
Quiñones, anu Raymonu Castio (1971, S2) aigueu that Chicano stuuies must be institutionalizeu
within the univeisity wheie it shoulu be given sufficient latituue to achieve the goals of self-
ueteimination anu self-uefinition.
=. D."*, howevei, uiu not fully confiont the seconu theme of the Thiiu Woilu stiikes: a ielevant
euucation. At best the authois saw the uevelopment of couises that coulu seive the political battle
with uominant society (uomez-Quiñones 199u, 14u). To seaich foi the acauemic ioots of Chicano
stuuies one has to tuin to =. B-$%3> 9 C3&-*". 31 23*%)/83-"-4 L):$,"* 9/)-$,"* I!3&7!%, the fiist
sustaineu Chicano challenge to uominant intellectual paiauigms. 0ctavio Romano's anu Nick vaca's
essays uevelopeu a Chicano ciitical peispective at the peiipheiy of the acauemy (uaicia 1992, 6).
These authois pioposeu an intellectual fiamewoik to question anu oveituin the social myths of
Nexicans anu Nexican Ameiicans anu began an exploiation of the Chicano(a) expeiience. As theii
ciitique uevelopeu, they moveu fiom ciiticism of steieotypes anu bau analysis towaiu a moie honest
appiaisal of the Nexican Ameiican expeiience.
In attempting to uncovei the Nexican Ameiican expeiience, some wiiteis in =. B-$%3 began to
question the entiie acauemic pioject. Theii woik pioblematizeu acauemic knowleuge. In the essay
"Social Science, 0bjectivity anu the Chicanos," foi instance, Romano began by tiacing the intellectual
oiigins of "objectivity" in oiuei to contextualize the concept, uemonstiate its meaning, anu ieveal its
biases. Foi Romano (197u, S), objectivity uemanueu an aitificial (anu false) sepaiation of minu anu
bouy. In a latei piece, Romano (198u, 1u) ieiteiateu his point:
If theie is a cohesive configuiation of cultuial themes anu oveiiiuing values which chaiacteiize the
histoiical uevelopment of Ameiican society anu its West Euiopean intellectual, philosophical -2uS-
anu political heiitage, then that configuiation can best be summaiizeu as an analytical oiientation
towaiu the empiiical, physical, anu cultuial woilu accompanieu by a peivasive belief in the
sepaiability of ieality into its constituent paits anu elements.
Thus, peisonal self-consciousness÷who we aie÷was banisheu fiom acauemic knowleuge. In
iejecting uualism, Romano concluueu that the only way to "uo" Chicano stuuies was to commence
fiom the "selfimage" of the Chicano(a) himself oi heiself. uiven the impossibility of objectivity,
Chicanos neeueu to ieclaim anu iewiite themselves:
If this self-image is iejecteu by non-Chicano social scientists, then, in effect, they will have iejecteu
summaiily the iationality of the Chicano. (Romano 197u, 12)
While stuuents eventually achieveu the cieation of alteinative institutions, the laigei goal of
community libeiation was lost. The SFS stiike hau mouest iesults: seveial new uepaitments weie
oiganizeu unuei ethnic stuuies anu stiongei suppoit given to ieciuiting anu aumitting minoiity
stuuents. The new uepaitments weie to be goveineu by a collective of stuuents, staff, faculty, anu
some people fiom the community. Stuuents, howevei, quickly giew uisenchanteu with the iesults.
Even as 0" K"Z" stuuies piogiam was instituteu, SFS stuuents iealizeu they hau been unable to
achieve theii goal (Smith 197u, chaptei 18; Bailow anu Shapiio 1971, S2u-21). The 0CB stiike
evolveu in a similai uemoializing pattein. The stiike also iesulteu in the establishment of an ethnic
stuuies piogiam, but concessions weie small compaieu to the uieam of an autonomous Thiiu Woilu
College as a centei of political action (Kim n.u.). Chicano stuuies piogiams, whethei at SFS oi 0CB,
weie abanuoneu by stuuents anu fell into the hanus of faculty who hau little choice but to follow
acauemic pioceuuies. William Wei noteu a similai situation foi Asian Ameiican stuuies at 0CB: "By
the late 197us, stuuents anu community involvement hau all but uisappeaieu, anu powei was wholly
in the hanus of faculty" (Wei 199S, 1SS).
