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French Resistance

French resistance partisans fought alongside Allied troops to retake their cities.

The French Resistance (French: La Résistance française) is the name used to denote the collection of
French resistance movements that fought against the Nazi
German occupation of France and against the collaborationist Vichy régime during World War II. Résistance cells were small groups of armed men and women
(called the Maquis in rural areas),[2][3] who, in addition
to their guerrilla warfare activities, were also publishers of underground newspapers, providers of first-hand
intelligence information, and maintainers of escape networks that helped Allied soldiers and airmen trapped behind enemy lines. The men and women of the Résistance came from all economic levels and political leanings of French society, including émigrés; academics, students, aristocrats, conservative Roman Catholics (including priests) and also citizens from the ranks of liberals,
anarchists, and communists.

The Croix de Lorraine, chosen by General Charles de Gaulle as
the symbol of the Résistance[1]

country with an inspiring example of the patriotic fulfillment of a national imperative, countering an existential
threat to French nationhood. The actions of the Résistance stood in marked contrast to the collaboration of
the French regime based at Vichy,[6][7] the French people who joined the pro-Nazi milice, and the French men
The French Resistance played a significant role in fa- who joined the Waffen SS.
cilitating the Allies’ rapid advance through France fol- After the landings in Normandy and Provence, the
lowing the invasion of Normandy on 6 June 1944, and paramilitary components of the Résistance were orgathe lesser-known invasion of Provence on 15 August, by nized more formally, into a hierarchy of operational units
providing military intelligence on the German defenses known, collectively, as the French Forces of the Interior
known as the Atlantic Wall and on Wehrmacht deploy- (FFI). Estimated to have a strength of 100,000 in June
ments and orders of battle. The Résistance also planned, 1944, the FFI grew rapidly and reached approximately
coordinated, and executed acts of sabotage on the electri- 400,000 by October of that year.[8] Although the amalgacal power grid, transportation facilities, and telecommu- mation of the FFI was, in some cases, fraught with politinications networks.[4][5] It was also politically and morally cal difficulties, it was ultimately successful, and it allowed
important to France, both during the German occupa- France to rebuild the fourth-largest army in the European
tion and for decades afterward, because it provided the theatre (1.2 million men) by VE Day in May 1945.[9]





The cemetery and memorial in Vassieux-en-Vercors where, in
July 1944, German Wehrmacht forces executed more than 200,
including women and children, in reprisal for the Maquis's
armed resistance.[10][11] The town was later awarded the Ordre
de la Libération.[12]

ichsmarks per day, a sum that, in May 1940, was approximately equivalent to four hundred million French
francs.[16] (The artificial exchange rate of the reichsmark versus the franc had been established as one mark
to twenty francs.)[16][17] Because of this overvaluation
of German currency, the occupiers were able to make
seemingly fair and honest requisitions and purchases
while, in effect, operating a system of organized plunder.
Prices soared,[18] leading to widespread food shortages
and malnutrition,[19] particularly among children, the elderly, and members of the working class engaged in physical labour.[20] Labour shortages also plagued the French
economy because hundreds of thousands of French workers were requisitioned and transferred to Germany for
compulsory labour under the Service du Travail Obligatoire (STO).[2][21][22]

The labour shortage was worsened by the fact that a large
number of the French were also held as prisoners of war
in Germany.[23] Beyond these hardships and dislocations,
the occupation became increasingly unbearable. Onerous regulations, strict censorship, incessant propaganda
Further information: zone occupée and German military and nightly curfews all played a role in establishing an atadministration in occupied France during World War II mosphere of fear and repression.[17] The sight of French
women consorting with German soldiers infuriated many
Following the battle of France and the second French- French men, but sometimes it was the only way they could
German armistice, signed near Compiègne on 22 June get adequate food for their families.[24][25]
1940, life for many in France continued more or less normally at first, but soon the German occupation authorities and the collaborationist Vichy régime began to employ increasingly brutal and intimidating tactics to ensure
the submission of the French population. Although the
majority of civilians neither collaborated nor overtly resisted, the occupation of French territory[13][14] and the
Germans’ draconian policies inspired a discontented minority to form paramilitary groups dedicated to both active and passive resistance.[15]

The ruins of Oradour-sur-Glane, in the Limousin region of the
Massif central

French Resistance fighter Lucien Pélissou’s identity document.

One of the conditions of the armistice was that the French
pay for their own occupation; that is, the French were
required to cover the expenses associated with the upkeep of a 300,000-strong army of occupation. This burden amounted to approximately 20 million German re-

As reprisals for Résistance activities, the authorities established harsh forms of collective punishment. For example, the increasing militancy of communist resistance
in August 1941 led to the taking of thousands of hostages
from the general population.[26] A typical policy statement read, “After each further incident, a number, reflecting the seriousness of the crime, shall be shot.”[27]
During the occupation, an estimated 30,000 French civilian hostages were shot to intimidate others who were
involved in acts of resistance.[28] German troops occasionally engaged in massacres, such as the destruction of
Oradour-sur-Glane, where an entire village was razed and
the population murdered (save for a few scant survivors)
because of persistent resistance in the vicinity.[29][30]


Gaullist resistance

In early 1943, the Vichy authorities established a paramilitary group, the Milice (militia), to combat the Résistance.
They worked alongside German forces that, by the end of
1942, were stationed throughout France.[31] The group
collaborated closely with the Nazis, and was the Vichy
equivalent of the Gestapo security forces in Germany.[32]
Their actions were often brutal and included torture and
execution of Résistance suspects. After the liberation
of France in the summer of 1944, the French executed
many of the estimated 25,000 to 35,000 miliciens[31] for
their collaboration. Many of those who escaped arrest
fled to Germany, where they were incorporated into the
Charlemagne Division of the Waffen SS.[33]


Elements of the French Résistance

Resistance leader Emmanuel d'Astier de la Vigerie observed, in retrospect, that the Résistance had been composed of social outcasts or those on the fringes of society, saying “one could be a resister only if one was
maladjusted.”[35] Although many, including d'Astier himself, did fit this description, most members of the Résistance came from traditional backgrounds[36] and were
“individuals of exceptional strong-mindedness, ready to
break with family and friends”[37] in order to serve a
higher purpose.
The question of how many were active in the Résistance is
inevitably raised. While stressing that the issue was sensitive and approximate,[38] François Marcot, a professor of
history at the Sorbonne, ventured an estimate of 200,000
activists and a further 300,000 with substantial involvement in Résistance operations.[38] Historian Robert Paxton estimated the number of active resisters at “about 2%
of the adult French population (or about 400,000)", and
went on to observe that “there were, no doubt, wider complicities, but even if one adds those willing to read underground newspapers, only some two million persons, or
around 10% of the adult population,”[39] had been willing to risk any involvement at all. The postwar government of France officially recognized 220,000 men and

2.1 Gaullist resistance

Resistant prisoners in France, July 1944

The French flag with the Cross of Lorraine, emblem of the Free

Further information: Free France and Gaullism

Resistant prisoners in France, 1940

The doctrine of Gaullism was born during the Second
World War as a French movement of patriotic resistance to the German invasion of 1940. Men of all political stripes who wanted to continue the fight against
Adolf Hitler and who rejected the armistice concluded
by Maréchal Philippe Pétain rallied to General Charles
de Gaulle's position. As a consequence, on 2 August
1940, de Gaulle was condemned to death in absentia by
the Vichy régime.

The French Résistance involved men and women representing a broad range of ages, social classes, occupations,
religions and political affiliations. In 1942, one resistance leader claimed that the movement received support
from four groups: the “lower middle” and “middle middle” classes, university professors and students, the entire
Between July and October 1940, de Gaulle rejected the
working class, and a large majority of the peasants.[34]




unconstitutional, repressive and racist laws instituted by
Pétain, and established his own bona fides (good faith) as
the principal defender of republican values. He asked,
in his Appeal of 18 June 1940, that every patriot who
could reach British territory should do so and join the
Free French Army to fight in company with the Allies.
The Free French forces also rallied the various French
overseas colonies to fight back against the Vichy régime.
His approval of this link between the Résistance and the
colonials legitimized it.
De Gaulle’s influence grew in France, and by 1942 one resistance leader called him “the only possible leader for the
France that fights”.[34] Other Gaullists, those who could
not join Britain (that is, the overwhelming majority of
them), remained in the territories ruled by Vichy and built
networks of propagandists, spies and saboteurs to harass
and discomfit the occupiers. Eventually, leaders of all of
these separate and fragmented Résistance organizations
were gathered and coordinated by Jean Moulin under the
auspices of the National Council of Resistance (CNR), de
Gaulle’s formal link to the irregulars throughout occupied

Free French Generals Henri Giraud (left) and Charles de Gaulle
sit down after shaking hands in the presence of Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill at the Casablanca Conference, on
14 January 1943.

the military governor of Paris, surrendered the city in a
ceremony at the Hotel Meurice. Jubilant crowds greeted
the French forces, and de Gaulle led a renowned victory
During the Italian campaign of 1943, 130,000 Free parade through the city.
French soldiers fought on the Allied side and, by the time De Gaulle not only kept the patriotic resistance alive; he
of the Normandy invasion, Free French forces numbered also did everything possible to re-establish the French
approximately half a million regulars and more than claim to independence and sovereignty. As a leader,
100,000 French Forces of the Interior (FFI). The Free the American and British governments preferred the less
French 2nd Armored Division, under General Philippe popular, but less abrasively vindictive, General Giraud to
Leclerc, landed in Normandy, and, in the waning days de Gaulle, but for the French population de Gaulle was
of summer 1944, led the drive toward Paris. The FFI almost universally recognized as the true leader in their
in Normandy and the Île-de-France region surrounding victory. These events forced Roosevelt to recognize, fiParis began to harass German forces intensively, cutting nally and fully, the provisional government installed in
roads and railways, setting ambushes and fighting conven- France by de Gaulle.
tional battles alongside their allies.
The Free French 2nd Armored Division rolled ashore in
Normandy on 1 August 1944, and served under General
Patton's Third Army. The division played a critical role
in Operation Cobra, the Allies’ “breakout” from its Normandy beachhead, where it served as a link between
American and Canadian armies and made rapid progress
against German forces. The 2nd Armored all but destroyed the 9th Panzer Division and mauled several other
German units as well. During the battle for Normandy
this German division lost 133 killed, 648 wounded and
85 missing. The division’s matériel losses included 76
armored vehicles, seven cannons, 27 halftracks and 133
other vehicles.
The most celebrated moment in the unit’s history involved
the liberation of Paris. Allied strategy emphasized destroying German forces retreating towards the Rhine, but
when the French Résistance under Colonel Rol staged
an uprising in the city, Charles de Gaulle pleaded with
General Eisenhower to send help. Eisenhower agreed,
and Leclerc’s forces headed toward Paris. After hard
fighting that cost the 2nd Division 35 tanks, 6 selfpropelled guns and 111 vehicles, Dietrich von Choltitz,


Communist prisoner in France, July 1944

After the signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and
the outbreak of World War II in 1939, the French Communist Party (PCF) was declared a proscribed organisation by Édouard Daladier's government.[41][42] Many



of its leaders were arrested and imprisoned or forced
to go underground.[43] The PCF adopted an antiwar position on orders of the Comintern in Moscow,[44][45]
which remained in place for the first year of the German occupation, reflecting the September 1939 nonaggression pact between Germany and the USSR.[46] Conflicts erupted within the party, as many of its members
opposed collaboration with the Germans while others
toed the party line of neutrality as directed by Stalin
in Moscow.[47] On Armistice Day, November 11, 1940,
communists were among the university students demonstrating against German repression by marching along the
Champs-Élysées.[48] It was only when Germany invaded
the Soviet Union in 1941 that French communists actively
began to organize a resistance effort.[49][50] They benefited from their experience in clandestine operations during the Spanish Civil War.[43]


2.3 Socialists
At the end of the summer of 1940, Daniel Mayer was
asked by Leon Blum to reconstitute the SFIO (in ruins
because of Paul Faure's defection to the Vichy regime).
In March 1941 Daniel Mayer created, with other socialists like Suzanne Buisson and Félix Gouin, the Comité
d'action socialiste (CAS) in Nîmes. The same thing was
created by Jean-Baptiste Lebas in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais
(administratively joined with Belgium) in January 1941,
along the lines of a prior network created in September
In 1942, Le Populaire, newspaper of the SFIO from
1921 to 1940, was publishing again, clandestinely. The
same year, André Philip became commissaire national à
l'Intérieur of the Free French (France libre), and Félix
Gouin joined Charles de Gaulle in London to represent
the socialists. In Algeria, left-wing networks of resistance
were already formed. As the Riom trial began in 1942,
the fervor and the number of socialists in the Resistance
grew. The CAS-Sud became the secret SFIO in March

On 21 August 1941, Colonel Pierre-Georges Fabien committed the first overt violent act of communist resistance by assassinating a German officer at the BarbèsRochechouart station of the Paris Métro.[44][51] The attack, and others perpetrated in the following weeks, provoked fierce reprisals, culminating in the execution of 98
There was a majority from the SFIO in Libération-Nord,
hostages after the Feldkommandant of Nantes was shot
one of the eight great networks to make up the National
on 20 October.[52]
Council of the Resistance, and in the Brutus network. SoThe military strength of the communists was still rela- cialists were also important in the Organisation civile et
tively feeble at the end of 1941, but the rapid growth of militaire and in Libération-Sud.
the Francs-Tireurs et Partisans (FTP), a radical armed
Other socialist leaders in the Resistance included Pierre
movement, ensured that French communists regained
Brossolette, Gaston Defferre, Jean Biondi, Jules Moch,
their reputation as an effective anti-fascist force.[53] The
Jean Pierre-Bloch, Tanguy-Prigent, Guy Mollet and
FTP was open to non-communists but operated under
Christian Pineau. François Camel and Marx Dormoy
communist control,[54] with its members predominantly
were assassinated, while Jean-Baptiste Lebas, Isidore
engaged in acts of sabotage and guerrilla warfare.[55] By
Thivrier, Amédée Dunois, Claude Jordery and Augustin
1944, the FTP had an estimated strength of 100,000
Malroux died during their deportation.
Towards the end of the occupation the PCF reached the
height of its influence, controlling large areas of France 2.4
through the Résistance units under its command. Some
in the PCF wanted to launch a revolution as the Germans
withdrew from the country,[57] but the leadership, acting
on Stalin’s instructions, opposed this and adopted a policy
of cooperating with the Allied powers and advocating a
new Popular Front government.[58]

Vichy collaborators

Many well-known intellectual and artistic figures were attracted to the Communist party during the war, including
the artist Pablo Picasso and the writer and philosopher
Jean-Paul Sartre.[59] After the German invasion of the
USSR, many Russian white émigrés, inspired by Russian
patriotic sentiment, would support the Soviet war effort.
A number of them formed the Union of Russian Patriots, which adopted pro-Soviet positions and collaborated
closely with the French Communist Party.
French milice and résistants, in July 1944

Before the war, there were several ultrarightist organizations in France including the monarchist, antisemitic
and xenophobic Action Française.[60] Another among the




most influential factions of the right was Croix-de-Feu
(Cross of Fire),[61] which gradually moderated its positions during the early years of the war and grew increasingly popular among the aging veterans of World War

Ripoche, initially defended Vichy but soon placed the
liberation of France above all other goals and in 1941
opened his movement to leftists. In contrast, many extreme right-wing members of the Résistance, such as
Gabriel Jeantet and Jacques Le Roy Ladurie, never reDespite some differences in their positions on certain nounced their tolerant attitudes towards Vichy.
issues, these organizations were united in their opposition to parliamentarism,[63] a stance that had led them to 2.4.1 Affiche Rouge
participate in demonstrations, most notably the “political
disturbance” riots of 6 February 1934.[64] At about the The Affiche Rouge (red placard) was a famous propaganda
same time, La Cagoule, a fascist paramilitary organiza- poster distributed by the Vichy French and German aution, launched various actions aimed at destabilizing the thorities in the spring of 1944 in occupied Paris. It was
Third Republic; these efforts continued until La Cagoule intended to discredit a group of 23 Franc-Tireurs known
could be infiltrated and dismantled in 1937.[65]
as the "Manouchian group". After its members were arLike the founder of Action Française, Charles Maurras, rested, tortured and publicly tried, they were executed by
for whom the collapse of the Republic was famously ac- firing squad in Fort Mont-Valérien on 21 February 1944.
claimed as a “divine surprise”,[66] thousands not only wel- The poster emphasized the composition of the group’s
comed the Vichy régime[67] but collaborated with it to membership, many of whom were Jews and communists,
one degree or another, but the powerful appeal of French to discredit the Résistance as not “French” enough in its
nationalism drove others to engage in resistance against fundamental allegiance and motivations.
the occupying German forces.
In 1942, after an ambiguous period of collaboration, 2.5
the former leader of Croix de Feu, François de La
Rocque, founded the Klan Network, which provided information to the British intelligence services.[68] Georges
Loustaunau-Lacau and Marie-Madeleine Fourcade, who
had both supported La Cagoule, founded the Alliance
network, and Colonel Groussard, of the Vichy secret services, founded the Gilbert network. Some members of
Action Française engaged in the Résistance with similar nationalistic motives. Some prominent examples are
Daniel Cordier, who became Jean Moulin's secretary, and
Colonel Rémy, who founded the Confrérie Notre-Dame.
These groups also included Pierre de Bénouville, who,
together with Henri Frenay, led the Combat group, and
Jacques Renouvin, who founded the group of resisters
known as Liberté.


Sometimes contact with others in the Résistance led some
operatives to adopt new political philosophies. Many
gradually moved away from their antisemitic prejudices
and their hatred of 'démocrassouille', 'dirty democracy'
(which many equated with mob rule), or simply away
from their traditional grass-roots conservatism. Bénouville and Marie-Madeleine Fourcade became députés in
the French parliament after the war; François Mitterrand moved towards the left and joined the Résistance,
Henri Frenay evolved towards European socialism,[69]
and Daniel Cordier, whose family had supported Maurras for three generations, abandoned his views in favor
of the ideology of the republican Jean Moulin.
The historian Jean-Pierre Azéma coined the term
vichysto-résistant to describe those who at first supported
the Vichy regime (mostly based on the patriotic image of Pétain rather than the Révolution Nationale) but
later joined the Résistance.[70] The founder of Ceux
de la Libération (“Those of the Liberation”), Maurice

Ariadna Scriabina, (daughter of Russian composer Alexander
Scriabin), co-founded the Armée Juive and was killed by the proNazi milice in 1944. She was posthumously awarded the Croix
de guerre and Médaille de la Résistance.