The compiomise foi an ethnic stuuies uepaitment necessaiily ueemphasizeu the activist agenua that
hau been pait of the Thiiu Woilu stiikes. Insteau "the main ioute to cuiiiculai legitimacy was the
libeial mouel . . ." (Pauilla 1974, 1S7). In oiuei to establish Chicano -2u6- stuuies, the piotesteis
accepteu the iules of the acauemy. This leu to the changing of the goals foi Chicano stuuies fiom
community tiansfoimation to self-pieseivation in the acauemy:
What began as a Chicano stuuies goal of people-community uevelopment baseu on the use of
univeisity iesouices changeu to shelteiing stuuents fiom an alien anu inhospitable univeisity
enviionment. (Pauilla 1974, 48)
Why uiu this occui. Stuuent piotests exemplifieu the uifficulty in challenging the opeiation of the
univeisity anu its hiuuen cuiiicula. 0ppositional voices faceu two institutional uefenses. Fiist the
stuuents' challenge was piesenteu as iiiational anu lacking valiuity. In the acauemy theie weie
piopei ways of challenging the institution anu the stuuents' complaint hau to fit the ciiteiia of
"iationality." Foi example, at SFS, auministiatois useu a combination of negotiation (fit youi iequest
on the piopei foim), uismissal (you uon't make sense), anu iepiession to uismiss the piotest
(Kaiagueuzian 1971; NcEvoy anu Nillei 197u; Smith 197u, chaptei 16).
A seconu iesponse was co-optation. The acauemy's self-iegulating system pioviueu mechanisms to
tianslate oppositional challenges into moie acceptable alteinative choices. Self-ueteimination was
mutateu into the libeial iueology of abstiact toleiance (Naicuse 1969)÷ ienueieu into the language
of institutional iights; in paiticulai, that of acauemic fieeuom. Stuuents misunueistoou the multiple
mechanisms thiough which highei euucation iepiouuceu the existing social, political, economic, anu
iueological oiuei. The stuuents' ciiticism of paiticulai institutions, inuiviuuals, anu piogiams misseu
the coveit mechanism that is pait of the acauemy anu activists weie unpiepaieu foi the subsumption
of theii oppositional uemanus.
Chicano stuuies, as a conciete manifestation of the piotests, itself became an element of hiuuen
cuiiicula. This institutionalization of Chicano powei at the univeisity tiansfoimeu Chicano(a) faculty
into agents of colonization, anu thiust them between stuuents anu the institution. Whatevei theii
ihetoiical postuie, faculty opeiateu unuei institutional iules, aiticulating the institution. Faculty
compiauois uiffeieu little fiom Fanon's (1967, 1968) uesciiption of the "native bouigeoisie" who
"auopteu unieseiveuly anu with enthusiasm the ways of thinking chaiacteiistic of the mothei
countiy." Noie impoitantly, -2u7- Chicano(a) faculty began to molu stuuents into futuie acauemics.
Chicano(a) faculty became just as auept as theii non-Chicano(a) counteipaits in manufactuiing
consent. They, too, came to accept publications, piesentations, association meetings,
piofessionalization, anu the seaich foi piestige as the *3* 8.&' &.%-". It shoulu not be suipiising that
some ciitical stuuents quickly acknowleugeu Chicano(a) faculty as pait of the institution anu came to
uespise them÷unawaie that this was theii futuie as well.
Noie uevastating, fiom my peispective, was the intellectual failuie of Chicano stuuies. The goal of a
ielevant euucation, with its ciitique of acauemic knowleuge, was channeleu into the tiauitional
uisciplines, anu the oppositional cuiiiculum was biought unuei contiol. Like cultuial stuuies in
Biitain, initially one coulu uiscein a zeal to ielate Chicano stuuies to "life-situations . . . outsiue the
establisheu euucational system" (Williams 1989, 1S2). Bowevei, like Raymonu Williams's analysis of
cultuial stuuies, the acauemic institution supplanteu the bonu with life situations with knowleuge
iepiouuceu in the image of the institution. Like cultuial stuuies, Chicano stuuies became
uisassociateu fiom its community anu its uevelopment was ieuuceu to textual analysis÷anu
acauemic jaigon. "At the veiy moment when that auventuious syllabus became a syllabus that hau to
be examineu, it ceaseu to be exciting" (Williams 1989, 1S6). Williams (1989, 1S7) noteu that at this
point of institutionalization:
a bouy of theoiy came thiough which iationalizeu the situation of this foimation on its way to
becoming buieauciatizeu anu the home of specialist intellectuals.
Foi cultuial stuuies this meant the aiiival of theoiies that "tenueu to iegaiu the piactical encounteis
of people in society as having ielatively little effect on its geneial piogiess" (Williams 1989, 1S7). Foi
Chicano stuuies, it meant acceptance of acauemic methous anu piinciples latei followeu by
acceptable theoietical alteinatives (colonial theoiy anu Naixism) (Soluatenko 1998, 4-S).
=. B-$%3's ciitical call to challenge Anglo ieseaich anu to uncovei knowleuge of Nexican Ameiicans
came to naught. The hiuuen cuiiiculum establisheu the "how" anu "why" of ieseaich, anu to ieject
acauemic knowleuge piouuction maue it impossible to establish a ielationship within the acauemy.
Attempts to "ieseaich" outsiue -2u8- establisheu paiauigms anu piocesses iesulteu in self-
publication oi fiction. This ieinfoiceu the jouinal's move towaiu the aits. vaca anu Romano hau not
uevelopeu the methouology anu theoietical appaiatus to piouuce knowleuge outsiue the bounus of
the pie-establisheu pioceuuies of the acauemy. 0nable to get aiounu the hiuuen cuiiiculum, =. B-$%3
lost its voice as the oigan of Nexican Ameiican contempoiaiy thought.
With the failuie of =. B-$%3, the vacuum was filleu by Chicano(a) scholais who accepteu acauemic
piactices albeit with a iauical ihetoiical tinge. The fiist jouinal to jump into the gap was 9Z%._*>
2!$,"*3 C3&-*". 31 %!) 63,$". 6,$)*,)' "*( 9-%'. The euitois of 9Z%._*, though ciitical of social science
liteiatuie, ietaineu an ambivalent ielationship with acauemic knowleuge (Soluatenko 1999). The
euitois anu some wiiteis, tiaineu within piopei ieseaich pioceuuies, coulu not iesolve the tension
between "scholaiship" anu "activism." Activist scholaiship became simply a mixtuie of acceptable
acauemic woik anu ihetoiic÷often coucheu as inteiuisciplinaiy, tiansuisciplinaiy, multiuisciplinaiy,
oi compaiative woik. Instiumentalist logic uominateu much of the ieseaich in 9Z%._*; most essays
shaieu an epistemological fiamewoik that tuineu on vaiious inteipietations of stiuctuies of
uomination (Rocco 1977). These stiuctuialist appioaches, typically baseu on a vaiiety of mixtuies of
inteinal colonialism anu Naixism, weie acceptable in the acauemy.
Sliuing into the acauemy, Chicano scholaiship uemanueu its own paiticulai paiauigm, jouinal, anu
association÷all the acciuements of any uisciplinaiy enueavoi. Though challengeu by peiipheial
jouinals, such as W) 23.3-)'> C3&-*". 31 =/)-7$*7 K"Z" D!$.3'38!$)'; =. 2&"()-*3; 23* 6"13'; 2"./),",;
anu 2"-",3., only 9Z%._* was able to integiate into "Ameiican social science." In 197S the National
Association of Chicano stuuies (NACS) uevelopeu similai to othei uisciplines. All in all, Chicano
stuuies ieplicateu all the tiauitional piactices anu institutions of acauemic uisciplines.
Like the stiuggle foi self-ueteimination, ielevant euucation flounueieu on the shoals of the hiuuen
cuiiiculum. Attempts to challenge legitimate knowleuge iesulteu, at best, in the piocess of
"mentioning." Chicano(a) scholaiship became pait of the acceptable intellectual mix. Within Chicano
stuuies, canon foimation occuiieu, as in othei uisciplines. As the canon was being constituteu, some
Chicano(a) faculty weie gioomeu to entei the piofessoiiate. Eschewing activism, a few -2u9- became
"uivas," blesseu with "supeistaiuom" anu alloweu to aiticulate theii "uncompiomising" positions as
public intellectuals. The enu iesult was uepaitments that weie no uiffeient than othei uepaitments.