The Vichy régime had legal authority in both the north of
France, which was occupied by the German Wehrmacht;



and the southern “free zone”, where the régime’s administrative center, Vichy, was located.[72][73] Vichy voluntarily and willfully collaborated with Nazi Germany[74] and
adopted a policy of persecution towards Jews, demonstrated by the passage of antisemitic legislation as early as
October 1940. The Statute on Jews, which legally redefined French Jews as a non-French lower class, deprived
them of citizenship.[75][76] According to Philippe Pétain's
chief of staff, “Germany was not at the origin of the antiJewish legislation of Vichy. That legislation was spontaneous and autonomous.”[77] The laws led to confiscations
of property, arrests and deportations to concentration
camps.[78] As a result of the fate promised them by Vichy
and the Germans, Jews were over-represented at all levels of the French Résistance. Studies show that although
Jews in France constituted only 1% of the French population, they comprised ~ 15-20% of the Résistance.[79]
Among these were many Jewish émigrés, such as Hungarian artists and writers.[80]
The Jewish youth movement Eclaireuses et Eclaireurs israélites de France (EEIF), equivalent to Boy Scouts and
Girl Scouts in other countries, had, during the early years
of the occupation, shown support for the Vichy regime’s
traditional values,[81] until it was banned in 1943, after
which its older members soon formed armed resistance
A militant Jewish Zionist resistance organization, the
Jewish Army (Armée Juive), was founded in 1942 It was
established and led by Abraham Polonski, Eugénie Polonski, Lucien Lublin,[83] David Knout, and Ariadna Scriabina[84] (daughter of the Russian composer Alexander
Scriabin).[85] They continued armed resistance under a
Zionist flag until liberation finally arrived. The Armée
juive organized escape routes across the Pyrenées to
Spain, and smuggled about 300 Jews out of the country during 1943-44. They distributed millions of dollars
from the American Joint Distribution Committee to relief organizations and fighting units within France.[82][86]
In 1944, the EIF and the Jewish Army combined to form
the Organisation Juive de Combat (OJC). The OJC had
four hundred members by the summer of 1944,[82] and
participated in the liberations of Paris, Lyon, Toulouse,
Grenoble and Nice.[87]
In the southern occupation zone, the Œuvre de Secours
aux Enfants (roughly, Children’s Relief Effort), a FrenchJewish humanitarian organization commonly called OSE,
saved the lives of between seven and nine thousand Jewish
children by forging papers, smuggling them into neutral
countries and sheltering them in orphanages, schools and


Artist’s impression of a meeting of the PCF (Parti communiste
français) central committee at Longjumeau, 1943. Left to right:
Benoît Frachon, Auguste Lecoeur, Jacques Duclos and Charles

ers of the French Résistance and commander of the
Manouchian Group (the family of Charles Aznavour had
supported Missak and his wife Meliné when they were
in hiding). Arpen Tavitian, another executed member
of the Manouchian group, industrialist Napoléon Bullukian (1905-1984), poets Kégham Atmadjian (19101940) and Rouben Melik were other famous participants
in the French Résistance. The Anti-Fascist Underground
Patriotic Organization was also commanded by Armenian officiers. Armenian-French writer Luiza Aslanean
(Louise Aslanian) (1906-1945), another French Résistance activist, was arrested among with her husband in
1944, taken to the Ravensbrück concentration camp[91]
by Nazis and killed in 1944. Many of her manuscripts and
diaries were confiscated by Nazis.[92] Resisters Alexander Kazarian and Bardukh Petrosian were awarded by
the highest military orders of France by General Charles
de Gaulle.[93] Henri Karayan (1921-2011), a member of
the Manouchian Group, participated in illegal distribution of L'Humanité in Paris and was engaged in armed
struggle until the Libération.[94] In 2012, 95-year-old Arsene Tchakarian, the last survivor of the Manouchian resistance group who fought against occupying Nazi German forces during World War II, was decorated as Officer of the Legion of Honor by the president of France.[95]

2.7 Women

Further information: Women in the French Resistance
Although inequalities persisted under the Third Republic, the cultural changes that followed World War I allowed differences in the treatment of men and women
in France to narrow gradually,[96] with some women assuming political responsibilities as early as the 1930s.
2.6 Armenians
The defeat of France in 1940 and the appointment of
the Vichy régime's conservative leader, Philippe Pétain,
The Armenian community of France played an active undermined feminism,[97] and France began a restructurrole in the Résistance.[89][90] Armenian poet and com- ing of society based on the “femme au foyer” or “women
munist Missak Manouchian became one of the lead- at home” imperative.[98] On at least one occasion, Pétain


Marie-Madeleine Fourcade, the only female leader in the
Résistance, headed the Alliance network.[105] The Organisation Civile et Militaire had a female wing headed
by Marie-Hélène Lefaucheux,[106] who took part in setting up the Œuvre de Sainte-Foy to assist prisoners in
French jails and German concentration camps.[107] But
no women were chosen to lead any of the eight major Résistance movements. After the liberation of France, the
provisional government appointed no women ministers or
commissaires de la République.[108]

3 Networks and movements

“Nicole” a French Partisan who captured 25 Nazis in the Chartres
area (August 1944).

spoke out to French mothers about their patriotic duty:
Mothers of France, our native land, yours
is the most difficult task but also the most gratifying. You are, even before the state, the true
educators. You alone know how to inspire in all
[our youth] the inclination for work, the sense
of discipline, the modesty, the respect, that give
men character and make nations strong.[99]
Despite opposing the collaborationist regime, the French
Résistance generally sympathized with its antifeminism
and did not encourage the participation of women in war
and politics, following, in the words of historian Henri
Noguères, “a notion of inequality between the sexes as
old as our civilization and as firmly implanted in the Résistance as it was elsewhere in France”.[100] Consequently,
women in the Résistance were less numerous than men
and averaged only 11% of the members in the formal
networks and movements.[101][102] Not all of the women
involved in the Résistance were confined to subordinate
roles.[103] Intellectuals like Germaine Tillion and Suzanne
Hiltermann-Souloumiac, highly aware of the signification
of nazism and collaboration were among the few early resistants. Suzanne Hiltermann-Souloumiac played an important role in the Dutch-Paris movement, specialized in
rescuing allied pilots. Lucie Aubrac, the iconic resister
and co-founder of Libération-Sud, was never assigned
a specific role in the hierarchy of the movement.[103]
Hélène Viannay, one of the founders of Défense de la
France and married to a man who shared her political
views, was never permitted to express her opinions in the
underground newspaper, and her husband took two years
to arrive at political conclusions she had held for many

A volunteer of the French Résistance interior force (FFI) at
Châteaudun in 1944

Main article: List of networks and movements of the
French Resistance
In this context, it is customary to distinguish the various
organizations of the French Résistance as movements or
A Résistance network was an organization created for a
specific military purpose, usually intelligence-gathering,
sabotage or aiding Allied air crews who had been shot
down behind enemy lines.[109][110] A Résistance movement, on the other hand, was focused on educating and organizing the population,[110] i.e., “to raise awareness and
organize the people as broadly as possible.”[109]


Foreigners in the Résistance

Rémy, he returned to France in August 1940 not long after the surrender of France, where the following November he organized one of the most active and important
Résistance networks of the BCRA, the Confrérie de Notre
Dame (Brotherhood of Our Lady), which provided the
Allies with photographs, maps and important information
on German defenses in general and the Atlantic Wall in
particular.[114] From 1941 on, networks such as these allowed the BCRA to send armed parachutists, weapons
and radio equipment into France to carry out missions.

German military and résistants, in Brittany, July, 1944

Another important BCRA operative, Henri Honoré
d'Estienne d'Orves, a naval officer, developed a 26person network in France. He was betrayed, arrested in
May 1941, and shot on 29 August 1941.
Christian Pineau, one of the founders of the Libération
Nord movement, also had BCRA roots. During his trip
to London in April 1942, the BCRA entrusted him with
the creation of two new intelligence systems, Phalanx and
Cohors-Asturies. Both networks proved vital later in the
Mouvements Unis de la Résistance (Unified Movements
of the Resistance, MUR) was a French Résistance organization resulting from the regrouping of three major
Résistance movements (“Combat”, “Franc-Tireur” and
“Libération-Sud”) in January 1943. Later that year, the
BCRA and the United Movements of Résistance merged
their intelligence networks.

Another BCRA appendage was called Gallia, a factgathering network specializing in military intelligence
and police activities. Its importance increased through3.1 BCRA networks
out the second half of 1943 and into the spring of 1944.
It eventually became the largest BCRA network in the
Vichy zone, employing about 2,500 sources, contacts,
Further information: Operation Jedburgh
couriers and analysts. Gallia’s work did not stop after the
1944 landings in Normandy and Provence; it provided
In July 1940, after the defeat of the French armies and the
information to the Allies that allowed for the bombing of
consequent armistice with Germany, British prime ministhe retreating German armies’ military targets.
ter Winston Churchill asked the Free French governmentin-exile (headed by General Charles de Gaulle) to set up
a secret service agency in occupied France to counter
the threat of a German operation code-named Operation 3.2 Foreigners in the Résistance
Sea Lion, the expected cross-channel invasion of Britain.
Colonel André Dewavrin (also known as Colonel Passy), 3.2.1 Spanish maquis
who had previously worked for France’s military intelligence service, the Deuxième Bureau, took on the respon- Main article: Spanish Maquis
sibility for creating such a network. Its principal goal was
to inform London of German military operations on the Following their defeat in the Spanish Civil War in early
Atlantic coast and in the English Channel.[111] The spy 1939, about half a million Spanish Republicans fled to
network was called the Bureau Central de Renseignements France to escape imprisonment or execution.[115] On the
et d'Action (BCRA), and its actions were carried out by north side of the Pyrenees, such refugees were confined
volunteers who were parachuted into France to create and in internment camps such as Camp Gurs and Camp Vernourish local Résistance cells.[112]
net.[76][115] Although over half of these had been repaGerman military and résistants, July, 1944

Of the nearly 2,000 volunteers who were active by the
end of the war, one of the most effective and well-known
was the agent Gilbert Renault, who was awarded the
Ordre de la Libération and later the Légion d'honneur for
his deeds.[113] Known mainly by the pseudonym Colonel

triated to Spain (or elsewhere) by the time Pétain proclaimed the Vichy Régime in 1940,[116] the 120,000 to
150,000 who remained[117] became political prisoners,
and the foreign equivalent to the Service du Travail Obligatoire, the Compagnies de Travailleurs Étrangers (Com-



panies of Foreign Workers) or CTE, began to pursue
them for slave labor.[118] The CTE permitted prisoners
to leave the internment camps if they agreed to work in
German factories,[119] but as many as 60,000 Republicans
recruited for the labor service managed to escape and
join the French Résistance.[116] Thousands of suspected
anti-fascist Republicans were deported to German concentration camps instead, however.[120] Most were sent
to Mauthausen where, of the ten thousand Spaniards registered, only two thousand survived the war.[121]

many of them were killed in the war. Others, like Antoine
Diederich, rose to high rank in the Résistance. Diederich,
known only as “Capitaine Baptiste”, had 77 maquis soldiers under his command and is best known for attacking
Riom prison, where he and his fighters freed every one of
114 inmates who had been sentenced to death.[124]

3.2.5 Hungarians

Many Spanish escapees joined French Résistance groups;
others formed their own autonomous groups which became known as the Spanish maquis. In April 1942,
Spanish communists formed an organization called the
XIV Corps, an armed guerrilla movement of about 3,400
combatants by June 1944.[117] Although the group first
worked closely with the Franc Tireurs et Partisans (FTP),
it re-formed as the Agrupación de Guerrilleros Españoles
(Spanish Guerrilla Group, AGE) in May 1944.[122] The
name change was intended to convey the group’s composition: Spanish soldiers ultimately advocating the fall of
General Francisco Franco.[117] After the German army
had been driven from France, the Spanish maquis refocused on Spain.

Many Hungarian émigrés, some of them Jewish, were
artists and writers working in Paris at the time of the
occupation. They had gone to Paris in the 1920s and
1930s to escape repression in their homeland. Many
joined the Résistance, where they were particularly active
in the regions of Lyon, Grenoble, Marseille and Toulouse.
Jewish resisters included Imre Epstein in the Hungarian group at Toulouse; György Vadnai (future Lausanne
rabbi) at Lyon; the writer Emil Szittya at Limoges. Also
participating were the painter Sándor Józsa, the sculptor István Hajdú (Étienne Hajdu), the journalists László Kőrös and Imre Gyomrai; the photographers Andor
(André) Steiner, Lucien Hervé and Ervin Martón. Tamás
Elek (1924–1944), Imre Glasz (1902–1944) and József
Boczor (1905–1944) were among 23 resisters executed
for their work with the legendary Manouchian Group.
3.2.2 Czechs and Slovaks
The Germans executed nearly 1,100 Jewish resisters of
the occupation, while othAmong Czechs and Slovaks who joined the French Ré- different nationalities during
sistance were Otakar Hromádko, Věra Waldes and Artur

German anti-fascists

From spring 1943, German and Austrian anti-fascists
who had fought in the International Brigades during the
Spanish Civil War fought in Lozère and the Cévennes
alongside the French Résistance in the Francs-tireurs et
Partisans.[116] During the first years of the occupation
they had been employed in the CTE, but following the
German invasion of the southern zone in 1942 the threat
increased and many joined the maquis. They were led by
militant German communist Otto Kühne, a former member of the Reichstag in the Weimar Republic who had
over 2,000 Germans in the FTP under his command by
July 1944. He fought the Nazis directly, as in an April
1944 battle in Saint-Étienne-Vallée-Française in which
his soldiers destroyed a Feldgendarmerie unit, or in an
ambush of the Waffen-SS on June 5, 1944.[123]

3.2.6 Italian anti-fascists
On 3 March 1943, representatives of the Italian Communist Party and Italian Socialist Party who had taken refuge
in France, signed the “Pact of Lyon” which marked the
beginning of their participation in the Résistance. Italians
were particularly numerous in the Hitler-annexed Moselle
industrial area, where they played a determining role in
the creation of the Département’s main resistance organization, Groupe Mario.[126] Vittorio Culpo is an example
of Italians in the French Resistance.

3.2.7 Polish resistance in France during World War
Main article: Polish resistance in France during World
War II


400 men from Luxembourg, many of whom had refused to serve in, or who had deserted from, the German Wehrmacht, left their tiny country to fight in the
French maquis, where they were particularly active in the
regions of Lyon, Grenoble and the Ardennes although

The majority of the Polish soldiers, and some Polish civilians, who stayed in France after the German victory in
1940, as well as one Polish pilot shot down over France
(one of many Polish pilots flying for the RAF), joined
the French Résistance, notably including Tony Halik and
Aleksander Kawałkowski.


Jean Moulin’s intercession


their shared opposition to Vichy and the Germans;[134]
and over time, the various elements of the Résistance beWhile not part of the French Résistance, French-speaking gan to unite.
Cajun soldiers in the United States military posed as local
Many of the networks recruited and controlled by the
civilians in France to channel American assistance to the
British and Americans were not perceived by the French
as particularly interested in establishing a united or integrated Résistance operation, and the guerrilla groups
3.3 Beginnings of a coordinated resistance controlled by the communists were only slightly more attracted by the idea of joining of a Résistance “umbrella”
organization. Nonetheless, a contact between de Gaulle’s
envoys and the communists was established at the end of
1942. The liberation of Corsica in September 1943, a
clear demonstration of the strength of communist insurgency, was accomplished by the FTP, an effective force
not yet integrated into the Secret Army and not involved
with General Henri Giraud, the Free French or the political unification of the Résistance.

Cajun Americans

The French Résistance began to unify in 1941. This was
evidenced by the formation of movements in the Vichy
zone centered on such figures as Henri Frenay (Combat),
Emmanuel d'Astier de la Vigerie (Libération-Sud), and
François de Menthon, (Liberté), each of whom was, independently, an agent of the Free French. Formal consolidation was accomplished through the intervention of
Jean Moulin.
Resistants from Huelgoat.

From 1940 to 1942, the first years of the German occupation of France, there was no systematically organized
Résistance capable of coordinated fighting throughout
France. Active opposition to the German and Vichy authorities was sporadic, and carried out only by a tiny and
fragmented set of operatives.[128] Most French men and
women put their faith in the Vichy government and its figurehead, Marshal Pétain, who continued to be widely regarded as the “savior” of France,[129][130] opinions which
persisted until their unpopular policies, and their collaboration with the foreign occupiers, became broadly apparent.

Prefect of Eure-et-Loir in 1939, Moulin was subsequently
a part of the Air Ministry of Pierre Cot. In this context,
he had forged a strong network of relationships in antifascist circles. Some time after November 1940, the idea
of teaming up with his former colleague, Gaston Cusin,
to identify and contact a number of potential Résistance
“centers of influence” occurred to him; but only during
the summer of 1941 was he able to make the most critical
contacts, including contact with Henri Frenay, leader of
the movement not yet called Combat but still known as the
National Liberation Movement. He also established contact with de Menthon and Emmanuel d'Astier. In the report he wrote for de Gaulle, he spoke of these three movements and entertained the possibility of bringing them together under the acronym “LLL”.

The earliest Résistance organizations had no contact with
the western Allies, and received no material aid from
London or anywhere else. Consequently, most focused
on generating nationalist propaganda through the distribution of underground newspapers.[131] Many of the major movements, such as Défense de la France, were centered around their newspapers. Even after they became
more intensively activist, propaganda and the cultivation 3.4
of positive morale remained, until the very end of the war,
their most important concerns.[132]
Early acts of violent resistance were often motivated
more by instinct and fighting spirit than by any formal
ideology,[133] but later several distinct political alignments and visions of post-liberation France developed
among the Résistance organizations. These differences sometimes resulted in conflicts, but the differences
among Résistance factions were usually papered over by

Jean Moulin’s intercession

The majority of resistance movements in France were
unified after Moulin’s formation of the Conseil National
de la Résistance (CNR) in May 1943.[43][135] CNR was
coordinated with the Free French forces under the authority of French Generals Henri Giraud and Charles de
Gaulle and their body, the Comité Français de Libération
Nationale (CFLN).




Terre advised farmers on how to send food to resistance
members. Bulletin des Chemins de Fer encouraged railroad workers to sabotage German transportation. Unter
Uns (“Among Us”), published in German for the occupiers, printed stories of German defeats on the eastern
In the northern zone, Pantagruel, the newspaper of FrancTireur, had a circulation of 10,000 by June 1941 but
was quickly replaced by Libération-Nord which attained
a circulation of 50,000, and by January 1944 Défense
de la France was distributing 450,000 copies.[137] In the
southern zone, François de Menthon's newspaper Liberté
merged with Henri Frenay's Vérité to form Combat in December 1941, which grew to a circulation of 200,000 by
1944.[138] During the same period Pantagruel brought out
37 issues, Libération-Sud 54 and Témoignage chrétien 15.

The 30 September 1943 issue of the Résistance newspaper,
Défense de la France


The underground press brought out books as well as newspapers through publishing houses, such as Les Éditions de
Minuit (the Midnight Press),[37] which had been set up
to circumvent Vichy and German censorship. The 1942
novel Le Silence de la Mer (“The Silence of the Sea”), by
Jean Bruller, quickly became a symbol of mental resistance through its story of how an old man and his niece
refused to speak to the German officer occupying their

Economic resistance

By June 1941, 81% of the miners of the national coal
mining company, Charbonnages de France, were on
strike, slowing deliveries of coal to German industrial
plants supporting the war effort.


Clandestine press

The first action of many Résistance movements was the
publication and distribution of clandestine press material. This was not the case with all movements, since
some refused civil action and preferred armed resistance
by groups such as CDLR and CDLL. Most clandestine
newspapers were not consistent in their editorial stance
and often consisted of only a single sheet, because the sale
of all raw materials –- paper, ink, stencils –- was prohibited.

Francs-tireurs and Allied paratroopers reporting on the situation
during the Battle of Normandy in 1944.

4.3 Intelligence
The intelligence networks were by far the most numerous
and substantial of Résistance activities. They collected
information of military value, such as coastal fortifications of the Atlantic Wall or Wehrmacht deployments.
The BCRA and the different British intelligence services often competed with one another to gather the most
valuable information from their Résistance networks in

By 1942, however, about 300,000 copies of underground
publications reached around two million readers. Resistance workers used friendly print-shop facilities at night.
Staff risked the Germans noticing that a resistance newspaper used the same type face as officially sanctioned
documents. Profession-specific newspapers also existed.
Le Médecin Français advised doctors to immediately approve known collaborators for Service du travail obli- The first agents of the Free French to arrive from Britain
gatoire while medically disqualifying everyone else. La landed on the coast of Brittany as early as July 1940. They


Guerrilla warfare

were Lieutenants Mansion, Saint-Jacques and Corvisart
and Colonel Rémy, and didn't hesitate to get in touch
with the anti-Germans within the Vichy military such as
Georges Loustaunau-Lacau and Georges Groussard.

France Bloch-Sérazin assembled a small laboratory in her
apartment to provide explosives to communist Résistance
fighters.[146] The lab also produced cyanide capsules to allow the fighters to evade torture if arrested.[146] Indeed,
she herself was arrested in February 1942, tortured, and
deported to Hamburg where she was beheaded with an
ax in February 1943. In the southern occupation zone,
Jacques Renouvin engaged in the same activities on behalf of groups of francs-tireurs.