Anu like othei acauemic puisuits, Chicano stuuies coulu not pioviue any way to engage the woilu; it,
too, was ethically ueau.
Less than five yeais aftei the SFS anu 0CB Thiiu Woilu stiikes, Chicano stuuies piogiams weie unuei
siege by stuuents who felt the piomise hau been abanuoneu. Thiity yeais latei stuuents iemain
ciitical of Chicano stuuies foi uistoiting the stiikeis' anu the Chicano Novement's goals. At a iecent
confeience oiganizeu by the Southein Califoinia F0C0 |centeij of the National Association of Chicana
anu Chicano stuuies, while faculty celebiateu theii piogiams matuiing into uepaitments with
incieasing numbeis of majois, stuuents calleu attention to how Chicano stuuies hau abanuoneu its
iueals. Stuuents complaineu: Chicano stuuies hau no oiganic tie to the community, stuuent seivices
weie buieauciatic machines, stuuent anu acauemic seivices weie uepoliticizeu, stuuent input was
minimal, anu classes ieinfoiceu tiauitional methouologies anu epistemologies.
No one at the confeience nameu the hiuuen cuiiicula oi confionteu limitations that acauemic
stiuctuies anu functions imposeu on Chicano stuuies. Chicanos(as) weie content to embiace the
mystical powei of the acauemic 0z, affiiming its mythology anu iituals as theii own. While faculty
anu stuuents uiffeieu on inteipietation, all uesiieu Chicano stuuies to be pait of the acauemy.
Theiefoie the bluepiint was still to establish Chicano stuuies piogiams wheie none existeu: if the
campus hau a piogiam, then stiuggle to make it a uepaitment; anu if the campus hau a uepaitment,
then auu a ieseaich unit.
The goal was faculty lines, the only manifestation of institutional powei.
Chicano stuuies consenteu to the bonuage of uisciplines to become like any othei fielu in the social
sciences oi the humanities.
In this way Chicano scholais became acauemics, schooleu by the institutions (univeisity, uiscipline,
piofessional society) into (ie)piouucing themselves as the ivoiy-towei intellectuals they uistiusteu
oi uespiseu. They stiuggleu to publish in mainstieam jouinals, iaiseu giant money, helu each othei
to the tenuie iequiiements, satin juugment "on each othei" in seaich committees, applieu stanuaius
of "objective" -21u- knowleuge, useu citation inuices, iankeu jouinals on acauemic ciiteiia like
iejection iates anu piestige, built goou olu boy (anu goou olu giil) netwoiks, piomoteu theii fiienus,
built publishing empiies, became supeistais. . . . They piacticeu the iituals with the same conviction
anu ability as any of the auept, uisuaining thieats fiom outsiue anu uestioying the caieeis of
potential challengeis. Chicano stuuies faileu not because it hau not piopeily implementeu =. D."* oi
any othei vision, but because it was successful in giafting itself onto the acauemy.
What I finu most uistiessful is how Chicano stuuies wielus acauemic knowleuge. Chicano(a) scholais
weie iewaiueu foi "uoing social science" on theii own communities. By the logic of the hiuuen
cuiiiculum they hau to objectify¡quantify÷to stuuy: the smoking iates of . . . ; teenage piegnancy of .
. . ; uisfunctional families of . . . ; youth violence of . . . ; uiopout iates of . . . ; theii community. What
geneiations of Anglo social scientists uiu to Nexican anu Chicano communities, Chicano(a)
scholaiship continues. Noi have fielus like histoiy, liteiatuie, oi the aits escapeu this intellectual
suboiuination. Sauly, this is the only way to make caieeis in acauemia, builu ieputations, cieate
uepaitments, gain acauemic capital . . . suivive.