The various Résistance movements in France had to understand the value of intelligence networks in order to be
recognized or receive subsidies from the BCRA or the
British. The intelligence service of the Francs-Tireurs et
Partisans was known by the code letters FANA[142] and
headed by Georges Beyer, the brother-in-law of Charles Stealing dynamite from the Germans eventually took
Tillon. Information from such services was often used as preference over handcrafting explosives. The British
a bargaining chip to qualify for airdrops of weapons.
Special Operations Executive also parachuted tons of exits agents in France for essential sabotage
The transmission of information was first done by ra- plosives to
The railways were a favorite target of sabodio transmitter. Later, when air links by the Westland
understood that removing bolts from the
Lysander became more frequent, some information was
efficient than planting explosives.
also channeled through these couriers. By 1944, the
BCRA was receiving 1,000 telegrams by radio every day
and 2,000 plans every week.[143] Many radio operators,
called pianistes, were located by German goniometers.
Their dangerous work gave them an average life expectancy of around six months.[144] According to the historian Jean-François Muracciole, “Throughout the war,
how to communicate remained the principal difficulty of
intelligence networks. Not only were the operators few
and inept, but their information was dangerous.”[145]



Train-derailment strategies varied considerably in their
effectiveness. The Germans managed to repair the tracks
quickly in agricultural areas with level ground, since the
salvage of some matériel was a relatively easy proposition in such terrain. But unbolting a connector plate on
an outside rail in a mountainous area (given the higher
speed of trains going downhill) could result in the derailment of an entire train with considerable amounts of
front-ready matériel strewn far down the mountainside.
Among the SNCF employees who joined the resistance,
a subset were in Résistance-Fer which focused on reporting the movement of German troops to the Allied forces
and sabotaging the railways’ rolling stock as well as their
infrastructure. Following the invasions of Normandy and
Provence in 1944, the sabotage of rail transport became
much more frequent and effectively prevented some German troop deployments to the front and hindered the subsequent retreat of German occupying forces.[148]
Generally, the sabotage of equipment leaving armaments
factories and derailment in areas where equipment could
not readily be salvaged was a more discreet form of resistance, and probably at least as effective as bombing.
Available Allied military aircraft was far less vulnerable
as well, and so could provide combat support. It was also
preferred since it caused less collateral damage and fewer
civilian casualties than Allied bombing.[149]

4.5 Guerrilla warfare

USAAF B-17 Flying Fortresses dropping supplies to the Maquis
du Vercors in 1944.

Sabotage was a form of resistance adopted by groups who
wanted to go beyond just distributing clandestine press
publications. Many laboratories were set up to manufacture explosives. In August 1941, the Parisian chemist

After the invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, communists engaged in guerrilla warfare, attacking German
forces in French cities. In July 1942, the Allies’ failure to
open a second front resulted in a wave of communist guerrilla attacks aimed at maximizing the number of Germans
deployed in the West to give the USSR military relief.[150]
The assassinations that took place during summer and
autumn 1941, starting with Colonel Pierre-Georges Fabien's shooting of a German officer in the Paris Métro,
caused fierce reprisals and executions of hundreds of
French hostages. As a result, the clandestine press was



very discreet about the events and the communists soon
decided to discontinue the assassinations.
From July to October 1943, groups in Paris engaging in
attacks against occupying soldiers were better organized.
Joseph Epstein was assigned responsibility for training
Résistance fighters across the city, and his new commandos of fifteen men perpetrated a number of attacks that
could not have been carried out before. The commandos were drawn from the foreign branch of the Franc
Tireurs et Partisans, and the most famous of them was
the Manouchian Group.

A group of resistants at the time of their joining forces with the
Canadian army at Boulogne, in September 1944.

An FFI fighter.


landings in Normandy in June 1944, the FFI and the
communist fighting groups FTP, theoretically unified under the command of General Pierre Kœnig,[154] fought
alongside the Allies to free the rest of France. Several color-coded plans were co-ordinated for sabotage,
most importantly Plan Vert (Green) for railways, Plan
Bleu (Blue) for power installations and Plan Violet (Purple) for telecommunications.[155][156][157] To complement
these missions, smaller plans were drafted: Plan Rouge
(Red) for German ammunition depots, Plan Jaune (Yellow) for German command posts, Plan Noir (Black)
for German fuel depots and Plan Tortue (Tortoise) for
road traffic.[158] Their paralysis of German infrastructure is widely thought to have been very effective.[159]
British Prime Minister Winston Churchill later wrote in
his memoirs praising the role the Résistance played in
the liberation of Brittany, “The French Resistance Movement, which here numbered 30,000 men, played a notable
part, and the peninsula was quickly overrun.”[160]

Role in the liberation of France
and casualties

Defining the precise role of the French Résistance during the German occupation, or assessing its military importance alongside the Allied Forces during the liberation of France, is difficult. The two forms of resistance,
active and passive,[151] and the north-south occupational
divide,[152] allow for many different interpretations, but
what can broadly be agreed on is a synopsis of the events
which took place.
Following the surrender of fascist Italy in September
1943, a significant example of Résistance strength was
displayed when the Corsican Résistance joined forces
with the Free French to liberate the island from General
Albert Kesselring's remaining German forces.[153]

Leclerc’s 2nd Armoured Division parading after the Battle for
Paris, August 1944.

The Liberation of Paris on August 25, 1944, with the support of Leclerc's French 2nd Armored Division, was one
On mainland France itself, in the wake of the D-Day of the most famous and glorious moments of the French

Throughout France, the Free French had
been of inestimable value in the campaign.
They were particularly active in Brittany, but
on every portion of the front we secured help
from them in a multitude of ways. Without
their great assistance, the liberation of France
and the defeat of the enemy in Western Europe
would have consumed a much longer time and
meant greater losses to ourselves.

French resistance fighters in Paris at the Hotel de Ville, 1944.

General Eisenhower also estimated the value of the Résistance to have been equal to ten to fifteen divisions at
the time of the landings. (One infantry division comprised about ten thousand soldiers.)[163][164] Eisenhower’s
statements are all the more credible since he based them
on his GHQ’s formal analyses and published them only
after the war, when propaganda was no longer a motive. Historians still debate how effective the French Résistance was militarily,[165] but the neutralization of the
Maquis du Vercors alone involved the commitment of
over 10,000 German troops within the theater, with several more thousands held in reserve, as the Allied invasion
was advancing from Normandy and French Operation
Jedburgh commandos were being dropped nearby to the
south to prepare for the Allied landing in Provence.
It is estimated that FFI killed some 2,000 Germans, a low
estimate based on the figures from June 1944 only.[165]
Estimates of the casualties among the Résistance are
made harder by the dispersion of movements at least until D-Day, but credible estimates start from 8,000 dead
in action, 25,000 shot and several tens of thousands deported, of whom 27,000 died in death camps.[166] For
perspective, the best estimate is that 86,000 were deported from France without racial motive, overwhelmingly comprising resistance fighters and more than the
number of Gypsies and Jews deported from France.[167]

Memorial to French resistance fighters Marchant and Olivier,
shot by the SS near Hill 60 (Ypres) in 1944

6 Legacy

In coming to terms with the events of the occupation, several different attitudes have emerged in France, in an evoRésistance. Although it is again difficult to gauge their lution the historian Henry Rousso has called the “Vichy
effectiveness precisely, popular anti-German demonstra- Syndrome”.[168]
tions, such as general strikes by the Paris Métro, the
gendarmerie and the police, took place, and fighting en- Immediately following the liberation, France was swept
by a wave of executions, public humiliations, assaults
and detentions of suspected collaborators, known as the
The liberation of most of southwestern, central and épuration sauvage (savage purge).[169] This period sucsoutheastern France was finally fulfilled with the arrival ceeded the German occupational administration but preof the 1st French Army of General de Lattre de Tassigny, ceded the authority of the French Provisional Governwhich landed in Provence in August 1944 and was backed ment, and consequently lacked any form of institutional
by over 25,000 maquis.[161]
justice.[169] Approximately 9,000 were executed, mostly
One source often referred to is General Dwight D. Eisen- without trial,[169] notably including members and leaders
hower's comment in his military memoir, Crusade in Eu- of the milices. In one case, as many as 77 milices memrope:
bers were summarily executed at once.[170] An inquest




tionships with German soldiers or officers were subjected
to the practice,[172] becoming known as les tondues (the

Veterans of the resistance raise flags at the annual commemoration ceremony of Canjuers military camp.
Women accused of collaboration with their heads shaved.

The official épuration légale began following a June 1944
decree that established a three-tier system of judicial
courts:[174] a High Court of Justice which dealt with Vichy
ministers and officials; Courts of Justice for other serious
cases of collaboration; and regular Civic Courts for lesser
cases of collaboration.[169][175] Over 700 collaborators
were executed following proper legal trials. This initial
phase of the purge trials ended with a series of amnesty
laws passed between 1951 & 1953[176] which reduced
the number of imprisoned collaborators from 40,000 to
62,[177] and was followed by a period of official “repression” that lasted between 1954 & 1971.[176] During this
period, and particularly after de Gaulle’s return to power
in 1958,[178] the collective memory of "Résistancialisme"
tended toward a highly resistant France opposed to the
collaboration of the Vichy regime.[179] This period ended
when the aftermath of the events of May 1968, which
had divided French society between the conservative war
generation and the younger, more liberal students and
workers,[180] led many to question the Résistance ideals
promulgated by the official history.[181]

Tribute to SNCF personnel killed during the Second World War
in Metz railway station.

into the issue of summary executions launched by Jules
Moch, the Minister of the Interior, came to the conclusion that there were 9,673 summary executions. A second
inquest in 1952 separated out 8,867 executions of suspected collaborators and 1,955 summary executions for
which the motive of killing was not known, giving a total
of 10,822 executions.

The questioning of France’s past had become a national
obsession by the 1980s,[182] fuelled by the highly publicized trials of war criminals such as Klaus Barbie and
Maurice Papon.[183] Although the occupation is often still
a sensitive subject in the early 21st century,[184] contrary
to some interpretations the French as a whole have acknowledged their past and no longer deny their conduct
during the war.[185]

After the war, the influential French Communist Party
(PCF) projected itself as “Le Parti des Fusillés” (The
Party of Those Shot), in recognition of the thousands of communists executed for their Résistance
activities.[186][187][188] The number of communists killed
was in reality considerably less than the Party’s figure of 75,000, and it is now estimated that close to
Head-shaving was a common feature of the purges,[171] 30,000 Frenchmen of all political movements combined
and between 10,000 and 30,000 women accused of hav- were shot,[189][190] of whom only a few thousand were
ing collaborated with the Germans or having had rela- communists.[189]

sage du Rhin (The Crossing of the Rhine)(1960), in
which a crowd successively acclaims both Pétain and de
After General de Gaulle’s return to power in 1958, the
portrayal of the Résistance returned to its earlier résistancialisme. In this manner, in Is Paris Burning? (1966),
“the role of the resistant was revalued according to [de
Gaulle’s] political trajectory”.[200] The comic form of
films such as La Grande Vadrouille (also 1966) broadened the image of Résistance heroes in the minds of average Frenchmen.[201] The most famous and critically acclaimed of all the résistancialisme movies is L'armée des
Because so many resistance members were shot at Fort Mont- ombres (Army of Shadows) by French filmmaker JeanValérien, in Suresnes, the France Combattante memorial was Pierre Melville in 1969, a film inspired by Joseph Kessel's
1943 book as well as Melville’s own experience as a Réinstalled there.
sistance fighter who participated in Operation Dragoon.
A 1995 television screening of L'armée des ombres described it as “the best film made about the fighters of the
The Vichy Regime’s prejudicial policies had discredshadows, those anti-heroes.”[202]
ited traditional conservatism in France by the end of the
war,[191] but following the liberation many former Pétain- The shattering of France’s résistancialisme following the
istes became critical of the official résistancialisme, us- civil unrest of May 1968 was made particularly clear in
ing expressions such as "la mythe de la Résistance" (the French cinema. The candid approach of the 1971 docmyth of the Résistance),[192] one of them even conclud- umentary The Sorrow and the Pity shone a spotlight on
ing, “The 'Gaullist' régime is therefore built on a funda- antisemitism in France and disputed the official Résistance ideals.[203][204] Time magazine’s positive review of
mental lie.”[193]
the film wrote that director Marcel Ophüls “tries to puncThe French Résistance has had a great influence on litture the bourgeois myth —- or protectively skew memory
erature, particularly in France. A famous example is the
-— that allows France generally to act as if hardly any
poem “Strophes pour se souvenir”, which was written by
Frenchmen collaborated with the Germans.”[205]
the communist academic Louis Aragon in 1955 to commemorate the heroism of the Manouchian Group, whose Franck Cassenti, with L'Affiche Rouge (1976); Gilson,
with La Brigade (1975); and Mosco with the documen23 members were shot by the Nazis.
tary Des terroristes à la retraite addressed foreign reThe Résistance is also portrayed in Jean Renoir's wartime
sisters of the EGO, who were then relatively unknown. In
This Land is Mine (1943), which was produced in the
1974, Louis Malle's Lacombe, Lucien caused scandal and
polemic for his lack of moral judgment regarding the beIn the immediate postwar years, French cinema produced havior of a collaborator.[206] Malle later portrayed the rea number of films that portrayed a France broadly present sistance of Catholic priests who protected Jewish children
in the Résistance.[194][195] La Bataille du rail (1946) de- in his 1987 film Au revoir, les enfants. François Truffaut's
picted the courageous efforts of French railway work- 1980 film Le Dernier Métro was set during the German
ers to sabotage German reinforcement trains,[196] and in occupation of Paris and won ten Césars for its story of
the same year Le Père tranquille told the story of a quiet a theatrical production staged while its Jewish director is
insurance agent secretly involved in the bombing of a concealed by his wife in the theater’s basement.[207] The
factory.[196] Collaborators were unflatteringly portrayed 1980s began to portray the resistance of working women,
as a rare unpopular minority, as played by Pierre Brewer as in Blanche et Marie (1984).[208] Later, Jacques Auin Jéricho (also 1946) or Serge Reggiani in Les Portes de diard's Un héros très discret (1996) told the story of a
la nuit (1946 as well), and movements such as the Milice young man’s traveling to Paris and manufacturing a Réwere rarely evoked.
sistance past for himself, suggesting that many heroes of
In 1997 Claude
In the 1950s, a less heroic interpretation of the Résis- the Résistance were impostors.
on the life
tance to the occupation gradually began to emerge.
In Claude Autant-Lara's La Traversée de Paris (1956),
the portrayal of the city’s black market and the preits
vailing general mediocrity disclosed the reality of war[211]
profiteering during the occupation.[197] In the same year, her husband.
Robert Bresson presented A Man Escaped, in which an
imprisoned Résistance activist works with a reformed
collaborator inmate to help him escape.[198] A cautious
reappearance of the image of Vichy emerged in Le Pas-




Cultural personalities

Main article: List of people involved with the French

[14] Christofferson (2006), p. 83
[15] Kedward (1993), p. 155
[16] Jackson (2003), p. 169
[17] Kedward (1991), p. 5

The well-known personalities of France – intellectuals,
artists, and entertainers – faced a serious dilemma in
choosing to emigrate or to remain in France during
the country’s occupation. They understood that their
post-war reputations would depend, in large part, on
their conduct during the war years.[212] Most who remained in France aimed to defend and further French
culture and thereby weaken the German hold on occupied France.[213] Some were later ostracized following accusations that they had collaborated. Among those who
actively fought in the Resistance, a number died for it –
for instance the writer Jean Prévost, the philosopher and
mathematician Jean Cavaillès, the historian Marc Bloch,
and the philosopher Jean Gosset;[213] among those who
survived and went on to reflect on their experience, a particularly visible one was André Malraux.
Among prominent foreign figures who participated in the
French Résistance was the political scientist and later
Iranian Prime Minister Shapour Bakhtiar. After serving
as the prime minister and strong man of the authoritarian
Shah regime in Iran, he was forced back into Paris in the
aftermath of the Islamic Revolution. He was assassinated
on order of the Iranian Islamic Republic in 1991.[214]

[18] Furtado (1992), p. 156
[19] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 442
[20] Mercier, Despert (1939–41), p. 271
[21] Hayward (1993), p. 131
[22] Marshall (2001), p. 443
[23] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 51
[24] Crowdy (2007), p. 8
[25] Jackson (2003), p. 336
[26] Herbert (2000), p. 138
[27] Quoted in Herbert (2000), p. 139
[28] Jackson (2003), p. 1
[29] Crowdy (2007), p. 56-7
[30] Jackson (2003), p. 546
[31] Jackson (2003), p. 230-1
[32] DuArte (2005), p. 546
[33] Jackson (2003), pp. 568–9


See also



[1] Pharand (2001), p. 169
[2] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 50
[3] Kedward (1993), p. 30
[4] Ellis, Allen, Warhurst (2004), pp. 573–574
[5] Booth, Walton (1998), p. 191
[6] Moran, Waldron (2002), p. 239
[7] Holmes (2004), p. 14
[8] Sumner (1998), p. 37
[9] Vernet (1980), p. 86
[10] Kedward (1993), p. 180
[11] Lieb, Peter. “Wehrmacht, Waffen-SS et Sipo/SD : La
répression allemande en France 1943-1944” (PDF). Retrieved 2011-03-07.
[12] Order of the Liberation. “Vassieux-en-Vercors”. Retrieved 2008-01-18.
[13] Marshall (2001), p. 44

[34] deRochemont, Richard (1942-08-24). “The French Underground”. Life. p. 86. Retrieved November 20, 2011.
[35] Quoted in Jackson (2003), p. 403
[36] Jackson (2003), p. 404
[37] Jackson (2003), p. 405
[38] Laffont (2006), p. 339
[39] Paxton (1972), p. 294
[40] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 10
[41] Jackson (2003), p. 114
[42] Atkin (2006), p. 31
[43] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 60
[44] Crowdy (2007), p. 10
[45] Jackson (2003), p. 115
[46] Jackson (2003), p. 421
[47] Davies (2000), p. 60
[48] Jackson (2003), p. 422
[49] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 62
[50] Marshall (2001), pp. 41–2


[51] Jackson 2003, p. 423
[52] Crowdy (2007), p. 11
[53] Ariès, Duby (1998), p. 341
[54] Marshall (2001), p. 40
[55] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 148
[56] Marshall (2001), p. 41
[57] Marshall (2001), p. 42
[58] Godin, Chafer (2004), p. 49
[59] Knapp (2006), p. 8
[60] Atkin (2002), p. 17
[61] Weiss (2006), p. 69
[62] Jackson (2003), pp. 72–4
[63] Jackson (2003), p. 71
[64] Jackson (2003), p. 72
[65] Jackson (2003), pp. 77–8
[66] Jackson (2003), p. 140
[67] McMillan (1998), p. 136
[68] Curtis (2002), pp. 50–1
[69] Jackson (2003), pp. 513–4
[70] This expression has been used by many of Azéma’s colleagues, notably Robert Belot in La Résistance sans De
Gaulle, Fayard, 2006, and Henry Rousso in L'Express n°
2871, 13 July 2006.
[71] Jackson (2003), p. 497
[72] Christofferson (2006), p. 35

[84] Berenbaum, Michael J.; Peck, Abraham J. (1998), The
Holocaust and History: The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed, and the Reexamined, Indiana University Press, p.
835, ISBN 978-0-253-33374-2
[85] Julian Jackson, France: The Dark Years, 1940-1944
[86] Rosen, Philip E. Dictionary of the Holocaust : Biography, Geography, & Terminology. Westport, Connecticut,
USA: Greenwood Publishing Group, Incorporated, 1997.
p 13.
[87] Zuccotti (1999), p. 275
[88] Jackson (2003), p. 370
[89] On les nommait des étrangers: les immigrés dans la Résistance. Gaston Laroche. Éditeurs français réunis, 1965
- 477 pages
[90] Les Arméniens dans la Résistance en France
[92] A Reference Guide to Modern Armenian Literature,
1500-1920: By Kevork B. Bardakjian, p. 295
[93] Seven songs about Armenia, Gevorg Emin, Progress,
1981 - p. 37
[94] Henri Karayan, un engagement pour la liberté et
l’universalisme, 2011
[95] President Sarkozy Vows to Introduce New French Bill
Against Armenian Genocide Denial, March 9, 2012
[96] Pollard (1998), p. 4
[97] Pollard (1998), p. 6
[98] Furtado (1992), p. 160
[99] Quoted in Collins Weitz (1995), p. 46
[100] Quoted in Michalczyk (1997), p. 39
[101] Jackson (2003), p. 490