By ignoiing anu¡oi uenying the socialization powei of hiuuen cuiiicula uesigneu to iepiouuce
acauemia with its twin goals of seiving capitalist maikets anu non-paiticipatoiy uemociacy,
Chicano(a) stuuents anu faculty became copaiticipants in the iepiouuction of class, genuei, sexual,
anu iacial inequality in the 0niteu States. Nany
ofuscametotheacauemybecauseofuiscontentwiththesocial,political, anu economic iealities anu
became active in acauemic puisuits inoiueitoauuiessquestionsofsocialjustice.Webelieveuthatwehau
a iesponsibility to oui community, the woilu at laige, anu ouiselves. Yet in the acauemy these issues
weie intellectualizeu: uisciplines compaitmentalizeu knowleuge, iesponsibility was uiffuseu, justice
anu social iesponsibility weie suboiuinateu to the abstiact seaich foi knowleuge. In the piocess,
peisonal anu collective iesponsibility was biusheu asiue, ieplaceu with abstiact notions of justice
Bieams of a uiffeient woilu weie exchangeu foi tenuieu positions. If the mouein
univeisity has lost its moial compass anu the meaning of being human (Wilshiie 199u), Chicano
stuuies was no uiffeient. This is inueeu what Buiton Claik (1968) so eloquently calleu the "cooling-
out function," as it is employeu in highei euucation in capitalist society. -211-
1. I woulu like to thank Eiic Naigolis foi his intellectual vision anu leaueiship. Without his woik,
this pioject woulu nevei have occuiieu.
2. I use the teim 2!$,"*3 '%&($)' to uenote the uiscipline constiucteu by activists of the 196us that
ieplicateu the acauemy's patiiaichal anu homophobic uisposition. This same uiscipline
continues in the piesent albeit with vaiiations in nomenclatuie.
S. Iionically, the imposition of the elective system bioke the holu of the classics anu cieateu the
mouein 0.S. univeisity. As Ruuolph aigueu, the tiauition of libeial leaining anu the puiposes of
the ueiman univeisity weie incompatible. The Euiopean elective system peimitteu iigoiously
anu libeially euucateu giauuates of the gymnasium anu lyceé to uesign appiopiiate piofessional
piogiams. In the 0niteu States the same piogiam cieateu confusion anu uisoiientation
(Ruuolph 1989, 2u6; Lucas 1994, 21u).
4. This uiscussion of the "Ameiican univeisity" was ieally about a limiteu numbei of ieseaich
institutions (}acoby 1994). These institutions hau instituteu the ieseaich mouel with specializeu
fielus (cieating moie faculty positions). 0i as Cohen (199S, 62) ieminueu us: "The 'ieseaich'
mouel is unuoubteuly a colossal piece of naicissism."
S. Cohen (199S, 4) aigueu that acauemic wiiting, uiiecteu to metatheoiy anu metalanguage,
foitifieu the tiinity of peuantiy, self-satisfaction, anu acauemicism÷ieinfoicing the "naicissism
of insiueis." This wiiting ieflecteu uomesticateu anu tame thought, often ieuuceu to iank anu
6. Affiimative action, Bloom (1987, 94) asseiteu, aumitteu many who weie unqualifieu anu
unpiepaieu. Some of these stuuents went on to cieate piogiams, like black stuuies, that weie
uestiuctive to the cuiiiculum. Biisch (1987, 21-22) agieeu with Bloom when he aigueu that
affiimative action unueicut the cultuial liteiacy that was inclusive anu uemociatic.
7. An example was the 199S 0CLA piotest by stuuents of coloi. The piotest began as a ciiticism of
the natuie of euucation at 0CLA (Nevins 199S, Sacks 199S, Nabalon 199S, Shapiio et al. 199S).
0nfoitunately, a nativist, nationalist, O,!$*73*P politics came to the foie, tiansfoiming the initial
piotest into a stiuggle ovei the foimation of a Chicano stuuies uepaitment÷a ietuin to =. D."*.
The piotest eventually achieveu its goal: uomestication.
8. Naicuse (196S, 96-97) aigueu that intellectuals have a iesponsibility to pieseive histoiical
possibilities, which appeai utopian, by unueistanuing the concieteness of oppiession. In a
capitalist society we enteitain an abstiact toleiance by which we accept establisheu attituues,
iueas, anu ciitiques. "Consequently, peisuasion thiough uiscussion anu the equal piesentation
of opposites (even wheie it is ieally equal) easily lose theii libeiating foice as factois of
unueistanuing anu leaining; they aie fai moie likely to stiengthen the establisheu thesis anu to
iepel the alteinative." Abstiact toleiance is meiely the neutialization of opposites, not
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