[73] Moore (2000), p. 126
[102] Diamond (1999), p. 99
[74] Knapp (2006), p. 3
[75] Weisberg (1997), pp. 56–8
[76] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 29
[77] Curtis (2002), p. 111
[78] Weisberg (1997), p. 2
[79] Suhl (1967), pp. 181–3

[103] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 65
[104] Jackson (2003), p. 491
[105] Collins Weitz (1995), pp. 65–6
[106] Duchen, Bandhauer-Schoffmann (2000), p. 150
[107] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 175
[108] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 66

[80] Art Proscrit, Exposition (April–August 2010), Holocaust
[109] Moore (2000), p. 128
Memorial Center (Budapest), Mardi Hongrois Blog (in
French), 12 April 2010. Retrieved 29 August 2010.
[110] Jackson (2003), pp. 408–10
[81] Jackson (2003), p. 364

[111] Marshall (2001), p. 24

[82] Jackson (2003), p. 368

[112] Jackson (2003), p. 400

[83] “Jewish Resistance Groups and Leaders”. The American- [113] Order of the Liberation. “Gilbert Renault”. Archived
Israeli Cooperative Enterprise. Retrieved 6 March 2013.
from the original on 2008-03-05. Retrieved 2008-01-04.



[114] Crowdy (2007), p. 12

[147] Marshall (2001), p. 20

[115] Jackson (2007), p. 105

[148] Christofferson (2006), p. 170

[116] Crowdy (2007), p. 13

[149] Crowdy (2007), p. 47

[117] Jackson (2007), p. 495

[150] Jackson (2003), p. 424

[118] Zuccotti (1999), p. 76

[151] Davies (2000), p. 52

[119] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 242

[152] Jackson (2003), pp. 410–3

[120] Bowen (2000), p. 140

[153] Abram (2003), p. 414

[121] Bowen (2006), p. 237

[154] Crowdy 2007, p. 21

[122] Beevor (2006), p. 420

[155] Christofferson (2006), p. 175

[123] Brès (2007), Un maquis d'antifascistes allemands en [156] Kedward (1993), p. 166
[157] Jackson (2003), p. 541
[124] Raths, Aloyse 2008 - Unheilvolle Jahre für Luxemburg [158] Crowdy (2007), p. 51
Années néfastes pour le Grand-Duché pp. 375-377
[159] van der Vat (2003), p. 45
[125] Art in Exile series: Belated Homecoming, Works by Edit
Bán Kiss, Béla Mészöly Munkás, Zsigmond Wittmann , [160] Churchill (1953), p. 28
17 Apr – 15 August 2010, Holocaust Memorial Center
(HDKE), Budapest. Retrieved 3 September 2010.
[161] Churchill (1953), p. 87
[126] Burger (1965), Le Groupe Mario

[162] Eisenhower (1948) Crusade in Europe

[127] LPB -- Mon Cher Camarade, Louisiana Public Broadcast- [163]
ing, 10 September 2009. Retrieved 27 May 2011.
[128] Jackson (2003), pp. 402–3
[129] Davies (2000), p. 20
[130] McMillan (1998), p. 135
[131] Jackson (2003), pp. 406–7

Paddock (2002), p. 29
Jackson (2003), p. 557
Daniel Marston, Carter Malkasian, Counterinsurgency in
Modern Warfare, Osprey Publishing, 2008, ISBN 978-184603-281-3, Google Print, p.83-90

[166] Simonnet (2004), p. 68

[132] Jackson (2003), p. 412

[167] Marsura, Evelyne. “Combien y a-t-il eu de déportés en
France?". Retrieved 2011-03-07.

[133] Jackson (2003), p. 414

[168] Jackson (2003), p. 646

[134] Jackson (2003), p. 416

[169] Jackson (2003), p. 577

[135] Marshall (2001), pp. 46–8

[170] (French) Henri Amouroux, 'La justice du Peuple en 1944',
Académie des Sciences Morales et Politiques, 9 Jan 2006.

[136] Breuer, William B. (2000). Top Secret Tales of World War
II. Wiley. pp. 131–134. ISBN 0-471-35382-5.
[171] Jackson (2003), p. 580
[137] Jackson (2003), p. 480

[172] Jackson (2003), p. 581

[138] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 3

[173] Collins Weitz (1995), pp. 276–7

[139] Collins Weitz (1995), pp. 74–5

[174] Gildea (2002), p. 69

[140] Jackson (2003), p. 240

[175] Williams (1992), pp. 272–3

[141] Cookridge (1966), p. 115

[176] Conan, Rousso (1998), p. 9

[142] Marshall (2001), p. 38

[177] Jackson (2003), p. 608

[143] Moore (2000), p. 135

[178] Jackson (2003), p. 603

[144] Christofferson (2006), p. 156

[179] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 305

[145] Quoted in Cointet (2000), Réseaux de Renseignement

[180] Mendras, Cole (1991), p. 226

[146] Crowdy (2007), p. 45

[181] Jackson (2003), p. 613


[182] Jackson (2003), p. 614
[183] Jackson (2003), pp. 615–8
[184] Davies (2000), p. 613
[185] Rubin Suleiman (2006), p. 36
[186] Marshall (2001), p. 69
[187] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 98
[188] Godin, Chafer (2004), p. 56
[189] Jackson (2003), p. 601
[190] Christofferson (2006), p. 127
[191] Furtado (1992), p. 157
[192] Laffont (2006), p. 1017
[193] Quoted in Kedward, Wood (1995), p. 218
[194] Jackson (2003), p. 604
[195] Mazdon (2001), p. 110
[196] Hayward (2005), p. 194
[197] Lanzone (2002), pp. 168–9
[198] Lanzone (2002), p. 286
[199] Hayward (2005), p. 131
[200] Laffont (2006), p. 1002
[201] Jackson (2003), pp. 604–5
[202] Quoted in Burdett, Gorrara, Peitsch (1999), pp. 173–4
[203] Collins Weitz (1995), p. 13
[204] Greene (1999), pp. 69–73
[205] “Truth and Consequences”. TIME magazine. March 27,
1972. Retrieved 2007-12-14.
[206] Greene (1999), p. 73
[207] Greene (1999), pp. 80–3
[208] Ezra, Harris (2000), p. 118
[209] Hayward (2005), p. 303
[210] Jackson (2003), p. 627
[211] Rubin Suleiman (2006), p. 43
[212] Jackson (2003), pp. 301–4
[213] Federini, Fabienne (2006). Ecrire ou combattre : Des intellectuels prennent les armes (1942–1944). Paris: Editions La Découverte. ISBN 2-7071-4825-3.
[214] Wolfgang Saxon: Shahpur Bakhtiar: Foe of Shah Hunted
by Khomeini’s Followers. 1991

10 References
• Abram, David (2003). The Rough Guide to Corsica.
London: Rough Guides. ISBN 978-1-84353-047-3.
• Ariès, Phillippe & Duby, Georges (1998). A History of Private Life, Volume V, Riddles of Identity in
Modern Times. Cambridge, Massachusetts & London: Belknap Press. ISBN 978-0-674-40004-7.
• Atkin, Nicholas (2002). The French at War 1934–
1944. London: Longman. ISBN 978-0-582-368996.
• Beevor, Antony (2006). The Battle for Spain: The
Spanish Civil War 1936–1939. London: Weidenfeld
& Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-297-84832-5.
• Booth, Owen & Walton, John (1998). The Illustrated History of World War II. London: Brown
Packaging Books Ltd. ISBN 978-0-7858-1016-2.
• Bowen, Wayne H (2006). Spain During World War
II. Columbia: University of Missouri Press. ISBN
• Bowen, Wayne H (2000). Spaniards and Nazi Germany: Collaboration in the New Order. Columbia:
University of Missouri Press. ISBN 978-0-82621300-6.
• Brès, Evelyne & Brès, Yvan (2007). Un maquis
d'antifascistes allemands en France (1942–1944).
Languedoc: Les Presses du Languedoc. ISBN 9782-85998-038-2.
• Burdett, Charles & Gorrara, Claire & Peitsch, Helmut (1999). European Memories of the Second
World War. New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN
• Burger, Léon (1965). Le Groupe “Mario": une page
de la Resistance lorraine. Metz: Imprimerie Louis
Hellenbrand. ASIN B0000DOQ1O.
• Christofferson, Thomas & Christofferson, Michael
(2006). France during World War II: From Defeat to
Liberation. New York: Fordham University Press.
ISBN 978-0-8232-2563-7.
• Churchill, Winston S. (1995) [1953]. The Second
World War, Volume VI – Triumph and Tragedy.
London: Houghton Mifflin Company. ISBN 9780-395-07540-1.
• Cointet, Jean-Paul (2000). Dictionnaire historique
de la France sous l'occupation. Paris: Tallandier.
ISBN 978-2-235-02234-7.
• Collins Weitz, Margaret (1995). Sisters in the Resistance – How Women Fought to Free France 1940–
1945. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ISBN




• Conan, Eric & Rousso, Henry (1998). Vichy: An
Ever-Present Past. Sudbury, Massachusetts: Dartmouth. ISBN 978-0-87451-795-8.

• Godin, Emmanuel & Chafer, Tony (2004). The
French Exception. New York: Berghahn Books.
ISBN 978-1-57181-684-9.

• Cookridge, E. H (1966). Inside S.O.E. – The First
Full Story of Special Operations Executive in Western
Europe 1940–45. London: Arthur Barker.

• Greene, Naomi (1999). Landscapes of Loss: The
National Past in Postwar French Cinema. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-69100475-4.

• Crowdy, Terry (2007). French Resistance Fighter:
France’s Secret Army. Oxford: Osprey Publishing.
ISBN 978-1-84603-076-5.
• Curtis, Michael (2002). Verdict On Vichy: Power
and Prejudice in the Vichy France Regime. New
York: Arcade Publishing. ISBN 978-1-55970-6896.
• Davies, Peter (2000). France and the Second World
War: Occupation, Collaboration and Resistance.
London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-23896-0.
• Diamond, Hanna (1999). Women and the Second
World War in France, 1939–1948: Choices and
Constraints. London: Longman. ISBN 978-0-58229909-2.
• DuArte, Jack (2005). The Resistance. Milton
Keynes: AuthorHouse. ISBN 978-1-4208-4309-5.
• Duchen, Claire & Bandhauer-Schoffmann, Irene
(2000). When the War Was over: Women, War and
Peace in Europe, 1940–1956. London & New York:
Continuum International Publishing Group. ISBN
• Eisenhower, General Dwight D. (1997) [1948].
Crusade in Europe – Report on Operations in Northwest Europe, June 6, 1944 – May 8, 1945. New
York: Doubleday & Company, Inc. ISBN 978-08018-5668-6.
• Ezra, Elizabeth & Harris, Sue (2000). France in Focus: Film and National Identity. Oxford: Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-1-85973-368-4.
• L.F. Ellis, G. R. G. Allen, A. E. Warhurst (2004).
Victory in the West: The Battle of Normandy. United
Kingdom: Naval & Military Press Ltd. ISBN 9781-84574-058-0.
• Furtado, Peter (1992). History of the 20th Century –
World War II. Abington: Andromeda Oxford. ISBN
• Gassend, Jean-Loup (2014). Autopsy of a Battle, the
Allied Liberation of the French Riviera. Atglen PA:
Schiffer. ISBN 9780764345807.
• Gildea, Robert (2002). France since 1945. USA:
Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-2801319.

• Hayward, Susan (2005). French National Cinema.
London & New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-41530782-6.
• Herbert, Ulrich (2000). National Socialist Extermination Policies: Contemporary German Perspectives
and Controversies. New York: Berghahn Books.
ISBN 978-1-57181-750-1.
• Jackson, Julian (2003). France: The Dark Years,
1940–1944. USA: Oxford University Press. ISBN
• Kedward, Harry R (1993). In Search of the Maquis:
Rural Resistance in Southern France, 1942–1944.
USA: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19820578-4.
• Kedward, Harry R (1991). Occupied France: Collaboration And Resistance 1940–1944. London:
Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-631-13927-0.
• Kedward, Harry R & Wood, Nancy (1995). The
Liberation of France: Image and Event. Oxford:
Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-1-85973-087-4.
• Knapp, Andrew (2006). The Government and Politics of France. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0415-35732-6.
• Lanzoni, Rémi (2002). French Cinema: From Its
Beginnings to the Present. London & New York:
Continuum International Publishing Group. ISBN
• Laffont, Robert (2006). Dictionnaire historique de
la Résistance. Paris: Bouquins. ISBN 978-2-22109997-1.
• Marshall, Bruce (2001) [1952]. The White Rabbit:
The Secret Agent the Gestapo Could Not Crack. London: Cassell & Co. ISBN 978-0-304-35697-3.
• Mazdon, Lucy (2001). France on Film: Reflections
on Popular French Cinema. London: Wallflower
Press. ISBN 978-1-903364-08-6.
• McMillan, James F (1998). Twentieth-Century
France: Politics and Society in France 1898–1991.
London: Hodder Arnold Publication. ISBN 978-0340-52239-4.

• Mendras, Henri & Cole, Alistair (1991). Social
Change in Modern France: Towards a Cultural Anthropology of the Fifth Republic. Cambridge, UK:
Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-52139108-5.
• Mercier, Marie Helen & Despert, J. Louise.
“Psychological Effects of the War on French Children” (PDF). French Authorities. Retrieved 200712-15.
• Michalczyk, John J (1997). Resisters, Rescuers, and
Refugees: Historical and Ethical Issues. New York:
Sheed & Ward. ISBN 978-1-55612-970-4.
• Moore, Bob (2000). Resistance in Western Europe.
Oxford: Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-1-85973-2793.
• Moran, Daniel & Waldron, Arthur (2002). The
People in Arms: Military Myth and National Mobilization since the French Revolution. Cambridge,
UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-52181432-4.
• Paddock, Alfred H., Jr (2002). U.S. Army Special
Warfare, Its Origins: Psychological and Unconventional Warfare, 1941–1952. University Press of the
Pacific. ISBN 978-0-89875-843-6.
• Paxton, Robert (1972). Vichy France: Old Guard
and New Order, 1940–1944. New York: Columbia
University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-05427-0.

• Sweets, John F. (1976). The Politics of Resistance in
France, 1940–1944 : A History of the Mouvements
Unis de la Résistance. DeKalb: Northern Illinois
University Press. ISBN 978-0-87580-061-5.
• van der Vat, Dan (2003). D-Day: The Greatest Invasion – A People’s History. New York: Bloomsbury.
ISBN 978-1-58234-314-3.
• Vernet, J. (1980). Le réarmement et la réorganisation de l'armée de terre Française (1943–1946).
Vincennes: Service historique de l'armee de terre
(SHAT). U.S. Library of Congress (LC) Control
No.: 81131366.
• Weisberg, Richar (1997). Vichy Law and the Holocaust in France. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-37186-5892-3.
• Weiss, Jonathan (2006). Irene Nemirovsky: Her Life
And Works. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-5481-1.
• Williams, Alan (1992). Republic of Images: A
History of French Filmmaking. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0674-76268-8.
• Zuccotti, Susan (1999). The Holocaust, the French,
and the Jews. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-9914-6.

11 Further reading

• Pharand, Michel W (2001). Bernard Shaw and the
French. USA: University Press of Florida. ISBN

• Cobb, Matthew (2009). The Resistance: The French
Fight against the Nazis. Simon and Schuster. ISBN

• Pollard, Miranda (1998). Reign of Virtue: Mobilizing Gender in Vichy France. Chicago: University Of
Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-67349-3.

• Humbert, Agnès (tr. Barbara Mellor), Résistance:
Memoirs of Occupied France, London, Bloomsbury
Publishing PLC, 2008 ISBN 978-0-7475-9597-7
(American title: Resistance: A Frenchwoman’s Journal of the War, Bloomsbury, USA, 2008); Dutch:
Resistance. Dagboek van een Parisienne in het verzet
(Amsterdam: De Bezige Bij, 2008)

• Roy, Pinaki. “Vagissements A Partir D' un Terrain
Occupe”. Labyrinth (Ed. Mishra, L.) (ISSN 09760814) 3(2), April 2012: 26-39.
• Rubin Suleiman, Susan (2006). Crises of Memory and the Second World War. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0674-02206-5.
• Simonnet, Stéphane (2004). Atlas de la Libération
de la France. Des débarquements aux villes libérées.
Paris: Autrement. ISBN 2-7467-0495-1.

• Knight, Frida (1975). The French Resistance, 1940–
44. London: Lawrence and Wishart. ISBN 978-085315-331-3
• Ousby, Ian (1999). Occupation: The Ordeal of
France, 1940–44. London: Pimlico. ISBN 978-07126-6513-1

• Suhl, Yuri (1987). They Fought Back. New York:
Schocken. ISBN 978-0-8052-0479-7.

• Rousso, Henry (1991). The Vichy Syndrome: History and Memory in France Since 1944. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN

• Sumner, Ian (1998). The French Army 1939–45 (2).
London: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-85532707-8.

• Sapiro, Gisèle. (2014). The French Writers’ War
1940-1953 (1999; English edition 2014); highly influential study of intellectuals online review



• Schoenbrun, David (1980). Soldiers of the Night,
The Story of the French Resistance. New American
Library. ISBN 978-0-452-00612-6
• Porch, Douglas (1995). The French Secret Services:
From the Dreyfus Affair to the Gulf War. ISBN
0374158533 (ISBN13: 9780374158538)


External links

• Encarta Encyclopedia – History of France – The Resistance (Archived 2009-10-31)
• History Learning Site – The French Resistance
• Spartacus Educational – The French Resistance
• Geocities.com – Jean Moulin and the French Resistance at the Wayback Machine (archived October
27, 2009)
• SOE Agents in France – Secret agents sent to work
with the French Resistance
• Northwest Historical Association – Building the
French Resistance Movement, 1940–1944
• Order of the Liberation – Chronology 1940–1945
• Special Forces Roll of Honour – French Secret
• European Resistance Archive – Video Interviews
with Resistance Members
• Pierre Albert – The Journalism of the French Resistance
• Rebecca Halbreich, The San Francisco State University – Women in the French Resistance
• The short film School for Danger (1943) is available
for free download at the Internet Archive




Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

• French Resistance Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/French_Resistance?oldid=667009812 Contributors: Robert Merkel, Detritus,
Heron, Hephaestos, Olivier, Ericd, Edward, Lir, Paul Barlow, DIG~enwiki, Ixfd64, Skysmith, Geoffrey~enwiki, Pjamescowie, Arwel
Parry, Docu, JidGom, Charles Matthews, Wik, Zoicon5, Tpbradbury, Jjshapiro, Ann O'nyme, Jmfayard, Samsara, Raul654, Oaktree
b, Pir, Secretlondon, David.Monniaux, NightCrawler, Chrism, Fifelfoo, Yelyos, Chris Roy, Petermanchester, Postdlf, Academic Challenger, Mervyn, Levzur, Fuelbottle, HaeB, Wayland, Somercet, Fabiform, DocWatson42, Christopher Parham, Mark Richards, Angmering, Everyking, DO'Neil, Beta m, Gzornenplatz, Antandrus, Piotrus, Ellsworth, Piotr13, Keresaspa, Wyllium, Klemen Kocjancic, Lacrimosus, Esperant, Kingal86, Buffyg, Brianhe, ElTyrant, Rich Farmbrough, FiP, Rama, Vsmith, SpookyMulder, Night Gyr, Bender235,
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Rjwilmsi, Nightscream, Carl Logan, Habap, Funnyhat, Ghepeu, The wub, Sango123, Ground Zero, RexNL, Ayla, Scottinglis, Philomax
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